part of it under or within the Southern Tropick We touched not at it but this I dare say from the Credit of others who have been upon it that as it is an exceeding great Island if not the greatest in the known world so it is stored with abundance of very excellent good Provisions though inhabited by a barbarous and heathenish people but stout and war-like and very numerous Over against this Island on the main Continent of Africa are Zefala and Mozambique whereon the Portugals have got some footing the places as may be strongly supposed whither Solomon sent his Navy of Ships built at Eziongebar which stood on the banks of the Red-Sea in Arabia the Happy the Country of that famous Queen of the South who hearing of his wisdom and renown took her journey thence to visit the Court of King Solomon who had understanding like a flood From that place forenamed Solomon sent his Ships for Gold and Silver and Ivory c. 1 Kings 10. 22. they coasting all along the shore of Africa for in the dayes of Solomon the Art of Navigation was not known and Sea-men then steering without Cart or Compass were necessitated to keep the neighbouring Land alwayes in their sights as without question those Ships did and to those fore-mention'd places stored as is related above other parts of Africa with those richest Commodities I might have taken notice before but yet it will not be unseasonable of many sudden strong and violent Gusts of wind frequently to be observed in those South-west Seas which surprize a Ship so suddenly that if she have many sails abroad and the Mariners be not very watchful and nimble to strike them their strength is such that they will endanger her overturning And to these there are many strange watery Clouds they call Spouts which appear like a Funnel or water-tankard very large and big at the one end but small on the other which hangs lowest and of a very great length They contain a great Quantity of water wrapt together by a whirl-wind that falls within a very narrow Compass the abundance whereof by its great weight if it fall directly as sometimes it doth upon the body of a small Ship it will much endanger it and would do much more harm but that these Spouts when they are seen may be easily avoided From the Island of Madagascar we proceeded on in our Course and the fifth of August following approached near the little Islands of Mohilia Gazadia St. Iohn de Castro with some others whose Name I know not called in general the Islands of Comora lying about twelve Degrees South of the Equator The day following being the sixth of August Early in the Morning our Men looking out for Land espied a Sail which stood directly in our Course but far before us at first sight she appeared as if there had been some great Hill interposed betwixt us For first we had sight only of her Colours in her high Maintop after this of her Masts and Sails and then of her Hull after which manner Ships at Sea do every where appear at great distance one to another which proves that that mighty Collection of waters called Seas have a Convex or Globous and round body placed by Almighty God as it were in Hills or Heaps and being being above the earth and higher than it they have set Limits and commanded they are to their Bounds contrary to their Nature which they may not pass for so saith the Psalmist Psalm 104. 9. Thou hast set a bound which they may not pass over that they return not again to cover the earth But this is known to all that have been at Sea therefore we proceed Upon the first sight of that Ship we were all glad of the object improving all endeavours we could to overtake her with-all preparing our great Ordnance that if she were a Friend we might salute her if an Enemy be in readiness for her So eagerly pursuing this unlooked for Ship with the wings of the wind after that we had given her Chase about five hours her Colours and bulk discovered her to be a very great Portugal Caraque bound for Goa lying in the skirts of East-India and principally inhabited by Portugals the City of Residence for the Vice-Roy to the King of Spain her Commander called Don Emanuel de Meneces a brave Resolute Man as the sequent will demonstrate About noon the Globe our least Ship by reason of her nimbleness sailing better then her fellows came up with her on her broad side to wind-ward and according to the Custom of the Sea hayl'd her asking whence she was she answer'd indirectly Of the Sea calling our Men Rogues Thieves Hereticks Devils and the Conclusion of her rude Complement was in loud Cannon Language discharging seven great Pieces of Artillery at our Globe though she had very little reason so to do we having four Ships in Company and she alone whereof six pierced her through the Hull maiming some of her Men but killing none our Globe replyed in the same voice and after that fell off About three of the Clock in the Afternoon the Charles our Admiral came up with her so near that we were within pistol shot our Commander Captain Ioseph proceeded religiously in offering them a Treaty before he proceeded to Revenge so we saluted her with our Trumpets she us with her wind Instruments then we shewed our Men on both sides aloft this done our Commander called to them requiring Theirs to come aboard to give an account for the injury they had lately before offered us they answered They had never a Boat our Commander replyed that he would send them one and immediately caused his Barge to be man'd and sent off to them which brought back one of their Officers and two others of inferior rank with this message from their Captain how that he had promised the King of Spain his Master not to leave his Ship and therefore forc'd he might be but never would be Commanded out of her Captain Ioseph received the Message and used those that brought it Civilly and then ordered that they should be shewed in a broad side of great Guns that lay all ready prim'd to be fir'd against them how we were prepar'd to vindicate our selves which put the poor Portugals into a fit of trembling and upon it desir'd our Commander to write a few words to theirs that happily with their perswasion might make him come Captain Ioseph willing to preserve his Honour to prevent blood consented and forthwith caused a few lines in Spanish to this effect to be wrote unto him That Whereas he the Commander of the Carraque had offered violence to our Ship that sail'd peaceably by him he will'd him to come presently and give a reason for that wrong or else at his perill So he discharged those Portugals sending one of our Masters Mates back with them with those few words and this further message that if he refused to come he
Companion Sig Alberto Schilling who was aboard there in order to go to the Red Sea intending to pass from thence into Aethiopia to the Court of the Abissins in case he could get Transportation and were not hindred in the Turkish Ports where he was to pass upon account of being a Christian the Turks not willingly granting passage to Christians especially Europaeans towards Hhabese in regard of the suspitions they have of the intelligences and converse with our Compatriots may have to their prejudice with that Prince Wherefore taking leave of Sig Alberto with many embraces of Master Rosel whom I had known in Persia and who being come from thence after me was here shipt for a Trading Voyage and of all my other Friends in the two Ships I came back to sup and lye on Land in the Tent of the President March the twenty fifth Early in the Morning I put my Goods into the Shallop of Sebastian Luis and also going aboard my self whilst the President went to his own Ships to dispatch them set sail for Daman at night we cast Anchor in a narrow arm of the Sea which enters far into the Land of which sort of inlets there are many all along the coast of India which encompassing good portions of Land make many little Islands and because the said arms of the Sea are long and narrow like Rivers and some of them have little Rivers falling into them from the continent although the water is salt and they have no current but the ebbing and flowing of the Sea the Portugals term them in their Language Rios Rivers which I take notice of that it may be understood that all the Rios or Rivers which I shall name in the coast of India and not specifie that they are streams of fresh water are such arms of the Sea as this improperly call'd Rivers This where we staid this night is call'd Rio di Colek or Coleque I have better understood that all the aforesaid inlets are not arms of the Sea but really Rivers of fresh water and the Tide of the Sea at ebbing and flowing being here very strong and overcoming that of the Rivers hence it comes to pass that 't is hardly perceiv'd whether they have any stream or no and the water going far into the Land comes likewise to be salt but indeed they are Rivers and form Islands by their entring into the Sea with many mouths They are almost innumerable upon all the coast of India and the Portugals very truly call them Rios Rivers Wonder not at these doubts and various informations for I could not understand things thoroughly at first for want of converse with intelligent persons nor was it easie for me to judge right in the beginning the first appearance of things oftentimes deceiving even the wisest as the saltness of the water did me in my judgement of these Rivers making me take them for arms of the Sea which mistake was further'd by the affirmation of most of the ignorant Portugals who not knowing more of this coast then the shore where the water is salt think that the Rivers are salt water but Time and better informations assist my diligence in discovering the truth of things March the twenty sixth About noon we arriv'd at Daman but unseasonably the Cafila and Fleet of the Portugals being gone in the Morning and we discern'd them sailing afar off but it was not possible to overtake them I advertis'd F. Antonio Albertino Rector of the Jesuits Colledge of my coming and he very courteously came forthwith to the Sea-side to receive me and carry'd me to lodge in the Colledge which in reference to that small City is large enough and well built He sent Mariam Tenatim in a Palanchino or Indian Litter wherein people are carry'd lying along as 't were in a Couch and those of Women are cover'd to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman and advis'd me that since the Cafila was departed I should go in the same Vessel to meet it at Bassaim where it was to touch and for that day rest a little in Daman as accordingly I did The City of Daman is small but of good building and hath long large and strait streets It hath no Bishop as neither have the other Cities of the Portugals upon this coast being subject in spirituals to the Arch-Bishop of Goa but in every one of them resides a Vicar whom they call da Vara that is of the Vierge or Mace which is the badg of Authority with supream power Besides the Jesuits and the Church of the See as they call the Duomo or Cathedral here are Dominicans Franciscans and as I remember Augustines too all who have good Churches and Covents The City is environ'd with strong walls of good fortification and hath a large Territory and many Towns under it and because they are frequently at war with Nizamsciah whose State being govern'd at this day by his famous Abissine-Slave Melik Ambar borders upon it by Land therefore the Portugals here are all Horse-men and keep many good Arabian Horses as they are oblig'd to do going frequently out to war in defence of their Territory when occasion requires though during my time here they were at peace In Daman I first tasted at the Father Rector's Table many strange Indian Fruits some of which are describ'd by Carolus Clusius and others not which as I was told were after the writing of his Books brought into East India from Brasil or New Spain namely Papaia Casu or Cagiu Giambo Manga or Amba and Ananas all which seem'd to me passibly good and though of different tasts not inferior to ours of Europe especially Papaia which is little esteem'd in India and if I mistake not is not mention'd by the abovesaid Writer in shape and taste it much resembles our Melons but is sweeter and consequently to me seem'd better Ananas is justly esteem'd being of a laudable taste though something uncouth inclining more to sharpness which with a mixture of sweetness renders it pleasant And because the said Books mention it not I shall briefly add that to the outward view it seems when it is whole to resemble our Pine-Apple both in the divisions and the colour saving that at the top it hath a kind of tuft of long strait leaves between green and white which the Pine-Apple hath not and which render it prety to look upon 't is also different from the Pine-Apple in that the husks are not hard but tender like the common skin of Fruits nor is it needful to take them off one by one neither is any seed eaten as the Pine-Nuts which are within the husks but the whole Fruit is all pulp which is cut with the knife and within 't is of somewhat a greenish colour Of temperament 't is held to be hot and good to promote digestion having in my opinion somewhat of a winish taste and strength which virtue of helping digestion is likewise ascrib'd in a higher degree to Caju whence it
August the twenty fifth Continuing our journey we came into a great Plain and travelling along the River Orontes according to the stream which we had found at day-break we cross'd over the same upon a good Stone-bridge Here the Plain is contracted being streightned on the right hand with high and on the left with lower mountains travelling in which Valley about Noon we arriv'd at Antioch which is fronted with high mountains almost on the North beyond the River Orontes and back'd with lower toward the South the walls of the City being extended over the same We enter'd at the East-gate and took up our Quarters near a great Cistern which is on the left hand of the Gate divided only by a wall from the Street and pav'd round with white Marble it is fill'd by a running-water and stands in a shady retir'd place very delightful and convenient for travellers to rest in On the right side of the said Gate in one of the Towers of the wall was a large and fair room as high as the wall with few windows besides low and half-fill'd loop-holes for defence so that it was very cool and would not be inconvenient in hot hours were it in good repair but 't is now all ruinous without a pavement being made only a Stall for Cattle The walls of the City were still standing all of Stone magnificent and built with Turrets after the ancient mode At the Gate where we enter'd began a Street not very broad but of great length extended within the City and pav'd all with white Marble Antioch is now inhabited by few people who live in little cottages patcht out of the ruins amongst Gardens of which the City is all full for of the ancient houses and structures saving the walls of the City there is none standing Near the place where we lodg'd The Turks shew'd us I know not what which they call'd Paulos de' Christiani which perhaps had been some Church of Saint Paul but every thing was so destroy'd that I neither saw nor understood it well There being nothing else remarkable to be seen we went away three hours before night by the same Gate we had enter'd at perhaps because the way was better without then within going about the City on the outside towards the plain on the North. But re-entring afterwards at a breach of the Wall we walkt a good way within the City which I found full of Gardens and Orchards with few dwellings saving at the end At length we went out at a Gate which stands in the more Western part of the City though not full West where we pass'd over a fair Stone-bridg which lies upon the River Orontes taking our way to Alexandretta on the Northern banck for they that go directly thither from Aleppo never see this River but leave it much South We travell'd along its banks till night contrary to its stream and took up our lodging by the River-side almost directly against the Eastern Gate at which we enter'd and which we beheld afar off on the other bank Antioch is almost square about a mile long and hath many Gates on the South it is terminated with Mountaius which they said were seven like the seven Hills of Rome but I could distinguish no more then five that is not five Mountains for the Mountain appears but one continu'd ridg but five tops of it These Mountains are very steep and therefore I think could not be built upon but only that part of them was included within the wall for strength and that the same might not be prejudicial to the City by being left without in case of War That which remains of the City at the foot of the said Mountains is of small circumference so that the City appear'd to me much less then I imagin'd it Within as I said there is not any Fabrick standing but infinite ruins and the earth is everywhere strow'd with great and goodly stones Only the Walls are almost all sound and intire with little decay After midnight the Moon arising we also got up and leaving this Station proceeded on our way A Platform of ANTIOCH 1. The Eastern Gate at which we enter'd 2. The Cistern 3. The Street pav'd with Stone and extending within the City 4. A few Habitations in the end of the City 5. A Bridg over Orontes without the City and contiguous to the Gate 6. The River Orontes 7. A Turret with a room within it August the twenty sixth Continuing our Journey at day-break we came to an end of the Plains and began to ascend the mountains which we were to cross over in order to get to the Sea and if I am not mistaken they are part of the Mountain Amano which because at a distance it appears black is called by the Turks Cara Aman that is Black Aman whence also they now corruptly call the Province which is comprehended in the said Mountain and was according to some the ancient Cilicia Caramania We refresht our weary Camels with two hours rest in a place amongst the Mountains where though there were no Houses yet we wanted not Water and wild Figs. After which being arriv'd to the highest part of the Mountain and re-enter'd the common road from Aleppo we discover'd the Mediterranean Sea afar off which to me was a welcome sight in regard I had not seen it since my departure from Gaza in the year 1616. We descended down by a way where the Precipices are secur'd with good breast-works of earth sometimes for a Mile together and at length came to the Town of Beilan from whence the mountains are here denominated Montagne di Beilan A little beyond this Town we repos'd in a by-place near a running-water and under the shadow of abundance of Nut-trees for the Town it self and places adjacent were all taken up by a great Caravan which came from Aleppo to Constantinople by land August the twenty seventh An hour before day we began to descend amongst the streights of these Mountains where we met a great Caravan of Merchandise which had lately come in two Venetian Ships and was going to Aleppo After two or three hours travel we came to Alexandretta call'd by us Europaeans Scanderoon but more correctly in Turkish Eskander that is Alexandro Graeco because they will have it denominated from Alexander the Great It was sometimes a noble City but by reason of the bad air for it is situated upon the Sea in a Moorish Plain and inclos'd with Hills which keep off the wind it was never much inhabited and the year before my being there it was al-wholly destroy'd by the Pirats of Barbary who spare none either of a different or of their own Religion nor yet bear any respect to the States of the Great Turk himself though their Lord so that I found onely four small Houses scarce re-edifi'd this year wherein the Lieutenant of the place for the right Governour remains at Aleppo the Vice-Consuls of such Europaean-Nations as trade into Soria
the wind which was pretty stiff although not much favourable to our course However we went onwards plying from the coast of Arabia to that of Persia and on Saturday morning as we drew near the Arabian shore we saw three small Islands situate near one another and not far from a certain Cape the name of which and the Islands they could not tell me so as that I might set it down truly whereby I perceiv'd how it comes to pass that many names of places in these parts are very corruptly written in Geographical Charts for in the Countries themselves where commerce is had for the most part with rude and ignorant people few of them know how to pronounce the same aright On Sunday we went from our Ship to recreate our selves in the Dolphin our companion where the Captain entertain'd us liberally all day In the mean time we had a good fresh gale and sailing directly in the middle of the gulf we beheld both the coasts of Arabia Felix and Persia and in the latter discern'd a famous white Rock which standing in the midst of a low sandy shore looks like a little hill made by hand We pass'd the Cape which they call in Persian Com barick that is small sand and the next night we left behind us the point or peak of Giasck On Monday the Sea being calm the Captain and I were standing upon the deck of our ship discoursing of sundry matters and he took occasion to shew me a piece of a Horn which he told me himself had found in the year 1611. in a Northern Country whither he then sail'd which they call Greenland lying in the latitude of seventy six degrees He related how he found this horn in the earth being probably the horn of some Animal dead there and that when it was intire it was between five and six feet long and seven inches in circumference at the root where it was thickest The piece which I saw for the horn was broken and sold by pieces in several places was something more then half a span long and little less then five inches thick the colour of it was white inclining to yellow like that of Ivory when it is old it was hollow and smooth within but wreath'd on the outside The Captain saw not the Animal nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea for according to the place where he found it it might be as well one as the other but he believ'd for certain that it was of a Unicorn both because the experience of its being good against poyson argu'd so much and for that the signes attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this as he conceiv'd But herein I dissent from him inasmuch as if I remember aright the horn of the Unicorn whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros is by Pliny describ'd black and not white The Captain added that it was a report that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America not far from that Country of Greenland and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland a neighbouring Country and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands of America in case it be no Island This Country of Greenland is of late discovery and the first Christian that discover'd it or went thither was this Captain Woodcock in the year above-mention'd and he gave it the name of Greenland upon this account because whereas the other Northern Countries thereabouts are destitute of grass whence the white Bears and Wolves which inhabit them live upon dead Whales and other like things he found this green and full of Grass although it be always cover'd over with Snow so that when the Animals there mind to feed they hollow the snow with their feet and easily find the grass which is kept continually fresh under the same The English now yearly sail thither where they take abundance of Whales and some so vast that when they open the mouth the wideness is above three Geometrical paces or fifteen foot over Of these Whales the English make Oyle drawing it onely out of the fat of their paunch and they make such plenty that out of one single Whale they say they often get 19 20 and 21 Tun of Oyl This Greenland by what Captain Woodcock saw who discover'd it from the end of seventy six degrees to seventy eight and a half the cold not suffering him to go further was un-inhabited he not having found any person there but only wild beasts of many sorts The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn which he found because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries and besides their salary must make no other profit of their Voyages but whatever they gain or find in case it be known and they conceal it not all accrues to the Company that employes them When the Horn was intire it was sent to Constantinople to be sold where two thousand pounds Sterling was offer'd for it But the English Company hoping to get a greater rate sold it not at Constantinople but sent it into Muscovy where much about the same price was bidden for it which being refus'd it was carry'd back into Turkey and fell of its value a much less sum being now proffer'd then before Hereupon the Company conceiv'd that it would sell more easily in pieces then intire because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate Accordingly they broke it and it was sold by pieces in sundry places yet for all this the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hundred pounds Sterling And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it and this was it which he shew'd me On the 25. of Ianuary sailing in the main Sea with the prow of the Ship South East and by East and as I conceive at a good distance from the Country of Macran which I conjecture to be part either of the ancient Caramania or else of Gedrosia and at this day having a Prince of its own lyes upon the Sea Coast between the States of the Persian and those of the Moghol we discern'd behind us three or four Ships which seem'd to be Frigots or Galliots but towards Evening we lost sight of them The same day and the other before began to be seen in the Sea abundance of certain things which I took to be Snakes or at least fishes in the form of Snakes being exactly of the form of large Eeles long and round and according to the motion of the water seem'd crooked as they floated along the Sea Nevertheless demanding of intelligent persons what they were I understood that they were neither those Animals nor yet living things but onely a kind of excrement of the Sea in that shape void of all motion saving what the agitated water gave it although by reason of the motion of the ship they seem'd to move contrary to us
