Currants The I le de Flores The I le of Coruo Where they lost the sight of the North starre How the compasse doâ—th varie The Primrose The towne of Samma Golde Gold foure hundreth â—â—â—â—gâ—â— Graines Elephants teeth The head of an Elephant Sir Andrew Iudde The contemplations of Gods worâ—s The description and pâ—â—â—â—â—â—ies of the Elephant Debate betweene the Elephant the Dragon Sanguis Draconis Cinnabaris Three kinds of Elephants Workes of Iuorie The people of Africa Libya interior â—â—tulâ—â— AEthiope Nigrite The riuer Nigritis or Senega â— strange thing Garamantes People of Libya Prester Iohn Regnum Orguene Gambra Guinea Cabo Verde The Portugals Nauigation to Brasile Aethiopia The 7 Bank of Meroe The Queene of Saba Prester Iohn Emperour of Aethiopia People of the Eastside of Africa People without heads Myrth Azania Regnum Melinde Aethiopia interior White Elephants Habasia Iâ—â—â—hiophagi Anthropophagi Monteâ— Lunae Gazatia Cap. bonç Spei Africa without colde The winter of Africa Flames of fire and noise in the aire The middle region of the aire 〈◊〉 cold The sâ—â—â—â—e of Elements Winde The heate of the Moone The nature of the starres Spoutes of water falling out of the aire Cataracts of heauen Uehement motions in the Sea A strange thing The power of nature They rase their skinnes Fiue iewels A bracelet Shackles Kings Dogs chaines of golde A muske cat Their houses Their feeding Flying fishes A strange thing Their bread Their wheat The Sunne Their drinke Graines â—â—els that â—leaue to ships Barnacles Bromas A secret The death of our men Fiue blacke Moues brought vnto England Colde may be better abiden then heate September October Nouember Porto Santo Madera Tenerif Palma Gomera Ferro Riuer del Oro. A Caruell taken Great store of fish vpon the coast of Barbary The Tropike of Cancer in 23. and a halfe Cape Blanke Cape Verde The coast of Guinea The Currant setting Eastward Riuer S. Vincent Cloth made of the barke of trees The Negroes race their skinnes Graines of Guinea Elephants teeth The description of their Townes and houses Diago the name of a Captaine The latitude of S. Vincent riuer is 4. degrees and a halfe Leaues of exceeding length Long pease stalkes Long womens breasts The language about the Riuer of S. Vincent The tides and nature of the shoare The point of Palmas * That was the yere 1554. The tides running Eastward A Towne Many Palme trees Cape Tres puntas Their maner of swearing by the water of the Sea Two townes Cape Tres puntas The towne of Don Iohn Their weapons 60. Portugales in the castle of Mina The English in anno 1554 tooke away 5 Negroes This language seemeth partly to be corrupt Sight of the castle of Mina Don Iohns towne described The Portugales of the castle of Mina inuaded our men The towne of Don Iohn de Viso Foure men taken away by the English A great towne The like they doe in the countrey of Prete lanni Master Roberâ— Gainshes voyage to Guâ—â—ea uâ— anno 1554. The English were offered to buâ—â—d a towne in Gâ—â—ne A Portugale Brigandine Februarie They returne for England Cape de Monte. March Cape Verde in latitude 14 degrâ—es a halfe Aprill May. Their arriual â—t Bristoll Nouember December Sierra Leona The riuer of Sestos They admit certaine Frenchmen into their companie An assault vpon elephants Rio de S. Andre Captaine Blundel the French Admirall Allow Dondoâ— a great towne The castle of Mina Cape de Tres puntas Bulle Hanâ—a Shamma The Negros brought â—ome by our men * Note Robert Gaynsh Hanta Fiue sailes of Portiugals descried The fight with the Portugals The French foâ—sake our men Februarie George our Negro Two Portugalâ— slaine by the Engliâ—h The Frenchmen bridled by the English Iâ—ing Abaan The offer of the king to the English to build a Fort. A towne in circuit as big as London A pretie deuise to descrit the enemie The kings friendly entertainment of oâ—r men Their ceremonies in drinking Mowâ—e Lagoua They returneâ— Ships of Portugall Cape Mensâ—rado Two small Ilands by Sierra Leona Note A Freâ—ch bâ—as uado It is to be vnderstood that at this time there was warre betwixt England and France The French mens goods seazed in the time of the warre vpoâ— the losse of Tales Two English Marcâ—ants Ligiers in the Grand Canary The Spanish West Indian fleet oâ— nineteene saile Rio del Oro. Francis Castelin Cape verde Foure Ilands A great trade of the Frenchmen at Cape â—erde A faire Iland where the French trade Elephants teeth muske and hides Cabo de Monte. The riuer de Sestos Rio de Potos They descrie fiâ—e saile of the Portugals The fight Lagua Periâ—nen Weamba Peâ—ecow Egâ—â—nd The English boord the Frenchmen Fifty pound of golde taken in the French prise Benin Our men die of sicknesse Sicknesse Mowre The great towne of Don Iohn Cormatin A fight with the Negros Note They put the Frenchmen with victuals into the pinnesse Shamma burnt by the English Their returne homeward The currant S. Thome Iland The description of the â—le of S. Thome The Iland of Salt The great inconuâ—nience by late sâ—aying vpon the coast of Guinie The Tyger giuen vp Extreame weaknesse of our men The English marchants intend to fortifie in Ghinea in the king of Habaans countrey The king of Haban Capo verde Rio de Sestos The Minion Rio de Potis Rio de S. Andre Cauo das palmas Cauo de tres puntas Anta Equi Two galies Mowre Cormantin Much hurt done in the Minion with firing a barrel of gunpouder They returne Rio de Barbos The blacke pinnasse Rio de Sesto The Minion of the Queene The firing and sâ—nking of the Merline bound for Guinea They meet their Admirall againe A good caueat Cape Verde The foolish rashnes of Wil. Bats perswading the company to land vnarmed Ciuet muske gold grains the commoditieâ— of Cape Verde The Negros trecherie A French interpreter for Cape Verde The danger of poisonâ—d arrowes The answere of the Negros Bona vista A good admonition Banished Portugals Great store of goates The I le of Maiyo S. Iago The treason of the Portugals in S. Iago to our men The Isle of Fuego Mill. Cotton in Fuego The Isle of Braua They returne March Aprill Woad May. A Portugall Galiasse of 400 tunnes A fight betweene one English ship and 7 Portugals The 7 Portugals depart with shame from one English ship Iune A Portugall ship notwithstanding all their vilanies defended by one men from Rouers M. Hogan his arriual at Azafi in Barbarie May. â—n Barbary theâ— haue no Innes but they lodge in open fieldes where they can find water The singular humaniâ—ie of the king to our Ambassadour The Spaniards and Poâ—â—â—gales were coÌ„mandeâ— by the king in paine of death to â—eete thâ— Enâ—lish Ambasâ—adour The king of Spaine sought to disgrace the Queene heâ— Ambassour The king of Barbarie sent into England for Musicians A rich gift bestowed vpon our Ambassadour Iune The
of â—ecessity to be added namely y t this ice which according to historiographers representeth mans voice is the place of the damned doth not as all other things in this wide world consist of y e matter of some element For whereas it seemeth to be a body when indeed it is no body which may directly be gathered out of Frisius absurb opinion whereas also it peirceth through hard solide bodies no otherwise then spirits ghosts therfore it remaineth seeing it is not of an elementary nature y t it must haue either a spirituall or a celestial or an infernal matter But y t it should be infernall we can not be perswaded because we haue heard that infernall cold is farre more vnsufferable then this I se which vseth to be put into a boxe with mens hands is not of force any whit to hurt euen naked flesh by touching therof Nor yet will we grant it to be spirituall for we haue learned in naturall Philosophy that spiritual substances can neither be seene nor felt cannot haue any thing taken from them all which things do not withstanding most manifestly agree to this I se of the Historiographers howsoeuer according to them it be supernatural Besides also it is most true that the very same yse being melted with the heat of the sunne resolued into water vpon the vpper part therof standeth fishermen in as good stead to quench their thirst as any land-riuer would do which thing can no way be ascribed to a spirituall substance It is not therefore spirituall nor yet infernall Now none wil be so bold to affirme that it hath celestiall matter least some man perhaps might hereupon imagine y t this I se hath brought hell which the historiographers annexe vnto it downe from heauen together with it selfe or that the same thing should be common vnto heauen being of one the same matter with I se so that the prison of the damned may be thought to haue changed places with the heaueÌ„ly paradise all by the ouersight of these Historiographers Wherfore seeing the matter of this historicall I se is neither elementarie as we haue so often proued by this place of Frisius neither spirituall nor infernall both which we haue concluded euidently in short yet sound and substantiall reasons nor yet celestiall matterâ— which religion forbiddeth a man once to imagine it is altogether manifest y t according to the said historiographers there is no such thing at all which notwithstanding they blaze abroad with such astonishing admiration which we thinke to be an ordinary matter commonly seene and felt Therefore it is and it is not which proposition when it shall fall out true in the same respect in the same part and at the same time then will we giue credite to these frozen miracles Now therefore the Reader may easily iudge that we need none other helpe to refute these things but onely to shew how they disagree one with another But it is no maruell that he which hath once enclined himselfe to the fabulous reports of the common people should oftentimes fall into error There was a like strange thing inuented by another concerning the sympathy or conioining of this I se namely that it followeth the departure of that huge lumpe whereof it is a part so narrowly so swiftly that a man by no diligence can obserue it by reason of the vnchangeable necessitie of following But we haue oftentimes seene such a solitarie lumpe of I se remaining after the other parts thereof were driuen away and lying vpon the shore for many weekes together without any posts or engines at all to stay it Therefore it is plaine that these miracles of I se are grounded vpon a more slippery foundation then I se it selfe The eleuenth section Not farre from these mountaines the three forenamed declining to the sea shoare there be foure fountaines of a most contrary nature betweene themselues The first by reason of his continuall heat conuerteth into a stone any body cast into it the former shape only stil remaining The second is extremely cold The third is sweeter then hony and most pleasant to quench thirst The fourth is altogether deadly pestilent and full of ranke poison EUen this description of fountaines doth sufficiently declare how impure that fountaine was out of which the geographer drew all these miraculous stories For he seemeth to affirme that the three foresaid mountaines doe almost much one another for he ascribeth foure fountaines indifferently vnto them all Otherwise if he had not made them stand neare together he would haue placed next vnto some one of these two of the foresaide fountaines But neither doe these mountaines touch being distant so many leagues a sunder neither are there any such foure fountaines neare vnto them which he that wil not beleeue let him go try But to confuce these things the very contrariety of writers is sufficient For another concerning two fountaines gain sayth Frisius in these words There do burst out of the same hill Hecla two fountaines the one whereof by reason of the cold streames the other with intollerable heat exceedeth al the force of elâ—â—â—â—s These be Frisius his two first fountaines sauing that here is omitted the miracle of hardening bodies being by him attributed to one of the said fountaines But they cannot at one time breake forth both out of the mountaine it selfe and neare vnto the mountaine But here I would willingly demaund by what reason any of the Peripateticks can affirme that there is some thing in nature colder then the element of water or hotter then the element of fire From whence I pray you learned writers proceedeth this coldnesse From whence commeth this heare Haue we not learned out of your schole that water is an element most colde and somewhat moist and in such sort most cold that for the making of secundarie qualities it must of necessitie be remitted being simple that it cannot be applyed to the vses of mankind I do here deliuer these Oracles of the naturall Philosophers not knowing whether they be true or false M. Iohn Fernelius lib. 2. Phys. cap. 4. may stand for one witnesse amongst all the rest instead of theÌ„ all So excessiue saith he be these foure first qualities in the foure elements that as nothing is hotter theÌ„ pure fire nothing lighter so nothing is drier then earth nothing heauier and as for pure water there is no qualitie of any medicine whatsoeuer exceedeth the coldnes thereof nor the moisture of aire Moreouer the said qualities be so extreme surpassing in theÌ„ that they cannot be any whit encreased but remitted they may be I wil not heare heape vp the reasons or arguments of the natural Philosophers These writers had need be warie of one thing lest while they too much magnifie the miracles of the fountains they exempt them out of the number of things created aswel as they did the ice of the
one of them hath her family and dwelling place by her selfe And sometime the Tartar eateth drinketh and lieth with one and sometime with another One is accompted chiefe among the rest with whom hee is oftener conuersant then with the other And notwithstanding as it hath bin said they are many yet do they seldome fal out among themselues Of their superstitious traditions Chap. 7. BUt by reason of certain traditions which either they or their predecessors haue deuised they accompt some things indifferent to be faults One is to thrust a knife into the fire or any way to touch the fire with a knife or with their knife to take flesh out of the cauldroÌ„ or to hewe with an hatchet neare vnto the fire For they think by that means to take away the head or force from the fire Another is to leane vpon the whip wherewith they beate their horses for they ride not with spurs Also to touch arrowes with a whip to take or kill yong birds to strike an horse with y e raine of their bridle and to breake one bone against another Also to powre out milke meate or any kinde of drinke vpon the ground or to make water within their tabernacle which whosoeuer doth willingly he is slaine but otherwise he must pay a great summe of money to the inchanter to be purified Who likewise must cause the tabernacle with all things therein to passe betweene two fiers Before it be on this wise purified no man dare once enter into it nor conueigh any thing thereout Besides if any man hath a morsell giuen him which he is not able to swallow and for that cause casteth it out of his mouth there is an hole made vnder his tabernacle by which hee is drawen forth and slaine without all compassion Likewise whosoeuer â—reads vpon the threshold of any of their dukes tabernacles he is put to death Many other things there be like vnto these which they take for heinous offences But to slay men to inuade the dominions of other people and to rifle theiâ— goods to transgresse the commaundements and prohibitions of God are with them no offences at all They know nothing concerning eternall life and euerlasting damnation and yet they thinke that after death they shall liue in another world that they shall multiply their cattell that they shal eate and drinke and doe other things which liuing men performe here vpon earth At a new moone or a full moone they begin all enterprises that they take in hand and they call the moone the Great Emperour and worship it vpon their knees All men that abide in their tabernacles must be purified with fire Which purification is on this wise They kindle two fires and pitch two Iauelines into the ground neere vnto the said fires binding a corde to the tops of the Iauelines And about the corde they tye certaine iagges of buckram vnder which corde and betweene which fires men beastes and tabernacles do passe There stand two women also one on the right side and another on the left casting water and repeating certaine charmes If any man be slaine by lightning all that dwell in the same tabernacle with him must passe by fire in maner aforesaid For their tabernacles beds and cartes their feltes and garments and whatsoeuer such things they haue are touched by no man yea and are abandoned by all men as things vncleane And to bee short they thinke that all things are to be purged by fire Therefore when any ambassadours princes or other personages whatsoeuer come vnto them they and their giftes must passe betweene two fires to be purified lest peraduenture they haue practised some witchcraft or haue brought some poyson or other mischiefe with them Of the beginning of their empire or gouernment Chap. 7. THe East countrie whereof wee haue entreated which is called Mongal is repâ—rted to haue had of olde time foure sortes of people One of their companions was called Yeka Mongal that is the great Mongals The second company was called Sumongal that is the Water-Mongals who called themselues Tartars of a certaine riuer running through their countrey named Tartar The third was called Merkat and the fourth Metrit All these people has one and the same person attire of body and language albeit they were diuided by princes and prouinces In the prouince of Yeka Mongal there was a certaine man called Chingis This man became a mighty hunter For he learned to steale men to take them for a pray He ranged into other countries taking as many captiues as he could and ioining them vnto himselfe Also hee allured the men of his owne countrey vnto him who followed him as their captaine and ringleader to doe mischiefe Then began he to make warre vpon the Sumongals or Tartars and slewe their captaine and after many conflicts subdued them vnto himselfe and brought them all into bondage Afterward he vsed their helpe to fight against the Merkats dwelling by the Tartars whom also hee vanquished in battell Proceeding from thence he fought against the Metrites and conquered them also The Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted greatly disdeined thereat For they had a mighty puissant Emperour vnto whom all the foresaid nations payed tribute Whose sonnes when he was dead succeeded him in his Empire Howbeit being young and foolish they knew not howe to gouerne the people but were diuided and fell at variance among themselues Now Chingis is being exalted as is aforesaid they neuerthelesse inuaded the forenamed countries put the inhabitants to the sword and carried away their goods for a pray Which Chingis hauing intelligence of gathered all his subiects together The Naimani also and the people called Karakitay assembled and banded themselues at a certaine straight valley where after a battell foughten they were vanquished by the Mongals And being thus vanquished they were the greater part of them slaine and others which could not escape were carried into captiuitie In the land of the foresayd Karakytayans Occoday Cham the sonne of Chingis Cham after he was created Emperour built a certaine citie which he called Chanyl Neare vnto which citie on the South side there is an huge desert wherein wilde men are certainely reported to inhabite which cannot speake at all and are destitute of ioynts in their legges so that if they fall they cannot rise alone by themselues Howbeit they are of discretion to make feltes of Camels haire wherewith they clothe themselues and which they holde against the winde And if at any time the Tartars pursuing them chance to wound them with their arrowes they put herbes into their wounds and flye strongly before them Of the mutuall victories betweene them and the people of Kythay Chap. 9. BUt the Mongals returning home into their owne countrey prepared themselues to battell against the Kythayans Which their Emperour hearing set forward against them with his armie and they fought a cruell battell wherein the Mongals were
of their drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head afterward vpon other images in order then goeth a seruant out of the house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards the South and bowing his knee at euery time and this is done for the honour of the fire Then perfourmeth he the like superstitious idolatrie towards the East for the honour of the ayre and then to the West for the honour of the water lastly to the North in the behalfe of the dead When the maister holdeth a cuppe in his hande to drinke before he tasteth thereof hee powreth his part vpon the ground If he drinketh sitting on horse backe hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of his horse before hee himselfe drinketh After the seruaunt aforesaide hath â—o discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the world hee returneth into the house and two other seruants stand ready with two cuppes and two basons to carrie drinke vnto their master and his wife sitting together vpon a bed And if he hath more wiues then one she with whome hee slept the night before sitteth by his side the daye following and all his other wiues must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke and there is the court holden for that day the giftes also which are presented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife And vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and drinking cuppes Of their drinkes and how they prouoke one another to drinking Chap. 4. IN winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise of Mill and of honie being well and high coloured like wine Also they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries In summer time they care not for any drinke but Cosmos And it standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore and next vnto it stands a minstrell with his fidle I sawe there no such citerns and vials as ours commonly be but many other musicall instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house begins to drinke one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice HA and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle And when they make any great solemne feast they all of them clap their hands daunce to the noyse of musique the men before their master and the women before their mistresse And when the master hath drunke then cries out his seruant as before and the minstrell stayeth his musique Then drinke they all around both men and women and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly Also when they will prouoke any man they pul him by the eares to the drinke and so lug and draw him strongly to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing before him Moreouer when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing one of the company takes a full cuppe and two other stand one on his right hand and another on his left and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the cuppe reached vnto him still sâ—nging and dauncing before him and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe they leape suddenly backe returning againe as they did before and so hauing deluded him thrâ—câ— or fower times by drawing backe the cuppe vntill he be merie and hath gotten a good appetite then they giue him the cuppe singing and dauncing and stamping with their feete vntill he hath done drinking Of their foode and victuals Chap. 5. COncerning their foode and victuals be it knowen vnto your Highnesse that they do without al difference or exception eat all their dead carrions And amongst so many droues it cannot be but some cattell must needes die Howbeit in summer so long as their Cosmos that is their mares milke lasteth they care not for any foode And if they chance to haue an oxe or an horse dye they drie the flesh thereof for cutting it into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind it is presently dried without salt and also without stenche or corruption They make better puddings of their horses then of their hogs which they eate being new made the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill winter They make of their oxe skins great bladders or bags which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals pantofles They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one ram to eat For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water other sauce they haue none and then with the point of a knife or a litle forke which they make for the same purpose such as wee vse to take roâ—ted peares or apples out of wine withal they reach vnto eueryone of the company a morsell or twaine according to the multitude of guestes The master of the house before the rams flesh be distributed first of all himselfe taketh thereof what he pleaseth Also if he giueth vnto any of the company a speciall part the receiuer therof must eat it alone and must not impart ought therof vnto any other Not being able to eate it vp all he caries it with him or deliuers it vnto his boy if he be present to keepe it if not he puts it vp into his Saptargat that is to say his foure square buget which they vse to cary about with them for the sauing of all such prouision and wherein they lay vp their bones when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly that they may â—urnish them afterward to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought How they make their drinke called Cosmos Chap. 6. THeir drinke called Cosmos which is mares milke is prepared after this maner They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts standing firmely in the ground vnto the same line they tie the young foles of those mares which they mean to milke Then come the dains to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues to be milked And if any of them be too vnruly then one takes her fole puts it vnder her letting it suck a while and presently carying it away againe there comes another man to milke the said mare And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together being as sweet as cowes milke while it is newe they powre it into a great bladder or bag and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose hauing a club at the lower ende like a mans head which is hollow within and so soone as they beat vpon it it begins to boile like newe wine to be sower and sharp of taste and they beate it in that maner till butter come thereof Then taste they thereof and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes when it is drunk After a man hath taken a draught therof it leaueth behind it a
they remained there for the space of three moneths and had gotten in that time some intelligence of the language of Moscouie The whole Countrey is plaine and champion and few hils in it and towards the North it hath very large spacious woods wherein is great store Firre trees a wood very necessarie and fit for the building of houses there are also wilde beastes bred in those woods as Buffes Beares and blacke Wolues and another kinde of beast vnknowen to vs but called by them Rossomakka and the nature of the same is very rare and wonderfull for when it is great with yong and ready to bring foorth it seeketh out some narrow place betweene two stakes and so going through them presseth it selfe and by that meanes is eased of her burden which otherwise could not be done They hunt their buffes for the most part a horsebacke but their Beares a foot with woodden forkes The north parts of the Countrey are reported to be so cold that the very ice or water which distilleth out of the moist wood which they lay vpon the fire is presently congealed and frozen the diuersitie growing suddenly to be so great that in one and the selfe same firebrand a man shall see both fire and ice When the winter doth once begin there it doth still more more increase by a perpetuitie of cold neither doth that colde slake vntill the force of the Sunne beames doth dissolue the cold and make glad the earth returning to it againe Our mariners which we left in the ship in the meane time to keepe it in their going vp onely from their cabbins to the hatches had their breath oftentimes so suddenly taken away that they eftsoones fell downe as men very neere dead so great is the sharpenesse of that colde climate but as for the South parts of the Countrey they are somewhat more temperate Of Mosco the chiefe Citie of the kingdome and of the Emperour thereof IT remaineth that a larger discourse be made of Mosco the principall Citie of that Countrey and of the Prince also as before we haue promised The Empire and gouernment of the king is very large and his wealth at this time exceeding great And because the citie of Mosco is the chiefest of al the rest it seemeth of it selfe to challenge the first place in this discourse Our men say that in bignesse it is as great as the Citie of London with the suburbes thereof There are many and great buildings in it but for beautie and fairenesse nothing comparable to ours There are many Townes and Uillages also but built out of order and with no hansomnesse their streetes and wayes are not paued with stone as ours are the walles of their houses are of wood the roofes for the most part are couered with shingle boords There is hard by the Citie a very faire Castle strong and furnished with artillerie whereunto the Citie is ioyned directly towards the North with a bricke wall the walles also of the Castle are built with bricke and are in breadth or thickenesse eighteene foote This Castle hath on the one side a drie ditch on the other side the riuer Moscua whereby it is made almost iâ—erpugnable The same Moscua trending towards the East doth admit into it the companie of the riuer Occa. In the Castle aforesaide there are in number nine Churches or Chappels not altogether vnhansome which are vsed and kept by certaine religious men ouer whom there is after a sort a Patriarke or Gouernour and with him other reuerend Fathers all which for the greater part dwell within the Castle As for the kings Court and Palace it is not of the nearest onely in forme it is foure square and of lowe building much surpassed and excelled by the beautie and elegancie of the houses of the kings of England The windowes are very narrowly built and some of them by glasse some other by leuisses admit the light and whereas the Palaces of our Princes are decked and adorned with hangings of cloth of gold there is none such there they build and ioyne to all their wals benches and that not onely in the Court of the Emperour but in all priuate mens houses Nowe after that they had remained about twelue dayes in the Citie there was then a Messenger sent vnto them to bring them to the Kings house and they being after a sort wearied with their long stay were very ready and willing so to doe and being entred within the gates of the Court there sate a very honorable companie of Courtiers to the number of one hundred all apparelled in cloth of golde downe to their ankles and there-hence being conducted into the chamber of presence our men beganne to wonder at the Maiestie of the Emperour his seate was aloft in a very royall throne hauing on his head a Diademe or Crowne of golde apparelled with a robe all of Goldsmiths worke and in his hand hee held a Scepter garnished and beset with precious stones and besides all other notes and apparances of honour there was a Maiestie in his countenance proportionable with the excellencie of his estate on the one side of him stood his chiefe Secretarie on the other side the great Commander of silence both of them arayed also in cloth of gold and then there sate the Counsel of one hundred and fiftie in number all in like sort arayed and of great state This so honorable an assemblie so great a Maiestie of the Emperour and of the place might very well haue amazed our men and haue dashâ— them out of countenance but not withstanding Master Chanceler being therewithall nothing dismaied saluted and did his duetie to the Emperour after the maner of England and withall deliuered vnto him the letters of our king Edward the sixt The Emperour hauing taken read the letters began a litle to question with them and to aske them of the welfare of our king whereunto our men answered him directly in few words hereupon our men presented some thing to the Emperour by the chiefe Secretary which at the deliuery of it put of his hat being before all the time couered and so the Emperour hauing inuited them to dinner dismissed them from his presence and going into the chamber of him that was Master of the Requests to the Emperour hauing stayed there the space of two howres at the last the Messenger commeth and calleth them to dinner they goe and being conducted into the golden Court for so they call it although not very faire they finde the Emperour sitting vpon an high and stately seate apparâ—lled with a robe of siluer and with another Diademe on his head our men being placed ouer against him sit downe in the middes of the roome stoode a mightie Cupboord vpon a square foote whereupon stoode also a round boord in manner of a Diamond broade beneath and towardes the toppe narrowe and euery steppe rose vp more narrowe then another Upon this Cupboorde was placed the
Emperours plate which was so much that the very Cupboord it selfe was scant able to sustaine the waight of it the better part of all the vessels and goblets was made of very fine gold and amongst the rest there were foure pots of very large bignesse which did adorne the rest of the place in great measure for they were so high that they thought them at the least fiue foote long There were also vpon this Cupbord certaine siluer caskes not much differing from the quantitie of our Fyrkins wherein was reserued the Emperours drinke on each side of the Hall stood foure Tables each of them layde and couered with very cleane table clothes whereunto the company ascended by three steps or degrees all which were filled with the assemblie present the ghests were all apparelled with linnen without and with rich skinnes within and so did notably set out this royall feast The Emperour when hee takes any bread or knife in his hand doth first of all crosse himselfe vpon his forehead they that are in speciall fauour with the Emperour sit vpon the same bench with him but somewhat farre from him and before the comming in of the meate the Emperour himselfe according to an ancient custome of the kings of Moscouy doth first bestow a piece of bread vpon euery one of his ghests with a loud pronunciation of his title and honour in this manner The great Duke of Moscouie and chiefe Emperour of Russia Iohn Basiliwich then the officer nameth the ghest doth giue thee bread Whereupon al the ghests rise vp and by by sit downe againe This done the Gentleman Usher of the Hall comes in with a notable company of seruants carying the dishes and hauing done his reuerence to the Emperour puts a yong Swanne in a golden platter vpon the table and immediatly takes it thence againe deliuering it to the Caruer and seuen other of his fellowes to be cut vp which being perfourmed the meate is then distributed to the ghests with the like pompe and ceremonies In the meane time the Gentleman Usher receiues his bread and tasteth to the Emperour and afterward hauing done his reuerence he departeth Touching the rest of the dishes because they were brought in out of order our men can report no certaintie but this is true that all the furniture of dishes and drinking vessels which were then for the vse of a hundred ghests was all of pure golde and the tables were so laden with vessels of gold that there was no roome for some to stand vpon them We may not forget that there were 140. seruitors arayed in cloth of gold that in the dinner time changed thrise their habit and apparell which seruitors are in like sort serued with bread from the Emperour as the rest of the ghests Last of all dinner being ended and candles brought in for by this time night was come the Emperour calleth all his ghests and Noble men by their names in such sort that it seemes miraculous that a Prince otherwise occupied in great matters of estate should so well remember so many and sundry particular names The Russes tolde our men that the reason thereof as also of the bestowing of bread in that maner was to the ende that the Emperour might keepe the knowledge of his owne houshold and withal that such as are vnder his displeasure might by this meanes be knowen Of the discipline of warre among the Russes VVHensoeuer the iniures of their neighbours doe call the King foorth to battell hee neuer armeth a lesse number against the enemie then 300. thousand soldiers 100. thousand whereof hee carieth out into the field with him and leaueth the rest in garison in some fit places for the better safetâ—e of his Empire He presseth no husbandman nor Marchant for the Countrey is so populous that these being left at home the youth of the Realme is sufficient for all his wars As many as goe out to warfare doe prouide all things of their owne cost they fight not on foote but altogether on horsebacke their armour is a coate of maile a helmet the coate of maile wtout is gilded or els adorned with silke although it pertaine to a common soldier they haue a great pride in shewing their wealth they vse bowes and arrowes as the Turks do they carylances also into the field They ride with a short stirrop after the maner of the Turks They are a kinde of people most sparing in diet and most patient in extremitie of cold aboue all others For when the ground is couered with snowe and is growen terrible and hard with the frost this Russe hangs vp his mantle or souldiers coate against that part from whence the winde and Snowe driues and so making a little fire lieth downe with his backe towards the weather this mantle of his serues him for his bed wall house and all his drinke is colde water of the riuer mingled with oatemeale and this is all his good cheere and he thinketh himselfe well and daintily feâ—re therewith and so sitteth downe by his fire and vpon the hard ground rosteth as it were his wearie sides thus daintily stuffed the hard ground is his feather bed some blocke or stone his pillow and as for his horse he is as it were a chamberfellow with his master faring both alike How iustly may this barbarous and rude Russe condemne the daintinesse and nicenesse of our Captaines who liuing in a soile aire much more temeprate yet commonly vse furred boots and clokes But thus much of the furniture of their common souldiers But those that are of higher degrees come into the field little better prouided As for the furniture of the Emperour himselfe it is then aboue all other times most notable The couerings of his tent for the most part are all of gold adorned with stones of great price and with the curious workemanship of plumasiers As often as they are to skirmish with the enemie they goe forth without any order at all they make no wings nor militarie diuisions of their men as we doe but lying for the most part in ambush doe suddenly set vpon the enemie Their horses can well abstaine two whole daies from any meate They feede vpon the barkes of trees and the most tender branches in all the time of warre And this scant and miserable maner of liuing both the horse and his Master can well endure sometimes for the space of two moneths lustie and in good state of body If any man behaue himselfe valiantly in the fielde to the contentation of the Emperour he bestoweth vpon him in recompense of his seruice some farme or so much ground as he and his may liue vpon which not withstanding after his death returneth againe to the Emperour if he die without a male issue For although his daughters be neuer so many yet no part of that inheritance comes to them except peraduenture the Emperour of his goodnesse giue some portion of the land amongst them to bestowe
and these people are called Kerilli And South southeast from Corelia lyeth a countrey called Nouogardia And these three nations are vnder the Emperour of Russia and the Russes keepe the Lawe of the Greekes in their Churches and write somewhat like as the Greekes write and they speake their owne language and they abhorre the Latine tounge neither haue they to doe with the Pope of Rome and they holde it not good to worshippe any carued Image yet they will worshippe paynted Images on tables or boordes And in Russia their Churches steeples and houses are all of wood and their shippes that they haue are sowed with withes and haue no nayles The Kerilles Russians and Moscouians bee much alike in all conditions And South from the Moscouians lyethe Tartarians which bee Mahumetans and liue in tentes and wagons and keepe in heardes and companies and they holde it not good to abide long in one place for they will say when they will curse any of their children I woulde thou mightest tary so long in a place that thou mightest smell thine owne dung as the Christians doe and this is the greatest curse that they haue And East Northeast of Russia lieth Lampas which is a place where the Russes Tartars and Samoeds meete twise a yeere and make the faire to barter wares for wares And Northeast from Lampas lieth the countrey of the Samoeds which be about the riuer of Pechere and these Samoeds bee in subiection to the Emperour of Russia and they lie in tentes made of Deere skinnes and they vse much witchcraft and shoot well in bowes And Northeast from the riuer Pechere lieth Vaygatzâ— and there are the wilde Samoeds which will not suffer the Russes to land out of the Sea but they will kill them and eate them as wee are tolde by the Russes and they liue in heards and haue all their carriages with deere for they haue no horses Beyond Vaygatz lyeth a lande called Noua Zembla which is a great lande but wee sawe no people and there wee had Foule inough and there wee sawe white Foxes and white Beares And the sayde Samoeds which are about the bankes of Pechere which are in subiection to the Emperour of Russia when they will remoue from one place to another then they will make sacrifices in manner following Euerie kinred doeth sacrifice in their owne tent and hee that is most auncient is their Priest And first the Priest doeth beginne to playe vpon a thing like to a great sieue with a skinne on the one ende like a drumme and the sticke that he playeth with is about a spanne long and oue ende is round like a ball couered with the skinne of an Harte Also the Priest hath vpon his head a thing of white like a garlande and his face is couered with a piece of a shirt of maile with manie small ribbes and teeth of fishes and wilde beastes hanging on the same maile Then hee singeth as wee vse heere in Englande to hallow whope or showte at houndes and the rest of the company answere him with this Owtis Igha Igha Igha and then the Priest replieth againe with his voyces And they answere him with the selfesame wordes so manie times that in the ende he becommeth as it were madde and falling downe as hee were dead hauing nothing on him but a shirt lying vpon his backe I might perceiue him to breathe I asked them why hee lay so and they answered mee Nowe doeth our God tell him what wee shall doe and whither wee shall goe And when he had lyen still a litle while they cried thus three times together Oghao Oghao Oghao and as they vse these three calles hee riseth with his head and lieth downe againe and then hee rose vp and sang with like voyces as hee did before anâ— his audience answered him Igha Igha Igha Then hee commaunded them to kill fiue Olens or great Deere and continued singing still both hee and they as before Then hee tooke a sworde of a cubite and a spanne long I did mete it my selfe and put it into his bellie halfeway and sometime lesse but no wounde was to bee seene they continuing in their sweete song still Then he put the sworde into the fire till it was warme and so thrust it into the slitte of his shirte and thrust it through his bodie as I thought in at his nauill and out at his fundament the poynt beeing out of his shirt behinde I layde my finger vpon it then hee pulled out the sworde and sate downe This beeing done they set a kettle of water ouer the fire to heate and when the water doeth seâ—â—he the Priest beginneth to sing againe they answering him for so long as the water was in heating they sate and sang not Then they made a thing being foure square and in height and squarenesse of a chaire and couered with a gown very close the forepart therof for the hinder part stood to the tents side Their tents are rounde and are called Chome in their language The water still seething on the fire and this square seate being ready the Priest put off his shirt and the thing like a garland which was on his head with those things which couered his face he had on yet all this while a paire of hosen of deeres skins with y e haire on which came vp to his buttocks So he went into the square seat and sate down like a tailour and sang with a strong voyce or halowing Then they tooke a small line made of deeres skinnes of foure fathoms long and with a smal knotte the Priest made it fast about his necke and vnder his left arme and gaue it vnto two men standing on both sides of him which held the ends together Then the kettle of hote water was set before him in the square seat al this time the square seat was not couered and then it was couered w t a gown of broad cloth without lining such as the Russes do weare Then the 2. men which did hold y e ends of the line stil standing there began to draw drew til they had drawn the ends of the line stiffe and together and then I hearde a thing fall into the kettle of water which was before him in the tent Thereupon I asked them that sate by me what it was that fell into the water that stoode before him And they answered me that it was his head his shoulder and left arme which the line had cut off I meane the knot which I sawe afterwarde drawen hard together Then I rose vp and would haue looked whether it were so or not but they laid hold on me and said that if they should see him with their bodily eyes they shoulde liue no longer And the most part of them can speake the Russe tongue to bee vnderstood and they tooke me to be a Russian Then they be ganne to hallow with these wordes Oghaoo Oghaoo Oghaoo many
riuer found about the mouth of S. Nicholas Bay that hath thirteen foot vpon the barre at a lowe water and is as neere Colmogro as S. Nicholas which will bee a great pleasure vnto vs. We will that Steuen Burrowe doe proceed on his voiage to discouer Also we haue sent you one Anthonie Ienkinson Gentleman a man well trauelled whom we mind to vse in further trauelling according to a Commission deliuered him subscribed by master Anthonie Huse and others Wherefore we will you deliuer him one or more of such painfull young men as he shal thinke meetest for his purpose and likewise such money and wares as he shal think best to take with him He must haue fourty pounds a yeere for foure yeeres to be paid him by the halfe yeere or as he wil demaund it of you so let him haue it from Easter last Also the prices of wares here at this present are bale fâ—axe twenty pound the packe and better towe flaxe twentie eight pound the hundred traine oyle at nine pound the tunne waxe at foure pound the hundred tallow at sixteene shillings the hundred cables and ropes very deare as yet there are no shippes come out of Danske Kept vntill the tenth day of this present As this day came the goods out of Scotland that were recouered out of the Edward Bonauenture and nowe we doe perceiue that the caske that the trayne oyle came in is verie good and much better then ours Therefore our minde is that you shall lade it all in such barrels of the bigger sort as you laded in the Edward and no long barrels nor small And that caske that wee haue sent may serue for the Tallowe or anie other ware that is not leakage Neuerthelesse this voyage you must take such as you can get Also if the Emperour bee minded to deliuer you any summe of money or good Waxe at as reasonable a price as you may buye for readie money wee will that you shall take it and lade it for our accomptes and to come at our aduenture and hee to bee payed at the returne of the shippes in Ueluets Sattens or any other kinde of silke or cloth of golde cloth of tissue or according as his Commission shall bee that hee shall sende vs in the shippes and according to such paternes as hee shall send Wee doe not finde the Ambassadour nowe at the laâ—t so conformable to reason as wee had thought wee shoulde Hee is very mistrustfull and thinketh euerie man will beguile him Therefore you had neede to take heede howe you haue to doe with him or with any such and to make your bargaines plaine and to set them downe in writing For they bee subtill people and doe not alwaies speake the trueth and thinke other men to bee like themselues Therefore we would haue none of them to send any goods in our shippes at any time nor none to come for passengers vnlesse the Emperour doe make a bargaine with you as is aforesaid for his owne person Also we charge you not to suffer any of our nation to send any wares to their wiues or friends in any of our ships but to take their money there to be paied heere by the companie and not otherwise and to haue consideration how you doe take the roble For although we doe rate it after sixteene shillings eight pence of our money yet it is not worth past 12. or 13. shillings sterling Moreouer you had neede to sende newe accomptes for them that came in the Edward bee marred and torne so that we can make no reckoning by them and likewise to write vs a perfect note of all the goodes which you receiued the last voyage out of the Edward and heerein not to faile Andrew Iudde George Barne Anthonie Huse William Garrard William Chester A Letter of Master Thomas Hawtrey to the worshipfull Master Henrie Lane Agent at Colmogro written in Vologda the 31. of Ianuarie 1557. VVOrshipfull Sir heartie commendations premised These may bee to aduertise you that yesterday the thirtieth of this present came hither Robert Best and brought with him two hundred robles that is one hundred for this place and one hundred for you at Colmogro As for hempe which is here at two robles and a halfe the bercouite master Gray hath written to buy no more at that price for Iohn Sedgewicke hath bought for sixe or seuen hundred robles worth at Nouogrode for one roble and a halfe the bercouite and better cheape and white Nouogrode flaxe is there at three robles the bercouite I trust hee will doe much good by his going thither As I doe vnderstand Richard Iohnson is gone to Nouogrode with money to him I doubt not but Master Gray hath aduertised you of all their doings both at the Mosco and at Nouogrod And touching our doings heere you shall perceiue that wee haue solde wares of this fourth voyage for one hundred and fourtie robles besides fiftie robles of the second and third voyage since the giuing vp of my last account and for wares of the Countrey you shall vnderstand that I haue bought tried and vntried for 77. robles foure hundred podes of tried tallowe besides foure hundred podes that I haue giuen out money for whereof God graunt good receipt when the time commeth which is in Lent And in browne flaxe and hempe I haue bought seuenteene bercouites sixe podes and sixteene pound which cost 28. robles eleuen altines two pence And as for other kindes of wares I haue bought none as yet And for mastes to bee prouided you shall vnderstand that I wrote a letter to Totma the 28. of this present for fiftie mastes to wit for 25. of fifteene fathoms and 25. of foureteene fathoms to be an arshine and a halfe at the small ende And more I haue written for 30. great trees to be two arshines and a halfe at the small end and for the other that were prouided the last yeere I trust they shall be sent downe in the spring of the yeere And as concerning the Ropemakers you shall vnderstand that their abiding place shall bee with you at Colmogro as I doe thinke Master Gray hath aduertised you For as Roger Bontinge Master of the woorkes doeth say there is no place more meete for their purpose then with you and there it will be made with lesser cost considering that the pale is the one halfe of it which is to set one pale more to that and so for to couer it ouer which as they say will be but little cost They doe pray that it may bee made sixeteene foote broade and one hundred and eightie fathoms long and that in the midde way twentie foote from the pale towarde the water side there may be a house made to tarre in standing alone by it selfe for danger of fire The Tarre house that they woulde haue made is to bee fifteene fathoms long and ten fathoms broade and they would that house should be made first for I
sholcaues or foxes which were so busie with them that they tooke their meate and victuals out of their lodgings and deuoured to the bare bones in one night a mighty wilde Bore that was sent vnto them for a present from the gouernour of the countrey Hauing staied here some three or foure daies in prouiding of cariages and other necessaries for their iourney they departed thence and came to Shamaky which is foure dayes iourney from the aforesayd Shauaran In this towne of Shamaky their whole company spent out the Winter and from thence in April folowing they tooke their iourney towards Ardouil a place of great account and much esteemed by reason of the sepulchres of the Emperours of Persia which for the most partlie there buried and so is growen to bee a place of their superstitious deuotion In this towne of Ardouil they so iourned the space of 5. or 6. moneths finding some traffique and sales but to no purpose the towne being more inhabited and frequented with gentlemen and noblemen then merchants The difference of religion bred great broiles in this towne whiles they remained there for the brother sought the destruction of the brother and the neerest kinsmen rose vp one against another insomuch that one of their company Lionel Plumtree hath seene in one day sometimes 14. slaine in a garboile And he being further desirous to see their maner of fight or rather somewhat more curious to behold then mistrustful of their blowes was like to haue borne a share in their bloodie tragedie being twise wounded with their shot and arrowes although not to the death At this towne the Shaw Thamas sent a messenger for our men to come to his presence at Casbin to whom Thomas Banister failed not to goe although master Ducket lay very sicke at Ardouil and in such case that they almost despaired of his recouerie Hee being come to the Shaugh was receiued and entertained of him with great fauour and speciall countenance and had the most part of all his requests granted him this onely excepted that whereas he entreated a priuiledge or sufferance to transport and cary through his dominions certaine horses into India the Shaugh seemed loth to yeeld thereunto and yet did not altogether denie it but referred it to some further time As for the point of traffique he could not make that motioÌ„ or request that was not so soone granted as it was preferred and the Shaugh himselfe bought there of him many karsies and made him as good paiment as any man could wish and oftentimes would send his mony for the wares before the wares were deliuered that he might be the surer of this honourable intended deâ—ling One thing somewhat strange I thought good in this place to remember that whereas hee purposed to send a great summe of money to Mecca in Arabia for an offering to Mahomet their prophet hee would not send any money or coyne of his owne but sent to the English merchants to exchange his coyne for theirs according to the value of it yeelding this reason for the same that the money of the merchants was gotten by good meanes and with good consciences and was therefore woorthie to be made for an oblation to their holy prophâ—t but his owne money was rather gotten by fraud oppression and vnhonest meanes and therefore was not fit to serue for so holie a vse After sixe moneths spent in Casbin the sayde Thomas Banister departed towards the great citie of Tauris where being arriued he found M. Ducket well recouered of his sicknesse whom he had left ill at Ardouil At this Citie the foresayd Master Ducket made sales of the English commodities remaining there to that purpose the space of two yeeres and a halfe And besides other kindes of merchandises of that countrey he bought great store of gals which grow in great abundance at a place within one dayes iourney of the aforesayd Tauris After this Thomas Banister departed from Tauris and went to Shamaky to giue order for the transporting of those commodities which were bought for England And baning dispatched them away he went there hence to Arrash a towne foure dayes iourney with camels from Shamaky for the buying of rawe silke But there by reason of the vnwholesomnesse of the aire and corruption of the waters in the hote time of the yeere he with Lawrence Chapman and some other English men vnhappily died which being knowen of M. Ducket he immediatly came from Tauris to Arrash to take possession of the goods for otherwise by the custome of the countrey if there had bene no merchant or other friend of his to enter vpon that which he left all had fallen into the Shaughs hands which goods notwithstanding could not bee recouered from the officers which had seized and sealed vp the same vntill M. Ducket had bene in person with the Shaugh and had procured his order for the deliuerie thereof Lionel Plumtree in the meane time that M. Ducket was at Casbin in sute for goods vpon the perswasion of certaine Bogharians made prouision for a iourney to Cathaia with cariages and commodities and hauing all things ready departed secretly with a Carauan but being gone forwards on his way sixe dayes iourny some fifty horsemen by the procurement of Humfry Greensell who afterwards being at Ormus in the East Indies was there cruelly burnt in the Inquisition by the Portingals were sent after him in poste from Soltan Erasbec the Shaughs lieutenant to fetch him backe againe not suffering him to passe on so perillous and dangerous a iourney for feare of diuers inconueniences that might follow After this M. Ducket returned from Casbin to Shamaky againe and immediately made preparation for a iourney to Cassan being about foure dayes iourney from Shamaky and caried with him foure mules laden with mony In the way of his trauel he passed through Persepolis sometime the roiall seate of the Emperors of Persia but now altogether ruined and defaced whereof remaine to be seene at this day two gates onely that are distant one from the other the space of 12. miles and some few pinnacles in the mountains and conueiances for fresh water The foresaid Cassan is a towne that consisteth altogether of merchandise and the best trade of all the land is there being greatly frequented by the merchants of India Here our men bought great store of al maner of wrought silkes and sâ—me spices and good store of Turkie stones The towne is much to be commended for the ciuil and good gouernment that is there vsed An idle person is not suffred to liue amongst them The child that is but fiue yeeres old is set to some labour No ill rule disorder or riote by gaming or otherwise is there permitted Playing at Dice or Cards is by the law present death At this Cashan they remained about the space of tenne weekes and then came downe againe to Skamaky and after some time spent in diuers places of the countrey for buying of rawe silke and other
that land to the end you may winter there the first yeere if you be let by contrary winds and to the end that if we may in short time come vnto Cambalu and vnlade and set saile againe for returne without venturing there at Cambalu that you may on your way come as farre in returne as a port about Noua Zembla that the summer following you may the sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East commodities and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners if you cannot go forward and backe in one selfe same Summer And touching the tract of the land of Noua Zembla toward the East out of the circle Arcticke in the more temperate Zone you are to haue regard for if you finde the soyle planted with people it is like that in time an ample vent of our warme wollen clothes may be found And if there be no people at all there to be found then you shall specially note what plentie of whales and of other fish is to be found there to the ende we may turne our newe found land fishing or Island fishing or our whale fishing that way for the ayde and comfort of our newe trades to the Northeast to the coasts of Asia Respect of fish and certaine other things ANd if the aire may be found vpon that tract temperate and the soile yeelding wood water land and grasse and the seas fish then we may plant on that maine the offals of our people as the Portingals do in Brasill and so they may in our fishing in our passage and diuers wayes yeelde commoditie to England by harbouring and victualling vs. And it may be that the inland there may yeeld masts pitch tarre hempe and all things for the Nauie as plentifully as Eastland doth The Islands to be noted with their commodities and wants TO note the Islands whether they be hie land or low land mountaine or flat grauelly clay chalkie or of what soile woody or not woody with springs and riuers or not and what wilde beastes they haue in the same And whether there seeme to be in the same apt matter to build withall as stone free or rough and stone to make lime withall and wood or coale to burne the same withall To note the goodnesse or the badnesse of the hauens and harborowes in the Islands If a straight be found what is to be done and what great importance it may be of ANd if there be a straight in the passage into the Scithian seas the same is specially and with great regard to be noted especially if the same straight be narrow and to be kept I say it is to be noted as a thina that doeth much import for what prince soeuer shall be Lorde of the same and shall possesse the same as the king of Denmarke doeth possesse the straight of Denmarke he onely shall haue the trate out of these regions into the Northeast parts of the world for himselfe and for his priuate profit or for his subiects onely or to enioy wonderfull benefit of the toll of the same like as the king of Denmarke doth enioy of his straights by suffring the merchants of other Princes to passe that way If any such straight be found the eleuation the high or lowe land the hauens neere the length of the straights and all other such circumstances are to be set downe for many purposes and al the Mariners in the voyage are to be sworne to keepe close all such things that other Princes preuent vs not of the same after our returne vpon the disclosing of the Mariners if any such thing should hap Which way the Sauage may bee made able to purchase our cloth and other their wants IF you find any Island or maine land populous and that the same people hath need of cloth then are you to deuise what commodities they haue to purchase the same withall If they be poore then are you to consider of the soile and hâ—w by any possibilitie the same may be made to inrich them that hereafter they may haue something to purchase the cloth withall If you enter into any maine by portable riuer and shall find any great woods you are to note what kind of timber they be of that we may know whether they are for pitch tarre mastes deale-boord clapboord or for building of ships or houses for so if the people haue no vse of them they may be brought perhaps to vse Not to venture the losse of any one man YOu must haue great care to preserue your people since your number is so small and not to venture any one man in any wise To bring home besides merchandize certaine trifles BRing home with you if you may from Cambalu or other ciuil place one or other yong man although you leaue one for him Also the fruites of the Countreys if they will not of themselues dure drie them and so preserue them And bring with you the kernels of peares and apples and the stones of such stonefruits as you shall find there Also the seeds of all strange herbs flowers for such seeds of fruits and herbs comming from another part of the world and so far off will delight the fansie of many for the strangenesse and for that the same may grow and continue the delight long time If you arriue at Cambalu or Quinsay to bring thence the mappe of that countrey for so shall you haue the perfect description which is to great purpose To bring thence some old printed booke to see whether they haue had print there before it was deuised in Europe as some write To note their force by sea and by land If you arriue to Cambalu or Quinsay to take a speciall view of their Nauie and to note the force greatnesse maner of building of them the sailes the tackles the ankers the furniture of them with ordinance armour and munition Also to note the force of the wals and bulwarks of their cities their ordonance and whether they haue any calâ—uers and what powder and shot To note what armour they haue What swords What pikes halberds and bils What horses of force and what light horses they haue And so throughout to note the force of the Countrey both by sea and by land Things to be marked to make coniectures by TO take speciall note of their buildings and of the ornaments of their houses within Take a speciall note of their apparell and furniture and of the substance that the same is made of of which a Merchant may make a gesse as well of their commoditie as also of their wants To note their Shoppes and Warehouses and with what commodities they abound the price also To see their Shambles and to view all such things as are brought into the Markets for so you shall soone see the commodities and the maner of the people of the inland and so giue a gesse of many things To note their fields of graine and their trees of fruite and how they