pleas'd me most and which I thought worthy of great praise and imitation there was no day but at that hour twenty or thirty mariners masters boys young men and of all sorts came upon the deck to make the same observation some with Astrolabes others with Cross-staffs and others with several other instruments particularly with one which they told me was lately invented by one David and from his name call'd David's-staff This Instrument consists of two Triangles united together one longer then the other both having their base arch'd and between them in the circle of their bases containing an intire quadrant of ninty degrees But whereas the shortest Triangle whose Angles are less acute contains sixty degrees divided by tens according to custom in the circle of its base which are two thirds of a quadrant the other longer and of acuter Angles which extends much backward and opens in a wider circle at the base comprehends no more then thirty which make the remainder of the quadrant so that the longer Triangle contains fewer degrees by half then the shorter and he that would have the degrees larger for the better subdividing them into minutes may make the circle or base of the lesser Triangle take up seventy degrees and so there will remain to the longer no more then twenty for the complement of the quadrant According to this distribution the degrees in the longer Triangle will come to be so large as to be capable of the smallest division of minutes a thing very important Besides it hath two Fanes or Sights in each Triangle one which are to be mov'd backward and forward and with these that is with that of the long Triangle the level of the Horizon is taken and with the other of the short Triangle that of the Sun with this further conveniency that the Sights being sufficiently large are therefore very expedient for performing the operation with speed notwithstanding the dancing of the ship when the Sea is rough in which case if the Sights be too small 't is hard to make any observation With this Instrument and several others many of the English perform'd their operations every day such as knew not how to do them well were instructed and if any one err'd in computation or otherwise his error was shew'd him and the reason told him that so he might be train'd to work exactly The opinion of the skilful was heard and taken notice of and at length all the observations being compar'd together the Pilot and the Captain resolv'd and with mature counsel determin'd of all by which means their voyages are very well manag'd and almost always succeed prosperously to them In the Portugal ships I hear the contrary comes to pass because the Pilots being extremely jealous of their affairs an habitual humour of that Nation will be alone to make their observations and for the most part perform them in secret without any Associate to see them Should any other person in the ship offer to take the altitude of the Sun or look upon the Map or Compass or do any thing that relates to the well guiding of the Vessel and knowing its course they would quarrel with him and by no means suffer him to do it being averse that any other should meddle with what they say is their office and belongs to them alone From their being so little communicative and very averse to teach others it happens that few amongst them understand any thing of the Art of Navigation there being none that will teach it experimentally and they understand little enough because they have no conference about the practical part and learn much less of the Theory This is the reason that their ships frequently miscarry to the incredible detriment both of particular persons and of the Kingdom And which is worse 't is said that not onely many of them are lost through the ignorance or negligence of those that guide them but also sometime by malice For the Portugal Pilots have got a custom when they are to make a Voyage to take up great sums of money at Lisbon upon interest the most they can get to trade withall and they take the same by way of Venture upon the ships which they guide Now when by the way any small disaster befalls them they not onely avoid it not as many times they might do but if they be of evil intention they cunningly run the ships aground either in these Coasts of Africa or elsewhere so that though oftentimes the people and also the arms goods especially of the greatest value be sav'd yet so it is that sometimes many perish or suffer excessive loss and this onely to the end that the shipwrack may be the occasion of their remaining gainers of the monies taken up at interest upon the hazard aforesaid which monies they carry not with them to trade withall but leave all at home in Portugal A practice indeed very pernicious and which ought to be most rigorously punish'd but the Portugals have now no King in their Country to mind their affairs and the government depends upon Madrid where perhaps they that administer it being more intent upon their private interests then the publick these and infinite other disorders pass unredress'd The English on the contrary and other Europaeans which sail upon the Ocean are most diligent and strict observers of all exact discipline and of what concernes the good conduct of their ships and because they well understand all the most exquisite points of Navigation and are extremely curious as well in the Practice as in the Theory they spare no pains and neglect not the doing of any thing whereby they may render their Navigations in all places more easie and secure Insomuch that Captain Woodcock upon occasion of his having staid a year and odd moneths with his ship in the Persian Gulph shew'd me a Chart or Plat-form of the whole Streight of Ormuz made by himself during that time with the highest exactness for he had not onely taken the most just measures and distances of all the adjacent places but also sounded all the Coast with a plummet to find all the convenient places where great ships such as theirs might ride and cast anchor when occasion should require On the Third of February conceiving by our reckoning that we were near India in the Evening we let down the plummet into the Sea as we us'd often to do and found it not above seventeen fathom whereby 't was concluded that we were little more then six leagues distant from land although by reason of the darkness of the Air none could be yet discern'd because that precise depth of water uses to be found in those Seas at that distance from land The Captain who by well observing the Sun and the Winds had every day diligently noted the ships way in the Map as the custom is hop'd that we might be near the City of Daman which lies within the Gulph of Cambaia on the right hand as
him but sent him a Letter in justification of my self with all the civil expressions I could devise At first he was something backward to receive it doubting perchance that I had written angerly to him in regard of my preceding visit yet at length upon the request of some mediators whom I made use of he took it read it and remain'd very well satisfied with my proceedings in which there was nothing but gentleness The Commendator likewise being one of an excellent nature us'd all means he could to give the President satisfaction and to shew him that what he had done with us was to no ill end he went purposely to visit him carrying Sig Alberto with him to the end he might justifie himself too both of them intreated and both of them took the blame upon themselves in fine so much was done and said that the President was reconcil'd with all And because it was insisted on my behalf that he would admit a visit from me he consented upon this condition that this first time should not be simply my visit but his invitation which accordingly he made to us to come all together that night to supper with him where he treated us very splendidly and every thing ended in jollity and friendship as at first And all the while that I stay'd at Surà t he oblig'd me continually with sundry demonstrations of his affection particularly by often sending his own Coach to me with his Interpreter who is an Armenian Christian and a Catholick call'd Scander Brother to F. Agostino Bagiezzi of Alingia a Dominican my acquaintance in Persia which Interpreter being skill'd in the Country and conversing with me in the Persian Tongue carry'd me frequently abroad to see sundry things As for the Hollanders the caresses and civilities which they have done and still continue to me are so numerous that I shall have them in remembrance as long as I live But 't is time now to speak a little of this City and the curiosities which here and elsewhere I have lately seen The City of Surà t is of a handsome greatness and for these Countries of sufficiently good building 'T is very populous as all other Cities and places are in India which every where abounds with people The Inhabitants are partly Gentiles and partly Mahometans and if I am not deceived the former are the greater number However they live all mixt together and peaceably because the Gran Moghol to whom Guzarà t is now subject having sometimes had a distinct King although he be a Mahometan but not a pure one as they report makes no difference in his Dominions between the one sort and the other and both in his Court and Armies and even amongst men of the highest degree they are of equal account and consideration Yet the Mahometans as the Masters especially those of the Mogholian Race which now is the Imperial in these parts seems to have some little more of authority But forasmuch as I have formerly survey'd and observ'd the manners of the Mahometans both in Turkey and Persia I now turn my mind to those of the Gentile-Idolaters in India which are more new to me and with such observations in reference to both as shall seem worthy of notice I shall not fail to acquaint you In the first place I shall give you the relation of a Nuptial Pomp which I saw one day pass by my house in this manner A long train of men with Drums and Trumpets before them march'd in the day time first carrying cover'd baskets full of sundry things which were either a Present sent from the Bridegroom to the Bride or rather the attiring of the Bride which uses to be publickly shewn in the East Then follow'd on foot likewise some black Women-slaves well cloth'd being given to the Bride either by the Father or the Husband Lastly to conclude the Pomp came a Palanchino a kind of Litter wherein persons of quality are wont to be carry'd in India It was not of the ordinary form which hang downwards upon one pole between the bearers before and behind but it was to be carry'd on high upon poles by four men one at each corner and it was cover'd all over with silk yet no body was within it so that I know not what it serv'd for unless haply it was intended to transport the Bride to her Husband this different fashion being for greater solemnity made use of in such an occasion as Marriage At night the married couples pass'd by and according to their mode went round about the City with a numerous company They were four all very small Children two boys and two girls for in India most Marriages are made at that age and because they were not big enough to ride on Horse-back alone therefore they were held up by so many well-grown men who sat upon the saddle Before them went many Torches and Musical instruments with a great troop of people on foot accompanying them But the persons of quality follow'd in Coaches of which there was a good number and going one by one they made a very long train whereby it was known that the married Children were of considerable quality Of remarkable things without the City there is on one side a very large Cistern or Artificial Pool surrounded with stone-work and contriv'd with many sides and angles at which there are stairs leading down to the surface of the water In the midst stands a little Island which cannot be gone to but by boat or swimming The Diametre of this Artificial Lake is two good furlongs which in our parts would seem a competent largeness but here 't is not much and this Fish-pond of Surà t is not accounted among the greatest but the least in India where indeed they are numerous and the most magnificent and goodly structures or rather the only structures in this Country which have any thing of magnificence or handsomeness They are made in divers places by Princes Governours of Countries or other wealthy persons for the publick benefit and as works of Charity because the soil sutable to the Climate is sufficiently hot and aboundeth not in water Rivers are not in all places and other running waters and springs there are scarce any especially in the more in-land parts remote from the Sea Rain likewise very seldome through the whole year saving in that season call'd by them Pausecà l which signifies The time of rain being about three moneths beginning about the middle of Iune and during which time the Rain is continual and very great whence some upon this account call these three moneths Winter although the weather be then hottest as well in India as in all the rest of the northern Hemisphere And this no doubt proceeds from the Providence of God since were it not for this great rain India would be in regard of the great heat and drought at this time unhabitable as likewise the whole torrid Zone in which most of India lies was believ'd by the Ancients who had
Cos which in all were six and at Night took up our lodging at a Town call'd Periab But we rested little because soon after mid-night we put our selves upon the way again Our journey from Surà t to Cambaia was always with our faces towards the North. The next Morning early we made a Collation by the side of a Piscina or Lake which we found by the way of a long and narrow form of which kind there are many in these parts Having travell'd sixteen Cos which was from Surà t in all two and twenty before Evening we arriv'd at the City of Barocci or Behrug as they call it in Persian under the walls whereof on the South side runs a River call'd Nerbeda which we ferri'd over The City is encompass'd with a wall of moderate bigness built high upon a rising hill For the circuit 't is populous enough as generally are all the parts of India 'T is considerable for a very great Trade of fine Cotton Cloth or Callico made more plentifully there then in other places and dispers'd no◠onely through Asia but also into our Europe so that the English and Dutch which two Nations have Houses of constant residence here freight five or six great ships therewith every year and for the better imbarking it make it up in very great balls each as big as Roman Coach and every piece of Cloth little bigger then one of our Towels being carri'd to Aleppo will not be sold for less then three or four Piastre and in Italy at least for six Crowns Whence you may infer what wealth comes out of this small City alone which for compass and buildings is not greater then Siena in Tuscany although 't is above three times as populous and you may also consider to what summ the Prince's Customes arise A few Cos from the City is a Mine of Calcidonies and Agates white and green but these stones are carry'd less into Barocci then to Cambaia although it be further from the Mine because there is a Sea-port and a greater concourse of forreign Merchants and in Cambaia they are wrought into little Globes either round or oval to make Coronets or Neck-laces and also little Cups and divers other curious vessels for ornament The Sea comes not up to Barocci even at the highest tides but is about as many miles distant as 't is from Surà t When we pass'd over the River our Dutch Trumpeter sounding his Instrument gave notice of our coming to his Country men residing in Barocci and they at the Summons came immediatly to the bank-side to meet us from whence we went with them to lodge in the Dutch House there Late in the Evening they carry'd us to see a Patache or small Indian ship which they were building and was not yet finish'd in which they treated us till night drinking of Tari which is a liquor drawn from the Nut-trees of India whitish and a little troubled of taste somewhat sowrish and sweet too not unpleasing to the palate almost like our Poignant or Brisk-wine yet it inebriates as Wine doth if drunk immoderately The next day which was Wednesday Feb. 22. we departed from Barocci late in the Forenoon Six Cos off we made a Collation near a water without lighting out of the Coach having brought provision with us for this purpose from Barocci Afterwards upon the way we met the Wife and Family of the Governour of Cambaia remov'd from that charge by the Rebel Sultan Chorrom who had plac'd another there at his devotion and this being driven from thence return'd to Surà t where his house and usual habitation was His Wife was carry'd upon an Elephant in a cover'd and very convenient litter Three other Elephants follow'd unladen saving with the men upon their necks who guided them then abundance of Coaches partly cover'd and full of women partly uncover'd with men in them then a great number of Souldiers Horse and Foot and in brief a great train suitable to the quality of the person and the custom of India which is to have a very numerous attendance whoever it be After this we foarded a small River which I believe was of salt water which they say is call'd Dilavel and before night having travell'd eighteen Cos we staid to lodge in a great Town call'd Giambuser On Thursday two hours before day we arose to go along with a great Cafila or Caravan which was there united nevertheless we departed not so soon but were fain to wait in the Coach till almost day because the City was lock'd up and none was suffer'd to go forth without paying a Toll as likewise was paid in many other places the same day though of small value The Cafila was so great and the Coaches so many that in certain narrow places we were fain to stay a good while before we could go forwards just as it happens in the streets of Naples and Rome at solemn pomps Having travell'd about five Cos an hour after Sun-rise we came to an arm of the Sea or to speak better to the inmost part of the Gulph of Cambaia directly where the River Mehi falls into the Sea In which place the flux and reflux of the Sea is more impetuous and violent and with a more rapid current then perhaps in any other part of the world at least any whereof I have knowledge But before I proceed further 't is needful here to correct an enormous error of many of our Geographers even Moderns which hath likewise given occasion of mistake to sundry Historians In almost all the Mapps which hitherto I have seen the River Indus is always describ'd falling into the Sea at the inmost recess of the Gulph of Cambaia which is a grievous error and as wide from truth as the whole Country of Guzarat is broad and 't is no narrow one for Indus which is discharg'd into the Sea with two very large mouths sufficiently distant runs not on the East of Guzarat as it should do if it enter'd into the Sea at the Gulph of Cambaia but rather on the West and so far from the Gulph of Cambaia that all Guzarat and perhaps some other Countries lye between Wherefore the River which disembogues in the inmost part of this Gulph is not Indus but this Mehi which I speak of a River of handsome but ordinary greatness and hath not the least correspondence with Indus Now being come to the side of it we were fain to foard over this Water and not without danger For there is a plain of about five Cos which is all over-flow'd at high Tide and when the water is lowest in three or four places there are waters sufficiently broad and deep to be foarded and should the Sea happen to come in whilst a man is in that passage he would infallibly be drown'd And besides even in those places which are always foardable when the Water is a little higher or the current more furious then ordinary for 't is not always equal but more or less
according to the times of the Moon it often carries away people and sometimes with such violence that an Elephant cannot bear up against it but is swept away by the Water Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard namely when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb which if I mistake not in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon as on the contrary when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven the Tide uses to be at the highest But in the Gulph of Cambaia I know not upon what reason perhaps because 't is much within the Land and far from the great mass of the Ocean it happens at another different hour yet well known to the Country-people The more cautious wait also the most fitting days in the moneth because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher and without comparison highest and most impetuous of all about the Aequinoxes and Solstices In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate and in other intermediate days lower then the rest So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon were come in a good time and likewise in a seasonable hour the Cafila or Caravan having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right for the owners of the Coaches and the others imploy'd in this journey are well instructed of every thing and know what they have to do So being united in a great troop the better to break the stream we pass'd over all that space of five Cos which was moist yet firm ground saving that in four places where we foarded the running-running-water of the River which nevertheless is salt there the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River Of the four streams which we waded the first was inconsiderable the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches into which nevertheless the Water enter'd not because their floar and especially the wheels are very high and you sit according to the manner of the East as upon plain ground without hanging the Legs downwards but keeping them bow'd under you For greater security they hir'd sundry men on foot who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands that so in regard of their lightness they might not float and be carry'd away and also to carry our bundles high on their heads that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches The men who go on foot in this passage either strip themselves naked covering onely their privities with a little cloth or pulling up their coat which as I said is of plain white linnen and serves both for garment and shirt and also tucking up their breeches made of the same they care not for wetting themselves 'T is certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage which is very much frequented abundance of people go every day in this manner some in Coaches and Charriots others on Horseback and a foot men and also women naked without being shie who sees them a spectacle no doubt sufficiently extravagant This wet passage being over there remain two other Cos but of firm and higher ground which is not overflow'd although it be plain and the Sea-shore to arrive at the City of Cambaia whither we came before dinner-time having travell'd that day in all twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness and treated continually with exquisite chear for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places Cambaia is a City indifferently large though most of its greatness consists in Suburbs without the walls which are sufficiently spacious 'T is seated on the Sea-shore in a plain almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph whereunto it gives name The City that is the inner part without the Suburbs is incompass'd with walls built with plain cortines and round battlements The Houses within are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns which is the custom in India for provision of Water which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses but in these parts they are counted good and perhaps the best of the whole Province and they are made shady and cool as the heat of the place requires The City hath no form'd Port because it stands in a low Plain but 't is call'd a Port by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots Galeots and other small ones of that make which go either by oar or sail because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles and here more then elsewhere their vain superstitions are observed with rigor Wherefore we who came particularly to see these things the same day of our arrival after we had din'd and rested a while caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts which for being sick lame depriv'd of their mates or otherwise needing food and cure are kept and tended there with diligence as also the men who take care of them are maintain'd by the publick alms the Indian Gentiles who with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians the first Authors of this opinion according to Herodotus believe the Transmigration of Souls not onely from Man to Man but also from Man to brute beast conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small a little room sufficing for many Birds Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance as Cocks Hens Pigeons Peacocks Ducks and small Birds which during their being lame or sick or mateless are kept here but being recover'd and in good plight if they be wild they are let go at liberty if domestick they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House The most curious thing I saw in this place were certain little Mice who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them were put into this Hospital and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else and as he told us he intended when they were grown up to let them go free whither they pleas'd From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat 'T is small adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Surà t with some also
they call Fratelli Brothers or young Fryars He gave me Letters to F. Antonio Albertino an Italian and Rector of their Colledge in Daman and to the Father Rector of their Colledge of Bassaim desiring them that since I could not imbarque at Cambaia in the Cafila of the Portugals because I was to return to Surà t where I had left my goods in the Ships they would favour me and assist me to get convenient passage for Goa in the said Cafila either at Daman or Bassaim where I intended to meet it as it return'd I on the other side gave this Father a Letter to their Fathers Resident at Agrà to whom I had written formerly from Persia desiring them to send me some correct Copy of the Persian Books written by their Fathers in that Court in order to get the same printed at Rome and by Sig Alberto Scilling I had understood that my first Letter was receiv'd there and that the said Fathers of Agrà knew me by report and the relation of divers who had seen me in Persia particularly of this Sig Alberto In this other Letter from Cambaia I acquainted them with my Voyage to Goa and desiring them to write to me there and remember to favour me with those Books Having dispatch'd the Father Jesuit we return'd to the Dutch House to have a Collation and here we were entertain'd a good while with good Musick by an Indian who sung tolerably well and play'd upon a certain odd instrument us'd in India which pleas'd me well enough because it was not so obstreperous Musick as the ordinary of the vulgar Indians but rather low and very sweet and the Musician was skilful according to the mode of the Country having liv'd at the Court of Tisapor in the service of Adilsiah His Instrument was made of two round Gourds dy'd black and vernish'd with a hole bor'd in one of them to reverberate the sound Between the one Gourd and the other about the distance of three spans was fastned a piece of wood upon which they both hung and the strings which were many partly of brass and partly of steel were extended passing over many little pieces of wood like so many bridges and these were the frets which he touch'd with the left Hand to diversify the sounds and the strings with the right not with his Fingers or Nails but with certain iron wires fastned to his Fingers by certain rings like thimbles wherewith he did not strike the strings strongly but lightly touch'd them from the top downwards so that they render'd a sound sufficiently pleasant When he play'd he held the Instrument at his breast by a string that went round his neck and one of the Gourds hung over his left shoulder and the other under his right arm so that it was a prety sight Collation and Musick ended we were conducted about two Cos out of the City by the Dutch Merchants and took the same way by which we came We pass'd over the five Cos of wet ground with the four Currents of Water of which the second was the deepest having waited a while for a fit hour in company of a numerous Cafila of Coaches Carts Horse-men and Foot-men in the same manner and circumstances as I writ before onely the Water was now much higher then we had found it at our coming so that it came into all the Coaches and we were fain to stand upright and hold fast by the roof of the Coaches bare leg'd too because the Water came above the bottom of the Coaches to the middle of the leg The Oxen and Horses could scarce keep their Heads above Water and the Coaches being light if Men hir'd purposely had not gone along in the Water to hold them steady and break the course thereof by holding great stumps of wood on that side the Tide came furiously in without doubt the Water would have swept them away In this place on the left hand towards the land in the moist ground we beheld at a distance many Fowls as big or bigger then Turkies go up and down rather running then flying They told us they were the same which the Portugals call Paxaros Flamencos from their bright colour and I think they are those of whose beaks Mir Mahhammed in Spahà n makes bow-rings for the King although he erroneously takes it for the beak of the Cocuos or Phoenix which good Authors describe not a water Fowl but rather an inhabitant of high Mountains Having at length pass'd this dangerous foard and following our way we came at night to lodge at Giambuser the same Town where we had lodg'd formerly March the eighth We put our selves upon the way again and foarded the little salt-water Dilavel and at night arriv'd at Barocci and were as formerly entertain'd in the House of the Dutch But upon the way before we enter'd the City we saw a handsome structure standing upon a famous Sepulchre of I know not well who but seems to be some great person's and is worship'd by the Moors as a sacred thing This Fabrick is pleasantly seated amongst Trees something elevated upon the side of a little Lake or Great Cistern In the chief part of it besides the principal Sepulchre which stands apart in the most worthy place are many other Sepulchres of white Marble of an oblong form with many carvings and works tolerable enough 't is likely they are the Tombs either of the Wives and Children or of the other kindred of the Principal because they seem all of the same work and time Round this greater structure stand other less with Sepulchres of Moors in them who cause themselves to be buried there out of devotion to the place whence I gather that the principal Sepulchre is not onely of some great person or Prince as it intimates but also of one that dy'd with some opinion among the Moors of Sanctity I know not who told me that it was the Sepulchre of a famous Tartarian King who came to have dominion in those parts but I credit not the Relation because I had it not from a good hand March the ninth We departed from Barocci ferrying over the River and at night lodg'd at Periab where we had quarter'd before as we went March the tenth Having gone the short way which remain'd and pass'd the River of Surat by boat we came to that City about Noon where I repair'd to the House before assign'd me by the Dutch Commendator and there found the Daughter of one of the Armenian or Syrian Merchants seen by us at Ahmedabà d who was come thither with a Brother of hers in order to be marry'd shortly to one Sig Guilielmo a Hollander to whom she had been promis'd in Marriage at Ahmedabà d and who also was in the same House which was capable of him and more I understood at Surà t that Sultan Chorròm had taken and sackt the City of Agrà except the Castle and that his Army and himself had committed very great Cruelties there in spoiling and