pases yet lesse by one quarter then an English mile If the whole dominion of the Russe Emperour were all habitable and peopled in all places as it is in some he would either hardly holde it all within one regiment or be ouer mightie for all his neighbour Princes Of the Soile and Climate THe soyle of the Countrey for the most part is of a sleight sandie moulde yet very much different one place from another for the yeeld of such things as grow out of the earth The Countrey Northwards towards the parts of S. Nicholas and Cola and Northeast towards Siberia is all very barren and full of desert woods by reason of the Climate and extremitie of the colde in Winter time So likewise along the Riuer Volgha betwixt the Countreys of Cazan and Astracan where notwithstanding the soyle is very fruitfull it is all vnhabited sauing that vpon the riuer Volgha on the Westside the Emperour hath some fewe Castels with garisons in them This happeneth by meanes of the Crimme Tartar that will neither himselfe plant Townes to dwel there liuing a wild and vagrant life nor suffer the Russe that is farre off with the strength of his Countrey to people those parts From Vologda which lyeth almost 1700. verst from the port of S. Nicholas downe towards Mosco and so towards the South part that bordereth vpon the Crimme which conteineth the like space of 1700. verst or there abouts is a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey yeelding pasture and corne with woods and waters in very great plentie The like is betwixt Rezan that lyeth Southeast from Mosco to Nouogrod and Vobsko that reach farthest towards the Northwest So betwixt Mosco and Smolensko that lyeth Southwest towards Lituania is a very fruitfull and pleasant soile The whole Countrey differeth very much from it selfe by reason of the yeere so that a man would marueile to see the great alteration and difference betwixt the Winter and the Summer Russia The whole Countrey in the Winter lieth vnder snow which falleth continually and is sometime of a yard or two thicke but greater towards the North. The Riuers and other waters are all frosen vp a yard or more thicke how swift or broade so euer they bee And this continueth commonly fiue moneths viz. from the beginning of Nouember till towardes the ende of March what time the snow beginneth to melâ—â— So that it would breede a frost in a man to looke abroad at that time and see the Winter face of that Countrey The sharpenesse of the aire you may iudge of by this for that water dropped downe or cast vp into the aire congealeth into yce before it come to the ground In the extremitie of Winter if you holde a pewter dish or pot in your hand or any other mettall except in some chamber where their warme stoaues bee your fingers will friese fast vnto it and drawe off the skinne at the pâ—rting When you passe out of a warme roome into a colde you shall sensibly feele your breath to waxe starke and euen sâ—ifeling with the colde as you drawe it in and out Diuers not onely that trauell abroad but in the very markets and streetes of their Townes are mortally pinched and killed withall so that you shall see many drop downe in the streetes many trauellers brought into the Townes sitting dead and stiffe in their Sleds Diuers lose their noses the tips of their eares and the bals of their cheekes their toes feâ—te c. Many times when the Winter is very hard and extreeme the beares and woolfes issue by troupes out of the woods driuen by hunger and enter the villages tearing and rauening all they can finde so that the inhabitants are faine to flie for safegard of their liuesâ— And yet in the Sommer time you shal see such a new hiew and face of a Countrey the woods for the most part wâ—ich are all of firre and birch so fresh and so sweete the pastures and medowes so greene and well growen and that vpon the sudden such varietie of flowers such noyse of birâ—es specially of Nightingales that seeme to be more lowde and of a more variable noâ—e then in other Couâ—treys that a man shall not lightly trauell in a more pleasant Countrey And this fresh and speedy growth of the Spring there seemeth to proceede from the benefite of the snow which all the Winter time being spread ouer the whole Countrey as a white robe and keeping it warme from the rigour of the froft in the Spring time when the Sunne waxeth warme and dissolueth it into water doeth so throughly drench and soake the ground that is somewhat of a sleight and sandie mould and then shineth so hâ—tely vpon it againe that it draweth the hearbes and plants foorth in great plentie and varietie in a very short time As the Winter exceedeth in colde so the Sommer inclineth to ouer much heat specially in the moneths of Iune Iuly and August being much warmer then the Sommer aire in England The Countrey throughout is very well watred with springs riuers and Ozeraes or lakes Wherein the prouidence of God is to be noted for that much of the Countrey being so farre inland as that some part lieth a thousand miles and more euery way from any Sea yet it is serued with faire Riuâ—rs and that in very great number that emptying themselues one into another runne all into the Sea Their lakes are many and large some of 60. 80. 100. and 200 miles long with breadth proportionate The chiefe Riuers are these First Volgha that hath his head or spring at the roote of an Aldeâ—tree about 200. verst aboue Yaruslaue and groweth so bigge by the encrease of other Riuers by that time it commeth thither that it is broad an English nule and more and so runnesh into the Caspian sea about 2800. verst or miles of length The next is Boristhenes now called Neper that diuideth the Countrey from Lituania and falleth into the Euxin sea The third Tanais or Don the ancient bounder betwixt Europe and Asia that taketh his head out of Rezan Ozera and so running through the Countrey of the Chrim Tartar falleth into the great Sea lake or meare called Maeotis by the Citie of Azou By this Riuer as the Russe reporteth you may passe from their Citie Mosco to Constantinople and so into all those parts of the world by water drawing your boate as their maner is ouer a little Isthmus or narrowe slip of land a few versts ouerthwart Which was proued not long since by an Ambassadour sent to Constantinople who passed the Riuer of Moscua and so into another called Ocka whence hee drew his boat ouer into Tanais and thence passed the whole way by water The fourth is called Duyâ—a many hundred miles long that falleth Northward into the bay of S. Nicholas and hath great Alabaster rockes on the bankes towards the sea side The fifth Duna that emptieth into the Baltick sea by the towne Riga The sixt Onega that
so called arising into the ayre according to Munster eight or nine Germaine miles in height and continually flaming like Aetna yet as Benzo an Italian and Historiographer of the West Indies witnesseth is it not able to melt the girdle of snowe embracing the middest thereof Which thing what reason haue we more to admire in the mountaine of Hecla And thus much briefly concerning firie mountaines Now that also is to be amended whereas they write that these mountaines are lifted vp euen vnto the skies For they haue no extraordinarie height beyond the other mountaines of Island but especially that third mountaine called by Munster Helga and by vs Helgafel that is the holy mount standing iust by a monastery of the same name being couered with snowe vpon no part thereof in Summer time neither deserueth it the name of an high mountaine but rather of an humble hillocke neuer yet as I sayd in the beginning of this section so much as once suspected of burning Neither yet ought perpetuall snowe to be ascribed to Hecla onely or to a few others for Island hath very many such snowy mountaines all which the Cosmographer who hath so extolled and admired these three should not easily finde out and reckon vp in a whole yere And that also is not to be omitted that mount Hecla standeth not towards the West as Munster and Ziegler haue noted but betweene the South and the East neither is it an headland but rather a mid-land hill Continueth alwayes burning c. whosoeuer they be that haue ascribed vnto Hecla perpetuall belching out of flames they are farre besides the marke insomuch that as often as it hath beâ—e enflamed our countreymen haue recorded it in their yerely Chronicles for a rare accident namely in the yeeres of Christ 1104 1157 1222 1300 1341 1362 and 1389 For from that yeere we neuer heard of the burning of this mountaine vntill the yeere 1558 which was the last breaking foorth of fire in that mountaine In the meane time I say not that is impossible but that the bottome of the hill may inwardly breed and nourish flames which at certaine seasons as hath bene heretofore obserued haue burst out and perhaps may do the like hereafter The seuenth section The flame of mount Hecla will not burne towe which is most apt for the wieke of a candle neither is it quenched with water and by the same force that bullets are discharged out of warlike engines with vs from thence are great stones cast foorth into the aire by reason of the mixture of colde and fire and brimstone This place is thought of some to be the prison of vncleane soules Item Zieglerus This place is the prison of vncleane soules VVIll not burne towe Where these writers should finde such matters it is not easie to coniecture For our people are altogether ignorant of them neither had they â—uer bene heard of heere among vs if they had not brought them to light For there is no man with vs so rashly and fondly curious that dareth for his life the hill being on fire trie any such conclusions or to our knowledge that euer durst which notwithstanding Munster affirmeth saying They that are desirous to contemplate the nature of so huge a fire for the same purpose approch vnto the mountaine are by some gulfe swallowed vp aliue c. which thing as I sayd is altogether vnknowen vnto our nation Yet there is a booke extant written in the ancient language of the Noruagians wherein you may finde some miracles of earthâ— water fire and aire c. coâ—fusedly written few of them true and the most part vaine and false Whereupon it easily appeareth that it was written long since by some that were imagined to be great wise men in the â—imâ— of Popery They called it a royall looking glasse howbeit in regard of the fond fables wherewith but for the most part vnder the shew of religion and piety whereby it is more difficult to finde out the cousinage it doeth all ouer swarme it deserueth not the name of a looking glasse royall but rather of a popular and olde wiues looking glasse In this glasse there are found certâ—ine figments of the burning of Hecla not much vnlike these which we now entreat of nor any whit more grounded vpon experience and for that cause to be reiected But that I may not seeme somewhat foolehardy for accusing this royall looking glasse of falshood not to mention any of those things which it râ—porteth as lesse credible loe heere a few things friendly reader which I suppose deserue no credit at all 1 Of a certaine Isle in Ireland hauing a church and a parish in it the inhabitants whereof deceasing are not buried in the earth but like liuing men do continually against some banke or wall in the Churchyard stand bolt-vpright neither are they suâ—iect to any corruption or downefall insomuch that any of the posteritie may there seeke for and beholde their ancestors 2 Of another Isle of Ireland where men are not mortall 3 Of all the earth and trees of Ireland being of force to resist all poisons and to kill serpents and other venimous things in any countrey whatsoeuer by the onely vertue and presence thereof yea euen without touching 4 Of a third Isle of Ireland that the one halfe thereof became an habitation of deuils but that the sayd deuils haue no iurisâ—iction ouer the other halfe by reason of a Church there built although as the whole Isle is without inhabitants so this part is continually destitute of a Pastor and of diuine seruice and that it is so by nature 5 Of a fourth Isle of Ireland floating vp and downe in an huge lake the grasse whereof is a most present remedy for all kinde of diseases and that the Iland at certeine seasons especially on Sundayes commeth to the banke of the lake so that any man may then easily enter into it as it were into a shippe which notwithstanding sayth he destiny will not suffer any more then one to enter at a time Furthermore he reporteth that this Iland euery seuenth yere groweth fast to the banke so that you cannot discerne it from firme land but that into the place thereof there succeedeth another altogether like the former in nature quantiâ—ie and vertue which from what place it commeth no man can tell and that all this happeneth with a kinde of thundering 6 Of the hunters of Norway who are so expert to tame wood for so he speaketh very improperly whereas vnto wood neither life nor taming can be ascribed that wooden pattens of eight elnes long being bound to the soles of their feet do cary them with so great celeritie euen vpon hie mountaines that they cannot be outrun either by the swiftnes of hounds and deere or yet by the flying of birds And that they will kill nine roes or more at one course with one stroke of a dart These and such like concerning Ireland Norway
Island Gronland of the miracles of water and aire this master of fragments hath gathered together into his looking glasse whereby alâ—hough he hath made his owne followers woonder and the common people to be astonished yet hath he ministred vnto vs nothing but occasion of laughter But let vs heare Frisius The flame of mount Hecla sayth he will not burne towe which is most apt matter for the wieke of a candle neither is it quenched with water But I say that this strange opinion may be confirmed by many reasons borrowed out of your schoole of Philosophy For the naturall Philosophers doe teach That it is common to all forcible flames to be quenched with dry things and nourished with moiste whereupon euen blacksmithes by sprinckling on of water vse to quicken and strengthen their fite For say they when fire is more vehement it is stirred vp by colde and nourished by moisture both which qualities doe concurre in water Item water is wont to kindle skorching fires because the moisture it selfe which ariseth doth proue more fattie and grosse neither is it consumed by the smoke enclosing it but the fire it selfe feedeth vpon the whole substance thereof whereby being made purer and gathering round together it becommeth then more vehement by reason of colde And therefore also wild-fires cannot be quenched with water Item There be places abounding with brimstone and pitch which burne of their owne accord the flame wherof cannot be quenched with water The graund Philosopher also hath affirmed that fire is nourished by water Arist. 3. de anim And Pliâ—ie in the second booke of his naturall historie cap. 110. And Strabo in his 7. booke In Nympheum there proceedeth a flame out of a rocke which is kindled with water The same author sayth The ashe continually flourisheth couering a burning fountaine And moreouer that there are sudden fiâ—es at some times euen vpon waters as namely that the lake of Thrasumenus in the field of Perugi was all on fire as the same Strabo witnesseth And in the yeares 1226 and 1236 not farre from the promontorie of Islande called Reykians a flame of fire brake forth out of the sea Yea euen vpon mens bodies sudden fires haue glitâ—ered as namely there sprang a flame from the head of Seruius Tullius lying a sleepe and also Lucius Martius in Spaine after the death of the Sâ—ipions making an oration to his souldiersâ— and exhorting them to reuenge was all in a flame as Valerius Antias doth report Plinie in like sort maketh mention of a flame in a certaine mountaine which as it is kindled with water so is it quenched with earth or haye also of another field which burneth not the leaues of shadie trees that growe directly ouer it These things bâ—ing thus it is strange that men should acâ—ompt that a wonder in Hecla onely for I will graunt it to be for disputation sake when indeede there is no such matter so farre foorth as euer I could learne of any man which is common to manie other parts or places in the world both hilly and plaine as well as to this And by the same force that bullets c. Munster saith the like also This mountaine when it rageth it soundeth like dreadfull thunder casteth forâ—h huge stones disgorgeth brimstone and with the cinders that are blowen abroad it couereth so much ground round about it that no man can inhabite within 20. miles thereof c. Howbeit they ought to haue compared it with Aetna or with other fierie mountaines whereof I will presently make mention seeing there is to be found in them not onely alike accident but in a manner the very same Unlesse perhaps this be the difference that flames brake seldomer out of Hecla then out of other mountaines of the same kinde For it hath now rested these 34. yeares full out the last fâ—erie breach being made in the yeare 1558. as we haue before noted And there can no such wonders be affirmed of our Hecla but the same or greater are to be ascribed vnto other burning mountaines as it shall by and by appeare But that brimstone should be sent foorth it is a meere fable and neuer knowen vnto our nation by any experiment This place is the prison of vncleane soules Here I am constrained to vse a preface and to craue pardon of the Reader because whereas in the beginning I propounded vnto my selfe to treat of the land and of the inhabitants distinctly by themselues I must of necessitie confusedly handle certaine matters in this first part which do properly belong vnto the second This is come to passe through the fault of these writers who haue confounded this part of the inhabitants religion concerning the opinion of hell or of the infernall prison with the situation miracles of the island Wherfore that we may come to this matter who can but wonder that wise men should be growen to this point not onely to listen after but euen to follow and embrace the dotings of the rude people For the common sort of strangers and the off-skowring of mariners here I do except them of better iudgement aswell mariners as others hearing of this rare miracle of nature by an inbred and naturall blockishnesse are carried to this imagination of the prison of soules and that because they see no wood nor any such fewell layed vpon this fire as they haue in their owne chimneys at home And by this perswasion of the grosse multitude the report grew strong especially as they are too much accustomed to banning and cursing while one would wish to another the firie torments of this mountaine As though elementarie materiall and visible fire could consume mens soules being spirituall bodilesse and inuisible substances And to be short who can but woonder why they should not faine the same prison of damned soules aswell in mount Aetna being no lesse famous for fires and inflamations then this But you will say that Pope Gregorie fained it so to be Therefore it is purgatorie I am content it should be so then there is the same trueth of this prison that there is of purgatorie But before I proceede any further I thinke it not amisse to tell a merie tale which was the originall and ground of this hellish opinion namely that a ship of certaine strangers departing from Island vnder full saile a most swift pace going directly on her course met with another ship sailing against winde weather and the force of the tempest as swiftly as themselues who hailing them of whence they were answere was giuen by their gouernour De Bischop van Bremen being the second time asked whether they were bound he answered Thom Heckelfeld tho Thom Heckelfeld tho I am affeard lest the reader at the sight of these things should call for a vason for it is such an abominable lie that it would make a man cast his gorge to heare it Away with it therefore to fenny frâ—gs for we esteeme no more of it then of their
croaking coax coax Nay it is so palpable that it is not worthy to be smiled at much lesse to be refuted But I will not trifle any longer with the fond Papists let vs rather come vnto our owne writers And first of all I cannot here omit a saying of that most worthie man Doctor Caspar Peucer There is in Islande quoth he mount Hecla being of as dreadfull a depth as any vaste gulfe or as hell it selfe which resoundeth with lamentable miserable yellings that the noise of the cryers may be heard for the space of a great league round about Great swannes of vgly blacke Rauens and Vultures lie hoouering about this place which are thought of the inhabitantes to nestle there The common people of that countrey are verily perswaded that there is a descent downe into hell by this gulfe and therefore when any battailes are foughten else where in whatsoeuer part of the whole world or any bloudie slaughters are committed they haue learned by long experience what horrible tumults and out-cryes what monstrous skritches are heard round about this mountaine Who durst be so bold most learned Sir to bring such an incredible report to your eares Neither hath Island any Uultures but that second kinde of Eagles which Plinie noted by their white tayles and called them Pygarsi neither are there any with vs that can beare witnesse of the foresaid spectacle nor yet is it likely that Rauens and Eagles would nestle in that place when as they should rather be driuen from thence by fire and smoke being things most contrarie to their nature And yet notwithstanding for proofe of this matter as also of a strange tumult heard within the hollow of the mountaine they allege the experience of the inhabitants which indeede testifieth all things to the contrarie But whereabout should that hole or windowe of the mountaine he by the which we may heare outcries noyse and tumults done among them who inhabite the most contrarie distant aud remote places of the earth from vs Concerning which thing I would aske the author of this fable many questions if I might but come to the knowledge of him in the meane time I could wish that from hencefoorth he would learne to tell troth not presume with so impudent a face to enforme excellent Peucer or others of such vnknowen and incredible matters But to returne to Munster who endeuouring to search out the causes of the great and strange fire of that famous hill Aetna is it not monstrous that the very same thing which he there maketh natural he should here imagine to be preternaturall yea infernal But why do I speake of Aetna Let vs rather consider what Munster in another place thinketh of the burning of Hecla It is without doubt saith he that some mountaines and fields burned in old time throughout the whole world and in this our age do burne As for example mount Hecla in Island at certaine seasons casteth abroad great stones spitteth our brimstone and disperseth ashes for such a distance round about that the land cannot be inhabited within 20. miles thereof But where mountaines do continually burne we vnderstand that there is no stopping of the passages wherby they poure forth abundance of fire sometime flaming sometime smoaking as it were a streaming flood But if betweene times the fire encreaseth all secret passages being shut vp the inner parts of the mountaine are notwithstanding enflamed The fire in the vpper part for want of matter somewhat abateth for the time But when a more vehement spirite the same or other passages being set open again doth with great violence breake prison it casteth forth ashes sand brimstone pumistones lumpes resembling iron great stones much other matter not without the domage of the whole region adioyning Thus farre Munster Where consider good Reader how he cutteth his throat with his owne sword consider I say that in this place there is the very same opinion of the burning of Hecla the burning of Aetna which notwithstanding in his 4. booke is very diuerse for there he is faine to run to infernall causes A certaine fierie mountaine of West India hath farre more friendly censurers historiographers then our Hecla who make not an infernall gulfe therof The History of which mountain because it is short sweete I will set downe being written by Hieronimus Benzo an Italian in his history of the new world lib. 2. These be the words About 35. miles distant from Leon there is a mountaine which at a great hole belcheth out such mightie balles of flames that in the night they shine farre and neare aboue 100â— miles Some were of opinion that within it was molten gold ministring continuall matter nourishment for the fire Hereupon a certain Dominican Frier determining to make trial of the matter caused a brasse ketâ—le an iroÌ„ chain to be made afterward ascending to the top of the hill with 4. other Spaniards he letteth downe the chaine the kettle 140. elnes into the fornace there by extreme heate of the fire the kettle part of the chaine melted The monke in a rage ran back to Leon chid the smith because he had made the chaine far more slender then himselfe had coÌ„manded The smith hammers out another of more substance strength then the former The Monke returnes to the mountains and le ts downe the chaine the cauldron but with the like successe that he had before Neither did the caldroÌ„ only vanish melt a way but also vpon the sudden there came out of the depth a flame of fire which had almost coÌ„sumed the Frier his companions Then they all returned so astonished that they had small list afterward to prosecute that attempt c. What great difference is there betweene these two censures In a fiery hill of West India they search for gold but in mount Hecla of Island they seeke for hel Howbeit they wil perhaps reiect this as a thing too new altogether vnknowen to ancient writers Why therefore haue not writers imagined the same prison of soules to be in Chimaera an hill in Lycia which by report flameth continually day and night that is in mount Hecla of Island Why haue they not imagined the same to be in the mountaines of Ephesus which being touched with a burning torch are reported to conceiue so much fire that the very stones sand lying in the water are caused to burne from the which a staffe being burnt vpon them trailed after a man on the ground there proceede whole riuers of fire as Plinie testifieth Why not in Cophantrus a mountaine of Bactria alwayes burning in the night Why not in the Isle of Hiera flaming in the midst of the sea Why not in Aeolia in old time likewise burning for certaine daies in the midst of the sea Why not in the field of Babylon burning in the day season Why not in the fields of Aethiopia glittering alwaies like stars in
Islanders We wil prosecute in order the properties of these fountains set downe by the foresaid writers The first by reason of his continuall heat There be very many Baths or hote fountains in Island but fewer vehemently hote which we thinke ought not to make any man wonder when as I haue learned out of authors that Germanie euery where aboundeth with such hote Baths especially neere the foot of the Alpes The hote Baths of Baden Gebarsuil Calben in the duchy of Wittenberg and many other be very famous all which Fuchsius doeth mention in his booke de Arte medendi And not onely Germanie but also France beyond all the rest Italy that mother of all commodities saith Cardan And Aristotle reporteth that about Epyrus these hote waters doe much abound whereupon the place is called Pyriplegethon And I say these things should therefore be y e lesse admired because the searchers of nature haue as wel found out causes of the heate in waters as of the fire in mountaines namely that water runneth within the earth through certaine veines of Brimstone Allom and from thence taketh not onely heat but taste also other strange qualities Aristotle in his booke de Mundo hath taught this The earth saith he conteineth within it fountains not only of water but also of spirite fire some of them flowing like riuers doe cast foorth red hote iron from whence also doeth flow somtimes luke-warme water somtimes skalding hote and somtimes temperate And Seneca Empedocles thought that Baths were made hote by fire which the earth secretly conteineth in many places especially if the said fire bee vnder that ground where the water passeth And Pontanus writeth very learnedly concerning the Baian Baths No maruell though from banke of Baian shore hote Baths or veines of skalding licour flow For Vulcans forge incensed euermore doeth teach vs plaine that heart of earth below And bowels burne and fire enraged glow From hence the flitting flood sends smokie streames And Baths doe boile with secret burning gleames I thought good in this place to touch that which Saxo Grammaticus the most famous historiographer of the Danes reporteth That certaine fountains of Island do somtime encrease flow vp to the brinke sometimes againe they fall so lowe that you can skarse discerne them to be fountains Which kind of fountains albeit they bee very seldome found with vs yet I will make mention of some like vnto them produced by nature in other countries lest any man should think it somwhat strange Plinie maketh a great recitall of these There is one saieth he in the Isle of Tenedos which at the Solstitium of sommer doth alwaies flow from the third houre of the night till the sixt In the field of Pitinas beyond the Apennine mountaine there is a riuer which in the midst of sommer alwaies encreaseth and in winter is dried vp He maketh mention also of a very large fountaine which euery houre doeth encrease and fall Neither is it to be omitted that sâ—me riuers run vnder the ground and after that fall againe into an open chanel as Lycus in Asia Erasinus in Argolica Tigris in Mesopotamia vnto which Cardan addeth Tanais in Moscouia and those things which were throwen into Aesculapius fountaine at Athens were cast vp againe in Phaletico And Seneca writeth that there are certaine riuers which being let downe into some caue vnâ—er ground are withdrawen out of sight seeming for the time to be vtterly perished and taken away and that after some distance the very same riuers returne enioying their former name and their course And againe Pliuie reporteth that there is a riuer receiued vnder ground in the field of Atinas that issueth out twentie miles from that place All which examples and the like should teach vs that the fountaines of Island are not to be made greater wonders then the rest Doth forth with conuert into a stone any body cast into it By these two properties namely warmth or most vehement heat a vertue of hardening bodies doth Frisius describe his first fountaine And I haue heard reported though I neuer had experience thereof my selfe that there is such a fountain in Island not far froÌ„ the bishops seat of Schalholt in a village called Haukadal Seneca reporteth of the like saying That there is a certain fountain which conuerteth wood into stone hardening the bowels of those men which drinke thereof And addeth further that such fountains are to bee found in certaine places of Italy which thing Ouid in the 15. booke of his Metamor ascribeth vnto the riuer of the Cicones Water drunke out of Ciconian flood fleshy bowels to flintie stone doeth change Ought else therewith besprinckt as earth or wood becommeth marble streight a thing most strange And Cardane Georgius Agricola affirmeth that in the territorie of Elbogan about the town which is named of Falcons that the whole bodies of Pine trees are conuerted into stone and which is more wonderfull that they containe within certaine rifts the stone called Pyrites or the Flint And Domitius Brusonius reporteth that in the riuer of Silar running by the foote of that mountain which standeth in the field of the citie in old time called Vrsence but now Contursia leaues and boughs of trees change into stones that not vpon other mens credite but vpon his own experience being borne brought vp in that country which thing Plinie also auoucheth saying that the said stones doe shew the number of their yeeres by the number of their Barks or stony husks So if we may giue credite to authors drops of the Gothes fountain being dispersed abroad become stones And in Hungary the water of Cepusius being poured into pitchers is conuerted to stone And Plinie reporteth that wood being cast into the riuer of the Cicones and into the Veline lake in the field of Pice is enclosed in a barke of stone growing ouer it The second is extremely cold As for the second fountaine here is none to any mens knowledge so extremely cold In deed there be very many that bee indifferently coole insomuch that our common riuers in the Sommer time being luke-warme wee take delight to fetch water from those coole springs It may be that there are some farre colder in other countries for Cardane maketh mention of a riuer streaming from the top of an hill in the field of Corinth colder then snow and within a mile of Culma the riuer called Insana seeming to be very hote is most extremely cold c. The third is sweeter then honie Neither is this altogether true For there is not any fountaine with vs which may in the least respect be compared with the sweetnesse of honie And therfore Saxo wrote more truly saying that certaine fountains for there be very many yeelding taste as good as beere and also in the same place there are fountains riuers not onely of diuers tasts but of diuers colours And albeit naturall Philosophers teach that water
our retreats so that they labouring more speedily then euer they did made seuen other forts more vnder the castle and taking away the artillery from them which were farther off planting of it somewhat neerer to the number of fourescore they battered the holde with so great rage that on the eighth day of Iuly with the same night also were numbred fiue thousand Canon shot and after that sort they ouerthrew to the ground the vaimures that scarsely with great trauell and paine we could repaire them againe because our men that laboured about them were continually slaine by their Ordinance and by reason of the endlesse tempest of the shot of their Harquebuzers And our men beganne to decrease For the Turkes caused vs to retire from our Breyes by the violence of their artillery and mining in such sort that there being no more standing left for our Souldiours because we making our vaimures more thicke our standing began to waxe narrower the which presently we of necessitie enlarged with boords as a scaffolde to the vaimure whereby we might haue more elbow roome to fight Captaine Maggio also made one mine vnder the sayd Brey to the intent that we being not able any longer to keepe it the same might be left to our enemies to their great hinderance The third assault TO the sayd Brey the ninth day of Iuly they gaue the third assault to the Turrion of Santa Nappa to that of Andruzzi to the Cortaine to the Keepe of the Arsenall the which assault hauing continued more then sixe houres they were beaten backe in foure places but we left the Brey to their great losse and ours also because we being assaulted our company being not able to mannage their Pikes in good order by reason of the narrownesse of the standing where they were being willing to retire in that order as the L. Baglione had prescribed vnto them and could not cast themselues at the last into a confuse order and retired they being mingled amongst the Turkes so that fire being giuen to our mine the same with a terrible sight to beholde slew presently of our enemies more then one thousand and aboue one hundred of vs. There was slaine Roberto Maluezzi and Captaine Marchetto de Fermo was grieuously wounded At the assault of the Arsenall was slaine Captaine Dauid Noce master of the Campe I my selfe was hurt by the racing of a Cannon shot This assault continued fiue houres and the Citizens of Famagusta shewed great courage in euery place with their women also and yoong striplings The Brey was so defaced by reason of this mine set on fire that no body any more attempted to recouer the same because there was no apt place remaining to stay vpon The left flancker onely remained still whereas another mine was made The gate of Limisso was ouer against this foresayd Brey and somewhat lower which was alwayes open hauing made to the same a Portall with a Percollois annexed to it the which Percollois by the cutting of a small cord was a present defence to the gate and our Souldiours gaue their attendance by that gate to bring in the battered earth which fell in the ditches from the rampaire and when they saw that their enemies in foure dayes came not thither they beganne to entrench aboue the Brey and by the flanckers aboue they suffered no person to passe out of the gate the which thing brought great suspition vnto our enemies because they were often times assailed of our company The fourth assault WHerefore they came the foureteenth day of Iuly to assault the gate of Limisso and laying their battery to all other places they came and planted their Ensignes euen before the gate whereas the L. Baglione and Sig. Luigi were in readinesse who had taken vpon them to defend that gate of the Citie Who assoone as they had encouraged their Souldiours sallying swiftly foorth killed and put to flight the greater part of them and at the last giuing fire to the mine of the flancker slew foure hundred Turkes and Sig. Baglione at the same time woon an Ensigne of our enemies wrasting it violently out of one of the Ensigne bearers hands The day following they gaue fire to the mine of the Corcaine the which thing not falling out greatly to their purpose they followed not their prepared assault Wherefore they beganne to fortifie and aduance higher their trauerses in the ditches for their better assurance against they should giue the assault and they had emptied and carried away all the earth neere vnto the counterskarfe where they lodged in their pauillions so that we could not descrie them They shot seuen pieces of artillery vpon the wall of the counterscharfe so couertly that they were not seene â—wo from the Brey of the Turrion of Santa Nappa one from Andruzzi and two other all along the battery of the Cortaine And they came with certaine boordes couered with rawe and greene hives vnder which they brought their men to digge in the vaimures we being nothing behinde or forgetfull to cast wilde-fire amongst them and sometime to issue foorth of our sallies called Posternes to offend their Pioners although to our great hinderance And we still repaired the vaimures by all meanes possible with Buffe skinnes being moist and wet throwing in also earth shreads and cotton with water being well bound together with cordes all the women of Famagusta gathering themselues together into companies in euery street being guided of one of their Monkes called Caloiero reforted dayly to a certaine place appointed to labour gathering and prouiding for the souldiers stones and water the which was kept for all assaults in halfe buts to quench the fire which the Turks threw amongst them Hauing had no great successe in taking of the gate they found out a newe way neuer heard of before in gathering together a great quantitie of certaine wood called Teglia which easily burned and smelt very euill the which they throwing before the former gate of the Citie and fagots fastened to the same with certaine beames be smeered with Pitch kindled suddenly so great a fire as was not possible for vs to quench the same although we threw vpon it whole Buts of water which were throwen downe from an high Commander which Buts presently brake in sunder This fire continued foure dayes wherefore we were inforced by reason of the extreame heat and sâ—inch to withdraw our selues further inward and they descending towardes their loweâ— flanckers beganne other mines so that the gate was shut vp because it could be no longer kept open and suddenly a thing maruellous to be spoken the standing of the Brey being repaired and made vp againe they planted one piece ouer against the gate the which of vs with stones earth and other things was suddenly buried vp By this time we were driuen to an exigent all our prouision within the Citie stooping very lowe sauing onely hope the noble courage of the Gouernours and Captaines and the
Reichenbach The 19. we passed by Baudzen and Cannitz and that night to Rensperg The 20. we passed by Hayn by Strelen where we should haue passed the riuer of Elbe but the boate was not there so that night we lay at a towne called Mulberg The 21. we passed the said riuer wee went by Belgern by Torga by Dumitch and at night to Bretsch The 22. wee passed the Elbe againe at Wittenberg which is a very strong towne with a good Uniuersitie and that day we passed by Coswig The 23. wee passed through Zerbst in the morning and that night to Magdeburg a very strong Towne and well gouerned as wee did heare The most part of the Countrey after wee were come one dayes iourney on this side Breslawe to this place belongeth to the Duke of Saxon. The 24. wee passed by a castle of the Marques of Brandenburg called Wolmerstat and that night we lay at Garleben The 25. wee lay at Soltwedel The 26. at Berg. The 27. we baited at Lunenborg that night we lay at Winson The 28. we came to Hamborg and there stayed one weeke The 5. of December wee departed from Hamborg and passed the Elbe by boate being much frosen and from the riuer went on foote to Boxtehoede being a long Dutch mile off and there we lay and from thence passed ouer land to Emden Thence hauing passed through Friseland and Holland the 25. being Christmas day in the morning we came to Delft where wee found the right honourable the Earle of Leicester with a goodly company of Lords knights gentlemen and souldiers The 28. at night to Roterodam The 29. to the Briel and there stayed eight dayes for passage The fifth of Ianuary we tooke shipping The 7. we landed at Grauesend and so that night at London with the helpe of almightie God The Turkes passeport or safeconduct for Captaine Austell and Iacomo Manuchio KNow thou which art Voyuoda of Bogdania Valachia other our officers abiding and dwelling on the way by which men commonly passe into Bogdania and Valachia that the Embassador of England hauing two English gentlemen desirous to depart for England the one named Henry Austel and the other Iacomo de Manuchio requested our highnesse letters of Safeconduct to passe through our dominions with one seruant to attende on them Wherefore wee straightly charge you and all other our seruants by whom they shall passe that hauing receiued this our commandement you haue diligent care and regard that they may haue prouided for them in this their iourney for their money all such necessary prouision as shal be necessary for themselues and their horses in such sort as they may haue no cause hereafter to complaine of you And if by chaunce they come vnto any place where they shal stand in feare either of their persons or goods that then you carefully cause them to bee guarded with your men and to be conducted through all suspected places with sufficient company But haue great regard that they conuey not out of our countrey any of our seruiceable horses Obey our commandement and giue credite to this our Seale A Passeport of the Earle of Leicester for Thomas Forster gentleman trauailing to Constantinople RObertus Comes Leicestriae baro de Denbigh ordinum Garterij Sancti Michaelis eques auratus Serenissimae Regine Angliae a Secretioribus consilijs magister equorum dux capitaneus generalis exercitus eiusdem Regiae maiestatis in Belgio gubernator generalis Hollandiae Zelandiae prouinciarum vnitarum associatarum omnibus and quos praesentes literae petuenerint salutem Cùm lator praesentium Thomas Forster nobilis Anglus necessarijs de causis hinc Constantinopolim profecturus si◠inde ad nos quanta potest celeritate reuersurus petimus ab omnibus singulis Regibus principibus nobilibus magistratibus alijs mandent permittant dicto Thomae cum duobus famulis liberum transirum per corum ditiones territoria sine detentione aut impedimento iniusto prouideri sibi de necessarijs iustum precium reddenti ac aliter conuenienter humaniter tractari vt occasiones eius eundi redeundi requirent Sicut nos Maiestates Serenitates Celsitudines dominationes vestrae paratos inuenietis vt vestratibus in similibus casibus gratum similiter faciamus Datum in castris nostris Duisburgi decimo die Septembris anno 1586. stylo veteri A description of the yeerely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumitans Turkes and Moores vnto Mecca in Arabia Of the Citie of Alexandria ALexandria the most ancient citie in Africa situated by the seaside containeth seuen miles in circuite and is enuironed with two walles one neere to the other with high towers but the walles within be farre higher then those without with a great ditch round about the same yet is not this Citie very strong by reason of the great antiquitie being almost halfe destroyed and ruinated The greatnesse of this Citie is such that if it were of double habitation as it is compassed with a double wall it might be truely said that there were two Alexandrias one builded vpon another because vnder the foundations of the saide City are great habitations and incredible huge pillers True it i◠that this part vnderneath remaineth at this day inhabitable because of the corrupt aire as also for that by tune which consumeth all things it is greatly ruinated It might well be sayd that the founder hereof as he was worthy in all his enterprises so likewise in building hereof he did a worke worthy of himselfe naming it after his owne name This Citie hath one defect for it is subiect to an euill ayre which onely proceedeth of that hollownesse vnderneath out of the which issueth infinite moisture and that this is true the ayre without doth euidently testifie which is more subtile and holesome then that beneath The waters hereof be salt by reason that the soile of it selfe is likewise so And therefore the inhabitants at such time as the riuer Nilus floweth are accustomed to open a great ditch the head wherof extendeth into the said riuer and from thence they conueigh the same within halfe a mile of Alexandria and so consequently by meanes of conduct-pipes the water commeth vnto the cesternes of Alexandria which being full serue the citie from one inundation to another Within the citie is a Pyramide mentioned of in Histories but not of great importance Without the citie is La colonna di Pompeio or the pillar of Pompey being of such height and thicknesse that it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides Within the citie there is nothing of importance saue a litle castle which is guarded with 60 Ianizaries Alexandria hath three portes one towardes Rossetto another to the land ward the third to the sea ward which is called Babelbar without which appeareth a broad Iland called Ghesira in the Moores tongue which is not wholy an Iland
called Giagra the tree whereon these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree and thorowout all the Indies and especially from this place to Goa there is great abundance of them and it is like to the Date tree In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they do of this there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse and none of it is woorthy to be burnt With the timber of this tree they make shippes without the mixture of any other tree and with the leaues thereof they make sailes and with the fruit thereof which be a kinde of Nuts they make wine and of the wine they make Sugar and Placetto which wine they gather in the spring of the yeere out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water in that time of the yeere they put a vessell vnder euery tree and euery euening and morning they take it away full and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquour and then they put it into buts with a quantity of Zibibbo white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine After this they make of the Nuts great store of oile of the tree they make great quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings Of the barke of this tree they make cables ropes and other furniture for shippes and as they say these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe They make of the bowes bedsteds after the Indies fashion and Scauasches for merchandise The leaues they cut very small and weaue them and so make sailes of them for all maner of shipping or els very fine mats And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes great and small and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other vessels for meat in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away or cast to the fire When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke and if a man be thirsty with the liquour of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe and as this Nut ripeneth the liquor thereof turneth all to kernell There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca for the Indies for Macao for Portugall for the coasts of Melinde for Ormus as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia as cloth of bumbast white painted printed great quantity of Indico Opium Cotton Silke of euery sort great store of Boraso in Paste great store of Fetida great store of yron corne and other merchandise The Moore king Zamalluco is of great power as one that at need may command hath in his camp two hundred thousand men of warre and hath great store of artillery some of them made in pieces which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro yet although they bee made in pieces they are so commodious that they worke with them maruellous well whose shotte is of stone and there hath bene of that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rareness of the thing The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being is within the land of Chaul seuen or eight dayes iourney which city is called Abneger Threescore and tenne miles from Chaul towards the Indies is the port of Dabul an hauen of the king Zamallaco from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty miles Goa GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies wherein the Uiceroy with his royall Court is resident and is in an Iland which may be in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles and the city with the boroughs is reasonable bigge and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire but the Iland is farre more fairer for it is as it were full of goodly gardens replenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd This city is of great trafique for all sorts of marchandise which they trade withall in those parts and the fleet which commâ—th euery yeere from Portugall which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes and from thence they goe to Cochin where they lade for Portugall and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes iourney and is callâ—d Bisapor this king is of great power for when I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570 this king came to giue assault to Goa being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two hundred thousand men of warre and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths in which time there was peace concluded and as report went amongst his people there was great calamity and mortality which bred amongst them in the time of Winter and also killed very many elephants Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567 I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the kingdome of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa within the land in the company of two other merchâ—nts which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king because the horses of that countrey are of a small stature and they pay well for the Arabian horses and it is requisite that the merchants sell them well for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus and from Ormus to Goa where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and vpwards payeth no custome neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer whereas if they bring no horses they pay 8 per cento of all their goods andâ— at the going out of Goa the horses pay custome two and forty pagodies for euery horse which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence they be piâ—ces of golde of that value So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countreys as 300,400,500 duckets a horse and to 1000 duckets a horse Bezeneger THe city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565 by foure kings of the Moores which were of great power and might the names of these foure kings were these following the first was called Dialcan the second Zamaluc the third Cotamaluc and the fourth Viridy and yet these foure kings were not able to ouercome this city and the king of Bezeneger but by treason This king of Bezeneger was a Gentile and had amongst all other of his captaines two which were notable and they were Moores and these two captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten
or fourescore thousand men These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes and when the armies were ioyned the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres because the two traitourous captaines in the chiefest of the fight with their compaines turned their faces against their king and made such disorder in his army that as astonied they set themselues to flight Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants the which keeping the rightfull king in prison it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison which when he died left his sonne very yong and then they tooke the gouernment to themselues The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio and sate in the royall throne and was called the king the second was called Temiragio and he tooke the gouernment on him the third was called Bengatre and he was captaine generall of the army These three brethren were in this battell in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead Onely Temiragio fled in the battel hauing lost one of his eyes when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell the wiues and children of these three tyrants with their lawfull king kept prisoner fâ—ed away spoiled as they were the foure kings of the Moores entred the city Bezeneger with great triumph there they remained sixe moneths searching vnder houses in all places for money other things that were hidden and then they departed to their owne kingdomes because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was so farre distant from their owne countrey When the kings were departed from Bezeneger this Temiragio returned to the city and then beganne for to repopulate it and sent word to Goa to the Merchants if they had any horses to bring them to him and he would pay well for them and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd battell or warres although they were of his owne marke that he would giue as much for them as they would and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more Then he licenced the Merchants to depart without giuing them any thing for their horses which when the poore men saw they were desperate and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues which at that time ranged vp and downe And in the time I rested there I saw many strange and beastly dâ—eds done by the Gentiles First when there is any Noble man or woman dead they burne their bodies and if a married man die his wife must burne herselfe aliue for the loue of her husband and with the body of her husband so that when any man dieth his wife will take a moneths leaue two or three or as shee will to burne her selfe in and that day being come wherein shee ought to be burnt that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely either on horsebacke or on an eliphant or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage in one of these orders she goeth being apparelled like to a Bride carried round about the City with her haire downe about her shoulders garnished with iewels and flowers according to the estate of the party and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse and in her right hand an arrow and singeth thorow the City as she passeth and sayth that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband She is accompanied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone then they goe out of the City and going along the riuers side called Nigondin which runneth vnder the walles of the City vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of women being widdowes there is prepared in this place a great square caue with a little pinnacle hard by it foure or fiue steppes vp the foresayd caue is full of dried wood The woman being come thither accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing then they make ready a great banquet and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and gladnesse as though it were her wedding day and the feast being ended then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time according as she will After this the woman of her owne accord commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is and when it is kindled they come and certifie her thereof then presently she leaueth the feast and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand and they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd riuer where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes and giueth them to her parents or kinsefolke and couering herselfe with a cloth because she will not be seene of the people being naked she throweth herselfe into the riuer saying O wretches wash away your â—innes Comming out of the water she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of foureteene braces long and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand and they go both together vp to the pinnacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made When she is on the pinnacle shee talketh and reasoneth with the people recommending vnto them her children and kindred Before the pinnacle they vse to set a mat because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire yet there are many that will haue them plucked away shewing therein an heart not fearefull and that they are not affrayd of that sight When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content there is another woman that taketh a pot with oile and sprinckleth it ouer her head and with the same she anoynteth all her body and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire and presently the people that are
Zerzerline neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa and so wee came to Orisa with many sicke and more that were dead for want of water and they that were sicke in foure dayes dyed and I for the space of a yeere after had my throat so sore and hoarse that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in drinking of water I iudge the reason of my hoarsenesse to bee with soppes that I wet in vineger and oyle wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes There was not any want of bread nor of wine but the wines of that countrey are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man neither are they able to drinke them when we beganne to want water I sawe certaine Moores that were officers in the ship that solde a small dish full for a duckat after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of Pepper which is two quintalles and a halfe for a litle measure of water and he could not haue it Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue whom then I had to serue mee which cost mee verie deare but to prouide for the daunger at hand I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke to serue my owne purpose and to saue my life Of the kingdome of Orisa and the riuer Ganges ORisa was a faire kingdome and trustie through the which a man might haue gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all as long as the lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile who continued in the citie called Catecha which was within the land sixe dayes iourney This king loued strangers marueilous well especially marchants which has traffique in and out of his kingdome in such wise that hee would take no custome of them neither any other grieuous thing Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing according to her portage and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden fiue and twentie or thirtie ships great and small with ryce and diuers sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a seed and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal great store of butter Lacca long pepper Ginger Mirabolans dry and condite great store of cloth of herbes which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge then they take care onely to gather them About sixteene yeeres past this king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane which was also king of the greatest part of Bengala and when he had got the kingdome he set custome there twenty pro cento as Marchants paide in his kingdome but this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time but was conquered by another tyrant which was the great Mogol king of Agra Delly and of all Cambaia without any resistance I departed from Orisa to Bengala to the harbour Piqueno which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred and seuentie miles They goe as it were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles and then we enter into the riuer Ganges from the mouth of this riuer to a citie called Satagan where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade are a hundred miles which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the water in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis and when the ebbing water is come they are not able to rowe against it by reason of the swiftnesse of the water yet their barkes be light and armed with oares like to Foistes yet they cannot preuaile against that streame but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the next flowing water and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas they rowe as well as a Galliot or as well as euer I haue seene any A good tides rowing before you come to Satagan you shall haue a place which is called Buttor and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe because that vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe and litle water Euery yeere at Buttor they make and vnmake a Uillage with houses and shoppes made of strawe and with all things necessarie to their vses and this village standeth as long as the ships ride there and till they depart for the Indies and when they are departed euery man goeth to his plot of houses and there setteth fire on them which thing made me to maruaile For as I passed vp to Satagan I sawe this village standing with a great number of people with an infinite number of ships and Bazars and at my returne comming downe with my Captaine of the last ship for whom I carried I was al amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt nothing left but the signe of the burnt houses The small ships go to Satagan and there they lade Of the citie of Satagan IN the port of Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small with rice cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes Lacca great abundance of sugar Mirabolans dried and preserued long pepper oyle of Zerzeline and many other sorts of marchandise The citie of Satagan is a reasonable faire citie for a citie of the Moores abounding with all things and was gouerned by the king of Patane and now is subiect to the great Mogol I was in this kingdome foure moneths whereas many marchants did buy or fraight boates for their benefites and with these barkes they goe vp and downe the riuer of Ganges to faires buying their commoditie with a great aduantage because that eueryday in the weeke they haue a 〈◊〉 now in one place and now in another and I also hired a barke and went vp and downe the riuer and did my businesse and so in the night I saw many strange things The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were in the power of Moores neuerthelesse there is great store of Gentiles among them alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles is to be vnderstood Idolaters and wheras I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect Those people especially that be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges for when any is sicke he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer and there they make him a small cottage of strawe and euery day they wet him with that water whereof there are many that die and when they are dead they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon and putting fire thereunto they let the bodie aâ—ne vntill it be halfe rosted and then they take it off from the fire and make an emptie iarre fast about his necke and so throw him into the riuer These things euery night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two moneths as I passed to
shot about the ship and ouer the flagge and at the â—ame time there came certeine gentlemen aboord our ship to see her to whom I sayd that if they would not cause those their men to leaue shooting I would shoot the best ordinance I had thorâ—w their sides And when they pâ—rceiued that I was offended they departed and caused their men of warre and souldiers to shoot no more and afterwards they came to me againe and tolde me that they had punished their men That done I shewed them the ship and made them such cheere as I could which they receiued very thankfully and the day following they sent for mee to dine with them and sent me word that their Generall was very sory that any man should require me to furle my flagge and that it was without his consent and therefore he requested me not to thinke any vngentlenesse to be in him promising that no man of his should misdemeane himselfe The 17 day we set saile in the road of Grand Canarie and proceeded on our voyage The 20 in the morning we had sight of the coast of Barbarie and running along the shore we had sight of Rio del Oro which lieth almost vnder the tropike of Cancer The 21 day we found our selues to be in 20 degrees and a halfe which is the heigth of Cape Blank The 25 we had sight of the land in the bay to the Northward of Cape Verde The 26 I tooke Francisco and Francis Castelin wiâ—h me and went into the pinnesse and so went to the Tyger which was neerer the shore then the other ships and went aboord her and with her and the other ships we ranne West and by South and West-southwest vntill about foure of the clocke at which time we were hard aboord the Cape and then we ran in Southwest and beyond the Cape about foure leagues we found a faire Iland and besides that two or three Ilands which were of very high rocks being full of diuers sorts of sea-foule and of pigeons with other sorts of land-foules and so many that the whole Iland was couered with the dung thereof and seemed so white as if the whole Iland had bene of chalke and within those Ilands was a very faire bay and hard aboord the rocks eighteene fadom water and faire ground And when we perceiued the bay and vnderstanding that the Frenchmen had a great trade there which we were desirous to know we came to an ancre with the Tyger And after that the Minion and the Christopher ancred in like case then we caused the pinnesse to runne beyond another Cape of land to see if there were any place to trade in there It being neere night I tooke our cocke and the Tygers skiffe and went to the Iland where we got certaine foules like vnto Gaâ—nards and then I came aboord againe and tooke two of the Gannards which we had taken and caried them to the captaine of the Christopher and when I had talked with him I found him not willing to tary there neither was I desirous to spend any long time there but onely to attempt what was to be done The Master of the Christopher tolde me he would not tary being not bound for that place The 27 the Captaine of the Tyger and Edward Selman came to me and Iohn Makeworth from the Christopher and then we agreed to take the pinnesse to come along the shore because that where we rid no Negros came to â—s and the night before our pinnesse brought vs word that there was a very faire Iland And when I came beyond the point I found it so and withall a goodly bay and we saw vpon the maine certaine Negros which waued vs on shore and then we came to an ancre with the pinnesse and went a shore with our cocke and they shewed vs where their trade was and that they had Elephants teeth muske hides and offered vs to fetch downe their Captaine if we would send a man wiâ—h them and they would leaue a pledge for him then we asked them when any ship had bene there and some of them sayd not in eight moneths others in sixe moneths and others in foure and that they were Frenchmen Then we perceiuing the Christopher not willing to â—ary departed from them seâ— saile with the pinnesse and went aboord the Tyger The 10 day of March we fell with the coast of Guinea fiue leagues to the Eastwarâ— of Cape de Monte beside a riuer called Rio das Palmas The 11 we went to the shore and found one man that could speake some Portuguise who tolde vs that there were three French ships passed by one of them two moneths past and the other one moneth past At this place I receiued nineteene Elephants teeth and two ounces and halfe a quarter of golde The 12 we set saile to go to the riuer de Sestos The 13 at night we fell with the same riuer The 14 day we sent in our boats to take water and romaged our shippes and deliuered such wares to the Christopher and Tyger as they had need of The 15 we came together and agreed to send the Tyger to another riuer to take in her water and to see what â—he could do for graines After that we tooke marchandise with vs and went into the riuer and there we found a Negro which was borne in Lisbone left there by a ship of Portugal which was burned the last yere at this riuer in fighting with three Frenchmen and he told vs further that two moneths past there were three Frenchmen at this place and sixe weeks past there were two French ships at the riuer and fifteene dayes past therâ— was one All which ships were gone towards the Mina This day we tooke but few graines The 19 day considering that the Frenchmen were gone before vs and that by reason of the vnholesome aires of this place foureteene of our men in the Minion were fallen sicke wee determined to depart and with all speed to go to the Mina The 21 wee came to the riuer de Potos where some of our boats went in for water and I went in with our cocke and tooke 12 small Elephants teeth The 23 day after we had taken as many teeth as we could get about nine of the clocke we set saile to go towards the Mina The 31 we came to Hanta and made sale of certaine Manillios The first Aprill we hat sight of fiue saile of Portugals whereupon we set saile and went off to sea to get the winde of them which wee should haue had if the winde had kept his ordinary course which is all the day at the Southwest and West-southwest but this day with a flaw it kept all the day at the East and East-southeast so that the Portugals had the winde of vs and came roome with the Tyger and vs vntill night and brought themselues all saue one which saâ—led not so well