always uses to be eaten with fish but of this and the rest because I suppose others have written of them I shall forbear further to speak In Daman I had from the Jesuits two considerable pieces of News First that the two English Ships which as I said were sent from Surà t before my departure thence upon some unknown design went to Dabul under pretext of Peace and Friendship as if to traffick in that Port and that the Moors of Dabul had spread Carpets and prepar'd a handsome entertainment for the principals upon shore but the English having fairly landed suddenly got to certain pieces of Ordnance which were there and nail'd them up then putting their hands to their Arms began to fall upon the people of the City who upon this sudden unexpected onset betook themselves to flight and were likely to receive great dammage but at length a Portugal Factor and some few others making head against the English and animating the Citizens to do the like turn'd the scale of the victory and in a short time beat out all the English killing many of them and constraining the rest to fly away with their Ships who nevertheless in their flight took two Vessels of Dabul which were in the Port richly laden but unprovided as in a secure place which was no small dammage to the City and afforded a rich booty to the English This action I conceive was done by the English out of some old grudge against the City of Dabul or perhaps onely to force it to permit them free Trade and they use deal to thus with such ports as will not admit them thereunto The other News was that Prete Ianni King of Aethiopia and the Abissins was by means of the Jesuits reconcil'd to the Roman Church and become a good Catholick intending that his whole Country should do the same which if true is indeed a thing of great consequence March the seven and twentieth About noon we departed from Daman towards Bassaim in the same Barque or Almadia and sail'd all the day at night in regard of the contrary current and danger of Pirats who cannot easily be seen and avoided in the dark we cast Anchor under a place call'd Daniè March the eight and twentieth Continuing our course in the Morning we espy'd some Ships which we suspected to be Pirats of Malabar and therefore fetching a compass we made but little way forwards At night we cast Anchor in a Bay call'd Kielme-Mahi from two Towns situate upon it one call'd Kielme the other Mahi On the nine and twentieth of the same moneth we sail'd forward again but the Tide turning contrary we cast Anchor about noon and stay'd a while in a little Island near the Continent The sails being mended and the current become favourable we set forward again and having pass'd by some Vessels which we doubted to be Pirats of Malabar about night we arriv'd at Bassaim But lest the people of the Fleet which we found there with the Cafila should molest our Boat as sometimes 't is usual and take away the Sea-men for the service of the Navy we stay'd a while without the City casting Anchor a little wide of the shore and in the mean time I sent notice to F. Diego Rodriguez Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits at Bassaim for whom I had Letters from the Father Rector of their Colledge at Daman and some also for others from the Brother of theirs whom I saw in Cambaia The F. Rector sent presently to the Sea-side where I was F. Gaspar di Govea their Procurator who because 't was said the Fleet would depart that very night with the Cafila for Goa immediately without entring into the City procur'd me passage in a Merchants Frigat as more commodious for passengers in regard 't was free from the trouble of Souldiers which went in the Men of War appointed to convoy the Merchants Ships The Captain of the Vessel wherein I embark'd was call'd Diego Carvaglio with whom having agreed for my passage I presently put my Goods aboard his Ship together with Mariam Tinatin in the most convenient Cabin and Cacciatùr to take care of them It being now night I went alone with F. Govea to their Colledge to visit and thank the F. Rector and the other Fathers who very courteously retain'd me at Supper which ended to avoid the danger of being left behind I forthwith return'd to repose in the Ship Of the City Bassaim I cannot say any thing because it was night both at my entrance stay and coming away I can onely intimate that it is wholly surrounded with strong walls and if I took good notice seems to me greater then Daman but of late years many buildings were destroy'd by a horrible tempest and are not yet re-edifi'd I found in the Colledge of Bassaim F. Paolo Giovio an Italian March the thirtieth In the Morning the Fleet set sail and going off the shore we came to the Island where they take in fresh water over against a City in view at a little distance which they call Salsette and the place where we stay'd being a large and populous Island is call'd in the Portugal Tongue L' Aguada and here we stay'd all day because the wind was so contrary that we could not get off that point of Land and for that divers of the Galeots and new Frigats built to be sent and arm'd in Goa were not in order to depart and we were forc'd to stay their preparation March the one and thirtieth At Sun-rise we put to Sea for Goa but were slow in getting forth to the Main before we could set sail because the Tide was still going out and there was so little water left that our Frigat run a ground At length the Tide turning we row'd out of the streit between the City and the Island and being come into the broad Sea hoiâ—'d all our sails About mid-night following we arriv'd at Ciaùl but enter'd not into the Port because it stands much within Land upon a precipice where the Sea entring far into the Bay between the Hills and the low Shore into which also is descharg'd the mouth of a River makes an ample and secure harbour wherefore by reason of the darkness of the night which in this place is no seasonable time the Fleet would not enter but we rode at the Rivers mouth till break of day April the first Entring into the Port in the Morning we cast Anchor under the City upon the shore where nevertheless the water is so deep and our Galeots came so near the bank that we went ashore by a bridge In the entrance of the City and Haven on the right hand almost Southwards we saw that famous Hill which the Portugals call Morro di Ciaùl commanding the Harbour and all the adjacent City on the top of it stands a strong Castle which was sometimes possess'd by the Moors of Dacà n namely by Nizam-Schiah to whom also the whole Territory about it belongs and when
took divers strong places and perform'd other exploits in India for the service of his King with great valour I would not depart without first visiting him and making my self known to him This Prelate is call'd Frà Don Sebastiano di San Pietro and is an Augustine Fryer We discours'd above an hour together concerning things of India Persia and other matters and I recommended to him with the F. Confessor the Augustine Fathers of his Religion in Persia giving him an account of their necessities and how he might help them Night being come I went to make a Collation in the House of Sig ri Barocci and when it was grown dark I return'd to imbark in the Ship which expected me and went to the Town of Pangi to find Sig Gio Fernandez and my other Companions who were very glad at my return with the Vice-Roy's Licence so favourable and courteous to me because they were loath to have gone without me and so I slept with them that night in the same House My charge Marià m Tinatin went not with me this journey because it was not expedient being I was to return to Goa but stay'd still in the House of Sig ra Lena da Cugna onely Cacciatùr went with me to serve me October the fifteenth A little before night we were ready to set sail had not we been necessitated to stay for certain Mariners till the next Morning when we went to hear Mass in a Church of Saint Agnes belonging to the Augustine Fryers and standing in the Island of Goa after which being imbark'd we stay'd a while longer waiting for the Brachman Ambassador for what reason I know not unless perhaps he was minded to make us stay for him as we had made him stay for us At length being got out of the mouth of the River we continu'd sailing all night but with a small wind Our course was always Southward almost directly and we coasted along the land at a little distance October the sixteenth In the Morning we discern'd four Ships of Malabar Rovers near the shore they call them Paroes and they go with Oars like Galeots or Foists we gave them chase for above an hour intending to fight them but we could not overtake them onely we lost much time and much of our way Night came upon us near certain Rocks or uninhabited little Islands which they call Angediva which signifies in the Language of the Country Five Islands they being so many in number We found fresh water in one of them they are all green and have some Trees We set sail from thence the same night but had little or no wind and violent rain October the seventeenth Continuing our course the next day with a very small gale we saw the bound of the States of Adil-Scià h and Venk-tapà Naieka which is onely a brackish River such as are frequent upon the Coast of India The wind was but small still so that all this day we could not arrive at Onòr but when it was night because 't is no good entring into the Port of Onòr in the dark and with ebbing water as it was now we cast Anchor and remain'd all night under an uninhabited small Rock which they call the Rock of Onòr After mid-night the Tide began to flow but yet we stirr'd not October the eighteenth About break of day we mov'd along and by the help of Oars finish'd the remainder of the way arriving at Onòr in good time This whole Voyage from Goa to Onòr is not above eighteen Leagues but it took us up so much time because we had onely a very small wind Onòr is a small place by the Sea-side but a good Port of indifferent capacity which is form'd by two arms of Rivers which I know not whether both from one or several heads running one Southward and the other Northward meet at the Fortress and are discharg'd with one mouth into the Sea The habitations are rather Cottages then Houses built under a thick Grove of Palms to wit those which produce the Indian Nuts call'd by the Portugals Coco and by the Arabians Narghil But the Fortress is of a competent circuit though the walls are not very well design'd being just as the Portugals found them made by the people of the Country It stands upon a high Hill of free stone and being very capacious not onely the Captain lives there but most of the married and principal Portugals have Houses in it very well accommodated with Wells Gardens and other conveniencies The streets within the Fortress are large and fair besides a great Piazza sufficient to contain all the people of the place in time of a siege There are likewise two Churches one dedicated to Saint Catherine and the other to Saint Anthony but ordinarily there is but one Priest in Onòr who is the Vicar of the Arch-Bishop of Goa and therefore in Lent other religious persons always go thither Out of the Fort in the Country is the Bazar or Market but a small one and of little consideration nothing being found therein but what is barely necessary for sustenance of the inhabitants Our Ambassador Sig Gio Fernandez lodg'd with us not in the Fort but without in the House of a private man and I believe it was because he had rigorous Orders from the Vice-Roy against the Captain and Commission to redress many Disorders which he had committed in his Government especially to compose matters between him and the people of the Country as also between him and the Vicar betwixt whom there were great Disorders the fault of which was charg'd upon the Captain When we were setled in our House first the Vicar call'd F. Henrico Rabelo and afterwards the Captain call'd Sig r Don Christoforo Fernandez Francisco with almost all the principal persons of the place visited Sig Gio Fernandez who presently beginning to treat of business and presenting to the Captain the Vice-Roy's Letters and Orders the Captain being terrifi'd therewith on the one side and on the other oblig'd by the civil terms of Sig Fernandez forthwith offer'd himself ready to give the Vice-Roy satisfaction in whatever he commaded and began immediately to put the same offer in effect releasing one whom he held Prisoner and performing other things which Sig Fernandez appointed him October the nineteenth The Captain inviting the Ambassador and all the company to dine in the Fort we went first to visit him and afterwards to hear Mass in Saint Catharine's Church which is the Vicar's See which being over the Ambassador visited a Gentlewoman who was a Kinswoman of the Vicar's and then retir'd in private with the Captain not without manifest signes that his re-pacification was rather upon necessity then out of good-will Causa mali tanti foemina sola fuit The original of most of the Disorders between the Captain and the Vicar they say was occasion'd by the Captain 's Wife who had banish'd out of Onòr a servant of his whom he had employ'd as his Instrument to other
Women and who had been formerly punish'd for the same fault In the mean time we walk'd up and down but saw nothing worth mentioning and at at dinner-time we went to the Captain 's House where we all din'd namely Sig Gio Fernandez the Ambassador the Chief Commander of the Fleet call'd Hettor Fernandez F. Bartolomeo Barroso the Ambassadors Chaplain Sig Consalvo Carvaglio and I who came in the Ambassador's Company The Entertainment was sumptuous and very well serv'd dinner ended we return'd to our House October the twentieth In the Evening the Chaplain and I went in a Palanchino a mile out of Onòr to see a fine running water which issuing out of the Earth in a low or rather hollow place as it were the bottom of a Gulph falls into a Tanke or Cistern built round with stone and this being fill'd it runs out with a stream watering the neigbouring-fields The water is hot to wit not cold and therefore the Country-people come frequently to bathe themselves in it for pleasure The Cistern is square every side being five or six yards and the water would reach to a man's neck but by reason of the ruinousness of the walls in some places it is not very clean Within it are small fishes which use to bite such as come to swim there yet without doing hurt because they are small and the place being low is consequently shady and so affords a pleasant station at all times The Gentiles have this Cistern in Devotion and call it Ram-tirt that is Holy Water Water of Expiation c. The Portugals call it O Tanque da Pedre that is the Cistern of the Father or Religious person from the Gentile-Monastick who uses to remain there We stript our selves and spent a good while in swimming here The fields about Onòr through which we pass'd were very pleasant Hills and Valleyes all green partly with very high herbage partly with wood and partly with Corn. October the one and twentieth I took the Altitude of the Sun and found it distant from the Zenith 24. degrees 20. minutes upon which day the Sun according to my manuscripts was in the 27th degree of Libra and declin'd from the Aequinoctial to the South 10. degrees 24′ 56″ which deducted from 24. degrees 20′ in which I found the Sun there remain 13. degrees 55′ 4″ and precisely so much is Onòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. In the Evening the Ambassador Vitulà Sinay who was lodg'd beyond the River more South of Onòr came to the City to visit the Captain in the Fort. The Captain with all the Citizens and Sig Gio Fernandez with us of his Company went to meet and receive him at the place where he landed three pieces of Ordnance being discharg'd when he entred into the Fort. October the four and twentieth was the Davà li or Feast of the Indian-Gentiles and I believe was the same that I had seen the last year celebrated in Bender di Combrù in Persia The same day if I mistake not in my reckoning the Moors began their new year 1033. In the Evening I went to see another great Town of Gentiles separate from that stands upon the Sea near Onòr and they call it the Villa de' Brahmani because most of the inhabitants are Brachmans whereas they that live by the Sea-side are Fishermen and of other like profession This Town of the Brachmans stands about a Canons-shot within land remote from the Fortress of Onòr towards Hordete or Greco The inhabitants keep Cows or Buffalls and live upon other Trades In the entrance of the City is built for publick use a handsome square Cistern or Receptacle for Water each side of which contain'd about a hundred of my paces in length 't is fill'd with rain water which lasts for the whole year October the five and twentieth came News to Onòr how on Thursday night last October the nine and twentieth Venk-tapà Naieka lost his chief Wife an aged Woman and well belov'd by him her name was Badra-Amà Daughter of a noble-man of the same Race of Lingavant which Venk-tapà himself is of Badrà was her proper name Amà her Title denoting Princess or Queen We stay'd all this while at Onòr because as soon as we arriv'd there Vitulà Sinay writ to Venk-tapà Naieka his Master giving him an account of our arrival and so it was necessary to stay for his Answer and Orders from the Court we also waited for men to carry us upon the way the whole journey being to be made in Litters or Palanchinoes together with our Goods and Baggage which were likewise to be carry'd by men upon their shoulders And the Davà li or Feast of the Gentiles falling out in the mean time we were fain to stay till it was pass'd and I know not whether the Queens Death and Funerals may not cause us to stay some time longer I will not suppress one story which is reported of this Lady They say thar twelve or thirteen years since when she was about five and thirty years old it came to her ears that Venk-tapà Naieka her Husband being become fond of a Moorish Woman kept her secretly in a Fort not farr from the Court where he frequently solac'd himself with her for two or three dayes together whereupon Badra-Amà first complaining to him not onely of the wrong which he did thereby to her but also more of that which he did to himself defiling himself with a strange Woman of impure Race according to their superstition and of a Nation which drank Wine and eat Flesh and all sort of uncleannesses in their account told him that if he had a mind to other Women he need not have wanted Gentile-Women of their clean Race without contaminating himself with this Moor and she should have suffer'd it with patience but since he had thus defil'd himself with her she for the future would have no more to do with him and thereupon she took an Oath that she would be to him as his Daughter and he should be to her as her Father After which she shew'd no further resentment but liv'd with him as formerly keeping him company in the Palace tending upon him in his sickness and other things with the same love as at first helping and advising him in matters of Government wherein she had alwayes great authority with him and in short excepting the Matrimonial Act perfectly fulfilling all other Offices of a good Wife Venk-tapa Naieka who had much affection for her notwithstanding the wrong he did her with his Moor endeavor'd by all means possible to divert her from this her purpose and to perswade her to live a Matrimonial Life still with him offering many times to compound for that Oath by the alms of above 20000. Pagods Pagod is a gold coin near equivalent to a Venetian Zecchine or English Angel but all in vain and she persever'd constant in this Resolution till death which being undoubtedly an act of much Constancy and Virtue was the
Antonio Borges a former acquaintance who came from Goa to Onòr together with us and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkeri had recommended me I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr call'd Sig Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while and he seem'd a gallant man though but young Here was an Armado and a Cafila of Ships which came from Goa and went to Mangalòr and Cocin or further they were to depart the next day and therefore I prepar'd my self to go with them to Mangalòr This night I supp'd at the House of Sig Antonio Borges with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet and went to lodg by his direction in another good House together with some Souldiers of the same November the seven and twentieth That I might not go alone without any body to serve me in the Ship I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr recommended to me by Sig Antonio and nam'd Manoel de Matos with whom alone I went aboard about noon having first din'd with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig Rocco Gomes the chief Portugal in Barselòr who entertain'd us at his Gate in the street very well Among others that din'd with us there was one Sig Neittor Fernandez by me elsewhere mention'd who came from Goa to Onòr with us the Captain Major of the whole Armado Sig Francesco de Lobo Faria who commanded a Galley and six other Ships besides the Cafila of Merchants I imbarqu'd in the Ship of Sig Neittor Fernandez who in the street express'd much courtesie to me Being gone a good way upon the Sea and it being now night the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr whereinto we designing to enter in the dark and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept struck upon land and the wind growing prety stiff were in great danger of being over-set and lost and the more for that when we perceiv'd it and went to strike fail we could not for a good while because the ropes either through moistness or some other fault would not slip so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground not onely became very leaky but gave two or three such violent knocks that had she not been new without doubt she had been split The Sea-men were not onely confounded but all amaz'd nothing was heard but disorderly cryes the voice of him that commanded could not be heard every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety many of the Souldiers had already strip'd themselves to leap into the Sea some ty'd their Money at their backs to endeavour to save the same together with their lives making little account of their other goods divers made vows and promises of Alms all heartily recommended themselves to God one embrac'd the Image of our Lady and plac'd his hope in that alone I could not induce my self to believe that God had reserv'd me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart nevertheless seeing the danger extream great I fail'd'not â—o commend my self to God his most Holy Mother and all the Saints By whose favour at length the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope and the Sea not rough for if it had it would have done us greater mischief the Mariners freed the Ship having cast themselves into the Sea and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven soliciting the other Ships out and mending our own The whole Fleet being set forth before day we return'd where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stay'd at Anchor for us and thence we set sail all together November the eight and twentieth We sail'd constantly Southwards coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us Half way to Mangalòr to wit six Leagues from Barselòr we found certain Rocks or little desart Islands which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria one of which we approach'd with our Ship and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons of whose nests there is great abundance wherewith we made a good supper Afterwards continuing our course we pass'd by Carnate and at night safely enter'd the Port of Mangalòr This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel the other more Southern from those of Olaza which stands beyond the River Southwards or rather beyond the bay of salt-salt-water which is form'd round and large like a great Haven by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea whose flowing fills the same with salt water Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbor into which the Fort extends it self being almost encompass'd with water on three sides 'T is but small the worst built of any I have seen in India and as the Captain told me one day when I visited him may rather be term'd the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither contiguous to the Fort and encompass'd with weak walls within which the Houses of the inhabitants are inclos'd There are three Churches namely the See or Cathedral within the Fort our Lady Del Rosario La Misericordia and San Francesco without Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Persons in all two Franciscan Fryers and one Vicar Priest to whose charge with very small revenews belong all the other Churches I went not ashore because it was night but slept in the Ship November the nine and twentieth Early in the Morning I landed at Mangalòr and went together with Sig Neittor Fernandez and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig Ascentio Veira a Notary of the City After which I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kins-man of his by Sig Paolo Sodrino who was married in Mangalòr and came for Goa in our Ship The next night the Fleet departed from Cocin but I remain'd in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza November the thirtieth After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario I visited the Captain of Mangalòr not in the Fort but in a cover'd place without the Gate which is built to receive the cool Air of the Sea and where he was then in conversation He was an old Man all gray by Name Sig Pero Gonies Pasagna The first of December in the Morning I went to see Banghel by the Indians more correctly call'd Bangher or Banghervari 't is a mile or little more distant from Mangalòr towards the South and upon the Sea and the King that rul'd there and in the circumjacent lands being at