Spirituall consistorie before the Tundi Rebelles are executed in this manner especially if they be noble men or officers The king looke what day he giueth sentence against any one the same day the partie wheresoeuer he be is aduertised thereofâ— and the day told him of his execution The condemned person asketh of the messenger whether it may bee lawfull for him to kill himselfe the which thing when the king doeth graunt the partie taking it for an honour putteth on his best apparell and launcing his body a crosse from the breast downe all the belly murthereth himselfe This kind of death they take to be without infamie neither doe their children for their fathers crime so punished loose their goods But if the king reserue them to be executed by the hangman then flocketh be together his children his seruants and friends home to his house to preserue his life by force The king committeth the fetching of him out vnto his chiefe Judge who first setteth vpon him with bow and arrowes and afterward with pikes and swords vntill the rebell and all his family be slaine to their perpetuall ignominie and shame The Indie-writers make mention of sundry great cities in this Iland as Cangoxima a hauen towne in the South part thereof and Meaco distant from thence three hundred leagues northward the royall seat of the king and most wealthy of all other townes in that Iland The people thereabout are very noble and their language the best Iaponish In Meaco are sayd to be ninetie thousande houses inhabited and vpward a famous Uniuersitie and in it fiue principall Colleges besides closes cloysters of Bonzi Leguixil and Hamacata that is Priests Monks and Nunnes Other fiue notable Uniuersities there be in Iapan namely Coia Negur Homi Frenoi and Bandu The first foure haue in them at the least three thousand fiue hundred schollers in the fift are many mo For Bandu prouince is very great and possessed with sixe princes fiue whereof are vassals vnto the sixt yet he himselfe subiect vnto the Iaponish king vsually called the great king of Meaco lesser scholes there be many in diuers places of this Ilande And thus much specially concerning this glorious Iland among so many barbarous nations and rude regions haue I gathered together in one summe out of sundry letters written from thence into Europe by no lesse faithfull reporters than famous trauellers For confirmation whereof as also for the knowledge of other things not conteyned in the primisses the curious readers may peruse these 4 volumes of Indian matters written long ago in Italian and of late compendiously made latine by Petrus Maffeius my olde acquainted friend entituling the same De rebus Iaponicis One whole letter out of the fift booke thereof specially intreating of that countrey I haue done into English word for word in such wise as followeth Aloisius Froes to his companions in Iesus Christ that remaine in China and India THe last yeere deare brethren I wrote vnto you from Firando how Cosmus Turrianus had appointed me to trauaile to Meaco to helpe Gaspar Vilela for that there the haruest was great the labourers few and that I should haue for my companion in that iourney Aloisius Almeida It seemeth now my part hauing by the helpe of God ended so long a voiage to signifie vnto you by letter such things specially as I might thinke you would most delight to know And because at the beginning Almeida and I so parted the whole labour of writing letters betwixt vs. that he should speake of our voyage and such things as happened therein I should make relation of the Meachians estate write what I could well learne of the Iapans maners and conditions setting aside all discourses of our voyage that which standeth me vpon â— will discharge in this Epistle that you considering how artificially how cunningly vnder the pretext of religion that craftie aduersary of mankind leadeth and draweth vnto perdition the Iapanish mindes blinded with many superstitions and ceremonies may the more pitie this Nation The inhabiters of Iapan as men that neuer had greatly to doe with other Nations in their Geography diuided the whole world into three parts Iapan Sian and China And albeit the Iapans receiued out of Sian and China their superstitions and cermonies yet do they neuerthelesse contemne all other nations in comparison of themselues and standing in their owne conceite doe far preferre themselues before all other sorts of people in wisedome and policie Touching the situation of the countrey and nature of the soyle vnto the things estsooneserst written this one thing I wil adde in these Ilands the sommer to be most hot the winter extreme cold In the kingdome of Canga as we call it falleth so much snow that the houses being buried in it the inhabitants keepe within doores certaine moneths of the yeere hauing no way to come foorth except they breake vp the tiles Whirlewindes most vehement earthquakes so common that the Iapans dread such kind of feares litle or nothing at all The countrey is ful of siluer mines otherwise barren not so much by fault of nature as through the slouthfulnesse of the inhabitants howbeit Oxen they keepe and that for tillage sake onely The ayre is holesome the waters good the people very faire and well bodied bate headed commonly they goe procuring baldnesse with sorrow and teares eft soones rooting vp with pinsars all the haire of their heads as it groweth except it be a litle behind the which they knot and keepe with all diligence Euen from their childhood they weare daggers and swords the which they vse to lay vnder their pillowes when they goe to bed in shew courteous and affable in deede haughtie and proud They delight most in warlike affaires and their greatest studie is armes Mens apparell diuersely colouered is worne downe halfe the legges and to the elbowes womens attyre made hansomely like vnto a vaile is somewhat longer all manner of dicing and these they doe eschue The machant although he be wealthy is not accounted of Gentlemen be they neuer so poore retaine their place most precisely they stande vpon their honour and woorthinesse ceremoniously striuing among themselues in courtesies and faire speeches Wherein if any one happily be lesse carefull than he should be euen for a trifle many times he getteth euill will Want though it trouble most of them so much they doe detest that poore men cruelly taking pittie of their infantes newly home especially girles do many times with their owne feete strangle them Noble men and other likewise of meaner calling generally haue but one wife a peece by whom although they haue issue yet for a trifle they diuorse themselues from their wiues and the wiues also sometimes from their husbands to marry with others After the second degree cousins may there lawfully marry Adoption of other mens children is much vsed among them In great townes most men and women can write and reade This Nation feedeth sparingly their vsuall
meat is rice and salets and neere the sea side fish They feast one another many times wherein they vse great diligence especially in drinking one to another insomuch that the better sort least they might rudely commit some fault therein doe vse to reade certaine bookes written of duties and ceremonies apperteyning vnto banquets To be delicate and fine they put their meate into their mouthes with litle forkes accounting it great rudenesse to touch it with their fingers winter sommer they drinke water as hot as they may possibly abide it Their houses are in danger of fire but finely made and cleane layde all ouer with strawe-pallets whereupon they doe both sit in stead of stooles and lie in their clothes with billets vnder their heads For feare of defiling these pallets they goe either barefoote within doores or weare strawe pantofles on their buskins when they come abroad the which they lay aside at their returne home againe Gentlemen for the most part do passe the night in banketting musicke vaine discourses they sleepe the day time In Meaco and Sacaio there is good store of beds but they be very litle and may be compared vnto our pues In bringing vp their children they vse words only to rebuke them admonishing as diligently and aduisedly boyes of sixe or seuen yeeres of age as though they were olde men They are giuen very much to intertaine strangers of whom most curiously they loue to aske euen in trifles what for raine nations doe and their fashions Such arguments and reasons as be manifest and are made plaine with examples doe greatly perswade them They detest all kinde of theft whosoeuer is taken in that fault may be slaine freely of any bodie No publike prisons no common gayles no ordinary Iusticers priuately each householder hath the hearing of matters at home in his owne house and the punishing of greater crimes that deserue death without delay Thus vsually the people is kept in awe and feare About foure hundred yeeres past as in their olde recordes we finde all Iapan was subiect vnto one Emperour whose royall seat was Meaco in the Iaponish language called Cubucama But the nobilitie rebelling against him by litle and litle haue taken away the greatest part of his dominion howbeit his title continually remayneth and the residue in some respect dor make great account of him still acknowledging him for their superior Thus the Empyre of Iapan in times past but one alone is now diuided into sixtie sixe kingdomes the onely cause of ciuill warres continually in that Iland to no small hinderance of the Gospell whilest the kings that dwell neare together inuade one another each oue coueting to make his kingdome greater Furthermore in the citie Meaco is the pallace of the high Priest whom that nation honoureth as a God he hath in his house 366 Idoles one whereof by course is euery night set by his side for a watchman He is thought of the common people so holy that it may not be lawfull for him to goe vpon the earth if happily he doe set one foote to the ground he looseth his office He is not serued very sumptuously he is maintained by almes The heads and beards of his ministers are shauen they haue name Cangues and their authoritie is great throughout all Iapan The Cubucama vseth them for Embassadors to decide controuersies betwixt princes and to end their waâ—tes whereof they were wont to make very great gaine It is now two yeres since or there about that one of them came to Bungo to intreate of peace betwixt the king thereof and the king of Amanguzzo This Agent fauouring the king of Bungo his cause more then the other brought to passe that the foresayd king of Bungo should keepe two kingdomes the which he had taken in warres from the king of Amanguzzo Wherefore he had for his reward of the king of Bungo aboue 30000 ducats And thus farre hereof I come now to other superstitions and ceremonies that you may see deare brethren that which I said in the beginning how subtilly the deuill hath deceiued the Iaponish nation and how diligent and readie they be to obey worship him And first al remembrance and knowledge not onely of Christ our Redeemer but also of that one God the maker of all things is cleane extinguished and vtterly abolished out of the Iapans hearts Moreouer their superstitious sects are many whereas it is lawfull for each one to follow that which liketh him best but the principall sects are two namely the Amidans and Xacaians Wherefore in this countrey shall you see many monasteries not onely of Bonzii men but also of Bonziae women diuersly attired for some doe we are white vnder and blacke vpper garments other goe apparelled in ash colour and their Idole hath to name Denichi from these the Amidanes differ very much Againe the men Bonzii for the most part dwell in sumptuous houses and haue great reuenues These fellowes are chaste by commaundement marry they may not vpon paine of death In the midst of their Temple is erected an altar whereon standeth a woodden Idole of Amida naked from the girdle vpward with holes in his eares after the manner of Italian gentlewomen sitting on a woodden rose goodly to behold They haue great libraries and halles for them all to dine and sup together and bels wherwith they are at certaine houres called to prayers In the euening the Superintendent giueth each one a theame for meditation After midnight before the altar in their Temple they do say Mattens as it were out of Xaca his last booke one quier one verse the other quier an other Early in the morning each one giueth himselfe to meditation one houre they shaue their heads and beards Their cloysters be very large and within the precinct therof Chappels of the Fotoquiens for by that name some of the Iapanish Saints are called their holy daies yeerely be very many Most of these Bonzii be gentlemen for that the Iapanish nobility charged with many children vse to make most of them Bonzii not being able to leaue for each one a partrimony good enough The Bonzii most couetousâ—y bent know all the wayes how to come by money They sell vnto the people many scrolles of paper by the helpe whereof the common people thinketh it selfe warranted from all power of the deuils They borrow likewise money to be repayed with great vsury in an other worlde giuing by obligation vnto the lender an assurance thereof the which departing out of this life he may carry with him to hell There is another great company of such as are called Inambuxu with curled and staring haire They make profession to finde out againe things either lost or stolen after this sort They set before them a child whom the deuill inuadeth called vp thither by charmes of that child then doe they aske that which they are desirous to know These mens prayers both good and bad are thought greatly to preuaile insomuch
swimming vpon the water like a cocks combe which they call a ship of Guinea but the colour much fairer which combe standeth vpon a thing almost like the swimmer of a fish in colour and bignesse and beareth vnderneath in the water strings which saue it from turning ouer This thing is so poisonous that a man cannot touch it without great perill In this coast that is to say from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall we spent no lesse then thirty dayes partly with contrary windes partly with calme The thirtieth of May we passed the Equinoctiall with contentation directing our course aswell as we could to passe the promontory but in all that gulfe in all the way beside we found so often calmes that the expertest mariners wondred at it And in places where are alwayes woont to be most horrible tempests we found most quiet calmes which was very troublesome to those ships which be the greatest of all other and cannot go without good windes Insomuch that when it is tempest almost intollerable for other ships and maketh them maine all their sailes these hoise vp and saile excellent well vnlesse the waters be too too furious which seldome happened in our nauigation You shall vnderstand that being passed the line they cannot straightway go the next way to the promontory but according to the winde they draw alwayes as neere South as they can to put themselues in the latitude of the point which is 35 degrees and an halfe and then they take their course towards the East and so compasse the point But the winde serued vs so that at 33 degrees we did direct our course toward the point or promontory of Good hope You know that it is hard to saile from East to West or contrary because there is no fixed point in all the skie whereby they may direct their course wherefore I shall tell you what helps God prouided for these men There is not a fowle that appereth or signe in the aire or in the sea which they haue not written which haue made the voyages heretofore Wherfore partly by their owne experience and pondering withall what space the ship was able to make with such a winde aud such direction and partly by the experience of others whose books and nauigations they haue they gesse whereabouts they be touching degrees of longitude for of latitude they be alwayes sure but the greatest and best industry of all is to marke the variation of the needle or compasse which in the Meridian of the Iland of S. Michael which is one of the Azores in the latitude of Lisbon is iust North and thence swarueth towards the East so much that betwixt the Meridian aforesayd and the point of Africa it carrieth three or foure quarters of 32. And againe in the point of Afrike a little beyond the point that is called Cape das Agulias in English the needles it returneth againe vnto the North and that place passed it swarueth againe toward thâ— West as it did before proportionally As touching our first signes the neerer we came to the people of Afrike the more strange kindes of fowles appeared insomuch that when we came within no lesse then thirty leagues almost an hundred miles and sixe hundred miles as we thought from any Iland as good as three thousand fowles of sundry kindes followed our ship some of them so great that their wings being opened from one point to the other contained seuen spannes as the Mariners sayd A maruellous thing to see how God prouided so that in so wide a sea these fowles are all fat and nothing wanteth them The Portugals haue named them all according to some propriety which they haue some they call Rushtailes because their tailes be not proportionable to their bodies but long and small like a rush some forked tailes because they be very broad and forked some Ueluet sleeues because they haue wings of the colour of veluet and bowe them as a man boweth his elbow This bird is alwayes welcome for he appeareth neerest the Capeâ— I should neuer make an end if I should tell all particulars but it shall suffice briefly to touch a few which yet shall be sufficient if you marke them to giue occasion to glorifie almighty God in his wonderfull works and such variety in his creatures And to speake some what of fishes in all places of calme especially in the burning zone neere the line for without we neuer saw any there waited on our ship fishes as long as a man which they call Tuberones they come to eat such things as from the shippe fall into the sea not refusing men themselues if they light vpon them And if they finde any meat tied in the sea they take it for theirs These haue waiting on them six or seuen small fishes wich neuer depart with gardes blew and greene round about their bodies like comely seruing men and they go two or three before him and some on euery side Moreouer they haue other fishes which cleaue alwayes vnto their body and seeme to take such superfluities as grow about them and they are sayd to enter into their bodies also to purge them if they need The Mariners in time past haue eaten of them but since they haue seene them eate men their stomacks abhorre them Neuerthelesse they draw them vp with great hooks kill of them as many as they can thinking that they haue made a great reuenge There is another kind of fish as bigge almost as a herring which hath wings and flieth and they are together in great number These haue two enemies the one in the sea the other in the aire In the sea the fish which is called Albocore as big as a Salmon followeth them with great swiftnesse to take them This poore fish not being able swim fast for he hath no finnes but swimmeth with moouing of his taile shutting his wings lifteth himselfe aboue the water and flieth not very hie the Albocore seeing that although he haue no wings yet he giueth a great leape out of the water and sometimes catcheth him or els he keepeth himselfe vnder the water going that way on as fast as he flieth And when the fish being weary of the aire or thinking himselfe out of danger returneth into the water the Albocore meeteth with him but sometimes his other enemy the sea-crow catcheth him before he falleth With these and like sights but alwayes making our supplications to God for good weather and saluation of the ship we came at length vnto the point so famous feared of all men but we found there no tempest only great waues where our Pilot was a little ouerseene for whereas commonly al other neuer come within sight of land but seeing signes ordinary and finding bottome go their way sure and safe he thinking himselfe to haue winde at will shot so nigh the land that the winde turning into the South and the waues being exceeding great rolled vs so nere the land
prouisions ready for the surprise of the base towne which was effected in this sort There were appointed to be landed 1200 men vnder the conduct of Colonell Huntley and Captaine Feâ—ner the Uiceadmirall on that side next fronting vs by water in long boats and pinnesses wherein were placed many pieces of artillery to beat vpon the towne in their aproch at the corner of the wall which defended the other water side were appointed Captaine Richard Wingfield Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Norris and Captaine Sampson Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Drake to enter at low water with 500 men if they found it passable but if not to betake them to the escalade for they had also ladders with them at the other corner of the wall which ioyned to that side that was attempted by water were appointed Colonell Vmpton and Colonell Bret with 300 men to enter by escalade All the companies which should enter by boat being imbarked before the low water and hauing giuen the alarme Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson betooke them to the escalde for they had in commandement to charge all at one instant The boats landed without any great difficulty yet had they some men hurt in the landing Colonell Bret and Colonell Vmpton entred their quarter without encounter not fluding any defence made against them for Captaine Hinder being one of them that entred by water at his first entry with some of his owne company whom he trusted well betooke himselfe to that part of the wall which he cleared before that they offered to enter and so still scoured the wall till hee came on the backe of them who mainteined the fight against Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson who were twise beaten from their ladders and found very good resistance till the enemies perceiuing ours entred in two places at their backs were driuen to abandon the same The reason why that place was longer defended then the other is as Don Iuan de Luna who commanded the same affirmeth that the enâ—my that day had resolued in councell how to make their defences if they were approched and therein concluded that if we attempted it by water it was not able to be held and therefore vpon the discouery of our boats they of the high towne should make a signall by fire from thence that all the low towne might make their retreat thither but they whether troubled with the sudden terror we brought vpon them or forgetting their decree â—mitted the fire which made them guard that place til we were entred on euery side Then the toâ—ne being entred in three seueral places with an huge cry the inhabitants betooke them to the high towne which they might with lesse perill doe for that ours being strangers there knew not the way to cut them off The rest that were not put to the sword in fury fled to the rocks in the Iland and others hid themselues in chambers and sellers which were euery day found out in great numbers Amongst those Don Iuan de Luna a man of very good commandement hauing hidden himselfe in a house did the the next morning yeeld himselfe There was also taken that night a commissary of victuals called Iuan de Vera who confessed that there were in the Groine at our entry 500 souldiers being in seuen coÌ„panies which returned very weake as appeareth by the small numbers of them from the iourney of England namely Under Don Iuan de Luna Don Diego Barran a bastard sonne of the Marques of Santa Cruz his company was that night in the Galeon Don Antonio de Herera then at Madrid Don Pedro de Manriques brother to the Earle of Paxides Don Ieronimo de Mourray of the Order of S. Iuan with some of the towne were in the fort Don Gomez de Caramasal then at Madrid Captaine Manço Caucaso de Socas Also there came in that day of our landing from Retanzas the companies of Don Iuan de Mosalle and Don Pedro poure de Leon. Also he saith that there was order giuen for baking of 300000 of biscuit some in Batansas some in Ribadeo and the rest there There were then in the towne 2000 pipes of wine and 150 in the ships That there were lately come vnto the Marques of Seralba 300000 ducats That there were 1000 iarres of oile A great quantity of beanes peaze wheat and fish That there were 3000 quintals of beefe And that not twenty dayes before there came in three barks laden with match harquebuzes Some others also found fauour to be taken prisoners but the rest falling into the hands of the common souldiers had their throats cut to the number of 500 as I coniecture first and last after we had entred the towâ—e and in the entry thereof there was found euery celler full of wine whâ—reon our men by inordinate drinking both grew themselues for the present senselesse of the danger of the shot of the towne which hurt many of them being drunke tooke the first ground of their sicknesse for of such was our first and chiefest mortality There was also abundant store of victuals salt and all kinde of prouision for shipping and the warre which was confessed by the sayd Commissary of victuals taken there to be the beginning of a magasin of all sorts of prouision for a new voyage into England whereby you may coniecture what the spoile thereof hath aduantaged vs and preiudiced the king of Spaine The next morning about eight of the clocke the enemies abandoned their ships And hauing ouercharged the artillery of y e gallion left her on fire which burnt in terrible sort two dayes together the fire and ouercharging of the pieces being so great as of fifty that were in her there were not aboue sixteene taken out whole the rest with ouercharge of the powder being broken and molten with heat of the fire were taken out in broken pieces into diuers shippes The same day was the cloister on the South side of the towne entred by vs which ioyned very neere to the wall of the towne out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our musquetiers The next day in the afternoone there came downe some 2000 men gathered together out of the countrey euen to the gates of the towne as resolutely ledde by what spirit I know not as though they would haue entred the same but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there wherein were slaine about eighteene of theirs they tooke them to their heeles in the same disorder they made their approch and with greater speed then ours were able to follow notwithstanding we followed after them more then a mile The second day Colonell Huntley was sent into the countrey with three or foure hundred men who brought home very great store of kine and sheepe for our reliefe The third day in the night the Generall had in purpose to take a long munition-house builded vpon their wall opening towards vs which would haue giuen vs great aduantage
battery and of the rest taken at the Groine which had it bene such as might haue giuen vs any assurance of a better battery or had there bene no other purpose of our iourney but that I thinke the Generall would haue spent some more time in the siege of the place The two last nights there were that vndertooke to fire the higher towne in one place where the houses were builded vpon the wall by the water side but they within suspecting as much made so good defence against vs as they preuented the same In our dâ—parture there was fire put into euery house of the low towne insomuch as I may iustly say there was not one house left standing in the base towne or the cloister The next day being the eight of May we â—mbarked our army without losse of a man which had we not bâ—aten the enemy at Puente de Burgos had bene impossible to haue done for that without doubt they would haue attempted something against vs in our imbarking as appeared by the report of the Commissary aforesayd who confessed that the first night of our landing the Marques of Seralba writ to the Conde de Altemira the Conde de Andrada and to Terneis de Santisso to bring all the forces against vs that they could possible raise thinking no way so good to assure that place as to bring an army thither where withall they might either besiege vs in their base towne if we should get it or to lie betweene vs and our place of imbarking to fight with vs vpon the aduantage for they had aboue 15000 souldiers vnder their commandements After we had put from thence we had the winde so contrary as we could not vnder nine dayes recouer the Burlings in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex and with him M. Walter Deuereux his brother a Gentleman of woonderfull great hope Sir Roger Williams Colonell generall of the footmen Sir Philip Butler who hath alwayes bene most inward with him and Sir Edward Wingfield came into the fleet The Earle hauing put himselfe into the iourney against the opinion of the world and as it seemed to the hazzard of his great fortune though to the great aduancemâ—nt of his reputation for as the honourable cariage of himselfe towards all men doth make him highly esteemed at home so did his exceeding forwardnesse in all seruices make him to be woondered at amongst vs who I say put off in the same winde from Falmouth that we left Plimmouth in where he lay because he would auoid the importunity of messengers that were dayly sent for his returne and some other causes more secret to himselfe not knowing as it seemed what place the Generals purposed to land in had bene as farre as Cadiz in Andaluzia and lay vp and downe about the South Cape where he tooke some ships laden with corne and brought them vnto the fleet Also in his returne from thence to meet with our fleet he fell with the Ilands of Bayon and on that side of the riuer which Cannas standeth vpon he with Sir Roger Williams and those Gentlâ—men that were with him went on shore with some men out of the ship he was in whom the enemy that held guard vpon that coast would not abide but fled vp into the countrey The 16 day we landed at Peniche in Portugall vnder the shot of the castle and aboue the waste in water more then a mile from the towne wherein many were in perill of drowning by reason the winde was great and the sea went high which ouerthrew one boat wherein fiue and twenty of Captaine Dolphins men perished The enemy being fiue companies of Spaniards vnder the commandement of the Conde de Fuentes sallied out of the towne against vs and in our landing made their approch close by the water side But the Earle of Essex with Sir Roger Williams and his brother hauing landed sufficient number to make two troups left one to holde the way by the water side and led the other ouer the Sandhils which the enemy seeing drew theirs likewise further into the land not as we coniectured to encounter vs but indeed to make their speedy passage away notwithstanding they did it in such sort as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall vnder Captaine Iackson they stood the same euen to the push of the pike in which charge and at the push Captaine Robert Piew was slaine The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them all our companies were drawen to the towne which being vnfortified in any place we found vndefended by any man against vs. And therefore the Generall caused the castle to be summoned that night which being abandoned by him that commanded it a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid being possessed thereof desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed whereupon he would deliuer the same which he honestly performed There was taken out of the castle some hundred shot and pikes which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals withall and twenty barrels of powder so as possessing both the towne and the castle we rested there one day wherein some Friers and other poore men came vnto their new king promising in the name of their country next adioyning that within two dayes he should haue a good supply of horse and foote for his assistance That day we remained there the Generals company of horses were vnshipped The Generals there fully resolued that the Armie should march ouer land to Lisbone vnder the conduct of Generall Norris and that Generall Drake should meete him in the riuer therof with the Fleete that there should be one Company of foote left in garde of the Castle and sixe in the ships also that the sicke hurt should remaine there with prouisions for their cures The Generall to trie the euent of the matter by expedition the next day beganne to march in this sort his owne Regiment and the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams Sir Henrie Norris Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk in the vantgard Generall Drake Colonell Deuereux Sir Edward Norris and Colonell Sidneis in the battell Sir Iames Hales Sir Edward Wingfield Colonell Vmptons Colonell Huntlies and Colonell Brets in the arrereward By that time our army was thus marshalled Generall Drake although hee were to passe by Sea yet to make knowen the honourable desire he had of taking equall part of all fortunes with vs stood vpon the ascent of an hill by the which our battalions must of necessity march and with a pleasing kindnesse tooke his leaue seuerally of the Commanders of euery regiment wishing vs all most happy successe in our iourney ouer the land with a constant promise that he would if the iniury of the weather did not hinder him meet vs in the riuer of Lisbon with our fleet The want of cariages the first day was such as they were enforced to cary their munition vpon mens backs which was the next day remedied In this