discourteous I consented to obey him And till the meat came the King commanded some of his Servants to conduct me to sit down by them in the Porch where I might sit after our manner but not in the King's sight Hereupon I with-drew with some of his Men to entertain me and in the mean time the King remain'd talking with the rest of them concerning me commending me much for several things but above all for a good presence for speaking truly and discreetly like a Gentleman and for my civil deportment But before I proceed further I will here present you with a rough and unmeasur'd draught of the King's House and the place wherein he was so far as may suffice for the better understanding of what is already spoken and is to follow after 1. At the foot of this design is the Gate of the Palace 2. The Walk leading to it and included within the House 3. A great plain and sown field 4. The turning of the Walk before the House where the short lines intersecting the outward line towards the field re-represent the Trees planted at equal distances and in order 5. Seven or eight wooden Stairs leading up to the Porch 6. The Porch of the House in which the little squares near the outer lines are the wooden pillars which support it and the ambient lines the walls 7. The King's Servants standing on either side without the little Porch of the Chamber 8. I Pietro Della Valle when I first talk'd with that King standing 9. The Room wherein the King was 10. The King sitting on the ground upon a little coarse Cloth 11. The King's Nephew sitting on the ground upon a little matt 12. The King's Servants standing 13. I Pietro Della Valle sitting in the said room on the ground upon a little low Table whilst I eat and discours'd with the King a very long time together the place mark'd with the number 13 being that where they set the meat before me 14. A small open Court 15. A small mount or bank in the said Court leading from the more inward Chambers to that where the King was 16. Inner Chambers and Lodgings which what they were I saw not but they were of very bad earthen buildings low and coverd with thatch-like Cottages that is with Palm-leavs which are always to be understood when I speak of Cottages or Houses cover'd with thatch in India 17. I Pietro Della Valle sitting between two of the King's Servants upon the side of the Porch after having spoken the first time with the King entertaining me while the meat was preparing The meat was not long in preparing and being now in order the King call'd for me again to enter into the room where it stood ready and one of the Brachmans who spoke Portugal and was wont to accompany me ask'd me Whether it would not be more convenient for me to ungird my Sword and put off my Cassack I answer'd that my Cassack gave me no trouble nor was there occasion to lay it off but my Sword might be laid aside and therewith ungirding it I gave it him to hold which I did the rather because all Princes being commonly suspicious I imagin'd the King would not like my entring in with Arms and he that goes into another's House to visit him and do him honour is not to disgust but to comply with him in all points So I enter'd without a Sword but yet with shoes and stockins on though with them it be unusual for none should enter into that place but bare-foot and the King himself is so there according to their custum Nor did I scruple their taxing me of uncleanliness as undoubtedly they would have done in Turkie and Persia if I had enter'd into their rooms with shoes or slippers on because there all the rooms are cover'd with Carpets but there was not any in these of the King onely the pavement was gloss'd with Cow-dung Wherefore as to have put off my shoes besides that they are not so easily slip'd off as Pantofles nor does it shew well would have been an exorbitant and unnecessary humility so to enter with them on was to me convenient and decorous without any lyablenes to be accus'd of uncleanliness being the floore was not cover'd if it had been so with Carpets or the like as 't is usualin Turkie and Persia then to avoid seeming slovenly by soiling the place with my dirty shoes and my self by sitting upon them which indeed is not handsome I should have caus'd my shoes to be pull'd off for which purpose I had accordingly caus'd a pair of slippers of our fashion to be brought along with me in case there should have been need of them our kind of shoes being not so easie to be put off by shaking the foot alone without the help of the hand as those which for this end are us'd by all the Eastern people Entring in this manner and saluting the King as I pass'd I went to sit down at the upper end of the Chamber as t is above describ'd where they had prepar'd a little square board of the bigness of an ordinary stool which might serve for asingle person but rais'd no more then four fingers above the ground upon this I sat down crossing my Legs one over the other and that little elevation help'd me to keep them out from under me with such decency as I desir'd Right before the seat upon the bare floor the Indians not using any Tables they had spread instead of a dish as their custom is especially to us Christians with whom they will not defile their own vessels it not being lawful for them ever to eat again in those wherein we have eaten a great Leaf of that Tree which the Arabians and Persians call Mouz the Portugals in India Fichi d' India Indian Fig-trees and upon the said leaf they had lay'd a good quantity of Rice boyl'd after their manner onely with water and salt but for sauce to it there stood on one side a little vessel made of Palm-leavs full of very good butter melted There lay also upon another Leaf one of those Indian Figgs clean and par'd and hard by it a quantity of a certain red herb commonly eaten in India and call'd by the Portugals Brèdo which yet is the general appellation of all sort of herbs In another place lay several fruits us'd by them and amongst the rest seven of the Bambù or great Indian Cane all of them preserv'd in no bad manner which they call Acciaò besides one sort pickled with Vinegar as our Olives are Bread there was none because they use none but the Rice is instead of it which was no great defect to me because I am now accustom'd to want it and eat very little The King very earnestly pray'd me to eat excusing himself often that he gave me so small an entertainment on the sudden for if he had known my coming before-hand he would have prepar'd many Caril and divers
Christian Servant to come in and carry it all away that he might eat it which he did in the napkin which I had used before for to fling it away in regard of the discourtesie it would be to me they judged not convenient At length when I rose up from my seat and took leave of the King they caused my said Servant to strew a little Cow-dung which they had got ready for the purpose upon the place where I had sat which according to their Religion was to be purified In the mean time as I was taking leave of the King he caused to be presented to me for they were ready prepared in the Chamber and delivered to my Servants to carry home four Lagne so they call in India especially the Portugals the Indian Nuts before they be ripe when instead of Pulp they contain a sweet refreshing water which is drunk for delight and if the Pulp for of this water it is made be begun to be congealed yet that little is very tender and is eaten with much delight and is accounted cooling whereas when it is hard and fully congealed the Nut remaining without water within and in the inner part somewhat empty that matter of the Nut which is used more for sauce then to eat alone is in my opinion hot and not of so good taste as before when it was more tender Of these Lagne he caus'd four to be given me besides I know not how many great bunches of Moùl or Indian Figs which though a small matter are nevertheless the delights of this Country wherefore as such I received them and thanking the King for them who also thank'd me much for my visit testifying several times that he had had very great contentment in seeing me at length taking my leave I departed about an hour or little more before night I intended to have visited the Queen also the same time but I understood she was gone abroad whilst I was with her Son to the above-mention'd place of her Works Wherefore being desirous to make but little stay in Manel both that I might dispatch as soon as possible and withall not shew any dis-esteem of the Queen by visiting her not onely after her Son but also on a different day I resolv'd to go and find her where she was although it were late being also perswaded so to do by that Brachman to whom I gave my Sword when I went to eat and who sometimes waited upon the Queen and the rather because they told me she was little at home but rising at break of day went forth-with to her Works and there stayed till dinner and as soon as dinner was done return'd thither again and remain'd there till night By which action I observ'd something in her of the spirit of Scià h Abbas King of Persia and concluded it no wonder that she hath alwayes shew'd her self like him that is active and vigorous in actions of war and weighty affairs Moreover they said that at night she was employ'd a good while in giving Audience and doing Justice to her Subjects so that it was better to go and speak to her there in the field while she was viewing her Work-men then in the house Accordingly I went and drawing near her saw her standing in the field with a few Servants about her clad as the other time and talking to the Labourers that were digging the Trenches When she saw us she sent to know wherefore I came whether it were about any business And the Messenger being answer'd that it was onely to visit her brought me word again that it was late and time to go home and therefore I should do so and when she came home she would send for me I did as she commanded and return'd to my house expecting to be call'd when she thought fit but she call'd not for me this night the cause whereof I attributed to her returning very late home as I understood she did The same day December the seventh Being return'd home before noon I took the Altitude of the Sun at Manèl with an Astrolabe I found him to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees he was this day in the fourteenth degree of Sagittary His Southern Declination was 22 degrees 30′ 34″ which substracted from 35 degrees the Altitude which I took leave 12 degrees 29′ 36″ which is the Declination of the Aequinoctial Southwards from the Zenith of Manèl and also the height of the Northern Pole in that place So that Manèl where the Queen of Olaza now resides lyes 12 degrees 29′ 36″ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At night having waited all the day and not hearing of the Queens sending for me as she had promis'd I thought not good to importune her further but imagin'd she was not willing to be visited more by me Wherefore I gave Order for a Boat to carry me back to Mangalòr the next day Of the Queens not suffering her self to be visited more by me certain Men of the Country who convers'd with me gave sundry Reasons Some said the Queen imagin'd I would have given her some Present as indeed I should which would require a requital but perhaps she had nothing fit to requite me with in these wretched places or was loath to give So that to avoid the shame she thought best to decline the visit Others said there was no other decent place to give Audience in but that where her Son was and for her to come thither did not shew well as neither to send for me into some other unhandsome place nor yet to give me Audience in the Street when it was no unexpected meeting but design'd for which reason she avoided speaking with me The Brachman not my Interpreter but the other who held my Sword had a more extravagant and in my opinion impertinent conceit to wit that there was spread such a Fame of my good presence fairness and handsome manner of conversation that the Queen would not speak with me for fear she should become enamor'd of me and be guilty of some unbecomming action at which I heartily laugh'd 'T was more probable that she intended to avoid giving people occasion to talk of her for conversing privately with a stranger that was of such Reputation amongst them But let the Cause be what it will I perceiv'd she declin'd my visit and therefore caus'd a Boat to be provided which there being no other was not row'd with Oars but guided by two Men with Poles of Indian Cane or Bambu which serv'd well enough for that shallow River The next day December the eighth A little before Noon without having seen the Queen or any other I departed from Manèl In a place some-what lower on the left bank of the River where the Queen receives a Toll of the Wares that pass by which for the most part are onely Rice which is carried out and brought into her Country I stay'd a while to dine Then continuing my way I arriv'd very late at Mangalòr where
thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia and other Provisions Hereupon the feud ceasing the mortal thunder was turn'd into joyful salutations with chearful noise of Drums and Trumpets at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up seem'd also to hasten to rejoyce with us and part our erroneous fray I have mentioned this passage at large to the end the successes inconveniences counsels and resolutions ensuing suddenly thereupon may be known from all which prudent adviso's for other occasions may be deduced and also to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble Portugal Nation in these parts who indeed had they but as much order discipline and good government as they have valour Ormùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented but they would most certainly be capable of atchieving great matters But God gives not all things to all It being now broad day we set sail with the whole Cafila but by reason of contrary wind sail'd no more then three leagues and late in the evening came to anchor in the place where we hapned to be the contray Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous Ianuary the sixth We had the wind still contrary and having saild three other leagues at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà On the seventh the said wind blowing somewhat favourably about noon we pass'd by Onòr and without staying discharg'd only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port if any were there that would accompany us for greater diligence was not needful because few come from thence In the Evening the usual contrary North-west wind arising we came to an anchor a little distant from Mirizeo At the second watch of the night a good stiff South-wind arose and in the forenoon next day we pass'd by the Rocks call'd Angediva and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso Ianuary the ninth the wind was contrary our way short and because we could not proceed forwards we cast anchor neer Rio del Sale also the next day for the same reason we could get no further then an Enieda as they speak or Bay call'd Mormogòn in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South but greater and divided from the same only by a River This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns and abundance of Houses Above all the Jesuits have the goodliest places and 't is counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs they have Churches everywhere Lands and store of Goods and I believe all the Parishes are govern'd by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority whence this people acknowledg more Vassallage upon the matter to the Jesuits then to the King himself The case is the same in another Island call'd Bardeos adjacent also to that of Goa but more Northward which is under the government of the Franciscans Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergy-men Having anchor'd in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time and knowing that we were not to depart the night following our Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits call'd S. Andrea which they told us was hard by yet we sound it not so near but that we walk't about a league to get to it because we knew not the right way but mistook it and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water into one whereof one our Company hapned to fall to the great laughter of the rest besides many other inconveniences We found the Church large neat and well built with a fair square Court or Yard before it surrounded with handsom Stone-walls and within with some great Trees under which were Banks rais'd to sit upon in the shadow On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore who hath the present superintendency thereof which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome it self We stay'd a good while discoursing with the F. Rector who told us sundry news from Goa and invited us to Supper but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stay'd to sup here we wav'd the Courtesie and taking leave of him at Sun-set return'd to the place where we had left our Ships and though we had a Guide to conduct us by the best and nearest way yet we got not thither to imbarque till after two hours within night Ianuary the eleventh at our departing from the Port of Mormogòn this day in which we were to arrive at Goa the General who was wont to go in the Rear-guard being now minded to go in the middle of the Armada commanded our Ship hitherto Captain of the Vant-guard to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rear-guard where great diligence was to to be us'd both that no stragling Ship might be in danger of being surpriz'd by Rovers or any of the Merchants Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa and go to unlade in other places of Counterband Wherefore having sail'd the little remainder of the way and caus'd all the other Ships to enter which were in number more then two hundred and fifty we at length enter'd the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa where we anchor'd under a Port hard by without going further to the City it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy Here we found the Ship which alone was to go this year to Portugal already laden and ready to sail as also some Galeons in readiness likewise whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship having got leave of the General went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose and I with Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompani'd him We arriv'd at Goa when it was dark night because 't is three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City almost directly from South to North so that there is a considerable difference between the altitude of the Pole at Goa and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed every one went to his own home and I who had no house ready for me nor yet any servant went alone as I was to lodg in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend according as himself Sig Ruy Gomes his Brother had promis'd I should when I departed from Goa As I was going thither I
held wholly desperate although to encourage others to the expedition he still kept up the report The same Ship brought news how Ruy Freira whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships sent two to the streight of Mecha to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces another to Sindi to fetch provisions and advertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Persia otherwise he should take them yet neither those of Mecha nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschà t so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters Besides during his being before Ormùz he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostà n and that this enterprize succeeded well enough they having made great destruction and taken much spoil but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being greedy of prey contrary to the order of Ruy Freira and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals and causes infinite disorders design'd to set upon another place whose Governour who was an Arabian Sceich at first attempted to make them forbear with good words saying that he was their Vassal c. but when he saw that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapacity he got his men together and made head against them so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order he defeated them killing many and amongst those divers Captains and Soldiers of valour which was no small loss It was further related that during the Siege of Ormùz the besieg'd being in great streights for all other things and which was most important of water also which within fail'd them and was corrupted yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison which they call Trumbà k where not through want of Soldiers for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries but for want of money to pay and support them he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd They said lastly that Ruy Freira was at Massà t soliciting for aid and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahà n He was a sagacious person and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes and before this pass was open he had no profit at all Yet this Jew could not tell me whether this friendship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian was because the Prince who raigned there was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Scià h as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together and that he who raigned still either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's or through fear since the taking of Ormùz or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian Ianuary the twenty fifth The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint Paul this day being the Feast of their Colledge began to make part of their Solemnities which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier the Celebration of which was deferred till now that more time might be allotted for preparation They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners one of which represented the Asiaticks one the Africans and another the Europaeans those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries Before the Cavalcade went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick published the News of the said Canonization Two other Chariots accompany'd the Cavalcade the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church the other in the middle was a Mount Parnassus with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences professed in the said Colledge both which Chariots were also full of very good Musick and many people Moreover they remov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Pyramids upon wheels drawn by Men on foot well cloth'd after the Indian fashion Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits upon another all the Doctors and Writers of Books upon another figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits where the said Order hath foundations to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion and lastly another had all the Miracles both of Sant ' Ignatio and San Francesco Sciavier All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs Statues and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top so that passing in this manner through the principal streets of the City they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church one before the profess'd House of Giesù one before the Church of San Paolo where at first they kept the Colledge but by reason of the badness of the Air remov'd it from thence yet the Church remaining to them which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent but at this day is but meanly provided for so that they are still in contest with the City about it who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge The last they left before the new Colledge the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco and by the other Name also but the Jesuts resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place notwithstanding the opposition of the Augustine Fryers who by long and intricate suits use their utmost endeavor to hinder them from it onely to the end not to have them Neighbours under pretext that they deprive them of the fresh Air and the prospect of the Sea The Jesuits I say resolute to abide there prevailing
and who was going onely to Bassora His conversation was very pleasing to me because he was a person of much and various Erudition both in Mathematicks and History besides that he was also an excellent Preacher Ianuary the eighteenth At noon I took the Altitude of the Sun whom I found forty four degrees distant from the Zenith being this day in the 27th degree of Capricorn according to Origanus and declining from the Aequinoctial towards the South 20 degrees 23′ 53″ which taken from 44 degrees leave 23 degrees 36′ 7″ So that Mascat lyes 23 degrees 36′ 7″ distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North and consequently hath the North-Pole so much elevated The same day a Petache arriv'd from Ormuz bringing News of the Arrival there of ten Ships from Surat namely six Europaean Men of War and four Merchant Ships of Moors and other people so that with those formerly arriv'd ther were at Ormuz between English and Dutch ten Ships of War and the Portugal Armada not yet arriv'd This Petache they say Ruy Freira sent to Mascat to avoid falling amongst so many Enemies being alone He stay'd still there with his Vessels of Oars yet with no hope of hindring Ormuz from being reliev'd both with Men Ammunition and Victual at their pleasure Ianuary the nineteenth I went to see a Village of the Arabians a little distant from Mascat and call'd Kelbuh it lyes without the Mountains that incompass the Castle and Houses of Mascat on the side towards Sohar the way that leads to it is a narrow passage and because dangerous for the letting in of Enemies the Portugals have wisely guarded it with a rampart and some few pieces of Artillery The Town is small consisting onely of cottages or sheds made of Palm-boughs and so low that one cannot stand upright in them but onely sitting upon the ground after the manner of the Moors yet for its bigness it hath people enough because this miserable sort of Men very wretchedly but easily accommodate themselves to their own mode in any little place LETTER X. From Bassora May 20. 1625. OUr Ship being ready to depart for Bassora and being to touch by the way about Ormuz in order to consign some things to the General Ruy Freira pertaining to the service of the Armada after all the rest that were to go were imbarqu'd amongst which were Don Francesco Contigno Covacio who intended for Ormuz two bare-footed Carmelites who were for Bassora and the F. Provincial of Maniglia in the Philippine Islands who was passing into Europe I went aboard with my people at night Ianuary the six and twentieth Yet the Vessel went not off till the next day and with no favourable wind we sail'd about six Leagues casting Anchor at night not far from the shore Ianuary the eight and twentieth Having sail'd a while a contrary wind forc'd us to Anchor again and indeed in this Persian Gulph the wind is so inconstant and with-all so strong that if it happen to be contrary there is little good to be done by contesting against it in this narrow Sea but those that sail in it must in such case either cast Anchor or be driven backwards We anchor'd so near land and in so little water under a place call'd Sibo about seven Leagues from Mascat that the contrary wind increasing and the Anchor not sufficing to retain the Ship we were in great danger of being split upon the shore to the loss of all our goods and perhaps lives too the Coast being very craggy and the Sea extremely rough We were so near being lost that the Ship almost toucht the ground but a small sail hanging on the rope which runs from the top of the Mast to the Stern and is call'd by the Portugal's Sabaco sav'd us which sail alone we could make use of to keep off the shore though it being small and the Vessel heavy it suffic'd not to move it much The Arabians were already gathered together in great number upon the shore to get the booty and perhaps also to take our persons in case the Ship should be split for in these troublesom times of war they were here but little friends to the Portugals of Mascat But at length as it pleas'd God by the help of Oars and the diligence of Sig. Franc. Contigno Covacio who in many things supply'd the ignorance or negligence of other Officers of the Ship we turn'd-about the Stern of the Ship to the Sea and being deliver'd from imminent danger had time to hoise the Trinket to the wind as before we could not because it was on the other side of the Mast which they call Under-the-wind and could not be brought about without more time then our sudden and present danger permitted After which because the wind so requir'd and it was dangerous going ashore for water among the Arabians we determin'd to return to Mascat and having pass'd the Island della Vittoria so call'd from a notable Victory obtain'd by the Portugals against an Armada of Turkish Galleys which came to make war upon Mascat about evening we re-entred the port of Mascat where our Ship falling foul upon another Ship that rode there at anchor we became in a new danger of suffering shipwrack or at least some considerable dammage Many went ashore to sleep there all night but being our departure was to be speedily I only sent my servants to fetch me some refreshment Ianuary the thirtieth The Ship having taken water and all our company imbarqu'd at four a clock afternoon we set sail again from Mascat and about Ave-Mary-time repass'd the Island della Vittoria which lies only two leagues from Mascat sailing between it and the Continent as we had done before Ianuary the one and thirtieth As we were sailing with a small wind we descry'd a Sail a far off which seeing us discharg'd a Gun as a sign for us to stay till it came up to us whence we understood it to be one of Freira's Fleet for by custom the Ships of war in India do thus and other Merchant-Ships are oblig'd to stay and obey if not the War-ship may sink them Accordingly we stay'd and by the help of Oars it presently made towards us Wherein I observ'd the little Military Discipline and good order practis'd by the Portugals in India for there was all the reason in the world that if we stay'd the coming up of this Ship according to the custom yet we should not have trusted it till we knew what it was for it might have been an Enemy or a Rover as there are many in these Seas who being Portugals by Nation and banish'd for some misdemeanors betake themselves to carry Pepper Arms and other prohibited things to the Territories of the Moors Wherefore to secure our selves from all deceit and dammage which such a Ship feigning to be of Freira's Armada might have done us we should have stay'd indeed but it ought to have been with our Arms in our Hands
order to go to Nachilu which was not far from thence to meet certain companions of theirs who had gone before Mascat in another Ship with much common Merchandize February the seventeenth A contrary wind repell'd our course backwards so that we anchor'd under an uninhabited Island call'd Andreve where we stay'd till the twentieth of the same Moneth when the above-said Armenians not finding their companions at Nachilu return'd to the Ship and brought two Letters from the Governour of that place one to the Captain and all the rest in general offering the Ship a free Port and desiring us to sell our Merchandize there because they had suffer'd much by war that they would shew all good usage to the Portugals as Merchants and in case we trusted him not so much as togo a shore we might ride at Anchor in the open Sea and they would send people and money to buy many things The other Letter was directed to the Religious that were in the Ship some of whom he had understood were minded to go to Sphahan and therefore he promis'd them good and secure passage with all courtesie But neither did the Ship stay to sell any thing nor the Religious think good to land in that place for all those promises February the two and twentieth Being at Anchor in a certain place at night we descry'd some Vessels afar off which we knew not what they were and therefore weighing Anchor and putting our selves in a posture for fight we row'd up to them When we came near we found them to be of those Persian Vessels which they call Terrats a kind of great bark frequent in these Seas laden with Dates and Victuals Yet because they neither stay'd for us nor obey'd we discharg'd some Falcons and many Muskets at them without doing any hurt because of those that shot none knew how to do it as they ought but all was done with great confusion and disorder as is usual amongst the Portugals especially in our Ship which was a Merchant and not a Man of War So that the Persian Terrats went away untouch'd and we not onely took them not as we might easily have done had our Ships been well arm'd and well-govern'd but it seem'd also that had those Vessels had armed people and a mind to assault us they might easily have taken us considerng the little order and preparation for fight that I saw in our Sihip February the seven and twentieth The wind not being good our Marriners who were Indians but of the Mahometan Religion ty'd a bundle of clothes which they said was the Old Man but I know not what Old Man they meant to one of the Ropes of the sails and there fell to beat it vehemently crying out to it to give them a good wind in the mean time other Mariners desir'd him that beat it to desist saying that it would give them a good wind This superstitious Ceremony not unlike that above-mention'd of the Portugals binding S. Anthony of Padua I was willing to insert for its strangeness although through the ignorance of the Mariners themselves who could give no other reason for it but that the custom was so or because they would not tell us I could not understand what Old Man it was that they beatt under the figure of a bundle of Clothes or from whom they demanded a good wind February the eight and twentieth We were minded to take in water in the Country of Verdistan a part of Persia of which we had great need but the people of the place prohibited us repelling the boat from the shore with many Musket-shots And being we had not Souldiers to land and take water by force it behov'd us to have patience and depart without March the first We put out to Sea to avoid certain shelves that were neer the Persian shore which here we found low and flat whereas hitherto it had been all mountainous at night we came under Riscel a Port of Persia in the state of Siraz but no good one March the second A little before night we came to an Anchor under the Island of Charg which lyes distant from Cais 24 Giam A Giam is a measure us'd by the Arabian and Persian Pilots in the Persian Gulph containing three leagues so that from Cais to Charg we had sayl'd 70 Leagues From Charg to Bassora they told us there remain'd eight Giam and as many from Charg to Bahhaerein The part of the Continent nearest Charg is Bender Rich belonging as I conceive to the Country of Loristan from which this Island is distant two Giam We cast Anchor between Charg and another little Island which lyes to the North-west and is call'd Chargia Charg is a little Island having a Town of forty or fifty Houses wherein there is a Meschita with the Sepulchre venerated by the Moors of one Muhhammed Anefia who the people of the Island say was one of the Descendents of Muhhammed Because the Sea was very rough we did not go a shore but a Portugal Ship belonging to the Captain of Ciaul and bound for Bassora put in at the same Island March the fourth We went on the other side of the Island to get water of which we stood in great need and my Ague having left me I landed with the rest upon the Island where I saw little besides the above-said Sepulchre and others less venerable which they said were of some of the familiars of him that was buried in the greater there was also a Grotta cut out by hand in stone which by some carv'd work of the Frontis-piece and the form within seems to have been made for a Temple or place of burial but now 't is used onely as a stall for Cattel The Island it self is low and plain the Peasants sow it with Corn Onyons and a few other such things but 't is poor enough the wealth of the Inhabitants consisting for the most part in the fish which they take They speak the Persian Language and indeed are Vassals of Persia though by reason of their poverty they pay no Tribute to the Persians They told me that they are govern'd by a Chief called according the custom of the Arabians Sceich which dignity descends from Father to Son that in the war between the Persians and the Portugals the former had intended to have built a Fort here whereby to hinder the Portugal Ships from watering here as they passed by but the Inhabitants excused themselves from it by their poverty and by treating all parties alike friendly they have escaped unmolested by any and enjoy their sweet Liberty upon no other account but their poverty They told me also that free Trade was granted to all the Inhabitants of this Persian Coast between Charg and Bassora both by the Portugals and the people of Bassora so that they were not molested by any party the ground of which I take to be because Bassora hath not sufficient Victuals the greatest part being brought thither from these
Lands of Persia and on the other side the Portugals need Provision for their Fleet which they keep at Bassora to assist the place against the Persians At night we return'd aboard having exchanged the Persian Pilot which Ruy Freira gave us for one of Charg it being the custom so to do It rained in the night and the Sea grew high wherefore for more security we put off from the land further to Sea March the sixth Very early in the Morning we departed from Charg together with the other Ship of Ciaul yet each taking its own way and we proceeded coasting along Persia which lay on the right hand The next day the wind failing we cast Anchor so far from the Persian shore that it was out of sight yet we found no more water than about ten fathom and indeed we were fain to sail when the wind arose with plummet constantly in hand by reason of the shallow which are hereabouts March the eighth We sailed still out of sight of land yet had but four fathom of water and because the shallow is equal in this place for a great way together the Persian Pilots call it Meidan that is the Plain The next day we sailed a little but most of the day lay at Anchor because the Pilots could not find the mouth of the River of Bassora although it seem'd to us to be very near and indeed 't is no easie matter to find it the shore being so low that it is not discerned unless very near hand and to approach so near the shore as to discern the River is not safe by reason of the shallows March the eleventh In seeking the mouth of the River opinions were so various and consequently the Ship governed with such confusion that the rudder strook on ground not without some danger but at length with much diligence we freed the Ship and got into more water the Ship of Ciaul which as lighter drew less water going before us as guide and entring into the River's mouth before we knew it The River of Bassora which is Euphrates and Tygris joyned together is call'd by the Arabians Sciat d' Arab that is the Arabian River and falls into the Sea with two great Mouths about twelve Leagues distant one from the other The most Easterly which is the biggest and securest lyes on the side of Ormuz and Persia whose name it borrows The more Westerly and less frequented by great Ships lyes on the side of Buhhreim or Cutifu of Arabia from whence it assumes a name And because the division of the River into two Branches happens within the land a little below Bassora I know not how many leagues from the Sea hence it forms a no small Trianguler Iland called at this day Cheder which I hold to be the gift of the River like the Delta of Egypt and that it will increase every day by the sand brought down by the River considering the many flats and shallows which as I said above are found in these places Now we being entred by the Eastern mouth and having sailed a good way against the stream at length came to the place of the division and leaving the more Westerly branch on the left hand continued our course amongst the verdures of Date-trees and cultivated Fields which on both sides the River down to the Sea are very fertile At length we came to the place from whence up to the City of Bassora which lies on the west bank a good way from the River is drawn an artificial Dike capable even of Portugal Galliots which pass up to the Dogana or Custom-house where a bridg of planks laid upon boats and fortified with Iron chains crosseth the Dike on the South-part of which bridg stands a Castle and strong Bulwark for guard of the City and passage The water of this trench ebbs and flows with the Sea and at high Tide runs up I known not how far beyond the bridg yet Ships go no further then the bridg where they ride as in a secure Haven From this trench are derived some other little channels on eitherside to several places of the City and in some of them they make use of small Boats which they call Donec with great convenience to the houses besides that they want not little bridges upon the said channels to walk over on foot The City of Bassora is large and populous but ill built and till of late without walls for by reason of these wars with the Persians they have almost inclosed it with an earthen Rampart within which is the Bazar of Goldsmiths and for linnen Cloth and all the best things that are sold. Before the Castle is an indifferent large Piazza where there are some great Pieces of Ordnance amongst which we saw certain Portugal Pieces which had been taken many years ago by the Turks of Bassora from Mascat when they infested the seas with their Galleys which afterwards were destroy'd by the Portugals Another Piazza there is before the Basha's House which is always full of heaps of Corn Rice and other Fruits which are to be sold here being kept night and day without other shops or inclosure then ordinary mats without fear of stealing in regard of the strict justice exercis'd by the Turks in matter of Theft The people are Arabians with some Turks intermix'd so that the Arabian Language is most spoken although the Turkish and Persian are not unfrequent As for Religion the Moors are partly Sonai's and partly Scinai's with Liberty of Conscience to both yet in the Meschita's the Service is after the manner of the Sonai's and also all publick Ceremonies are perform'd after the Rite of the Sonai's which is that which the Great Turk who is King of this Country observes at Constantinople There are also some Houses of Chaldean Christians call'd Christians of S. Iohn or Sabeans though I believe they have little more besides the name of Christians for they have no Church except the House of one single Priest who was there in my time and he a very Idiot nor could I learn that they ever assembled there to be present at any Divine Service They have no Fast or abstinence from Flesh but eat every day alike Nor have they any Sacraments except some shadow of them and 't is a question whether their Baptism be such as it ought to be and not rather the Baptism of S. Iohn then of Christ. And because in this and many other things they observe S. Iohn Baptist more then any other and have him in greatest Veneration therefore they are call'd Christians of S. Iohn with no small suspition of being the remainder of those Jews whom S. Iohn baptiz'd with the Baptism of Repentance and who without caring for any thing else have continu'd in that Rite ever since The Gospels and other sacred Books 't is not known at least in Bassora that they have or use but they have a Book which they call Sidra according whereunto they govern themselves
We departed not from this place at night because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc whose Territory here-abouts begins Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta and this Prince whose proper name is Mudleg succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad who was living and reign'd when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before having usurp'd the Government from Mudleg who was very young at the time of his Father's decease At night we were visited by some pilfring Arabians who finding us prepar'd with our Arms betook themselves to their heels and escap'd unhurt from us though we pursu'd them a while Iuly the ninth The Morning was spent in paying Gabels I pay'd for my part for a load and half of portage as they reckon'd it fifteen Piastres and two more towards the abovemention'd Gabel of the Camels to Nasir's Brother besides other fees They open'd my Trunks and took away two Velvet Caps much good Paper and several other things and had it not been more for the Capigi Ibrahim entreaties than authority they would also have broken open the Chest wherein I carri'd the Body of Sitti Maani my Wife Three hours before night we put our selves upon the way and travell'd till about an hour before night when we came to a place of water Iuly the tenth We travell'd till Noon and rested in a great Plain surrounded with certain Hills in the midst whereof stands erected a Stone fashion'd at the Top like the bowl of a Fountain After which we proceeded till an hour after Sun-set and came to a place where we found good water between two little Hills Here we staid to refresh our selves and our Camels till three hours before night the Capigi's who were to go by the way of Anna to find the Serdar at Mardin or elsewhere departing before us but we who intended to go to Aleppo without touching at Anna for compendiousness of the way and for avoiding payment of some kind of Gabel there left the way to Anna on the right hand and took that within the Desart more Southward We travell'd all the remainder of this day and all the night with part also of the next day without staying to the end we might the sooner arrive at water of which we had no less desire then need Iuly the twelfth About three hours after Sun-rise we baited being weary at the foot of certain little Hills without finding water so that we were fain to drink that little which remain'd in the Goat-skin borachoes which we carri'd with us About three hours before Sun-set we proceeded again till almost Noon the next day when we arriv'd at water to wit the famous River Euphrates lighting upon a place of the ordinary way to Aleppo where I had formerly pass'd when I went from thence to Baghdad and where the road between the River and certain little Hills full of that Talk or shining Mineral is very narrow Our further stirring at night was prevented by the supervening of some Soldiers sent by the Officers of Anna whom the Capigi's had inform'd of our passage to demand those Tolls or Gabels which we had sought to avoid although we pass'd not through that City Iuly the fourteenth Most part of this day was spent in paying the said Gabel I paid for my part six Piasters and gave two more as a gratuity to the Soldiers besides which I was oblig'd to pay twenty to the chief Camelier whose money was all gone and in this manner I was constrain'd both to profit and pleasure him who never did me other than disprofit and displeasure But for all this they afterwards open'd the two greatest Trunks I had and tumbled all my Goods about treating me with all rigor and discourtesie Only I took it well and upon that account willingly pardon'd them all the rest that seeing the Chest wherein the body of Sitti Maani was and understanding what it was for I was glad to tell them lest they should have broken it open they not only gave me no trouble about it as I thought they would being a thing contrary to custom and their Laws but rather accounted it a picce of piety that I carri'd her with me to bury her in my own Country both pitying and commending me for it which hapning beyond all expectation I attributed to God's particular favour and to her own effectual prayers which undoubtedly helpt me therein This being over about three hours before night We set forth and travell'd till night Some of the above-mention'd Soldiers return'd to Anna but others who were carrying I know not what moneys to their Emir Mudleg accompani'd with us In the Evening the Leader or Chieftain of these Soldiers made me open my Trunks once again namely the two little ones which they had omitted in the day and putting all my Goods in disorder took away many things as a Mantle of Sitti Maani of deep azure silk according to the mode of Assyria a Ball of Amber an Alabaster Vessel curiously wrought and consign'd to me in India by Sig. Antonio Baracho to present in his name to Sig. Francesco del Drago at Rome many exquisite Porcellane Dishes miniated with Gold an Arabick Book though of little importance a great watchet Cloke or Mantle to keep off rain after the Persian mode much paper besides other such things At night we staid to rest but the Soldiers went onwards before their going I redeem'd from them the Mantle of Sitti Maani and Sig. Drago's Alabaster Vessel giving them in exchange two Abe's or Arabian Surcoats which I bought of one of our company for seven Piastres the Amber and other things I could not recover but they carri'd them away for they would neither restore them freely nor take money for them and our Cafila was so small that I could find nothing to give them instead thereof which pleas'd them It was no small good luck that I sav'd the Sword and Ponyard of Sitti Maani with many of her jewels bracelets other ornaments of Gold from their rapacious hands hiding them under a trunk for if they had seen them 't is ten to one but they would have taken them from me I relate these things that it may be known what Tyranny these Barbarians exercise in their own Countries towards us who in ours very often with ill-employ'd courtesie are wont to be undeservedly caress'd and honour'd when they come thither Iuly the fifteenth We travell'd from Day-break till Noon and three hours after till night when we took up our Station not far from the River amongst many shrubs which to me seem'd to be Juniper or else that plant which in Persia they call Ghiez The next two days we travell'd and rested at our usual hours and on the latter we rested near a Pit or Well of bitter and stinking water in a mineral Soil all full of Talk of which I brought away a pareel with me In like manner we proceeded the two next days and on the twenty
first we pass'd by a ruinous Castle call'd Hheir which I had formerly seen only by night when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad I took a better view of it now and found it to be a great Building all of good and large white Marble Stones the form of it is a long Square with walls round about here and there distinguish'd with small round Turrets within are many contrivances of Rooms all likewise of white stone but so ruinous that it cannot be known what they were From hence we travell'd about three hours further and at night arriv'd at Taiba a Town which I had formerly seen and lodg'd in a by-place amongst the walls of the Houses near the Gate Iuly the twenty second This day was spent in paying the usual Gabels which every day are enhaunc'd in these Countries and are now become insupportable Though I had nothing of Merchandise but only goods for my own use yet I could not come off under twenty Piastres between Gabels and Donatives to the Officers which they demanded as equally due Here I found an Arabian nam'd Berekiet who spoke a little Italian and pass'd for Factor or Procurator of the Franks saying he had authority so to be from the Consuls of Aleppo He presently offer'd himself to speak to the Officers in our behalf gave us an Entertainment and invited us to lodg in his House and if we had been so minded would have conducted us thither but his services tended only to get some money of us and by his speaking with the Officers to make us pay more then perhaps we should otherwise have done Iuly the twenty third Two hours after Sun-rise we departed from Taiba whence the said Officer sent an Arabian with us to conduct us first to Emir Mudleg who they said was at Hhamah between Aleppo and Damascus and afterwards to Aleppo they having done the same to the great Cafila of Bassora which had pass'd by Taiba a little before us This going to the Emir was a troublesom thing both in regard of the great diversion out of the way and the inconveniences we imagin'd the Emir himself would put us to after all the Tyrannies we had hitherto met with in the Desart We travell'd till past Noon and after a short rest till Sun-set having a continu'd ridg of little Hills always on the left hand Iuly the twenty fourth We travell'd again from day-light till past Noon and two hours more in the Evening taking up our Quarters an hour before Sun-set Iuly twenty fifth We set forth an hour before Sun-rise travelling till Noon when the Arabian assign'd to us by the Officers of Taiba to conduct us to the Emir being so perswaded as I believe by the Cameliers who alledg'd that the Camels were very weary as indeed they were and ovet-laden in regard that many of them dy'd by the way so that they could travel but gently resolv'd to go alone before us by a neerer way over the mountains and leave us to follow him leisurely as the Cameliers said they would I was glad of his going and intended to take a different course from what the Cameliers imagin'd but because it was not yet seasonable I held my peace After two hours rest we travell'd till an hour before night when we took up our Station neer certain Pits a little distant from the reliques of certain ancient Fabricks call'd Siria by me formerly seen and describ'd in my journey to Baghdad Iuly the twenty sixth Setting forth by day-light we came to rest after Noon near a water which springs up in a place full of small Canes whence we remov'd not this night partly that ourt ir'd and over-laden Camels might recover themselves a little and partly because the Cameliers were minded to eat a Camel there conveniently which falling lame of one leg they knockt on the head in the morning and indeed they had eaten all the others which fail'd by the way either through Disease or otherwise Of this which was not infirm I was willing to take a trial and lik'd the roasted flesh well enough only it was something hard Iuly the twenty seventh Setting forth early we wav'd the directest way to Aleppo which was by the Town of Achila and took another more Southwards and to the left hand which led to the place where the Emir resided intending to leave the Camelier at a certain Town upon the way from whence he was to go alone to the Emir to carry him a Present and excuse our going to him by alledging the death and weariness of our Camels Hereby we endeavour'd to avoid if possible the troubles and disgusts which we were likely to meet with from the Emir and his Arabians in case we should have gone to him our selves At Noon we came to the design'd Village call'd Haila they account it a Mezar that is a place to be visited and of devotion in regard of some perfons buried there whom the Mahometans hold for Saints yet it consisted only of four poor Cottages and those un-inhabited and abandoned as is credible by reason of the Tyrannies which the Arabians of the Desart especially the Soldiers exercis'd in these troublesom times upon the poor Peasants The Camelier because he could not leave us here by reason the Village was without people purposed to carry us to the Emir doubting lest if he did otherwise it might turn to his prejudice Whereupon considering what disgusts and perhaps dangers too I might meet with there both by reason of the women whom I carri'd with me and of whom the Mahometans use to be very greedy and also by reason of the body of Sitti Maani and upon other accounts I set my foot against the wall and resolutely told the Camelier that I would by no means go to Emir Mudleg with whom I had nothing to do now I had pay'd all his Gabels I would go directly to Aleppo whither if he would not carry me with his Camels I would go on foot with my people leaving all my Goods there on the ground to his care of which if any were lost he should be responsible to me for the same at Aleppo And indeed had the Camelier been obstinate I was resolv'd to do as I said having little heart to trust to the mischievousness of the Emir which was very infamous or to expose to so great danger not onely the few goods I had but also the body of Sitti Maani our lives and the Women's both Liberty and Souls which was a great consideration and little caring to present to the Emir the Letter which I had for him from the Basha of Bassora in my recommendation because I had found by experience what little good the two former did me which I had presented to Sceich Abdullah at Cuvebeda and to Sceich Abitaleb the Son of Nasir in the Desart The chief Camelier try'd a good while to prevail with me to go with him to the Emir but at length seeing me obstinate and some other Cameliers of his companions