fauour towardes vs will we nill we in such haste as not any one of vs were able to keepe in company with other but were separated And if by chance any one Shippe did ouertake other by swiftnesse of sayle or meete as they often did yet was the rigour of the wind so hidious that they could not continue company together the space of one whole night Thus our iourney outward was not so pleasant but our comming thither entering the coasts and countrey by narrow Streights perillous yce and swift tides our times of aboade there in snowe and stormes and our departure from thence the 31. of August with dangerous blustering windes and tempests which that night arose was as vncomfortable separating vs so as wee sayled that not any of vs mette together vntill the 28. of September which day we fell on the English coastes betweene Sylley and the landes ende and passed the channell vntill our arriuall in the riuer of Thames The report of Thomas VViars passenger in the Emanuel otherwise called the Busse of Bridgewater wherein Iames Leech was Master one of the ships in the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the the discouerie of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September THe Busse of Bridgewater was left in Beares sound at Meta incognita the second day of September behinde the Fleete in some distresse through much winde ryding neere the Lee shoare and forced there to ride it out vpon the hazard of her cables and anchors which were all aground but two The third of September being fayre weather and the winde North northwest she set sayle and departed thence and fell with Frisland on the 8. day of September at sixe of the clocke at night and then they set off from the Southwest point of Frisland the wind being at East and East Southeast but that night the winde veared Southerly and shifted oftentimes that night but on the tenth day in the morning the wind at West northwest faire weather they steered Southeast and by south and continued that course vntil the 12. day of September when about 11. a clocke before noone they descryed a lande which was from them about fiue leagues and the Southermost part of it was Southeast by East from them and the Northermost next North Northeast or Northeast The Master accompted that the Southeast poynt of Frisland was from him at that instant when hee first descryed this new Islande Northwest by North 50. leagues They account this Island to be 25. leagues long and the longest way of it Southeast and Northwest The Southerne part of it is in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1. second part or there about They continued in sight of it from the 12. day at a 11. of the clocke till the 13. day three of the clocke in the after noone when they left it and the last part they saw of it bare from them Northwest by North. There appeared two Harboroughs vpon that coast the greatest of them seuen leagues to the Northwards of the Southermost poynt the other but foure leagues There was very much yce neere the same land and also twentie or thirty leagues from it for they were not cleare of yce till the 15. day of September after noone They plyed their Uoyage homewards and fell with the West part of Ireland about Galway and had first sight of it on the 25. day of September Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Esquire giuen to certaine Gentlemen that went with M. Frobisher in his North west discouerie for their directionsâ— And not vnfit to be committed to print considering the same may stirre vp considerations of these and of such other things not vnmeeâ—e in such new voyages as may be attempted hereafter THat the first Seate be chosen on the seaside so as if it may be you may haue your owne Nauie within Bay riuer or lake within your Seate safe from the enemie and so as the enemie shal be forced to lie in open rode abroade without to be dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise Thus seated you shall be least subiect to annoy of the enemie so may you by your Nauie within passe out to all parts of the world and so may the Shippes of England haue accesse to you to supply all wants so may your commodities be caryed away also This seat is to be chosen in a temperate Climat in sweete ayre where you may possesse alwayes sweete water wood seacoles or turfe with fish flesh graine fruites herbes and rootes or so many of those as may suffice very necessitie for the life of such as shall plant there And for the possessing of mines of golde of siluer copper quicksiluer or of any such precious thing the wants of those needfull things may be supplyed from some other place by sea c. Stone to make Lyme of are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together Slate stone to tyle withall or such clay as maketh tyle are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together Stone to wall withall if Brycke may not bee made are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together Timber for buylding easely to be conueied to the place are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together Reede to couer houses or such like if tyle or state be not are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together The people there to plant and to continue are eyther to liue without traffique or by traffique and by trade of marchandise If they shall liue without sea traffique at the first they become naked by want of linnen and woollen and very miserable by infinite wants that will otherwise ensue and so will they be forced of themselues to depart or else easely they will be consumed by the Spanyards by the Frenchmen or by the naturall inhabitants of the countrey and so the enterprize becomes reprochfull to our Nation and a let to many other good purposes that may be taken in hand And by trade of marchandise they can not liue except the Sea or the Land there may yeelde commoditie And therefore you ought to haue most speciall regard of that poynt and so to plant that the naturall commodities of the place and seate may draw to you accesse or Nauigation for the same or that by your owne Nauigation you may cary the same out and fetch home the supply of the wants of the seate Such Nauigation so to be employed shall besides the supply of wants be able to encounter with forreine force And for that in the ample vent of such things as are brought to you
the day is longer by an houre and a halfe then it is vnder the Equinoctiall wherefore the heate of the Sunne hauing a longer time of operation must needes be encreased especially seeing the night wherein colde and moysture doe abound vnder the Tropickes is lesse then it is vnder the Equinoctiall Therefore I gather that vnder the Tropickes is the hotest place not onely of Torrida Zona but of any other part of the world especially because there both causes of heate doe concurre that is the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames two monethes together and the longer abode of the Sunnes presence aboue the Horison And by this meanes more at large is prooued that Marochus in Sommer is farre more hote then at any time vnder the Equinoctiall because it is situate so neere the Tropick of Cancer and also for the length of their dayes Neither yet do I thinke that the Regions situate vnder the Tropicks are not habitable for they are found to be very fruitfull also although Marochus and some other parts of Afrike neere the Tropike for the drinesse of the natiue sandie soile and some aâ—cidents may seeme to some to be intemperate for ouer much heat For Ferdinandâ—â— Ouieduâ— speaking of Cuba and Hispaniola Ilands of America lying hard vnder or by the Tropike of Câ—ncer saith that these Ilands haue as good pasture for cattell as any other countrey in the world Also they haue most holesome and cleare water and temperate aire by reason whereof the heatâ—s of beastes are much bigger fatter and of better taste then any in Spaine because of the â—anke pasture whose moysture is better dâ—gested in the hearbe or grasse by continuall and temperâ—tâ— heate of the Sunne whereby being made more fat and vnctious it is of better and more stedfast nourishment For continuall and temperate heate doeth not onely drawe much moysture out of the earth to the nourishment of such things as growe and are engendred in that Clime but doeth also by moderation preserue the same from putrifying digesting also and condensating or thickning the said moyst nourishment into a gamme and vnctious substance whereby appeareth also that vnder the Tropikes is both holesome fruitefull and pleasant habitation whereby lastly it followeth that all the middle zone which vntill of late dayes hath bene compted and called the burning broyling and parched zone is now found to be the most delicate tempâ—rate commodious pleasant and delectable part of the world and especially vnder the Equinoctiall Hauing now sufficiently at large declared the temperature of the middle zone it remaineth to speake somewhat also of the moderate and continuall heate in colde Regions as well in the night as in the day all the Sommer long and also how these Regions are habitable to the inhabitants of the same contrary to the opinion of the olde writers Of the temperature of colde Regions all the Sommer long and also how in Winter the same is habitable especially to the inhabitants thereof THe colde Regions of the world are those which tending toward the Poles Arctike and Antarctike are without the circuite or boundes of the seuen Climates which assertion agreeable to the opinion of the olde Writers is found and set out in our authour of the Sphere Iohannes de Sacrobosco where hee plainely saith that without the seuenth Climate which is bounded by a Parallel passing at fiftie degrees in Latitude all the habitation beyonde is discommodious and intollerable But Gemma â—â—isius a late writer finding England and Scotland to be without the compasse of those Climates wherein hee knewe to bee very temperate and good habitation added thereunto two other Climates the vttermost Parallel whereof passeth by 56. degrees in Latitude and therein comprehendeth ouer and aboue the first computation England Scotland Denmarke Moscouia c. which all are rich â—nd mightie kingdomes The olde writers perswaded by bare coniecâ—ure went about to determine of those places by comparing them to their owne complexions because they felt them to bee hardly tollerable to themselues and so took thereby an argument of the whole habitable earth as if a man borne in Marochus or some other part of Barbarie should at the latter end of Sommer vpon the suddeine either naked or with his thinne vesture bee brought into England hee would iudge this Region presently not to bee habitable because hee being brought vp in so warme a Countrey is not able here to liue for so suddeine an alteration of the colde aire but if the same man had come at the beginning of Sommer and so afterward by little and little by certaine degrees had felt and acquainted himselfe with the frost of Autumne it would haue seemed by degrees to harden him and so to make it farre more tollerable and by vse after one yeere or two the aire would seeme to him more temperate It was compted a great matter in the olde time that there was a brasse pot broken in sunder with frosen water in Pontus which after was brought and shewed in Delphis in token of a miraculous colde region and winter and therefore consecrated to the Temple of Apollo This effect being wrought in the Parallel of fouretie three degrees in Latitude it was presently counted a place very hardly and vneasily to be inhabited for the great colde And how then can such men define vpon other Regions very farre without that Parallel whether they were inhabited or not seeing that in so neere a place they so grossely mistooke the matter and others their followers being contented with the inuentions of the olde Authours haue persisted willingly in the same opinion with more confidence then consideration of the cause so lightly was that opinion receiued as touching the vnhabitable Clime neere and vnder the Poles Therefore I am at this present to proue that all the land lying betweene the last climat euen vnto the point directly vnder either poles is or may be inhabited especially of such creatures as are ingendred and bred therein For indeed it is to be confessed that some particular liuing creature cannot liue in euery particular place or region especially with the same ioy and felicite as it did where it was first bred for the certeine agreement of nature that is betweene the place and the thing bred in that place as appeareth by the Elephant which being translated and brought out of the second or third climat though they may liue yet will they neuer ingender or bring forth yong Also we see the like in many kinds of plants and herbs for example the Orange trees although in Naples they bring forth fruit abundantly in Rome and Florence they will beare onely faire greene leaues but not any fruit and translated into England they will hardly beare either flowers fruit or leaues but are the next Winter pinched and withered with colde yet it followeth not for this that England Rome and Florence should not be habitable In the prouing of these colde
leaue which commonly they found very contrary For when the weather was cleare and without fogge then commonly the winde was contrary And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly which would serue their turnes then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce or els the yce lay so thicke together that it was impossible for them to passe And on the other side when it was calme the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them that commonly then they were most therewith distressed hauing no Winde to cary them from the danger thereof And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got vp as high as Leicester point they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which run in that place that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships who being likewise hardly distressed signified their danger as they since reported by shooting off their ordinance which the other could not heare nor if they had heard could haue giuen them any remedie being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles The Fleeboate called the Moone was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce and receiued a great leake thereby Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant hauing their false stemmes borne away and their ship sides stroken quite through Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port as well for that they saw themselues as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich with his Pilot Richard Cox and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone with his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin sundry doubts were there alledged For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers coueted to returne homeward saying that they would not againe tempt God so much who had giuen them so many warnings and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers that they rather desired to lose wages fraight and all then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes Againe their Ships were so leake and the men so weaâ—ie that to amend the one and refresh the other they must of necessitie seeke into harborough But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary that to seeke into harborough thereabouts was but to subiect themselues to double dangers if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring yet being in they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder driue them vpon the shoare and bring them to much trouble Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer againe yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the Land being full of hils dales and ragged Rocks suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water and haue a hundreth fiftie or fourtie fadome depth and before the next cast yer you shall be able to heaue your lead againe you shall be vpon the toppe thereof and come aground to your vtter confusion Another reason against going to harborough was that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce euen of that water which remayned within their shippes And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere After many such dangers and reasons alledged and large debating of these causes on both sides the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect First concerning the question of returning home hee thought it so much dishonorable as not to grow in any farther question and againe to returne home at length as at length they must needes and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete whether they were liuing or lost or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not in the Countesses sound as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger then so shamefully to consent to returne home protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of fiue tâ—â—â—e burthen which hee had within his Shippe which was caryed in pieces and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there whole yeere the which if they could finde meanes to ioyne together hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after and might also thereby giue true notice if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not But notwithstanding for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harborough hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto As first to search alongst the same coast and the soundes thereabouts hee thought it to be to good purpose for that
things he acknowledged himselfe to haue receiued an inestimable benefite as the sauing of his fleet and the winning of many places without any great trouble he made him knight and rewarded his men with many rich bountiful gifts Then departing from thence they went in tryumphing maner toward Frisland the chiefe citie of that Island situate ou the Southeast side of the Isle within a gulfe as there are many in that Island In this gulf or bay there is such great abundance of fish taken that many ships are laden therewith to serue Flanders Britain England Scotland Norway and Denmarke and by this trade they gather great wealth And thus much is taken out of a letter that M. Nicolo sent to M. Antonio his brother requesting that he would seeke some meanes to come to him Wherefore he who had as great desire to trauaile as his brother bought a ship and directed his course that way after he had sailed a great while and escaped many dangers he arriued at length in safetie with M. Nicolo who receiued him very ioyfully for that he was his brother not onely in flesh and blood but also in valour and good qualities M. Antonio remained in Frisland and dwelt there for the space of 14 yeres 4 yeres with M. Nicolo and 10 yeres alone Where they came in such grace and fauour with the Prince that he made M. Nicolo Captaine of his Nauy and with great preparation of warre they were sent forth for the enterprise of Estland which lyeth vpon the coast betweene Frisland and Norway where they did many dammages but hearing that the king of Norway was coming towardes them with a great fleet they departed with such a terrible flaw of winde that they were driuen vpon certaine sholds were a great part of their ships were cast away the rest were saued vpon Grisland a great Island but dishabited The king of Norway his fleete being taken with the same storme did vtterly perish in those seas Whereof Zichmni hauing notice by a ship of his enemies that was cast by chance vpon Grisland hauing repayred his fleet and perceiuing himself Northerly neere vnto the Islands determined to set vpon Island which together with the rest was subiect to the king of Norway but he found the countrey so well fortified and defended that his fleete being so small and very ill appointed both of weapons and men he was glad to retire And so he left that enterprise without performing any thing at all and in the same chanels he assaulted the other Isles called Islande which are seuen Talas Broas Iscant Trans Mimant Dambere and Bres and hauing spoyled them all hee built a fort in Bres where he left M. Nicolo with certaine small barkes and men and munition And now thinking he had done wel for this voyage with those few ships which were left he returned safe into Frisland M. Nicolo remaining nowe in Bres determined in the spring to go forth and discouer land wherefore arming out three small barkes in the moneth of Iuly he sayled to the Northwards and arriued in Engroneland Where he found a Monasterie of Friers of the order of the Predicators and a Church dedicated to Saint Thomas hard by a hill that casteth forth fire like Vesuuius and Etna There is a fountaine of hot burning water with the which they heate the Church of the Monastery and the Fryers chambers it commeth also into the kitchin so boyling hot that they vse no other â—ire to dresse their meate and putting their breade into brasse pots without any water it doth bake as it were in an hot ouen They haue also smal gardens couered ouer in the winter time which being watered with this water are defended from the force of the snow and colde which in those partes being situate farre vnder the pole is very extreme and by this meanes they produce flowers and fruites and herbes of sundry sorts euen as in other temperate countries in their seasons in such sort that the rude and sauage people of those partes seeing these supernaturall effects doe take those Fryers for Gods and bring them many presents as chickens flesh and diuers other things and haue them all in great reuerence as Lords When the frost and snowe is great they heate their houses in maner beforesaid and wil by letting in the water or opening the windowes at an instant temper the heate and cold at their pleasure In the buildings of the Monasterie they vse no other matter but that which is ministred vnto them by the fire for they take the burning stones that are cast out as it were sparkles or rinders at the fierie mouth of the hill and when they are most enflamed cast water vpon them whereby they are dissolued and become excellent white lime and so tough that being contriued in building it lasteth for euer And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them doe serue in stead of stones to make walles and vautes for being once colde they wil neuer dissolue or breake except they be cut with some iron toole and the vautes that are made of them are so light that they need no sustentacle or prop to holde them vp and they will endure continually very faire and whole By reason of these great commodities the Fryers haue made there so many buildings and walles that it is a wonder to see The couerts or roofes of their houses for the most part are made in maner following first they rayse vp the wall vp to his full height then they make it enclining or bowing in by little and litle in fourme of a vaut But they are not greatly troubled with raine in those partes because the climate as I haue saide is extreme colde for the first snow being fallen it thaweth no more for the space of nine moneths for so long dureth their winter They feede of the flesh of wilde foule and of fish for wheras the warme water falleth into the sea there is a large and wide hauen which by reason of the heate of the water doeth neuer freeze all the winter by meanes whereof there is such concourse and flocks of sea foule and such aboundance of fish that they take thereof infinite multitudes wherby they maintaine a great number of people round about which they kepe in continuall worke both in building and taking of foules and fish and in a thousand other necessarie affaires and busines about the Monasterie Their houses are built about the hill on euery side in forme round and 25 foote broad and in mounting vpwards they goe narower and narower leauing at the top a litle hole whereat the aire commeth in to giue light to the house and the flore of the house is so hot that being within they feele no cold at all Hither in the Summer time come many barkes from the Islands their about and from the cape aboue Norway and from Trondon and bring to the Friers al maner of
them neither would they alter one iote of their lawes and customes they would not receiue any stranger wherefore they requested our prince that hee would not seeke to violate their lawes which they had receiued from that king of worthy memory and obserued very duly to that present which if he did attempt it would redoâ—und to his manifest desâ—ruction they being all resolutely bent rather to leaue their life then to loose in any respect the vse of their lawes Notwithstanding that we should not thinke they did altogether reâ—use conuersation and traffick with other men they tolde vs for conclusion that they would willingly receiue one of our men preferre him to be one of the chiefe amongst them onely to learne my language the Italian tongue and to be informed of our manners and customes as they had already receiued those other ten of ten sundry nations that came into their Island To these things our Prince answered nothing at all but causing his men to seke some good harbrough he made signes as though he would depart and sayling round about the Island he espied at length a harbrough on the East side of the Island where hee put in with all his Fleet the mariners went on land to take in wood and water which they did with as great speede as they could doubting least they should be assaulted by the inhabitants as it fell out in deed for those that dwelt therabouts making signes vnto the other with fire and smoke put themselues presently in armes and the other comming to them they came all running downe to the sea side vpon our men with bowes and arrowes and other weapons so that many were sâ—aine and diuers sore wounded And we made signes of peace vnto them but it was to no purpose for their rage increased more and more as though they had fought for land and liuing Wherefore we were forced to depart and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Islande being alwayes accompanyed vpon the hil tops the sea coasts with an infinite number of armed men and so doâ—â—ling the Cape of the Island towards the North we found many great sholdes amongst the which for the space of ten dayes we were in continuall danger of loosing our whole fleâ—t but that it pleased God all that while to send vs faire weather Wherefore proceeding on till we came to the East cape we saw the inhabitants still on the hill tops and by the sea coast keepe with vs and in making great outcryes and shooting at vs a faâ—re off they vttered their old spitefull affection towards vs. Wherefore wee determined to stay in some safe harborough and see if wee might speake once againe with the Islander but our determination was frustrate for the people more like vnto beasts then men stood continually in armes with intent to beat vs back if we should come come on land Wherefore Zichmni seeing he could not preuaile and thinking if he should haue perseuered and followed obstinately his purpose their victuals would haue failed them he departed with a fayre wind and sailed sixe daies to the Westwards but the winde changing to the Southwest and the sea waxing rough wee sayling 4 dayes with the wind the powp and at length discouering land were afraid to approch nere vnto it the sea being growen and we not knowing what â—and it was but God so prouided for vs that the winde ceasing there came a great calme Wherefore some of our company rowing to land with oares returned brought vs newes to our great comfort that they had found a very good countery and a better harborough vpon which newes we towed our ships and smal barks to land and being entred into the harborough we saw a farre off a great mountain that cast forth smoke which gaue vs good hope that we should finde some inhabitants in the Island neither would Zichmni rest although it were a great way off but sent 100 souldiers to search the countrey and bring report what people they were that inhabited it in the meane time they tooke in wood and water for the prouision of the fleet and catcht great store of fish and sea soule and found such aboundance of birds egges that our men that were halfe famished were filled theâ—ewithall Whiles we were riding here began the moneth of Iune at which time the aire in the Island was so temperate and pleasant as is impossible to expresse but when we could see no people at al we suspâ—cted greatly that this pleasant place was desolate and dishabited We gaue name to the heauen calling it Trin and the point that stretched ouâ— into the sea we called Capo de Trin. The 100 souldiers that were sent forth 8 dayes after 〈◊〉 and brought word that they had bene through the Island and at the mountaine and that the smoke was a naturall thing proceding from a great fire that was in the bottome of the hill and that there was a spring from which issued a certaine water like pitch which ran into the sea and that thereabouts dwelt great multitudes of people halfe wilde hiding themselues in caues of the ground of small stature and very fearefull for as soone as they saw them they fled into their holâ—s and that there was a great riuer and a very good and safe harborough Zichmni being thus informed and seeing that it had a holesome and pure aire and a very fruitfull soyle and faâ—re riuers with sundry commodities fell into such liking of the place that he determined to inhabite it and built there a citie But his people being weary and faint with long and tedious trauell began to muâ—mure saying that they would returne into their countrey for that the winter was at hand and if they entred into the haâ—borough they should not be able to come out againe before the next Summer Wherefore he retaining onely the barks with Oares and such as were willing to stay with him sent all the rest with the shippes backe againe and willed that I though vnwilling should be their captaine I therefore departing because I could not otherwise chuse sayled for the space of twenty dayes to the Eastwards without sight of any land then turning my course towards the Southeast in 5. dayes I discouered land and found my selfe vpon the Isle of Neome and knowing the countrey I perceiued I was past Island wherefore taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants being subiect to Zichmni I sayled with a faire winde in three dayes to Frisland where the people who thought they had lost their prince because of his long absence in this our voyage receiued vs very ioyfully What followed after this letter I know not but by coniecture which I gather out of a piece of another letter which I will set downe here vnderneath That Zichmni built a towne in the port of the Island that he discouered and that he searched the countrey very diligently and discouered it all and
in the Countrey I knâ—we not neither haue I seene any to witnesse it And to say trueth who can when as it is not possible to passe any whither In like sort it is vnknowne whither any mettals lye vnder the hilles the cause is all one although the very colour and hue of the hilles seeme to haue somâ— Mynes in them we mooued the Admirall to set the woods a fire that so wee might haue space and entrance to take view of the Countrey which motion did nothing displease him were it not for feare of great inconuenience that might thereof insue for it was reported and confirmed by very credible persons that when the like happened by chance in another Port the fiâ—h neuer came to the place about it for the space of 7. whole yeeres after by reason of the watâ—rs made bitter by the Turpentine and Rosen of the trees which ranne into the riuers vpon the firing of them The weather is so hote this time of the yeere that except the very fish which is layd out to be dryed by the sunne be euery day turned it cannot possibly bee preserued from burning but how cold it is in the winter the great heapes and mountaines of yee in the middest of the Sea haue taught vs some of our company report that in May they were sâ—metâ—mes kept in with such huge yce for 16. whole dayes together as that the Islands thereof wâ—re threescore fathoms thicke the sides wherof which were toward the Sunne when they were melted the whole masse or heape was so inuerted and turned in maner of balancing that that part which was before downâ—ward rose vpward to the great perill of those that are neere them as by reason wee may gather The ayre vpon land is indifferent cleare but at Sea towards the East there is nothing els but perpetuall mists and in the Sea it selfe about the Banke for so they call the place where they find ground fourty leagues distant from the shore and where they beginne to fish there is no day wiâ—hout raineâ— when We haue serued and supplied our necessitie in this place we purpose by the helpe of God to passe towards the South with so much the more hope euery day by how much the greater the things are that are reported of those Countreys which we go to discouer Thus much touching our estaâ—e Now I desire to know somewhat concerning you but I feare in vaine but specially I desire out of measure to know how my Patrâ—ne master Henry Vmpton doth take my absence my obedience and ductie shall alwayes bee ready toward him as long as I liue but in deede I hope that this iourney of ours shal be profitable to his intentions It remaineth that you thinke me to be still yours and so yours as no mans more The sonne of God blesse all our labors so farre as that you your selfe may be partaker of our blessing Adieu my most friendly most sweete most vertuous Hakluyt In Newfound land at Saint Iohns Port the 6. of August 1583. STEVIN PARMENIVS of Buda yours A relation of Richard Clarke of VVeymouth master of the ship called the Delight going for the discouery of Norembega with Sir Humfrey Gilbert 1583. Written in excuse of that fault of casting away the ship and men imputed to his ouersight DEparting out of Saint Iohns Harborough in the Newfound land the 20. of August vnto Cape Raz from thence we directed our course vnto the I le of Sablon or the Isle of Sand which the Generall Sir Humfrey Gilbert would willingly haue seene But when we came within twentie leagues of the Isle of Sablon we fell to controuersie of our course The Generall came vp in his Frigot and demanded of mee Richard Clarke master of the Admirall what course was best to keepe I said that Westsouthwest was best because the wind was at South and night at hand and vnknowen sands lay off a great way from the land The Generall commanded me to go Westnorthwest I told him againe that the Isle of Sablon was Westnorthwest and but 15. leagues off and that he should be vpon the Island before day if hee went that course The Generall sayd my reckoning was vntrue and charged me in her Maiesties name and as I would shewe my selfe in her Countrey to follow him that night I searing his threatnings because he presented her Maiesties person did follow his commaundement and about seuen of the clocke in the morning the ship stroke on ground where shee was cast away Then the Generall went off to Sea the course that I would haue had them gone before and saw the ship cast away men and all and was not able to saue a man for there was not water vpon the sand for either of them much lesse for the Admirall that drew foureteene foote Now as God would the day before it was very calme and a Souldier of the ship had killed some foule with his piece and some of the company desired me that they might hoyse out the boat to recouer the foule which I gâ—anted thâ—m and when they came aboord they did not hoyse it in agaâ—ne that night And wheÌ„ the ship was cast away the boate was a sterne being in burthen one tunne and an halfe there was lâ—ft in the boate one oare and nothing els Some of the company could swimmâ— and recouered the boate and did hâ—le in out of the water as many men as they coulde among the rest they had a care to watch for the Captaine or the Master They happened on my selfe being the master but could neuer see the Captaine Then they halted into the boate as many men as they could in number 16. whose names hereafter I will rehearse And when the 16. were in the boate some had small remembrance and some had none for they did not make account to liue but to prolong their liues as long as it pleased God and looked euery moment of an houre when the Sea would eate them vp the boate being so little and so many men in her and so foule weather that it was not possible for a shippe to brooke halfe a coarse of sayle Thus while wee remayned two dayes and two nights and that wee saw it pleased God our boate liued in the Sea although we had nothing to helpe vs withall but one oare which we kept vp the boate withall vpon the Sea â—nd so went euen as the Sea would driueâ—s there was in our company one master Hedly that put foorth this question to me the Master I doe see that it doth please God that our beate lyueth in the Sea and it may please God that some of vs may come to the land if our boate were not ouer-laden Let vs make sixteene lots and those foure that haue the foure shortest lots we will cast ouerboord preseruing the Master among vs all I replied vnto him saying no we will liue and die together Master Hedly asked me if my remembrance were good I answered