of the same mind he resolv'd at last to leave the Camels with me to carry my Goods directly to Aleppo together with some few other companions of the journey and to go himself alone with all his loads to the Emir purposing also to tell him that we by force and against his will had freed our selves from going to him with which I was very well contented After he was gone his own way we took ours directly to Aleppo and after two hours travel took up our station in a bare champian place where night had over-taken us Iuly the eight and twentieth From Sun-rise we travell'd almost till noon but the Camels being few weary and over-laden made no great progress After three hours baiting we journey'd again till almost night and lodg'd by a water near the Tents of some Arabian Beguin shep herds who were there Iuly the nine and twentieth Setting forth early we saw some number of Horse cross the way before us at a good distance and finding the place a Plain inclos'd with Hills and consequently fit for Ambuscades and Treacheries we suspected that they were Thieves and that they went to wait at some Pass to assault us Wherefore we put our selves in order and march'd a good while on foot with our Arms ready to defend our selves by fight But at length these suspitions vanish'd and we met no body and peradventure they were people that were afraid of us and fled Such encounters we frequently had in the Desart and many times betook our selves to our Arms some times too in the night we were visited by Pilferers who attempted to steal something clandestinely but God be thanked no mischief ever befell us and the Thieves finding us upon our guard went away always frustrated and sometimes too either hurt or terrify'd by our Arms. On this occasion I will not omit now we are near the end of this journey that the Desart between Bassora and Aleppo is a great Plain with very few inequalities and some of the soil is dry some saltish and full of other Minerals little stony and less moorish with Reeds but the greatest part was green with grass at the time of my passing through it yet with grass most commonly thorney and good onely for Camels to eat The heat even in these Summer-months was alwayes supportable and provided a Man were shelter'd from the Sun the wind was continually so great and constant that it caus'd coolness though sometimes it molested us with the dust The nights were always sufficiently cool and to avoid catching cold it was requisite to be very well cover'd But to return to my purpose on the day above-said a good while before noon we stay'd to rest in a little Village of Arabians not subject to the Emir but Vassals of Aleppo call'd Ludehi lying in a fertile Valley irrigated with a running water From hence I dispatch'd my Servant Giovanni Rubehh with a Camelier to Aleppo which was about a League off and I writ Letters by him to the most Illustrious Sig Aluyse da Ca the Venetian Consul in that City and also to Doctor Luigi Ramiro his Physitian a Roman both by Birth and Education upon which account I hop'd that though I was unknown by sight he would nevertheless be favourable to me giving them account of my coming and desiring the Doctor to provide me a convenient residence for my self and the Women with me The Consul sent some of his servants to introduce us into the City without disturbance from the Turks or Custom-Officers which to me in regard of the Coffin wherein I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani was a great happiness for if it had been seen I might have found much trouble from the Turks as also by reason of the Books which I had in their Language some about matters of Religion which as it had hapned to some others at Aleppo 't is likely would have been taken from me After my Servant was gone we follow'd him till within a mile of Aleppo where we stay'd his return in a Meschita or Sepulchre upon the way of one Sceich Saadi venerated for a Saint and because either the Consul's Servants miss'd of me and took another way or else my Servant arriv'd there late therefore hearing of no Answer we remain'd in this place all night Iuly the thirtieth In the Morning I writ again to the Consul and to Sig Giovan Maria de Bona his chief Interpreter and my ancient Friend to whom I had not written the day before because I beliv'd him dead as was falsely reported at Bassora but understanding in the said Meschita by certain Women that he was alive and well I would not omit to write to him also I gave account both to the Consul and to him where I was and desir'd of both the same favours of being met and provided of a habitation as I had done the day before As soon as my Letters arriv'd at Aleppo the Consul sent several persons to fetch me who the Evening before had sought me a good while but in vain and went to look for me at the Town of Ludehi whence I sent the first advice There came from the Consul's House Sig Andrea Buonanimi his Factor some Janizaries and other servants with whom came also some Officers of the Daganier or Chief-Customer Abedik an Armenian Christian the Consul intending by their means to render my entrance more facile and less suspected All of them conducted us to the Consul's House where by all means he would have me lodg having invited me so to do by a most courteous Letter which he had written the day before and his Factor presented to me before my entrance with many good Reasons now urging the same whereunto I knew not in civility how to gain-say The Customers came to search my Goods and to see whether we had any jewels conceal'd which they did civilly enough As for the Chest wherein the Body of Sitti Maani was and the Books partly by the authority of the Consul and the good management of my Friend Sig Gio van Marra de Bona his Interpreter and partly by a Present to the Doganier Abedick of fifty Piasters and a vestment of Damask worth thirty Piasters more to the Searcher who onely open'd the outward Chest wherein the Coffin lay under many Indian medicinal Herbs and saw nothing else but them and above thirty Piasters to several other Officers it was brought about that the Turks knew not what it was and nothing was spoken of it The Consul at first intended to receive my Women into his House but afterwards being told that it was not convenient by reason of the churlishness of the Turks who were now become more exorbitant than ever he thought to lodg them in another decent place but Sig Giovan Maria de Bona was pleas'd to take them to his House where-with I was very well contented because they could not go to a better place whilst separated from me They were receiv'd there and treated by
Countries and they told me that no Tartars are call'd Uzbeghi but those of the Countries of Balch Buchara and Sarmacand who at this day are divided under two Princes Brethren one whereof hath his Seat at Balch and is call'd Nedhir Muhhammed Chan on whom depends an inferior Prince nam'd Bahadar which signifies Gallant or Stout and sirnam'd Ielan Tusc from his spoyling and killing his Enemies in war for in their Language Ielan signifies to Spoil and Tusc to Kill The other Brother nam'd Imanculi Chan hath under him Buchera Sarmacand Tosc-Kiend Endigian or Endigan with other Territories and both of them border upon those of the Persian Empire and reign in the Countries anciently call'd Sogdiana Bactriana and perhaps also Hircania but by the Moderns Giagata Maurenucher and Turkistan The same day after dinner I took leave of the Consul with all my other Friends and was by his Servants and many others of the Italian Nation accompany'd out of the City Before we mounted our Camels I was desirous to see in the Suburbs of Aleppo the Churches of the Oriental Christians which stand in a Street call'd Giudeida not from the Jews as some who skill not of Languages erroneously imagine but from the Arabick word Gedida which signifies New perhaps because this place of he Suburbs was built more lately then others Here a little out of the Street on the right hand I found four Churches all together led unto by one Gate onely from the Street but the place being spacious enough within conveniently divided and separated about the Court or Yard Two of them belong'd to the Armenians the greater a fair one indeed call'd Santi Quaranta or the forty Saints and the less Della Madonna or our Lady One of the other two call'd San Nicolo belong'd to the Greeks and the other which is the least of all to the Maronite Catholicks call'd Sant ' Elia. In another place a good distant from this I saw alone by it self another Church hansome and large for the Country built after our manner with three Naves or Ifles upon Pillars it belong'd to the Syrian Jacobites and was call'd Sitaa Assedi or Santa Maria. This Church hath adjoyning to it a good House with a little Garden and other conveniences according to the use of the Country wherein lives the Patriarch of the Jacobits calld Heda for whom I had brought from Bassora a Letter of F. Basilio di San Francesco a discalciated Carmelite wherein he invited him to a mutual friendship and correspondence from which he might draw some benefit to the service of God by reason of his skill in the Arabick and his residence here in behalf of the Christians of the Country This Letter I had gotten presented to the Patriarch and transmitted his answer to F. Basilio but had never visited him as the Father desir'd me in order to second his Letter and settle a friendship between them because he liv'd far from the Venetian Consul's House where I resided and all the while I remain'd in Aleppo I was lame of one foot by a hurt caus'd by walking in ill shoos that day when we were in danger of being assaulted by thievs so that I could not walk and was not wholly cur'd when I departed Nevertheless hapning to be so near his Church now I would not omit to visit him I found him a very compleat civil and courtly man according to the mode of the Country he had not the fame of being learned but yet was accounted wise and generous He told me he was glad of F. Basilio's Letter and residing at Bassora and building a Church there so peaceably and with so much favour of the Turks as he advertis'd him and that he would continue correspondence with him He also shew'd me two fair Books of the Gospels written in large Parchment-sheets with excellent Syrian Characters one of them as I remember written four hundred years ago the Letters whereof were all either of Gold or Silver and this Book they say was found by the Turks in Cyprus when they took the Island and carri'd to Constantinople from whence it was afterwards redeem'd with money and brought hither Indeed no Manuscript could be more goodly or rich with gold and miniature it had also a velvet Cover adorn'd with Silver gilt but made by themselves the ancient Cover which they said was set with jewels of great value being taken away by the Turks 'T is the custom of the Orientals to make great account of Books so fairly written and richly adorned as likewise S. Ierom reports they us'd to do in his time though himself being a Scholar was better contented as he saith with his schedules of a less fair Character but correct The other Gospel which the Patriarch shew'd me was more ancient namely four hundred and fifty years old but written with ordinary ink and few miniated Figures this he told me they bought lately at Cyprus for two hundred Piastres He added that the Church of Aleppo was not his Patriarchal See although under his jurisdiction but it was near the City of Mousul which is in the place of the ancient Niniveh After much more discourse he caus'd very good Sherbets of Sugar with snow to be given us to drink as the custom is and offer'd us a Collation of fruits which we receiv'd not because it was already late and time to be gone At last at my taking leave he pray'd me to do reverence to his Holiness in his name and so when he had given me many benedictions as their manner is I left him and departed Being come to the place where the Camels with the Women waited for me I took leave of all those friends that had accompani'd me thither and chose not the direct way to Alexandretta which the Caravans commonly use but one somewhat longer hard by Antioch out of a desire to see the remains of that ancient City which I had not yet seen After a short travel we rested till the Moon arose and then proceeded all the remainder of the night in bad and uneven ways August the twenty fourth We pass'd by some Villages and places cultivated with Olive-trees which I was joyful to see not having beheld any for many years About Noon we rested amongst certain ruins of Stone-buildings which had once been very magnificent and seem'd to be the remains of some noble City in ancient times Here the Archbishop Isciva-jahab's men the one nam'd Abdisciva and the other Hendi overtook me with his Letter I receiv'd them and carri'd them with me as I had promis'd The said place is call'd Hhalqa which signifies a Circle because 't is a great Plain almost surrounded with Hills Three hours after Noon we set forth again we pass'd by another Village belonging to the Territory of Hhalqa and at night took up our Quarters near a running Water under another Village call'd Harta At midnight the Moon rising we set forth again and travell'd all the remainder of the night
Village call'd Menego but all these Villages in former times well peopled are now almost wholly destroy'd and uninhabited September the ninth Being return'd to the Ship the next day I took the height of the Sun with my Astrolabe in the Port della Saline of Cyprus and found him decline Southward from the Zenith 29 degrees 29 minutes 50 seconds On which day he was in degrees of September the thirteenth I went ashore in the Morning to Larnaca again from whence upon the Consuls instance I was accompany'd by Sig Gio Francesco Parente two other Venetians a Greek nam'd Meser Manoli my servant Michel and a Janizary for our guard to a delicious place of Devotion call'd by the Greeks Agia Nappa that is Holy about eight leagues from Larnaca upon the Eastern Sea-coast near Capo della Greca where there is a Church built in a Grotto wherein a miraculous Image of our Lady was found Having rid all day almost continually by the Sea-side we lodg'd at the Village Ormidia and the next day early passing through the Village Xylofago and the Cape di San Georgio where many Ships especially Pyrats use to put in for water at a River which falls into the Sea on the East of the said Cape we arriv'd at the Village Agia Nappa We found it like all the rest that I saw in Cyprus almost wholly destroy'd partly by the ordinary tyrannies of the Turks partly by the Pestilence which a few years before had swept away most of the people The Church being built almost like a little square Castle perhaps for fear of the Pyrats is still standing and being under ground is descended into by many stairs A Papas or Greek Priest who officiates there hath charge of it together with certain Calogrie or Nunns who having renounc'd the world have addicted themselves to God's Service and are modestly cloth'd in black though they be not Recluses In the middle of a great Court or Yard stands a marble Fountain not ill built over which they have lately built a great Cupola upon four Pilasters with seats round about where we not onely entertain'd our selves all day but slept at night the murmur of the water rendring the place sufficiently pleasant The next Morning Mass was sung in the Church after the Greek Rite and I was present at it till the end of the Gospel On one side of the Church in a place apart is an Altar where our Latine Priests say Mass when any comes thither In summ the Church is an indifferent large Grotto the Image ancient and the Altar adorn'd after the Greek manner without any thing else remarkable Here we eat a great quantity of Becca-fichi or Fig-snappers a sort of Birds call'd by the Greeks Sicalidia which are so plentiful in Cyprus that abundance of them are sent sows'd in Vinegar to Venice and else-where but those at Agia Nappa sometimes are not good by reason of their having eaten Scammony which is not known to be found there-abouts but probably they feed upon it in some other place September the sixteenth We departed from Agia Nappa to return to Larnaca and passing through the Village Xylofago we alighted there to see the Church of San Giorgio wherein amongst other Saints I saw one painted whom they call Agios Mapeas that is San Mama much venerated by the Greeks who say He was a Martyr and bury'd in Cyprus but I know not according to what History they paint him between a Horse and a Lyon September 17th Returning a Ship-board by the way I visited a Church of the Greeks but heretofore of the Armenians call'd S. Lazaro some of the stones whereof I observ'd engraven with Armenian Letters 'T is a very ancient stone-structure of an extravagant form though us'd by the Greeks in sundry places namely consisting of 3 Nave's or Isles supported onely by 4 Pilasters with three Cupola's on a row in the middle Nave the place within amongst the Pillasters serving for men and that round about for women by themselves Behind the Altar they shew a Subterranean Sepulchre like a little Grotto and enter'd into by a square hole like that of a Tomb they say it was the Sepulchre of Lazarus rais'd by Christ and that he built the Church whilst he was Bishop here and at last dy'd here from whence his Body was afterwards transported first to Constantinople and then to Marseilles The truth whereof they affirm is prov'd by the Miracles done every day in the said Sepulchre as healing the sick and the like but this is repugnant to the History we have in the Breviary Martyrologie c. September the twentieth The Consul gave me a piece of Ladano-Vergine that is pure without any other mixture as it comes naturally whereof there is plenty in Cyprus and some intelligent persons of the Country whom I consulted purposely told me 't is generated of the Dew which falls from Heaven just as Manna is and that 't is gather'd off the leavs of a plant no higher then a span and half or two spans which matter they boyle and being viscid like wax form into rolls like little Candles which they wrap afterwards round together The said Ladanum is black hath a good quick Aromatical Smell and in our Countries mixt with other things makes a good Perfume and perhaps serves for Medicinal Uses as you know very well September the one and twentieth Sig Cicach gave me some of the stone Amiantus a sort of stone that may be spun of which the Ancients made the Cloth which they say was incombustible and the fire onely cleans'd it as water doth other Linnen in which Cloth they burnt dead bodies and so preserv'd the ashes thereof from being mingled with those of the wood At this day none knows how to make the Cloth or to spin the matter although a whitish matter like Cotton is clearly seen to issue out of the stone not uncapable of being spun The colour of the Stone when intire is greenish inclining to black but shining enough almost like Talk yet when 't is broken or spun the matter that issues out of it is white I remember I once saw some of this Stone and the Cloth woven thereof in the Study of Ferrante Imperato at Naples amongst other Curiosities September the twenty fourth The Consul invited us to dinner in the Venetian Ship Cacciadiavoli where we stay'd not onely to dine but also to sleep all-night being entertain'd with Musick and the good conversation of Sig Parente Flatro Rocco Andreani who were there The next day we return'd to our own Ship and the Evening following I went ashore again A new man was expected to come to govern the Island the old being already departed upon the arrival of an Officer of the new who as their custom is was come with the Title of Musselem to prepare the place for his Master But before this New Elect arriv'd at his Residence in Nicosia News came that by a fresh command of the Grand Signior at
me and my company the Knights of the Council vouchsafing me this favour yet upon condition that I should pass my Quarantine not in the Isoletto whither all others are sent but at the Port where we were in the house of Sig Don Francesco Ciantar neer his Church of S. Saviour which house the Inquisitor procur'd for me and the Council as a particular favour granted me for my better convenience They prefix'd no time of the Quarantine but reserv'd it at their own arbitrement however I resolv'd it should not be very long The Caravel S. Ann which brought me desir'd to undergo the Quarantine also that they might afterwards have Prattick and sell their commodities perhaps more advantagiously at Malta but it would not be granted but the next day the Vessel was dismiss'd away for France The reason whereof I suppose was either because the Isoletto where Ships pass the Quarantine was already full of other people or because the Island was scarce of provision and therefore they would not admit other new Passengers to consume it However we according to our licence landed all our goods at the abovesaid place and we were no sooner got ashore but My Lord the Inquisitor came in a Boat to visit me at the Sea-side We discours'd together above half an hour he in his Boat and I upon the bank He inquir'd of me several things concerning the affairs of the East and inform'd me of many of Europe and at last offering me his favour in all things particularly in getting the Quarantine shortned which he intimated would last forty days or more including those which had pass'd by the way from Cyprus hither departed and I repair'd to the house which the owner of it and the Captain of the Port Desiderio came to assign to me where all our Goods were spread abroad to be air'd in a large open room belonging to the said house which indeed I found very handsom and well provided with convenience of water and other things having a delicate prospect upon the Port the Sea the Country the Town the new City and in short being the best most convenient and delightful that we could have had for that purpose By the Council's order a man was assign'd to guard the House and a Boat both to guard us and to supply us with provisions both at our charge as the custom is Nor doth the Captain of the Port omit to visit us frequently and to discourse with us at a distance God be thanked we are all well and free from all contagious suspition so that I hope to surmount this difficulty happily which I acknowledg to proceed from the Divine Providence to which I heartily commend you LETTER XIV From Syracuse Decemb. 4. 1625. AFter two and twenty days confinement upon suspition behold me my dear Sig Mario now at liberty and in health ready to come to kiss your hands having no other impediment to detain me What things I have noted in the mean time and what befel me at Malta and how I am safely arriv'd at Syracuse I shall now give you an account in continuation of the Narrative of my Travels November the seventh Early in the Morning four Galleys belonging to the Religion of Malta arriv'd in the Port from Sicily the new ones which they were providing instead of two lost a few Months before not being yet finish'd They were colour'd all black in token of sadness for the death of their General who dy'd of a Disease a few days before at Naples November the eleventh The Commissioners of Health came to visit us and enter'd into the House to see our Goods whether we had us'd such diligence as was requisite in opening them to the Sun and Wind that they might give account thereof to the Council November the thirteenth My Lord the Inquisitor came to visit me and discours'd with me about an hour without the Gate for seeing we had no Licence of Prattick it was not lawfull for me to give him so much as a Chair out of my House He promis'd me to speak to the Grand Master the same day and to procure our expedition November the sixteenth In the Morning before day three of the said Gallies set sail from Malta towards Licata or Alicata in Sicily to fetch Corn whereof there was great penury The fourth Galley was so old that it could go no more to Sea and the new which were preparing at Malta Palermo and Naples instead of those that had been lost were not yet finish'd After dinner the Commissioners of Health return'd again to see my Goods bringing with them a Physitian to view and make relation of the Coffin wherein they understood I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani but because the ball of Cotton yarn wherein it was wrapt was not quite loosned for fear of spoyling though I had open'd and air'd it they not onely refus'd to give me Prattick but would not suffer the Physitian to touch or view the said Coffin and told me I must first loosen and air the Cotton yarn well and then they would return to us another day to resolve about Prattick After which they made many excuses to me for this strange treatment alledging that the subsistence of Malta depending upon other parts abroad they were forc'd to use the most rigorous courses in case of suspition of Infection to the end Sicily and the other Countries on which their subsistence depended might not deprive them of Prattick as they would easily do were it known that they proceeded otherwise and were too easie in admitting suspected things which came from the Levant Whereupon I knowing that they had reason for what they said caus'd the Cotton Ball to be wholly unwound as they desir'd though I did not so at first to avoid spoyling it and the hazard of not making it up again so well as before November the twentieth The Grand Spedaliere or Master of the Hospital and two other Great Crosses came accompany'd with many people to give us another visit and after many preambles with majestick words in praise of their Order and concerning the observance and respect justly due to it from all upon the account of Malta's being the Bulwark of the Territories of the Catholick King and of all Christendome he fell to blame me though civilly in the Name of the Grand Master that I had not at first declar'd my having my Wife's Body with me a very jealous thing as they said in times of suspition and ask'd me the reason of it I answer'd that whil'st I was yet a Ship-board I was ask'd onely in general What Goods I had And I truly answer'd that I had one Ball five Trunks and some other bundles of goods for my use and being not more particularly question'd I did not specifie what was within the Trunks and the Ball conceiving it not necessary and the rather because I being yet uncertain whether I should stay at Malta or depart in the same Ship I did not think fit