description of the temperature of the climate the disposition of the people the nature commodities and riches of the soile and other matters of speciall moment The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo of the new land called New France newly discouered in the yere of our Lord 1534. How M. Iaques Carthier departed from the Port of S. Malo with two ships and came to Newfoundland and how he entred into the Poâ—t of Buona Vista AFter that Sir Charles of Mouy knight lord of Meylleraye Uiceadmirall of France had caused the Captaines Masters and Mariners of the shippes to be sworne to behaue themselues truely and faithfully in the seruice of the most Christian King of France vnder the charge of the sayd Carthier vpon the twentieth day of April 1534 we dearted from the Port of S. Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden and 61 well appointed men in ech one and with such prosperous weather we sailed onwards that vpon the tenth day of May we came to Newfoundland where we entred into the Cape of Buona Vista which is in latitude 48 degrees and a halfe and in longitude * But because of the great store of the ice that was alongst the sayd land we were constrained to enter into an hauen called S. Katherins hauen distant from the other Port about fiue leagues toward Southsoutheast there did we stay tenne dayes looking for faire weather and in the meane while we mended and dressed our boats How we â—ame to the Island of Birds and of the greaâ— quantity of biâ—ds that there be VPon the 2â— of May the winde being in the West we hoised saiâ—e and sailed toward North and by East from the cape of Buona Vista vntil we came to the Iâ—â—and of Birds which was enuironed about with a banke of ice but broken and cracke notwithstanding the sayd banke our two boats went thither to take in some birdsâ— whereof there is such plenty that vnlesse a man did see them he would tâ—inke it an incredible thing for albeit the Island which containeth about a â—eague in circuit be so full of them that they seeme to hauâ— bene brought thither â—nd sewed for the nonâ—e yet are there an hundred folde as many houering â—bout it as within some of the which are as big as â—ayes blacke and white with beaks like vnto crowes they lie alwayes vpon the sea they cannot flie very high because their wings are so little and no bigger then halfe ones hand yet do they â—lie as swifâ—ly as any birds of the aire leuell to the water they are also exceeding fat we named them Aporathâ— In lesse then halfe an houre we filled two boats full of them as if they had bene with stones so that besides them which we did eat fresh â—uery ship did powder and salt fiue or siâ—e barrels full of them Of two soâ—ts of birds the one called Godeâ—â— the oâ—her Margaâ—â—x and how we came to Carpâ—nt BEsides these there is another kinde of birds which hoâ—â—â— in the aire and ouer the sea lesser then the others and these doe all gather themselues together in the Island and put themselues vnder the wings of other birds that are greater these we named Godetz There are also of another sort but bigger and whitâ— which bite euen as dogs those we named Margaulx And albeit the sayd Islaâ—d be 14 leagues from the maine land notwithstandingâ— eares come swimming thither to eat of the sayd birdsâ— and our men found one there as great as any cow and as white as any swan who nâ—their presence leaâ—â— into the sea and vpon Whitsuâ—â— unday following our voyage toward the land we met her by the way swimming toward land as swifâ—ly as we could saile So soone as we saw her we pursued her withouâ— boats and by maine strength tooke her wâ—ose flesh was as good to be eaten as the flesh of a calfe of tâ—o yeres olde The Wednesday following being the 27 of the moneth we came â—o the entrance of the bay of thâ— Castle but because the weather was ill and the great store of ice we found we were constrained to enter into an harborow about the sayd entrance called Carpunt where because we could not come out of it we stayed til the ninth of Iune what time we departed hoping with the helpe of God to saile further then the sayd Carpunt which is in latitude 51 degrees The description of Newfoundland from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad THe land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad which is the point of the entrance of the bay that trendeth from head to head toward Northnortheast and Southsouthwest All this part of land is parted into Islands one so nere the other that there are but small riuers betweene them thorow the which you may passe with little boats and therefore there are certaine good harborows among which are those of Carpunt and Degrad In one of these Islands that is the highest of them all being the top of it you may plainly see the â—wo low Islands that are nere to Cape Razo from whence to the port of Carpunt they count it fiue and twenty leagues and there are two entrances theâ— eat one on the East the other on the South side of the Island But you must take heed of the side â— point of the East because that euery where there is nothing els but shelues and â—he water is very shallow you must go about the Island toward the West the length of halfe a cable or thereabout and then â—o goe toward the South to the sayd Carpunt Also you are â—o take heed of â—â—ree shelues that are in the chanell vnder the water and toward the Island on the East side in the chanell the water is of three or foure fadome deepe and cleere ground The other trendeth toward Eastnortheast and on the West you may go on shore Of the Island which â—ow is called S. Katherins island GOing from the point Degradâ— and entring into the sayd bay toward the West by North there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right side one of the which is distant from the sayd point three leagues and the other seuen either more or lesse then the first being a low and plaine land and it seemeth to be part of the maine land I named it Saint Katherines Island in which toward the Northeast there is very dry soile but aâ—out a quarter of a lâ—â—gue from it very ill ground so that you must go a little about The sayd â— stand the Port of Casâ—â—es trend toward North northeast and South southwest and they are about 25. 〈◊〉 asunder From the said port of Castles to the port of Gutte which is in the northerne part of the said Bay that trendeth toward East northeast and West southwest there are 12. leagues and an halfe and about two leagues from the port of â—alances that is to say the third paâ—t athware the saide Bay
euery or any of them with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realmes as to the sayde Lorde Treasurer or foure or more of the priuie Counsaile of vs our heires and successors for the time being as aforesaid shal be from time to time by his or their wisedomes or discretions thought meete and conuenient for the better reliefe and supportation of him the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery or any of them and of his or their or any of their associats and companies any act statute law or any thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding Prouided alwayes and our wil and pleasure is and we do hereby declare to all Christian kings princes and states that if the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes or any of them or any other by their licâ—nce or appointment shall at any time or times hereafter robbe or spoile by sea or by land or doe any acte of vniust or vnlawfull hostilitie to any of the subiects of vs our heires or successors or to any of the subiects of any the kings princes rulers Gouerâ—ours or estates being then in perfect league and amitie with vs our heires and successours and that vpon such iniurie or vpon iust complaint of any such Prince Ruler Gouernour or estate or their subiects wee our heires and successors shall make open Proclamation within any the portes of our Realme of England that the saide Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and adherents or any to whom these our Letters patâ—nts may extende shall within the termes to bee limited by such Proclamation make full restitution and satiffaction of all such iniuries done so as both we and the said Princes or other so complaining may hold vs and themselues fully contented And that if the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes shall not make or cause to be made satisfaction accordingly within such time so to be limitted that then it shal be lawful to vs our heires and successors to put the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and adherents and all the inhabitants of the saide places to be discouered as is aforesaid or any of them out of our allegeance and protection and that from and after such time of putting out of protection of the saide Walter Ralegh his heires assignes and adherents and others so to be put out and the said places within their habitation possession and rule shall be out of our allegeance and protection and free for all Princes and others to pursue with hostilitie as bring not our subiects nor by vs any way to be auouched maintained or defended nor to be holden as any of ours nor to our protection or dominion or allegeance any way belonging for that expresse mention of the cleere yeerely value of the certaintie of the premissesâ— or any part thereof or of any other gift or grant by vs or any our progenitors or predecessors to the said Walter Ralegh before this time made in these presents bee not expressed or any oâ—her grant ordinance prouision proclamation or restraint to the contary thereof before this â—imeâ— giuen ordained or prouided or any other thing cause or matter whatsoeuer in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters to be made Patents Witnesse our selues at Westminster the fiue and twentie day of March in the sixe and twentith yeere of our Raigne The first voyage made to the coasts of America with two barks where in were Captaines M. Philip Amadas and M. Arthur Barlowe who discouered part of the Countrey now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written by one of the said Captaines and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight at whose charge and direction the said voyage was set forth THe 27 day of Aprill in the yeere of our redemption 1584 we departed the West of England with two barkes well furnished with men and victuals hauing receiued our last and perfect directions by your letters confirming the former instructions and commandements deliuered by your selfe at our leauing the riuer of Thames And I thinke it a matter both vnnecessary for the manifest discouerie of the Countrey as also for tediousnesse sake to remember vnto you the diuâ—nall of our course sayling thither and returning onely I haue presumed to present vnto you this briefe discourse by which you may iudge how profitable this land is likely to succeede as well to your selfe by whose direction and charge and by whose seruantes this our discouerie hath beene performed as also to her Highnesse and the Common wealth in which we hope your wisedome wil be satified considering that as much by vs hath bene brought to light as by those smal meanes and number of men we had could any way haue bene expected or hoped for The tenth of May we arriued at the Canaries and the tenth of Iune in this present yeere we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies keeping a more Southeasterly course then was needefull because wee doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexcio disbogging betweene the Cape of Florida and Hauana had bene of greater force then afterwardes we found it to bee At which Islands we found the ayre very vnwholsome and our men grew for the most part ill disposed so that hauing refreshed our selues with sweet water fresh victuall we departed the twelfth day of our arriuall there These Islands with the rest adioyning are so well knowen to your selfe and to many others as I will not trouble you with the remembrance of them The second of Iuly we found shole water wher we smelt so sweet and so strong a smel as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers by which we were assured that the land could not be farre distant and keeping good watch and bearing but slacke saile the fourth of the same moneth we arriued vpon the coast which we supposed to be a continent and firme lande and we sayled along the same a hundred and twentie English miles before we could finde any entrance or riuer issuing into the Sea The first that appeared vnto vs we entred though not without some difficultie cast anker about three harquebuz-shot within the hauens mouth on the left hand of the same and after thankes giuen to God for our safe arriuall thither we manned our boats and went to view the land next adioyning and to take possession of the same in the right of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie as rightfull Queene and Princesse of the same and after deliuered the same ouer to your vse according to her Maiesties grant and letters patents vnder her Highnesse great Seale Which being performed according to the ceremonies vsed in such enterprises we viewed the land about vs being whereas we first landed very sandie and low towards the waters side but so full of grapes as the very beating and surge of the Sea ouerflowed them of which we found such plentie
goodly Riuer in hope to meete with some better happe or otherwise to retire our selues backe againe And for that they might be the better aduised I willed them to deliberate all night vpon the matter and in the morning at our going aborde to set our course according to the desires of the greatest part Their resolution fully and wholy was and not three founde to bee of the contrary opinion that whiles there was left but one halfe pinte of Corne for a man wee should not leaue the search of that Riuer and that there were in the companie two Mastiues vpon the pottage of which with Sassafras leaues if the worst fell out the company would make shift to liue two dayes which time would bring them downe the current to the mouth of the Riuer and to the entrie of the Sound and in two dayes more at the farthest they hoped to crosse the Sound and to bee relieued by the weares which two dayes they would fast rather then be drawen backe a foote till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friendes or foes This resolution of theirs did not a little please mee since it came of themselues although for mistrust of that which afterwards did happen I pretended to haue bene rather of the contrary opinion And that which made me most desirous to haue some doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to haue had one or two of them prisoners was for that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey that there is a Prouince to the which the said Mangoaks haue recourse and trafique vp that Riuer of Moratoc which hath a marueilous and most strange Minerall This Mine is so notorious amongst them as not onely to the Sauages dwelling vp the said riuer and also to the Sauages of Chawanook and all them to the Westward but also to all them of the maine the Countreis name is of fame and is called Chaunis Temoatan The Minerall they say is Wassador which is copper but they call by the name of Wassador euery mettall whatsoeuer they say it is of the colour of our copper but our copper is better then theirs and the reason is for that it is redder and harder whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very soft and pale they say that they take the saide mettall out of a riuer that falleth very swift from hie rockes and hâ—ls and they take it in shallow water the maner is this They take a great bowle by their description as great as one of our targets and wrappe a skinne ouer the hollow part thereof leauing one part open to receiue in the minerall that done they watch the comming downe of the current and the change of the colour of the water and then suddenly chop downe the said bowle with the skinne and receiue into the same as much oare as will come in which is euer as much as their bowle will holde which presently they cast into a fire and foorthwith it melteth and doeth yeelde in fiue parts at the first melting two parts of metall for three parts of oare Of this metall the Mangoaks haue so great store by report of all the Sauages adioyning that they beautifie their houses with great plates of the same and this to be true I receiued by report of all the countrey and particularly by yong Skiko the King of Chawanooks sonne my prisoner who also himselfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks and set downe all the particularities to me before mentioned but hee had not bene at Chawnis Temoatan himselfe for hee said it was twentie dayes iourney ouerland from the Mangoaks to the said Mineral Countrey and that they passed through certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks before they came to the said Countrey Upon report of the premisses which I was very inquisitiue in all places where I came to take very particular information of by all the Sauages that dwelt towards those parts and especially of Menatonon himselfe who in euery thing did very particularly informe mee and promised me guides of his owne men who should passe ouer with me euen to the said Country of Chaunis Temoatan for ouerland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one dayes iourney from Sunne rising to Sunne setting whereas by water it is seuen dayes with the soonest These things I say made me very desirous by all meanes possible to recouer the Mangoaks and to get some of that their copper for an assay and therefore I willingly yeelded to their resolution But it fell out very contrary to all expectation and likelyhood for after two dayes trauell and our whole victuall spent lying on shoare all night wee could neuer see man onely fires we might perceiue made alongst the shoare where we were to passe and vp into the Countrey vntill the very last day In the euening whereof about three of the clocke wee heard certaine Sauages call as we thought Manteo who was also at that time with me in the boat whereof we all being very glad hoping of some friendly conference with them and making him to answere them they presently began a song as we thought in token of our welcome to them but Manteo presently betooke him to his piece and tolde mee that they meant to fight with vs which worde was not so soone spoken by him and the light horseman ready to put to shoare but there lighted a vollie of their arrowes amongst them in the boat but did no hurt God be thanked to any man Immediatly the other boate lying ready with their shot to skoure the place for our hand weapons to lande vpon which was presently done although the land was very high and steepe the Sauages forthwith quitted the shoare and betooke themselues to flight wee landed and hauing faire and easily followed for a smal time after them who had wooded themselues we know not where the Sunne drawing then towards the setting and being then assured that the next day if wee would pursue them though we might happen to meete with them yet wee should be assured to meete with none of their victuall which we then had good cause to thinke of therefore choosing for the company a conuenient ground in safetie to lodge in for the night making a strong Corps of guard and putting out good Centinels I determined the next morning before the rising of the Sunne to be going backe againe if possibly we might recouer the mouth of the riuer into the broad sound which at my first motion I found my whole company ready to assent vnto for they were nowe come to their Dogges porredge that they had be spoken for themselues if that befell them which did and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape The ende was we came the next day by night to the Riuers mouth within foure or fiue miles of the same hauing rowed in one day downe the current as much as in foure dayes wee had done against the same we lodged vpon an Iland
haue euer seene heere in England But of Wheat because it was musty and had taken salt water we could make no triall and of Rie we had none Thus much haue I digressed and I hope not vnnecessarily now will I returne againe to my course and intreat of that which yet remaineth apperteining to this chapter There is an herbe which is sowed apart by itselfe and is called by the inhabitants Vppoâ—oc in the West Indies it hath diuers names according to the seuerall places and countreys where it groweth and is vsed the Spanyards generally call it Tabacco The leaues thereof being dried and brought into pouder they vse to take the fume or smoake thereof by sucking it thorow pipes made of clay into their stomacke and head from whence it purgeth superfluous fleame and other grosse humours and openeth all the pores and passages of the body by which meanes the vse thereof not onely preserueth the body from obstructions but also if any be so that they haue not bene of too long continuance in short time breaketh them whereby their bodies are noâ—ably preserued in health and know not many grieuous diseases wherewithall we in England are often times afflicted This Vppowoc is of so precious estimation amongst them that they thinke their gods are maruellously delighted therewith whereupon sometime they make hallowed fires and cast some of the pouder therin for a sacrifice being in a storme vpon the waters to pacific their â—ods they cast some vp into the aire and into the water so a weare for fish being newly set vp they cast some therein and into the aire also after an escape of danger they cast some into the aire likewise but all done with strange gestures stamping sometime dancing clapping of hands holding vp of hands and staring vp into the heauens vttering there withall and chattering strange words and noises We our selues during the time we were there vsed to sucke it after their maner as also since our returne and haue found many rare and woonderfull experiments of the vertues thereof of which the relation would require a volume by it selfe the vse of it by so many of late men and women of great calling as els and some learned Physicians also is sufficient witnesse And there are all the commodities for sustenance of life that I know and can remember they vse to husband all els that follow are found growing naturally or wilde Of Roots OPenauk are a kinde of roots of round forme some of the bignesse of Walnuts some farre greater which are found in moist and marish grounds growing many together one by another in ropes as though they were fastened with a string Being boiled or sodden they are very good meat Monardes calleth these roots Beads or Pater nostri of Santa Helena Okeepenauk are also of round shape found in dry grounds some are of the bignesse of a mans head They are to be eaten as they are taken out of the ground for by reason of their drinesse they will neither rost nor seethe Their taste is not so good as of the former roots notwithstanding for want of bread and sometimes for variety the inhabitants vse to eat them with fish or flesh and in my iudgement they do as well as the housholde bread made of Rie here in England Kaishucpenauk a white kinde of roots about the bignesse of hennes egges and neere of thaâ— forme their taste was not so good to our seeming as of the other and therefore their place and maner of growing not so much cared for by vsâ— the inhabitants notwithstanding vsed to boile and eat many Tsinaw a kind of root much like â—nto that which in England is called the China root brought from the East Indies And we know not any thing to the contrary but that it may be of the same kinde These roots grow many together in great clusters and do bring foorth a brier stalke but the leafe in shape farre vnlike which being supported by the trees it groweth neerest vnto will reach or climbe to the top of the highest From these roots while they be new or fresh being chopâ— into small pieces and stampt is strained with water a iuice that maketh bread and also being boiled a very good spoonmeat in maner of a gelly and is much better in taste if it be tempered with oile This Tsinaw is not of that sort which by some was caused to be brought into England for the China root for it was discouered since and is in vse as is aforesayd but that which was brought hither is not yet knowen neither by vs nor by the inhabitants to serue for any vse or purpose although the roots in shape are very like Coscushaw some of our company tooke to be that kinde of root which the Spanyards in thâ— West Indies call Cassauy whereupon also many called it by that name it groweth in very muddy pooles and moist grounds Being dressed according to the countrey maner it maketh a good bread and also a good spoonmeat and is vsed very much by the inhabitants The iuice of this root is poison therefore heed must be taken before any thing be made therewithall either the roots must be first sliced and dried in the Sunne or by the fire and then being punned into floure will make good bread or els while they are greene they are to be pared cut in pieces and stampt loaues of the same to be layd nere or ouer the fire vntill it be sowre and then being well punned againe bread or spoonmeat very good in taste and holesome may be made thereof Habascon is a root of hote taste almost of the forme and bignesse of a Parsniâ— of it selfe it is no victuall but onely a helpe being boiled together with other meats There are also Leeks differing little from ours in England that grow in many places of the countrey of which when we came in places where they were we gathered and eat many but the naturall inhabitants neuer Of Fruits CHestnuts there are in diuers places great store some they vse to eat raw some they sâ—ampe and boile to make spoonmeat and with some being sodden they make such a maner of dough bread as they vse of their beanes before mentioned Walnuts There are two kinds of Walnuts and of them infinite store in maâ—y places where are very great woods for many miles together the third part of trees are Walnut trees The one kinde is of the same taste and forme or little differing from ours of England but that they are harder and thicker shelled the other is greater and hath a very ragged and hard shell but the kernel great very oily and sweet Besides their eating of them after our ordinary maner they breake them with stones and punne them in morters with water to make a milke which they vse to put into some sorts of their spoonmeat also among their sodde wheat peaze beanes and pompions which maketh them haue a farre more pleasant taste Medlars
friendly taking our leaue and came aboord the fleete at Hatorask The eight of August the Gouernour hauing long expected the comming of the Wiroanses of Pomeiok Aquascogoc Secota and Dasamonguepeuk seeing that the seuen dayes were past within which they promised to come in or to send their answeres by the men of Croatoan and no tidings of them heard being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan that the remnant of Wingina his men which were left aliue who dwelt at Dasamonquepeuk were they which had slaine George Howe and were also at the driuing of our eleuen Englishmen from Roanoak hee thought to deferre the reuenge thereof no longer Wherefore the same night about midnight he passed ouer the water accompanied with Captaine Stafford and 24 men wherof Manteo was one whom we tooke with vs to be our guide to the place where those Sauages dwelt where he behaued himselfe toward vs as a most faithfull Englishman The next day being the 9 of August in the morning so early that it was yet darke we landed neere the dwelling place of our enemies very secretly conueyed our selues through the woods to that side where we had their houses betweene vs and the water and hauing espied their fire and some sitting about it we presently set on them the miserable soules herewith amazed fled into a place of thicke reedes growing fast by where our men perceiuing them shot one of them through the bodie with a bullet and therewith we entred the reedes among which we hoped to acquite their euill doing towards vs but we were deceiued for those Sauages were our friends and were come from Croatoan to gather the corne fruit of that place because they vnderstood our enemies were fled immediatly after they had slaine George Howe and for haste had left all their corne Tabacco and Pompions standing in such sort that al had bene deuoured of the birds and Deere if it had not bene gathered in time but they had like to haue payd deerely for it for it was so darke that they being naked and their men and women apparelled â—ll so like others weâ— knew not but that they were al men and if that one of them which was a Wiroanceâ— wife had not had a child at her backe shee had bene slaine in stead of a man and as hap was another Sauage knew Master Stafford and ran to him calling him by his name whereby hee was saued Finding our selues thus disappointed of our purpose we gathered al the corne Pease Pompions and Tabacco that we found ripe leauing the rest vnspoyled and tooke Menatoan his wife with the yong child and the other Sauages with vs ouer the water to Roanoak Although the mistaking of these Sauages somewhat grieued Manteo yet he imputed their harme to their owne folly saying to them that if their Wiroances had kept their promise in comming to the Gâ—uernour at the day appointed they had not knowen that mischance The 13 of August our Sauage Manteo by the commandement of Sir Walter Ralegh was â—hristened in Roanoak and called Lord thereof and of Dasamonguepeuk in reward of his faithfull seruice The 18 Elenor daughter to the Gouernour and wife to Ananias Dare one of the Assistants was deliuered of a daughter in Roanoak and the same was christened there the Sonday following and because this child was the first Christian borne in Virginia shee was named Virginia By this time our ships had vnlâ—den the goods and victuals of the planters and began to take in wood and fresh water and to new calke and trimme them for England the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to send backe into England Our two ships the Lion and the Flyboat almost ready to depart the 21 of August there arose such a tempest at Northeast that our Admirall then riding out of the harbour was forced to cut his cables and put to sea where he lay beating off and on sixe dayes before he could come to vs againe so that we feared he had bene cast away and the rather for that at the time that the storme tooke them the most and best of their sailors were left aland At this time some controuersies arose betweene the Gouernour and Assistants about choosing two out of the twelue Assistants which should goe backe as factors for the company into England for euery one of them refused saue onely one which all other thought not sufficient but at length by much perswading of the Gouernour Christopher Cooper only agreed to gâ—e for England but the next day through the perswasion of diuers of his familiar friends hee changed his minde so that now the matter stood as at the first The next day the 22 of August the whole company both of the Assistanâ—s and planters came to the Gouernour and with one voice requested him to returne himselfe into England for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies and other necessaries for them but he refused it and alleaged many sufficient causes why he would not the one was that he could not so suddenly returne backe againe without his great discredite leauing the action and so many whome hee partly had procured through his perswasions to leaue their natiue countrey and vndertake that voyage and that some enemies to him and the action at his returne into England would not spare to slander falsly both him and the action by saying hee went to Virginia but politikely and to no other enâ— but to leade so many into a countrey in which hee neuer meant to stay himselfe and there to leaue them behind him Also he alleaged that seeing they intended to remoue 50 miles further vp into the maine presently he being then absent his stuffe and goods might be both spoiled most of them pilfered away in the cariage so that at his returne he should be either forced to prouide himselfe of all such things againe or else at his comming againe to Virginia find himselfe vtterly vnfurnished whereof already he had found some proofe being but once from them but three dayes Wherefore he concluded that he would not goe himselfe The next day not onely the Assistants but diuers others as well women as men began to renew their requests to the Gouernour againe to take vpon him to returne into England for the supply and dispatch of all such things as there were to be done promising to make him their bond vnder all their handes and seales for the safe preseruing of all his goods for him at his returne to Virginia so that if any part thereof were spoyled or lost they would see it restored to him or his Assignes whensoeuer the same should be missed and demanded which bond with a testimony vnder their hands and seales they foorthwith made and deliuered into his hands The copie of the testimony I thought good to set downe May it please you her Maiesties subiects of England we your friends and countrey-men the planters in Virginia doe by these presents let you and euery