the Charles Admiral of that Company then a New-built goodly Ship of a Thousand Tuns in which I sayled the Unicorn a new Ship likewise and almost of as great a burden the Iames a great Ship too Three lesser viz. the Globe the Swan the Rose all under the Command of Captain Benjamin Ioseph fell down from Graves-end into Tilbury-Hope where we continued till the eighth day following when we weighed Anchor and by a Slow that we might have the safer paflage the twelfth came into the Downs where an adverse wind forced our abode till the ninth of March on which day it pleased God to send us what we had much desired a North-East wind which made us leave that weary Road and set sail for East-India and the eleventh about night we were in the height of the Lizard in Cornwall and that day for that time took our last sight of our Country This wind was favourable to us till the sixteenth day at night at which time a most fearful storm met us we being then in the Bay of Portugal whose violence continued five whole days and nights and that Tempest was the most lively and real Comment that ever I observed on that place recorded in Psalm 107. 23. The twenty eighth day We had sight of the Grand Canaries and of that Mountain in the Island of Teneriffa commonly called the Peak This over-grown rise of Earth is in shape like to a Pyramis or Sugar-loaf circled and wrapt about with many wreaths of clouds which encompass it by several distances as first earth then clouds above which the earth appears again then clouds again then earth the top of it being of such an immense height that it may be as truly said of this as Virgil. Eclog. 5. writes of Olympus Candidus insuetum miratur limen olympi Sub pedibusque videt nubes sidera So beautiful it Heavens unwonted spires And Clouds and Stars under its feet admires This Peak of Teneriffa in a clear day may be seen if the Mariners report truth more than forty leagues at Sea These Islands lie twenty eight Degrees of North-Latitude The one and thirtieth being Easter-day We passed under the Tropick of Cancer And the seventh of April the Sun was in its Zenith or Vertical at Noon-day directly over our heads which we found by this infallible Demonstration made by a slender knife or long Needle set upright which did cast no shadow The Sun in this course like the Equinoctial divides the Globe of the Heavens in two equal parts and in this Motion ariseth so directly or upright that there is but a very little time 'twixt the darkness and the appearance of the body of the Sun in the morning for 't is dark immediatly before the Sun then appears and so 't is in the Evening presently after the Sun hath left the Hemisphere Here we were becalmed fourteen days enduring extream heat April the sixteenth we met with winds we being then against and not far from the Coasts of Africa which the Mariners call the Turnadoes very strange Gusts indeed like those in Aeschylus on the shore Aesc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad finem Those self-opposing blasts we there had were so variable and uncertain that sometimes within the space of one hour all the thirty two several winds which are observed in so many points of the Compass will blow so that if there be many Ships in company you may observe them all to sail so many several ways and every one of them seem to go directly before the wind Now that it should be so here and not known so to be in any part of the world beside I ever heard of if not in those winds which they say are sometimes sold by the Lapland-Witches I can give no reason for it unless Satan who is most Tyrannical where he is most obeyed that Prince of the Air seems to rule more here than he doth in other parts And most certain it is that he rules very much in the Inhabitants on that Main the poor ignorant and most miserable Negroes born for sale slavery and slaughter These strange Gusts were accompanied with much Thunder and Lightning and with extream rain so noisom that it made their clothes who stir'd much in it presently to stink upon their backs the water likewise of those slimy unwholsom hot and unsavoury showrs wheresoever it stood would presently bring forth many little offensive Creatures These Turnadoes met with us when we were about twelve Degrees of North-Latitude and kept us company ere they quitted us two Degrees Southward of the Equinoctial under which we passed the twenty eighth of April The nineteenth of May being Whitsunday We passed the Tropick of Capricorn so that we were seven weeks compleat under the Torrid Zone Between the Tropicks we saw almost every day different kinds of fishes in greater abundance than else-where as the great Leviathan whom God hath made to take his pastime in the Sea Granpisces or lesser Whales Sharks Turtles or Tortoises Dolphins Bonitoes Albicores Porpisces Flying fishes with many others Some Whales we saw of an exceeding greatness who in calm weather often arise and shew themselves on the top of the water where they appear like unto great Rocks in their rise spouting up into the Air with noise a great quantity of water which falls down again about them like a showre The Whale may well challenge the Principality of the Sea yet I suppose that he hath many enemies in this his large Dominion for instance a little long Fish called a Thresher often encounters with him who by his agility vexeth him as much in the Sea as a little Bee in Summer doth a great Beast on the shore The Shark hath not this name for nothing for he will make a morsel of any thing he can catch master and devour These Sharks are most ravenous fishes for I have many times observed that when they have been swimming about our Ships as oftentimes they do and we have cast over-board an iron hook made strong for this purpose fastned to a rope strong like it baited with a piece of beef of five pounds weight this bait hath been presently taken by one of them and if by chance the weight of the fish thus taken in haling him up hath broken out the hook's hold not well fastned as sometimes it did so that he fell again into the Sea he would presently bite at another Bait and so bite till he was taken This Sea-shark is a Fish as bad in eating as he is in quality a very moist watery fish yet eaten at Sea because any fresh thing will there down but no good food This Fish turns himself on his back to take his prey by which he gives warning to many other little fishes who ever swim about him to avoid his swollow Those Fishes that thus keep him company are called by the Mariners Pilot-fishes who always shape their course the same way the Shark takes and by consequence nature
having made them so wary he becomes their guard not his food And there are other fishes too they call Sucking-fish that stick as close to the body of the Shark as a Tike on the shore doth to the body of a Beast and so receive their nourishment from him and he must be contented for while he is swimming up and down he cannot possibly free himself of them Many of these Sharks grow to a very large greatness they have a broad round head in which are three rows of teeth very strong and sharp by which they are able to take off the leg of a man at one bite as some have found by woful experience while they have been carelesly swimming in these hot Seas where these Sharks most use and certainly were they as nimble as they are mischievous would do very much hurt The Turtle or Tortoise is one of those creatures we call Amphibia that lives sometimes in the Sea and sometimes on the Shore he is marvellously fortified by Nature dwelling as it were continually under a strong roof which moves with him and covers when he will his whole body therefore Testudo which signifies a Tortoise signifies also the roof or vault of an house which covers all within it Those concave backs like bucklers but of an Oval shape that cover these creatures are many of them so exceeding strong that they will bear off the weight of a Cart-wheel These Tortoises increase by eggs as I have been often told are very good to eat the substance within them whether you will call it flesh or fish first boyled and after minced with butter tastes like buttered Veal Their shell makes as is very commonly known excellent good Combs Cups or Boxes and further it is used by them in East-India to make or adorn little or great Cabinets The Dolphin is a fish called for his swiftness The Arrow of the Sea differing in this one particular from all other fishes I ever observed in that he hath many little teeth upon the top of his tongue He is very pleasing to the eye smell and taste of a changeable colour finn'd like a Roach covered with many small scales having a fresh delightsom scent above other fishes and in taste as good as any these Dolphins are wont often to follow our ships not so much I think for the love they bear unto man as some write as to feed themselves with what they find cast over-board whence it comes to pass that many times they feed us for when they swim close to our ships we often strike them with a broad instrument full of barbs called an Harping-iron fastned to a rope by which we hale them in This Dolphin may be a fit Emblem of an ill race of people who under sweet countenances carry sharp tongues Bonitoes and Albicores are in colour shape and taste much like unto Mackrels and as good fish as they but they grow to be very exceeding large The Porpisces or Hogfish are like the former very large and great but better to look upon than to taste they usually appear at Sea in very great sholes or companies and are as if they came of the race of the Gadaren Swine that ran violently into the Sea very swift in their motion and like a company marching in rank and file They leap or mount very nimbly over the waves and so down and up again making a melancholy noise when they are above the water These are usually when they thus appear certain presagers of very foul weather The Flyingfishes have skinny wings like unto Bats but larger they are stiffned and strengthned with many little bones such as are in the back-fins of Pearches by which they fly but a little way at a time they have small bodies like unto Pilchers and appear when they fly in marvellous great companies and some of them often fly into our ships by which we have tasted that they are excellent good fish Of all other these flying Fishes live the most miserable lives for being in the water the Dolphins Bonitoes Albicores and Porpisces chase persecute and take them and when they would escape by their flight are oftentimes caught by ravenous Fowls somewhat like our Kites which hover over the water These flying Fishes are like men professing two Trades and thrive at neither The twelfth of Iune early in the morning We espied our long wished for Harbour the Bay of Souldania about twelve leagues short of the Cape of good Hope where we came happily to an Anchor that fore-noon In which Bay we found a Dutch-ship bound for Bantam which had taken in her course and brought thither a small Portugal bound to Angola a Colony belonging to the Portugals lying in the skirts of Africa about ten degrees South of the Line in which small Ship amongst many rich Commodities as we heard to the value of five or six thousand pounds sterling there were ten Portugal Virgins as they call'd themselves sent to that Colony I suppose for Husbands The young women were well-favoured and well clad in silks but such were the courtesies of these Dutch men towards them as that they took not only away all the goods Artillery and good provisions of their Ship but they rob'd these poor captive Maidens of all their apparel which they most sadly complained of to one poor suit and I suppose of their honour too if they brought it with them then giving them water for their wine and a very scant proportion of all other provisions turn'd them with their unarm'd leakie and ill-man'd ship to the mercy of the Seas the twentieth day following This Bay of Souldania lyeth in 34 degrees and half of South Latitude in a sweet Climate full of fragrant Herbs which the soyl produceth of its self pleasing to the sense where our ships companies when they have often-times there arrived with very weak and feeble bodies usually by that Sea-disease the Scurvy in which disease I shall observe by the way if any that have it be not too much over-gone with it assoon as he comes to enjoy the fresh ayr on any shore with fresh water and fresh food he will presently recover but if this disease have over-much prevailed on him immediately after he sets his foot on shore he usually dyes I say our people when they have come hither with very crazie bodies have often found here much good refreshing for besides a most delectable brook of pure good water arising hard by out of a mighty Hill call'd for its form The Table close by which there is another Hill which ariseth exceeding high like a Pyramis and called by Passengers the Sugar-loaf there are good store of Cattell as little Beeves called by the barbarous Inhabitants Boos and Sheep which they call Baas who bear a short coarse hairy wool and I conceive are never shorn These Boos and Baas as they call them were formerly bought in great plenty for small quantities of Kettle-brass and Iron-Hoops taken off our Empty Casks which
calk the Ship and that spongy Rind that looks like our Hemp when it is a little bruised will make Cordage and Sails and the very large Nuts that grow upon it of which are made many excellent drinking Cups when it is newly gathered hath a milky white substance that is tender tasting like an Almond round about of a good substance within it and within that a very pleasant Liquor that is wholsom as well as savoury which may for a need serve those which sail in this Ship for meat and drink Now well stored with these Nuts and other good Provisions after six days abode there the breaches our Ship had lately received in fight being repaired and our men well-refreshed we put again to Sea the sixteenth day and a prosperous gale following us were carried happily a second time under the Aequinoctial without the least heat to offend us the twenty day fourth of the same Month. Our Course was for the Iland of Zocotora near the mouth of the Red Sea from whence comes our Aloes Zocotrina but an adverse gale from the Arabian shore kept us so off that we could by no means recover it We passed by it the first of September Missing that Fort we proceeded on our Voyage and the fourth of September made a solemn Funeral in memory of our late slain Commander when after Sermon the small Shot and great Ordnance made a large Peal to his Remembrance On the sixth of September at night to our admiration and fear the Water of the Sea seemed to us as white as milk which did not appear only so in the body of the Sea but it looked so likewise in Buckets of water which we did then draw out of the Sea Others of our Nation passing on that Course have observed the like but I am yet to learn what should be the true reason thereof it being there very far from any shore and the Sea so deep as that we could fetch no ground The twenty first We discovered the main Continent of Asia the Great in which East-India takes up a large part The twenty second we had sight of Deu and Damon places that lye in the skirts of India principally inhabited and well-fortified by Portugals and the twenty fifth of September we came happily to an Anchor in Swally-Road within the Bay of Cambaia the Harbour for our Fleet while they make their stay in these remote Parts Then after a long and troublesom and dangerous passage we came at last to our desired Port. And immediately after my arrival there I was sent for by Sir Thomas Row Lord Embassadour then residing at the Mogol's Court which was very many miles up in the Countrey to supply the room of Mr Iohn Hall his Chaplain Fellow of Corpus Christi Colledg in Oxford whom he had not long before buried And I lived with that most Noble Gentleman at that Court more than two years after which I returned home to England with him During which space of my abode there I had very good advantage to take notice of very many places and persons and things travelling with the Embassadour much in Progress with that King up and down his very large Territories And now Reader I would have thee to suppose me setting my foot upon the East-Indian shore at Swally before-named On the banks whereof amongst many more English that lie there interred is laid up the body of Mr Thomas Coryat a man in his time Notus nimis omnibus very sufficiently known He lived there and there died while I was in those parts and was for some Months then with my Lord Embassadour during which time he was either my Chamber-fellow or Tent-mate which gave me a full acquaintance of him That Greek-travelling-Thomas they which know his story know why I call him so formerly wrote a Book entituled Coryats Crudities Printed in the beginning of the year 1611. and then ushered into the World by very many Copies of excellent Verses made by the Wits of those Times which did very much advantage and improve if not enforce the sale thereof doing themselves much more honour than him whom they undertook to commend in their several Encomiasticks And if he had lived he would have written his last Travels to and in and out of East-India for he resolved if God had spared him life to have rambled up and down the world world as sometimes Ulysses did and though not so long as he yet ten full years at least before his return home in which time he purposed to see Tartaria in the vast parts thereof with as much as he could of China and those other large Places and Provinces interposed betwixt East-India and China whose true Names we might have had from him but yet have not He had a purpose after this to have visited the Court of Prester Iohn in Aethiopia who is there called by his own people Ho Biot The King and after this it was in his thoughts to have cast his eyes upon many other places which if he had done and lived to write those Relations seeing as he did or should such variety of Countries Cities Nations Things and been as particular in them as he was in his Venetial Iournal they must needs have swoln into so many huge Volums as would have prevented the perishing of Paper But undoubtedly if he had been continued in life to have written them there might have been made very good Use of his Observations for as he was a very Particular so was he without question a very Faithful Relator of things he saw he ever disclaiming that bold liberty which divers Travellers have and do take by speaking and writing any thing they please of remote parts when they cannot easily be contradicted taking a Pride in their feigned Relations to over-speak things being resolved in this case Not only things to do but or'-do Speaking writing all and more too I therefore for my part believing this Relator to be none of those have taken some things from his trust and credit in this my following Discourse And because he could not live to give an account unto the world of his own Travels I shall here by the way make some litle discovery of his footsteps and flittings up and down to and fro with something besides of him in his long peregrinations to satisfie very many yet living who if they shall please to read this Discourse may recall that man once more into their remembrance who while he lived was like a perpetual motion and therefore now dead should not be quite forgotten In the year 1612. he shipt himself from London for Constantinople now called by the Turks Stombole where he took special notice of all things there most observable In which place he found very great respect and encouragement from Sir Paul Pinder then and there Embassadour to whose House he had free and welcom access whensoever he pleased Being there for some time he took his opportunities to view divers parts in Grecia and in
the Hellespont took special notice of those two Castles directly opposed to each other called Sestos and Abydos which stand on the several banks that bound that very narrow Sea which Places Musaeus makes famous in his very antient Poem of Hero and Leander He desired much to see where those seven Churches sometimes famous in Asia the Less stood but since their sin so darkned their light and God removed their Candlesticks from them as before he threatned those Places lie so in the dark that it cannot be well discovered where they once were Only Smyrna is famous at this present day for Trade but not Religion and Ephesus and some others of them keep their names still though they left and lost their Faith and profession of Truth with the rest He saw what yet remains of the Ruins of sometimes great Troy but Iam Seges est ubi Troja fuit That place which was once so populous as if it had been sow'n with People And seeded thus had after born Millions of men now 's sow'n with Corn. And O jam periere Ruinae the very Ruins of that place are almost all gone to Ruine The most observable thing there yet remaining is part of an exceeding great House which is continued by Tradition to have been sometimes a part of the famous Palace of great King Priamus From Smyrna he found a Passage to Alexandria in Aegypt Aegypt that is called by some in regard of the Plenty it produceth the Granary or Store-house of the World And in Egypt near Gran-Cairo antiently called Memphis he observed what remains of the once fam'd Pyramids Returning thence back to Alexandria with one Englishman more they found a pass by Sea to Iatta antiently called Ioppa and there they met some others going to Ierusalem which is about twenty English miles distant from Ioppa whence they departed together towards Ierusalem and found it a very solitary rocky uncomfortable way full of danger by reason of the wild Arabes who keep about those Passages to make poor Travellers their prey and spoyl But they came safe to Ierusalem now inhabited by Turks and that place called by them Cutts where he told me that himself and his Companion were courteously received by the Father Guardian of the Convent of Franciscan Friars that keep their residence in Ierusalem and by some of them were met at the Gate of the City where they were compelled by the Turkish Souldiers who keep those Gates as all others that bear the name of Christians are at their first coming thither to redeem their heads by paying each of them the value of five shillings before they could have admittance into that place which they had no sooner entred but they were presently carried by those Franciscans which met them to their Convent and then the first thing they did to or for them they washed their feet then set some comfortable refection before them and after went in Procession about a little Cloyster they had praising God that he had brought in safety those two Votaries as they called them to visit that Holy Place A day or two after they accompanied them to Bethlehem the place of our Blessed Saviour's Birth about five English miles distant from Ierusalem and in the way betwixt those two places shewed them a Rock on which as they said the Blessed Virgin sate down as she went on a time betwixt Ierusalem and Bethlehem to give her Babe suck and that the Rock might not feel hard under her it yielded as they told them to her body like a Cushion and that impression made by her so sitting remaineth unto this day and is most devoutly kissed by Votaries as they pass up and down After this they returning back shewed them all that was to be seen in and about Ierusalem Many particulars they told them stories which are there kept by Tradition concerning our Blessed Saviour and his Mother Then they had a sight of as much of Mount Calvary where our Blessed Saviour suffered as could be shewed them that Hill being now 〈…〉 clos'd within the walls of Ierusalem They undertook to shew them afterwards the place wherein our blessed Saviour was buried and after that upon Mount Olivet the very place whence he after Ascended where upon a Rock there was an impression of the former part of two feet such as is seen in soft earth when a man lifts up his body to leap thence and these Franciscans confidently affirmed and seemed undoubtedly to believe that it was so as they shewed and told ' them Many other things they affirmed which being but Circumstantials though appertaining to the best of all Stories were enough for these Pilgrims to believe and enough to make doubt of At Ierusalem this our Traveller had made upon the Wrists of his left Arm the Arms of Ierusalem a Cross Crossed or Crosslets and on the Wrist of his right a single Cross made like that of our Blessed Saviour suffered on and on the sides the Stem or Tree of that Cross these words written Via Veritas Vita some of the Letters being put on the one side of that Stem or Tree and some of them on the other and at the foot of that Cross three Nails to signifie those which fasted our Saviour unto it All these impressions were made by sharp Needles bound together that pierced onely the skin and then a black Powder put into the Places so pierced which became presently indelible Characters to continue with him so long as his flesh should be covered with skin And they were done upon his Arms so artificially as if they had been drawn by some accurate Pencil upon Parchment This poor man would pride himself very much in the beholding of those Characters and seeing them would often speak those words of Saint Paul written to the Galatians Gal. 6. 17. though far besides the Apostles meaning I bear in my Body the marks of the Lord Iesus Now after that himself and Camrade had seen what they desired in and about Ierusalem they took their leave of those Franciscans leaving with them money to recompence the courtesie they had received from them the Fryers being very poor and consequently unable to entertain them freely without requitals From hence they took their way to take a view of the Dead Sea so called either because the water therein is still and moves not or because no living Creature is in it and nothing thrives on the banks thereof the place where Sodom and Gomorrah and Admah and Zeboim once stood those Cities which Almighty God overthrew in anger and repented not Jer. 20. 16. Hence they went to have a sight of the River Iordan which dischargeth it self into that most uncomfortable lake and from hence they journeyed North-East through those ten tribes which for the sin of Solomon were rent from his Son Rehoboam till they came to Mount Libanus Thence back to Sidon which retaineth that Name still And here he told me as his last observation made in that
Monarchy under the subjection of the Great Mogol divides it self into thirty and seven several and large Provinces which anciently were particular Kingdoms whose true Names which we there had out of the Mogol's own Records with their Principal Cities and Rivers their Situation and Borders their Extent in length and breath I shall first set down very briefly beginning at the North-West Yet as I name these several Provinces I shall by the way take notice of some particulars in them which are most Remarkable 1. Candahore the chief City so called it lyes from the heart of the Mogol's Territories North-West it confines with the King of Persia and was anciently a Province belonging to him 2. Cabut the chief City so called the extreamest part North of this Emperours Dominions it confineth with Tartaria the River Nilob hath its beginning in it whose Current is Southerly till it dischargeth it self into Indus 3. Multan the chief City so called it lyeth South from Cabut and Candahore and to the West joynes with Persia. This Province is fam'd for many excellent Bows and Arrows made in it The Bows made of Horn excellently glued and put together the Arrows of small Canes or Reeds both of them curiously set off by rich Paint and Varnish They which are made here are near and good than in any part of East-India besides 4. Haiacan the Province of the Balocbes who are a very stout and war-like people that dare fight I insert this because there are infinite multitudes of people in the Mogol's Territories who appear as likely as these but so low-spirited as I shall after observe that they dare not fight This Province hath no renowned City The famous River Indus call'd by the Inhabitants Skind borders it on the East and Lar a Province belonging to the King of Persia meets it on the West 5. Buckor the chief City called Buckor-Succor that famous River Indus makes its way through it and gently enricheth it 6. Tarta the chief City so called the River Indus makes many Islands in it exceeding fruitful and pleasant the Main Current whereof meets with the Sea at Sindee a place very famous for many curious Handicrafts 7. Soret the chief City is called Ianagar it is but a little Province yet very rich it lyes upon Guzarat it hath the Ocean to the South 8. Iesselmure the chief City so called it joyneth with Soret but Buckor and Tatta lye to the West thereof 9. Attack the chief City so called it lyeth on the East side of Indus which parts it from Haiacan 10. Peniab which signifieth five Waters for that it is seated amongst five Rivers all Tributaries to Indus which somewhat South of Lahore make but one Current It is a large Province and most fruitful Lahore is the chief City thereof built very large and abounds both in people and riches one of the most principal Cities for Trade in all India 11. Chishmeere the chief City called Siranakar the River Bhat finds a way through it though it be very mountainous and so creeps to the Sea 12. Banchish the chief City is called Bishur it lyeth East somewhat Southerly from Chishmeere from which it is divided by the River Indus 13. Iangapore the chief City so called it lyeth upon the River Kaul one of those five Rivers which water Peniab 14. Ienba the chief City so called it lyeth East of Peniab 15. Dellee which signifies an Heart and is seated in the heart of the Mogol's Territories the chief City so called it lyeth between Ienba and Agra the River Iemni which runneth through Agra and after falleth into Ganges begins in it This Dellee is both an ancient and a great City the Seat of the Mogol's Ancestors where most of them lyeinterred It was once the City and Seat of King Porus who was conquered about this place by Alexander the Great and here he encountring with huge Elephants as well as with a mighty Ho ast of Men said as Curtius reports Tandem par animo meo inveni periculum That he had met with dangers to equal his great mind I was told by Tom Coryat who took special notice of this place that he being in the City of Delle observed a very great Pillar of Marble with a Greek inscription upon it which time hath almost quite worn out erected as he supposed there and then by Great Alexander to preserve the memory of that famous Victory 16. Bando the chief City so called it confineth Agra to the West 17. Malway a very fruitful Province Rantipore is its chief City 18. Chitor an ancient great Kingdom the chief City so called which standeth upon a mighty high Hill flat on the top walled about at the least ten English miles There appear to this day above an hundred ruined Churches and divers fair Palaces which are lodged in like manner among their Ruines besides many exquisite Pillars of Carved Stone and the Ruines likewise at the least of an hundred thousand Stone-Houses as many English by their observation have ghessed There is but one ascent unto it cut out of a firm Rock to which a man must pass through four sometimes very magnificent Gates It s chief inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim Birds and Wild Beasts but the stately Ruines thereof give a shadow of its Beauty while it flourished in its Pride It was won from Ranas an ancient Indian Prince who was forc'd to live himself ever after in high mountainous places adjoyning to that Province and his Posterity to live there ever since Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha the Father of that King who lived and reigned when I was in those parts after a very long siege which famished the besieged without which it could never have been gotten 19. Guzarat a very goodly and large and an exceeding rich Province it encloseth the Bay of Cambaya its chief City is Amadavaz besides it hath in it Cambaya Brodera Baroch and Surat fair Cities but the first of those I named more spacious and populous and rich then any of the other It is watered with many goodly Rivers as that of Cambaya falsly supposed to be Indus with the River Narbodah passing by Baroch and so to the Sea with the River Taplee which watereth Surat The Merchants which are the Natives of this Province trade to the Red Sea to Achin and to divers other places 20. Chandis the chief City called Brampore which is very great and rich and full of people Adjoyning to this Province lived a petty Prince called Partapsha tributary to the Mogol and this is the most Southernmost part of all his Territories 21. Berar the chief City is called Shapore the Southernmost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire 22. Narvar the chief City is called Gehad it is watered by a fair River that much enricheth it and dischargeth it self into Ganges 23. Gwalier the chief City so called where the Mogol hath a very rich Treasury of Gold and Silver kept in this City within an
called by the Inhabitants Indostan so much abounds in all necessaries for the use and service of man to feed and cloath and enrich him as that it is able to subsist and flourish of it self without the least help from any Neighbour-Prince or Nation Here I shall speak first of that which Nature requires most Food which this Empire brings forth in abundance as singular good Wheat Rice Barley with divers more kinds of good Grain to make Bread the staff of life and all these sorts of Corn in their kinds very good and exceeding cheap For their Wheat it is more full and more white than ours of which the Inhabitants make such pure well-relished Bread that I may say of it as one sometimes spake of the Bread made in the Bishoprick of Liege it is Panis Pane melior Bread better than Bread The ordinary sort of people eat Bread made of a coarser Grain but both toothsom and wholsom and hearty they make it up in broad Cakes thick like our Oaten-cakes and then bake it upon small round iron hearths which they carry with them when they journey from place to place making use of them in their Tents It should seem to be an ancient Custom in the East as may appear by that Precedent of Sarah when she entertained the Angels who found her in her Tent She took fine meal and did kâ—â—ad it and made Cakes thereof upon the hearth Gen. 18. 6. To their Bread they have great abundance of all other good Provision as of Butter beating their Cream into a substance like unto a thick Oyl for in that hot Climate they can never make it hard which though soft yet it is very sweet and good They have Cheese likewise in plenty by reason of their great number of Kine and Sheep and Goats Besides they have a Beast very large having a smooth thick skin without hair called a Buffelo which gives good milk the flesh of them is like Beef but neither so toothsom nor wholsom These Buffeloes are much employed in carrying large skims of water for they are very strong Beasts which hang on both sides of them unto Families that want it their Hides make the most firm and excellent Buff. They have no want of Venison of divers kinds as Red-Deer Fallow-Deer Elks which are very large and strong and fiercâ— Creatures Antilops Kids c. but their Deer are no where imparked the whole Empire being as it were a Forrest for them for a man can travel no way but he shall here and there see of them But because they are every man's Game that will make them so they do not multiply to do them much hurt either in their Corn or other places To these they have great store of Hares and they have plenty of Fowls wild and tame as abundance of Hens Geese Ducks Pigeons Turtle-Doves Partridges Peacocks Quails and many other singular good Fowl They have variety of Fish all which by reason of their Plenty and because many of the Natives eat no kind of Flesh at all nor of any thing that hath or may have life and those that feed on such things eat not freely of any of those living Creatures they are all bought there at such easie rates as if they were not worth the valuing They do not cut their Chickens when they be little to make Capons and therefore they have no Creatures of that name but men their Eunuchs called there Cogees or Capons in their Language so made when they be very young and then deprived of all that might after provoke jealousie and therefore they are put to be attendants on their women the great men of that Nation keeping many of them a soft tender people tener Spado as Invenal cals one of them that never come to have any Hair on their Faces But to return again to their Provisions the Beeves of that Countrey differ from ours in that they are none of them very large and those they have have each of them a great bunch of grisly flesh which grows upon the meeting of their shoulders The flesh of their Beeves is much whiter than the flesh of ours and very sweet tender and good Their Sheep differ from ours by their great fleshy Bob-tails which severed from their bodies are very ponderous Their Wool is generally coarse but their flesh is not so Now to season all their good Provisions there is great store of Salt and to sweeten all abundance of Sugar growing in that Countrey which after it is well refined may be there had at a very low rate out of which they make very pure white Sugar-Candy which may be had there at a small easie Price likewise Their Fruits are every way answerable to the rest the Countrey abounding in Musk-Melons very much better because they are better digested there by the heat of the Sun than these with us They have many Water-Melons a very choice good Fruit and some of them as big as our ordinary Pompions and in shape like them the substance within this Fruit is spongy but exceeding tender and well-tasted of a colour within equally mixed with red and white and within that an excellent cooling and pleasing liquor Here are likewise store of Pome-granats Pome-citrons here are Limons and Oranges but I never found any there so good as I have seen elswhere Here are Dates Figs Grapes Prunelloes Almonds Coquer-nuts of which I observed something before and here they have those most excellent Plums called Mirabolans the stone of which Fruit differs very much from others in its shape whereon Nature hath curiously quartered several strakes equally divided very pretty to behold many of which choice Plums they write are very cordial and therefore worth the prizing are there well-preserved and sent for England They have to these another Fruit we English there call a Planten of which many of them grow in Clusters together long they are in shape made like unto slender Cucumbers and very yellow when they are Ripe and then taste like unto a Norwich Pear but much better Another most excellent Fruit they have called a Manggo growing upon Trees as big as our Walnut-trees and as these here so those Trees there will be very full of that most excellent Fruit in shape and colour like unto our Apricocks but much bigger which taken and rolled in a man's hands when they are through ripe the substance within them becomes like the pap of a roasted Apple which then suck'd out from about a large stone they have within them is delicately pleasing unto every Palat that tasts it And to conclude with the best of all other their choice Fruits the Amana's like unto our Pine-Apples which seems to the Taster to be a most pleasing Compound made of Straw-berries Claret-wine Rose-water and Sugar well tempered together In the Northermost parts of this Empire they have variety of Pears and Apples every where good Roots as Carrets Potatoes and others like them They have Onions and Garlick and some Herbs
to make it so rich and strong The Countrey is beautified with many Woods and Groves of Trees in which those winged Choristers make sweet Musick In those Woods some excellent Hawks make their nests and there are very often to be seen great flocks of Parakeetoes or little Parrats who have their breeding and lodging amongst those Melancholy Shades And in the number of many other Creatures covered with Feathers there are some very little Birds less than our Wrens who are exceeding pretty for their neat shape and their covering with most curious parti-colour'd Feathers full of variety of little spots I have seen there many of those rare Creatures kept together in large Cages who please the Eye with their curious Colours and the Ear with their variety of pleasant Notes The Woods and Groves in the Southermost parts of Indostan have great store of wild Apes and Monkeys and Baboons in them some of which I have seen as high as our tallest Greyhounds which live among the Trees and climb them at pleasure Those Apes c. are very terrible to those little Birds which make their Nests in those Woods and therefore Nature hath taught them this subtilty to preserve their young ones from those Creatures which would otherwise destroy them to build their Nests in the twigs and the utmost boughs of those Trees where some of them hang like little Purse-nets to which those Apes and Monkeys be they never so little and light cannot come to hurt them Besides their Woods they have great variety of fair goodly Trees that stand here and there single but I never saw any there of those kinds of Trees which England affords They have very many firm and strong Timber-trees for building and other uses but much of their brush or small wood I observed to be very sappy so that when we brake a twig of it there would come a substance out of some of it like unto Milk and the sappiness of that underwood may as I apprehend it be ascribed in part to the fatness of that Soil Some of their Trees have leavs upon them as broad as Bucklers others are parted small like our Fern or Brakes as the Tamerine Tree which bears Cods somewhat like our Beans in which when the Fruit is ripe there is a very well tasted pulp though it be sowr most wholsom to open the body and to cool and cleanse the blood There is one very great and fair Tree growing in that Soil of special observation out of whose Branches or great Arms grow little Sprigs downward till they take Root as they will certainly do if they be let alone and taking Root at length prove strong supporters unto those large Branches that yield them Whence it comes to pass that those Trees in time their strong and far-extended Arms being in many places thus supported grow to a very great height and extend themselves to such an incredible breadth they growing round every way as that hundreds of men may shade themselves under one of them at any time the rather because these as all other Trees in those Southern parts of East-India as particularly I observed before still keep on their green Coats For their Flowers they are for the generality like unto painted Weeds which though their colour be excellent they rather delight the eye than affect the smell for not many of them except Roses and some few kinds more are any whit fragrant Amongst them that are there is one white Flower like to Spanish Jessamin if it be not the same which is exceedingly well sented of which they make a most excellent pure sweet Oil with which they anoint their heads and other parts of their bodies which makes the company of those that do so very savoury and sweet This Empire is watered with many goodly Rivers as they are expressed in the Map the two principal are Indus and Ganges where this thing is very observable for they say there that it is very true that one pint of the water of Ganges weigheth less by one ounce than any other water in that whole great Monarchy And therefore they say that the Mogol wheresoever he is hath water brought him from that River that he may drink thereof by some appointed for that service who are continually either going to it or coming from it The water is brought unto the King in fine Copper Jars excellently well tin'd on the inside and sealed up when they are delivered to the Water-bearers for the King's use two of which Jars every one carries hanging upon Slings fitted for the Porter's shoulders Besides their Rivers they have store of Wells fed with Springs and to these they have many Ponds which they call Tanques some of them exceeding large fill'd with water when that abundance of Rain falls of which more hereafter That most ancient and innocent Drink of the World Water is the common drink of East-India it is far more pleasant and sweet than our water and must needs be so because in all hot Countries it is more rarified better digested and freed from its rawness by the heat of the Sun and therefore in those parts it is more desired of all that come thither though they never made it their drink before than any other liquor and agreeth better with mens bodies Sometimes they boyl the water there with some wholsom Seeds and after drink it cold and then it is by much more cold after an heat Like unto some men who have shewed formerly much zeal and heat for good and afterward become more chil and cold than ever they were before Sometimes we mingle our water there with the juice of Limons and Sugar which makes an exceeding pleasant drink which we call there Sherbet Some small quantity of Wine but not common is made amongst them they call it Raak distilled from Sugar and a spicy rinde of a Tree called Iagra it is very wholsom if taken very moderately Many of the people there who are strict in their Religion drink no Wine at all but they use a Liquor more wholsom than pleasant they call Coffee made by a black Seed boyld in water which turnes it almost into the same colour but doth very little alter the taste of the water notwithstanding it is very good to help Digestion to quicken the Spirits and to cleanse the Blood There is yet another help for those that forbear Wine by an Herb they have called Beetle or Paune in shape somewhat like an Ivy-leaf but more tender they chew it with an hard Nut somewhat like a Nutmeg but not in taste like that and a very little pure white lime amongst the leaves and when they have sucked down the juice put forth the rest It hath as they say and I believe very much of it many rare qualities for it preserves the Teeth strengthens the Stomack comforts the Brain and it cures or prevents a tainted Breath This I am sure of that such is the pleasing smell of this Beetle being chewing
a thing not to be wondered at if we consider the great Temperance of that people in general in their eating and drinking But to proceed The Hindooes or Heathens there begin their year the first day of March The Mahometans begin theirs the tenth at the very instant as the Astrologers there ghess that the Sun enters into Aries their year as ours is divided into twelve Moneths or rather into thirteen Moons for according to them they make many payments They distinguish their time in a much different manner from us dividing the day into four and the night into as many parts which they call Pores which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts which they call Grees measured according to the ancient custom by water dropping out of one vessel into another by which there alwayes stands a Man appointed for that service to turn tâ—at vessel up again when it is all dropped out and then to strike with an hammer upon the brim of a concave piece of Metal like the inner part of a large Platter hanging by the brim on a wire the number of those Pores and Grees as they pass It hath a deep sound and may be heard very far but these are not common amongst them Neither have they any Clocks or Sun-Dials to shew them further how their time passeth We lived there some part of our time a little within or under the Tropick of Cancer and then the Sun was our Zenith or Verticle at noon-day directly over our heads at his return to his Northern bounds of which I have spoken something before The Sun-rising there was about six hours in the Morning before its appearing here so that it is twelve of the Clock with them when it is but six with us We had the Sun there above the Horizon in December when the dayes are shortest near eleven hours and in Iune when they are at their fullest length somewhat more than thirteen hours which long absence of the Sun there from the face of the Earth was very advantagious to cool both the Earth and Air. I proceed to speak SECTION XIV Of the most excellent Moralities which are to be observed amongst the People of those Nations NExt to those things which are Spiritually good there is nothing which may more challenge a due and deserved commendation than those things which are Morally and Materially so and many of these may be drawn out to life from the examples of great numbers amongst that people For the Temperance of very many by far the greatest part of the Mahometans and Gentiles it is such as that they will rather choose to dye like the Mother and her seven Sons mentioned in the second of Macchabees and seventh Chapter then eat or drink any thing their Law forbids them Or like those Rechabites mentioned Jer. 35. Where Ionadab their Father commanded them to drink no Wine and they did forbear it for the Commandement sake Such meat and drink as their Law allows them they take onely to satisfie Nature as before not Appetite strictly observing Solomon's Rule Prov. 23. 2. in keeping a knife to their throats that they may not transgress in taking too much of the Creature hating Gluttony and esteeming Drunkenness as indeed it is another Madness and therefore have but one word in their Language though it be very copious and that word is Mest for a drunkard and a mad-man Which shews their hatred of drunken distempers for none of the people there are at any time seen drunk though they might find liquor enough to do it but the very offal and dreggs of that people and these rarely or very seldom And here I shall insert another most needful particular to my present purpose which deserves a most high commendation to be given unto that people in general how poor and mean soever they be and that is the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to their Parents that notwithstanding they serve for very little as I observed before but five shillings a Moon for their whole livelyhood and subsistence yet if their Parents be in want they will impart at the least half of that little towards their necessaries choosing rather to want themselves then that their Parents should suffer need For the Mahometans who live much upon the labours of the Hindooes keeping them under because they formerly conquered them there are many of them idle and know better to eat than work and these are all for to morrow a word very common in their mouths and the word is Sub-ba which signifies to morrow and when that day comes to morrow and so still to morrow they will set down upon their businesses to morrow will do any thing you would have them to do to morrow they will bestow any thing upon you Sub-ba to morrow Pollicitis divites most rich in promises in performances not so That being true of many of those Mahometans which Livie sometimes spake of Hannibal that he stood most to his Promise when it was most for his Profit though to do the Mahometans in general right such as are Merchants and Traders are exact in their dealings or as Plutarch writes of Antigonus the King who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as being ever about to give but seldom giving But for the Hindooes or Heathens the ancient inhabitants of East-India they are a very industrious people very diligent in all the works of their particular Callings believing that Bread sweetest and most savory which is gain'd by sweat These are for the generality the people that plant and till the ground These they which make those curious Manufactures that Empire affords working as we say with tooth and nail imploying their ears and toes as well as their fingers to assist them by holding threds of silk in the making of some things they work These are a people who are not afraid of a Lion in the way of a Lion in the streets as the slothful man is Prov. 26. 13. but they lay hold on the present time the opportunity to set upon their businesses which they are to do to day they being very laborious in their several imployments and very square and exact to make good all their engagements Which appears much in their justness manifested unto those that trade with them for if a Man will put it unto their Consciences to sell the Commodity he desires to buy at as low a rate as he can afford it they will deal squarely and honestly with him but if in those bargainings a man offer them much less than their set price they will be apt to say What dost thou think me a Christian that I would go about to deceive thee It is a most sad and horrible thing to consider what scandal there is brought upon the Christian Religion by the loosness and remisness by the exorbitances of many which come amongst them who profess themselves Christians of whom I have often heard the Natives who live near the Port where
great MOGOL Y E IMPERIALL STANDARD OF THE GREAT MOGOL And now that my Reader may see the Great Mogol in a Portraiture which was taken from a Picture of his drawn to the life I have caused that to be here inserted which presents him in his daily unvaried Habit as he is bedeâ—kt and adorned with Jewels he continually wears for the fashion of the Habit in which he is here presented it is for the fashion the Habit of that whole vast Empire so that he who strictly views this may see the dress of the Men throughout that whole great Monarchy After this I have set up the Royal Standard of the Great Mogol which is a couchant Lyon shadowing part of the Body of the Sun And after that I have caused his Imperial Signet or Great Seal to be laid down before my Reader 's Eyes where in nine rounds or Circles are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane and his lineal successors in Persian words which I shall make presently to speak English and as I conceive no more in English than what is fully expressed in those original words This Seal as it is here made in Persian words the Great Mogol either in a large or lesser figure causeth to be put unto all Firmaunes or Letters Patents the present Kings Title put in the middle and larger Circle that is surrounded with the rest the impression whereof is not made in any kind of Wax but Ink the Seal put in the middle of the Paper and the writing about it which Paper there is made very large and smooth and good and in divers colours besides white and all to write on And the words on the Mogol's Seal being imboss'd are put upon both sides of his Silver and Gold Coin for there is no Image upon any of it And the like little Signets or Seals are used by the great Men of that Country and so by others of inferiour rank having their Names at length engraven on them with which they make impressions or subscriptions by by Ink put on them to all their acts and deeds which round Circle is their Hand and Seal too For Timur lang or Tamberlane he was famous about the year of Christ 1398. in the last year of the Reign of Richard the Second King of England And he the first of the Race of those great Monarchs hath a Title which speaks thus 1. Amir Timur Saheb Ceran that is the great Conqueror or Emperor Timur or Tamberlain Lord possessor of the Corners or of the four Corners of the World 2. The second his Son was called Mirath-Sha the King and Inheritor of Conquests or the Inheritor of his Fathers Conquests 3. The third his Son was called Mirza Sultan Mahomeds The Prince and Commander for Mahomet or The Defender of the Mahometan Religion For this King as it should seem was the first Indostan Emperor that professed Mahometism which Tamberlane his Grand-father was a great Enemy to and therefore ever strongly opposed it But this third Monarch of that Line and all his Successors since have been Mahometans 4. The fourth his Son was called Sultan Abusaid The Prince and Father or Fountain of Beneficence 5. The fifth his Son was called Mirzee Amir Scheick The Imperial Princely Lord. 6. The sixth his Son was called Baba Padsha The King the Father or The King the Father of his Country 7. The seventh his Son was called Hamashon Padsha The King Invincible 8. The eighth his Son was called Achabar Padsha The great King or Emperour that is most mighty or The King most mighty 9. The ninth his Son was called Almozaphar Noor Dein Gehangeir Padsha Gaze The most warlike and most victorious King the Light of Religion and the Conquerour of the World Here are very high Titles taken by Tamberlane and his Successors and the lower we go the greater still they are but the last of them swells biggest of all calling himself amongst other Phantsies The Conquerour of the World and so he conceits himself to be As they write of Thrasyllus the Athenian who believed that all the Ships on the Sea were his own and therefore he would call them My Ships when ever he saw them floating on the waters and thus the Great Mogol imagines all the Kings Nations and People of the World to be his Slaves and Vassals And therefore when the Grand Signiour or Great Turk sent an Ambassador to the Great Mogol who came unto him attended with a great train and retinue and after when he was ready to take his leave desired of the Mogol to know what he should say to his Master when he was returned Tell thy Master said the Mogol that he is my Slave for my Ancestor conquered him The Mogol feeds and feasts himself with this conceit that he is Conquerour of the World and therefore I conceive that he was troubled upon a time when my Lord Ambassador having business with him and upon those terms there is no coming unto that King empty-handed without some Present or other of which more afterward and having at that time nothing left which he thought fit to give him presented him with Mercators great Book of Cosmography which the Ambassador had brought thither for his own use telling the Mogol that that Book described the four parts of the World and all several Countries in them contained The Mogol at the first seem'd to be much taken with it desiring presently to see his own Territories which were immediately shewen unto him he asked which were those Countries about them he was told Tartaria and Persia as the names of the rest which confine with him and then causing the Book to be turn'd all over and finding no more to fall to his share but what at first he saw and he calling himself the Conquerour of the World and having no greater share in it seemed to be a little troubled yet civilly told the Ambassador that neither himself nor any of his People did understand the Language in which that Book was written and because so he further told him that he would not rob him of such a Jewel and therefore returned it unto him again And the Truth is that the Great Mogol might very well bring his Action against Mercator and others who describe the World but streighten him very much in their Maps not allowing him to be Lord and Commander of those Provinces which properly belong unto him But it is true likewise that he who hath the greatest share on the face of the Earth if it be compared with the whole World appears not great As it was said of the Lands of Alcibiades that compared with the Globe of the whole Earth they did not appear bigger then a small tittle The Mogol's Territories are more apparent large and visible as one may take notice who strictly views this affixed Map which is a true representation of that great Empire in its large dimensions So that although the Mogol be not Master of the whole World yet hath he