some blood vpon them for a token of their victories But seeing no signe thereof vpon it he was vpon the point to say vnto him that he had killed none of the men of Thimogoa when as Vasseur preuenting that which hee might obiect declared and shewed vnto him by signes the maner of his enterprise adding that by reason of the two Indians which he had slaine his sword was so bloudy that hee was inforced to wash and make it cleane a long while in the Riuer which the olde man beleeued to be like to be true and made no maner of replie thereunto Vasseur La Caille and their other companions went out of the hal to go into the roome whither they had carried the Indian there they found the Paracoussy sitting vpon tapistries made of small reedes which was at meate after the Indian fashion and the Indian that was smitten hard by him lying vpon the selfe same tapistry about whom stoode the wife of the Paracousâ—y with all the young damsels which before bewailed him in the hall which did nothing else but warme a great deale of mosse in stead of napkins to rub the Indians side Hereupon our men asked the Paracousâ—y againe for what occasion the Indian was so persecuted in his presence hee answered that this was nothing else but a kinde of ceremonie whereby they would call to minde the death and persecutions of the Paracoussies their ancestours executed by their enemie Thimogoa alleaging moreouer that as often as he himselfe or any of his friends and allies returned from the Countrey whithout they brought the heads of their enemies or without bringing home some prisoner hee vsed for apâ—rpetuall memorie of all his predecessors to beate the best beloued of all his children with the selfe same weapons wherewith they had bene killed in times past to the ende that by renewing of the wound their death should be lamentâ—d afresh Now wheÌ„ they were thus informed of those ceremonies they thanked the Paracoussy for their good intertainement which they had receiued so setting saile came to me vnto the fort where they declared all vnto me as I haue recited it heretofore The eight and twentieth of Iuly our shippes departed to returne into France And within a while about two moneths after our arriuall in Florida the Paracoussy Satourioua sent certaine Indians vnto mee to knowe whether I would stande to my promise which I had made him at my first arriuall in that Countrey which was that I would shewe my selfe friend to his friendes and enemie vnto his enemies and also to accompany him with a good number of Harquebuzes when he should see it expedient and should finde a fit occasion to goe to warre Now seeing he rested vpon this promise he prayed mee not to deferre the same seeing also that making accompt thereof hee had taken such good order for the execution of his enterprise that he was ready and was furnished with all things that were necessary for the voyage I made him answere that for his amitie I would not purchase the enmitie of the other and that albeit I would yet notwithstanding I wanted meanes to doe it For it behoued mee at that present to make prouision of victuals and munition for the defence of my Fort. On the other side that my Barkes were nothing ready and that this enterprise would require time Moreouer that the Paracoussy Satourioua might holde himselfe ready to depart within two moneths and that then I would thinke of fulfilling my promise to him The Indians caried this answere to their Paracoussy which was litle pleased with it because hee could not deferre his execution or expedition aswell because all his victuals were ready as also because tenne other Paracoussies were assembled with him for the performance of this enterprise The ceremonie which this Sauage vsed before hee embarked his armie deserueth not to be forgotten For when hee was set downe by the Riuers side being compassed about with ten other Paracoussies hee commaunded water to be brought him speedily This done looking vp into heauen he fell to discourse of diuers things with gestures that shewed him to be in exceeding great choller which made him one while shake his head hither and thither and by and by with I wote not what furie to turne his face toward the Countrey of his enemies and to threaten to kill them Hee oftentimes looked vpon the Sunne praying him to graunt him a glorious victory of his enemies Which when hee had done by the space of halfe an houre hee sprinkled with his hand a little of the water which hee helde in a vessell vpon the heads of the Paracoussies and cast the rest as it were in a rage and despite into a fire which was there prepared for the purpose This done hee cried out thrise He Thimogoa and was followed with fiue hundreth Indians at the least which were there assembled which cried all with one voyce He Thimogoa This ceremonie as a certaine Indian tolde mee familiarly signified nothing else but that Satourioua besought the Sunne to graunt vnto him so happy a victory that hee might shed his enemies blood as he had shed that water at his pleasure Moreouer that the Paracoussies which were sprinckled with a part of that water might returne with the heads of their enemies which is the onely and chiefe triumph of their victories The Paracoussy Satourioua had no sooner ended his ceremonies and had taken a viewe of all his company but he embarked himselfe and vsed such diligence with his Almadies or boates that the next day two houres before the Sunnes set he arriued on the territories of his enemies about eight or tenne leagues from their villages Afterward causing them all to goe on land hee assembled his counsell wherein it was agreed that fiue of the Paracoussies should saile vp the Riuer with halfe of the troupes and by the breake of the day should approche vnto the dwelling of their enemie for his owne part that hee would take his iourney through the woods and forrests as secretly as hee coulde that when they were come thither as well they that went by water as hee which went by land should not faile by the breake of the day to enter into the village and cut them all in pieces except the women and little children These things which were thus agreed vpon were executed with as great fury as was possible which when they had done they tooke the heades of their enemies which they had slaine and cut off their haire round about with a piece of their skulles they tooke also foure and twentie prisoners which they led away and retired themselues immediatly vnto their Boates which wayted for them Being come thither they beganne to singe praises vnto the Sunne to whom they attributed their victorie And afterwards they put the skins of those heads on the end of their â—auelings and went altogether toward the territories of Paracoussy Omoloa one
of them which was in the company Being come thither they deuided their prisoners equally to each of the Paracoussies and left thirteene of them to Satourioua which straight way dispatched an Indian his subiect to carry newes before of the victory to them which stayed at home to guard their houses which immediatly beganne to weepe But assoone as night was come they neuer left dancing and playing a thousand gambols in honour of the feast The next day the Paracoussy Satourioua came home who before hee entred into his lodging caused all the hairie skuls of his enemies to bee set vp before his doore and crowned them with branches of Lawrell shewing by this glorious spectacle the triumph of the victory which hee had obtained Straightway beganne lamentation and mournings which assoone as the night beganne were turned into pleasures and dances After that I was aduertised of these things I sent a Souldier vnto Satourioua praying him to sende mee two of his prisoners which hee denied mee saying that hee was nothing beholding vnto mee and that I had broken my promise against the oath which I had sworne vnto him at my arriuall Which when I vnderstoode by my Souldier which was come backe with speede I deuised howe I might be reuenged of this Sauage and to make him know how dearely this bolde brauado of his should cost him therefore I commanded my Sergeant to prouide mee twentie Souldiers to goe with mee to the house of Satourioua Where after I was come and entered into the hall without any maner of salutation I went and sate mee downe by him and stayed a long while without speaking any woorde vnto him or shewing him any signe of friendship which thing put him deepely in his dumpes besides that certaine Souldiers remained at the gate to whom I had giuen expresse commaundement to suffer no Indian to goe foorth hauing stoode still about halfe an houre with this countenance at length I demaunded where the prisoners were which hee had taken at Thimogoa and commaunded them presently to bee brought vnto me Whereunto the Paracoussy angry at the heart and astonied wonderfully stoode a long while without making any answere notwithstanding at last hee answered me very stoutly that being afraide to see vs comming thither in such warrelike maner they fled into the woods and that not knowing which way they were gone they were not able by any meanes to bring them againeâ— Then I seemed to make as though I vnderstood not what he saide and asked for his prisoners againe and for some of his principall allies Then Satourioua commaunded his sonne Athore to seeke out the prisoners and to cause them to be brought into that place which thing he did within an houre after After they were come to the lodging of the Paracoussy they humbly saluted mee and lifting vp their hands before me they would haue fallen downe prostrate as it were at my feet but I would not suffer them and soone after ledde them away with me vnto my owne Fort. The Paracoussy being wonderfully offended with this brauado be thought himselfe by all meanes how hee might be reuenged of vs. But to giue vs no suspition thereof and the better to couer his intention hee sent his messengers oftentimes vnto vs bringing alwayes with them some kinde of presents Among others one day hee sent three Indians which brought vs two baskets full of great Pumpions much more excellent then those which we haue in France and promised me in their Kings behalfe that during mine abode in that Countrey I should neuer want victuals I thanked them for their Kings good will and signified vnto them the great desire which I had aswell for the benefit of Satourioua as for the quiet of his Subiects to make a peace betweene him and those of Thimogoa which thing coulde not choose but turne to their great benefite seeing that being allied with the Kings of those parts hee had an open passage against Onatheaqua his ancient enemie which otherwise he could not set vpon Moreouer that Olata Ouae Vtina was so mightie a Paracoussy that Satourioua was not able to withstand his forces but being agreed together they might easily ouerthrow all their enemies and might passe the confines of the farthest Riuers that were towards the South The messengers prayed mee to haue patience vntill the morowe at what time they would come againe vnto me to certifie me of their Lords inclination which they failed not to doe aduertising me that Paracoussy Satourioua was the gladdest man in the world to treate of this accord although indeed hee was quite contrary and that he besought mee to be diligent therein promising to obserue and performe whatsoeuer I should agree vpon with those of Thimogoa which things the messengers also rehearsed vnto the prisoners which I had ledde away After they were departed I resolued within two dayes to sende backe againe the prisoners to Olata Ouae Vtina whose subiects they were but before I embarked them I gaue them certaine small trifles which were little kniues or tablets of glasse wherein the image of King Charles the ninth was drawen very liuely for which they gaue me very great thankes as also for the honest entertainment which was giuen them at the Fort Caroline After this they embarked themselues with Captaine Vasseur and with Monsieur de Arlac mine Ensigne which I had sent of purpose to remaine a certaine time with Ouae Vtina hoping that the fauour of this great Paracoussy would serue my turne greatly to make my discoueries in time to come I sent with him also one of my Sergeants and sixe gallant Souldiers Thus things passed on this maner and the hatred of Paracoussy Sarourioua against mee did still continue vntil that on the nine and twentieth of August a lightning from heauen fell within halfe a league of our Fort more worthy I beleeue to be wondered at and to bee put in writing then all the strange signes which haue bene seene in times past and whereof the histories haue neuer written For although the medowes were at that season all greene and halfe couered ouer with water neuerthelesse the lightning in one instant consumed aboue fiue hundred acres therewith and burned with the ardent heate thereof all the foules which tooke their pastime in the medowes which thing continued for three dayes space which caused vs not a little to muse not being able to iudge whereof this fire proceeded for one while wee thought that the Indians had burnt their houses and abandoned their places for feare of vs another while wee thought that they had discouered some shippes in the Sea and that according to their custome they had kindled many fires here and there to signifie that their Countrey was inhabited neuerthelesse being not assured I determined to sende to Paracoussy Serranay to knowe the trueth thereof But euen as I was vpon the point to sende one by boate to discouer the matter sixe Indians came vnto mee
from Paracoussy Allimacany which at their first entrie made vnto mee a long discourse and a very large and ample oration after they had presented mee with certaine baskets full of Maiz of Pompions and of Grapes of the louing amitie which Allimacany desired to continue with mee and that hee looked from day to day when it would please mee to employ him in my seruice Therefore considering the seruiceable affection that hee bare vnto mee hee found it very strange that I thus discharged mine Ordinance against his dwelling which had burnt vp an infinite sight of greene medowes and consumed euen downe vnto the bottome of the water and came so neere vnto his mansion that hee thought hee sawe the fire in his house wherefore hee besought mee most humbly to commaund my men that they would not shoote any more towards his lodging otherwise that hereafter he should be constrained to abandon his countrey and to retire himselfe into some place further off from vs. Hauing vnderstood the foolish opinion of this man which notwithstanding coulde not choose but bee very profitable for vs I dissembled what I thought thereof for that time and answered the Indians with a cheerefull countenance that the relation which they made vnto mee of the obedience of their Paracoussy did please mee right well because that before hee had not behaued himselfe in such sort towards mee especially when I summoned him to senâ—e mee the prisoners of great Olata Ouae Vtina which he detained whereof not withstanding he made no great accompt which was the principall cause wherefore I had discharged mine Ordinance against him not that I meant to reach vnto his house as I might haue done easily if it had pleased me but that I was content to shoote the halfe way to make him knowe my force assuring him furthermore that on condition that he would continue in his good affection no more ordinance should be discharged against him hereafter and besides that I would become his faithfull protectour against his greatest enemies The Indians contented with mine answere returned to assure their Paracoussyâ— which notwithstanding the assurance withdrewe himselfe from his dwelling twentie or fiue and twentie leagues off and that for the space of more then two moneths After that three dayes were expired the fire was quite extinguished But for two dayes after there followed such an excessiue heate in the aire that the Riuer neere vnto which we planted our habitation became so hoat that I thinke it was almost ready to seeth For there died so great abundance of fish and that of so many diuers sorts that in the mouth of the Riuer onely there were founde dead ynough to haue loaden fiftie Carts whereof there issued a putrefaction in the aire which bred many dangerous diseases amongst vs insomuch that most of my men fell sicke and almost ready to ende their dayes Yet notwithstanding it pleased our mercifull God so to prouide by his prouidence that all our men recouered their health without the losse of any one of them Monsieur de Arlac Captaine Vasseur and one of my Sergeants being embarked with their tenne Souldiers about the tenth of September to cary backe the prisoners vnto Vtina sailed so farre vp the Riuer that they discouered a place called Mayarqua distant from our Fort about fourescore leagues where the Indians gaue them good entertainement and in many other villages which they found From this place they rowed to the dwelling of Paracoussy Vtina which after hee had feasted them according to his abilitie and power prayed Monsieur de Arlac and all his Souldiers to stay a while with him to ayde and assist him in battaile against one of his enemies called Potanou whereunto Monsieur de Arlac consented willingly And because hee knew not how long he might haue occasion to stay in these parts hee sent mee Captaine Vasseur and the Barke backe againe which brought home onely fiue Souldiers with him Now because the custome of the Indians is alwayes to wage war by surprise Vtina resolued to take his enemie Potanou in the morning by the breake of the day to bring this to passe hee made his men to trauaile all the night which might be in number two hundred persons so well aduised that they prayed our French-shot to be in the fore-front to the ende as they saide that the noyse of their pieces might astoâ—ish their enemies notwithstanding they coulde not march so secretly but that those of the village of Potanou distant from the dwelling of Vtina about fiue and twentie leagues were ware of them which suddenly employed and bestowed all their endeuour to defend their village enclosed all with trees and issued out in great companies but finding themselues charged with shotte a thing wherewith they neuer had bene acquainted also beholding the Captaine of their bande fall downe dead in the beginning of their skirmish with a shot of an Harquebuse which strooke him in the forehead discharged by the hande of Monsieur de Arlac they left the place and the Indians of Vtina gate into the village taking men women and children prisoners Thus Paracousâ—y Vtina obtained the victory by the ayde of our men which slew many of his enemies and lost in this conflict one of their companions wherewith Vtina was very much grieued Eight or tenne dayes after I sent Captaine Vasseur backe againe with a Barke to fetch home Monsieur de Arlac and his Souldiers which at their returne brought mee certaine presents from Vtina as some siluer a small quantitie of golde painted skinnes and other things with a thousand thankes which the Paracoussy gaue me which promised that if in any enterprise of importance I should haue neede of his men he would furnish mee with three hundreth and aboue While I thus trauailed to purchase friends to practise one while with one here an other while with another there certaine Souldiers of my company were suborned vnder hand by one named la Roquette of the Countrey of Perigorâ— which put in their heads that hee was a great Magician and that by the secrets of Art-magicke he had discouered a Mine of golde and siluer farre vp within the Riuer whereby vpon the losse of his life euery Souldier should receiue in ready Bullion the value of tenne thousand Crownes beside and aboue fifteene hundred thousand which should be reserued for the Kings Maiestie wherefore they allied themselues with La Roquette and another of his confederates whose name was Le Genre This Genre in whom notwithstanding I had great affiance exceeding desirous to enrich himselfe in those parts and seeking to be reuenged because I would not giue him the carriage of the Paquet into France secretly enfourmed the Souldiers that were already suborned by La Roquette that I would depriue them of this great gaine in that I did set them dayly on worke not sending them on euery side to discouer the
villages Wherevpon the boates were foorthwith laden with mill after they had made our men as good cheere as they could deuise The Queene sent me two small Mats so artificially wrought as it was vnpossible to make better Nowe finding our selues by this meane sufficiently furnished with victuals we began each of vs in his place to trauaile and vse such diligence as the desire to see our natiue countrey-might mooue vs. But because two of our Carpenters were slaine by the Indians as heretofore I mentioned Iohn de Hais master Carpenter a man very worthy of his vocation repaired vnto me and tolde me that by reason of want of men hee was not able to make me vp the ship against the time that he had promised me which speech caused such a mutinie among the souldiers that very hardly he escaped killing howbeit I appeased them aswell as I could and determined to worke no more from thencefoorth vpon the shippe but to content our selues to repaire the Brigandine which I had So we began to beate downe all the houses that were without the Fort and caused coles to be made of the timber thereof likewise the souldiers beate downe the pallisade which was toward the waters side neither was I euer able to keepe them from doing it I had also determined to beat downe the Fort before my departure and to set it on fire for feare least some new-come guest should haue enioyed and possessed it In the meane while there was none of vs to whom it was not an extreme griefe to leaue a countrey wherein wee had endured so great trauailes and necessities to discouer that which we must forsake through our owne countreymens default For if wee had bene succoured in time place according to the promise that was made vnto vs the waire which was between vs and Vtina had not fallen out neither should wee haue had occasion to offend the Indians which with all paines in the world I entertained in good amitie aswell with merchandise and apparel as with promise of greater matters and with whom I so behaued my self that although sometimes I was constrained to take victuals in some few villages yet I lost not the alliance of eight Kings and Lords my neighbours which continually succoured and ayded me with whatsoeuer they were able to afford Yea this was the principall scope of all my purposes to wiâ—ne and entertaine them knowing how greatly their amitie might aduance our enterprise and principally while I discouered the commodities of the countrey and sought to strengthen my selfe therein I leaue it to yourcogitation to thinke how neere it went to our hearts to leaue a place abounding in riches as we were throughly enformed thereof in comming whereunto and doing seruicâ— vnto our Prince we left our owne countrey wiues children parents and friends and passed the perils of the sea and were therein arriued as in a plentifull treasure of all our hearts desire As ech of vs were much tormented in minde with these or such like cogitations the third of August A descried foure fayles in the sea as I walked vpon a little hill whereof I was exceeding well apaid I sent immediately one of them which were with me to aduertise those of the Fort thereof which were so glad of those newes that one would haue thought them to bee out of there wittes to see them laugh and leape for ioy After these ships had cast anker we descried that they sent one of their ship beates to land whereupon I caused one of mine to be armed with diligence to send to meete them and to know who they were In the meane while tearing left they were Spaniards I set my souldiers in order and in readinesse accending the returne of Captaine Vasseur and my Lieutenant which were gone to meete them which brought me word that they were Englishmen and in trueth they had in their company one whose name was Martine Atinas of Diepe which at that time was in their seruice which on the behalfe of Master Iohn Hawkins their Generall came to request mee that I would suffer them to take fresh water whereof they stood in great neede signifying vnto me that they had bene aboue fifteene dayes on the coast to get some Hee brought vnto mee from the Generall two flagons of wine and bread made of wheate which greatly refreshed me forasmuch as for seuen moneths space I neuer tasted a drop of wine neuerthelesse it was all diuided among the greatest part of my souldiers This Martine Atinas had guided the Englishmen vnto our coast wherewith he was acquainted for in the yeere 1562 he came thither with me and therefore the Generall sent him to me Therefore after I had granted his request hee signified the same vnto the Generall which the next day following caused one of his small shippes to enter into the riuer and came to see me in a great ship-boate accompanied with gentlemen honourably apparelled yet vnarmed He sent for great store of bread and wine to distribute thereof to euery one On my part I made him the best cheere I could possibly and caused certaine sheepe and poultry to be killed which vntill this present I had carefully preserued hoping to store the countrey withall For notwithstanding all the necessities and sicknesse that happened vnto me I would not suffer so much as one chicken to be killed by which meanes in a short time I had gathered together aboue an hundred pullets Nowe three dayes passed while the English General remained with me during which time the Indians came in from all parts to see him and asked me whether he were my brother I tolde them he was so and signified vnto them that he was come to see me and ayde me with so great store of victuals that from thence forward I should haue no neede to take any thing of them The bruite hereof incontinently was spread ouer ouer all the countrey in such sort as Ambassadours came vnto me from all parts which on the behalfe of the kings their masters desired to make alliance with me and euen they which before sought to make warre against me came to offer their friendship and seruice vnto me Whereupon I receiued them and gratifieâ— them with certaine presents The General immediately vnderstood the desire vrgent occasion which I had to returne into France whereupon he offred to transport me and all my company home whereunto notwithstanding I would not agree being in doubt vpon what occasion he made so large an offer For I knewe not how the case stood betweene the French and the English and although hee promised me on his faith to put mee on land in France before hee would touch in England yet I stood in doubt least he would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistresse Wherfore I flatly refused his offer whereupon there arose a great mutinie among my souldiers which sayd that I sought to
word that since his departure from me hee neuer had found the Indians in any lye for euen vnto that very place he had found al in such maner as they had informed him hoped that he should find the like at his arriuall in the valley which he was going vnto as he had found in the villages before passed I set vp crosses and vsed those acts and ceremonies which were to be done according to my instructions The inhabitants requested me to stay here three or foure daies because that from this place there were foure dayes iourney vnto the desert and from the first entrance into the same desert vnto the citie of Ceuola are 15 great dayes iourney more also that they would prouide victuals for me and other necessaries for that voyage Likewise they told me that with Stephan the Negro were gone aboue 300 men to beare him company and to carry victuals after him and that in like sort many of them would go with me to serue me because they hoped to returne home rich I thanked them and willed them to set things in order with speede and so I rested there three dayes wherein I alwayes informed my selfe of Ceuola and of as many other things as I could learne and called many Indians vnto mee and examined them seuerally and all of them agreed in one tale and told me of the great multitude of people and of the order of the streetes of the greatnesse of the houses and of the strength of the gates agreeing altogether with that which the rest before had told me After three dayes many assembled themselues to go with me 30 of the principal of whom I tooke being very well apparelled and with chaines of turqueses which some of them weare fiue or sixe times double other people to cary things necessary for them and me and so set forward on my voyage Thus I entred into the second desert on the 9 of May and trauelled the first day by a very broad and beaten way we came to diner vnto a water where the Indians had made prouision for me and at night we came to another water where I found a house which they had fully made vp for me and another house stood made where Stephan lodged when he passed that way and many old cottages and many signes of fire which the people had made that trauelled to Ceuola by this way In this sort I trauelled 12 dayes iourney being alway well prouided of victuals of wild beasts Hares and Partridges of the same colour and tast with those of Spaine although they are not so big for they be somewhat lesse Here met vs an Indian the sonne of one of the chiefe men that accompanied mee which had gone before with Stephan who came in a great fâ—ight hauing his face and body all couered with sweat and shewing exceeding sadnesse in his countenance and he told mee that a dayes iourney before Stephan came to Ceuola he sent his great Mace made of a gourd by his messengers as he was alwayes woont to send them before him that hee might knowe in what sort hee came vnto them which gourd had a string of belles vpon it and two feathers one white and another red in token that he demanded safe conduct and that he came peaceably And when they came to Ceuola before the Magistrate which the Lord of the citie had placed there for his Lieutenant they deliuered him the sayde great gourd who tooke the same in his hands and after he had spyed the belles in a great rage and fury hee cast it to the ground and willed the messengers to get them packing with speed for he knew well ynough what people they were and that they should will them in no case to enter into the citie for if they did hee would put them all to death The messengers returned and tolde Stephan how things had passed who answered them that it made no great matter and would needes proceed on his voyage till he came to the citie of Ceuola where he found men that would not let him enter into the towne but shut him into a great house which stoode without the citie and straight way tooke all things from him which hee caried to truck and barter with them and certaine turqueses and other things which he had receiued of the Indians by the way and they kept him there all that without giuing him meate or drinke and the next day in the morning this Indians was a thirst and went out of the house to drinke at a riuer that was neere at hand and within little while after he saw Stephan running away and the people followed him and slew certaine of the Indians which went in his company And when this Indian saw these things he hid himselfe on the banks of the riuer and afterward crossed the high way of the desert The Indians that went with me hearing these newes began incontinently to lament and I thought these heauie and bad newes would cost mee my life neither did I feare so much the losse of mine owne life as that I should not bee able to returne to giue information of the greatnesse of that Countrey where our Lord God might be glorified and streight way I cut the cords of my budgets which I carried with me ful of merchandise for traffique which I would not deceâ—â—â—â—hâ—n nor giue any thing to any mau and began to diuide all that I carried with mee aâ—◠〈◊〉 principall men willing them not to be afraid but to goe forward with me and so they 〈◊〉 And going on our way within a dayes iourney of Ceuola wee met two other Indians of these which went with Stephan which were bloody and wounded in many places and assoone as they came to vs they which were with mee began to make great lamentation These woundâ—d Indians I alâ—â—d â—or Stephan and they agreeing in all poynts with the first Indian sayd that after they haâ— put him into the foresayd great house without giuinâ— him meat or drinke all that day and all that night they â—â—oke from Stephan all the things which hee carried with him The next day when the Sunne was a lancâ— high Stephan went out of â—he house and some of the châ—â—fe men with him and suddenly came â—â—ore of people from the citie whom assoone as hee sawe he began to run away and we likewise and foorthwith they shot at vs and wounded vs and certaine dead men fell â—pon vs and sowe â—y till night and durst not â—â—â—re and we heard great rumours in the citie and saw many men and women keeping watch and ward vpon the walles thereof and after this we could not see Stephan any more and wee thinke they haue shot him to death as theâ— haue done all the rest which went with him so that none are escaped but we onely Chap. 5. The situation and greatnesse of the Citie of Ceuola and how frier Marcus tooke posâ—â—sliâ—â— thereof and of other prouinces calling
hitherto I haue not seene any of them sauing onely two olde women and these had two long robes downe to the foote open before and girded to them and they are buttoned with certaine cordons of cotton I requested the Indians to giue me one of these robes which they ware to send your honour the the same seeing they would not shewe mee their women And they brought mee two mantles which aree these Which I send you as it were painted they haue two pâ—nâ—ents like the women of Spaine which hang somewhat ouer their shoulders The death of the Negro is most certaine for here are many of the things found which hee carried with him And the Indians tell me that they killed him here because the Indians of Chichilâ—â—cale tolde them that hee was a wicked villaine and not like vnto the Christians because the Christians kill no women and hee killed women and also he touched their women which the Indians â—ouâ— more then themselues therefore they determined to kill him But they did it not after such sort as was reported for they killed none of the rest of those that came with him neither stewe they the young lad which was with him of the prouince of Peratlan but they tooke him and kept him in safe custodie vntill nowe And when I sought to haue him they excused themâ—elues two or three dayes to giue him mee telling mee that hee was dead and sometimes that the Indians of Acucu had carried him away But in conclusion when I toldâ— them that I should bee very angry if they did not giue him mee they gaue him vnto me Hee is an interpreter for though hee cannot wâ—ll speake their language yet hee vnderstandeth the same very well In this place there is â—ound some quantitie of golde and siluer which thoâ—e which are skilâ—ull in minerall matters esteeme to be very good To this houre I could neuer learne of these people from whence they haue it And I see they refuse to tell mee the trueth in all things imagining as I haue sayde that in short time I would depart hence but I hope in God they shall no longer excuse themselues I vesceth your lordship â—o cerâ—ifie his Maiestie of the successe of this voyage For seeing wee haue â—o morâ— then that which is aforesayd and vntill such time as it please God that wâ—e finde that which wee desire I meane not to write my selfe Our Lorde God keepe and preserue your Excellencie From the Prouince of Cibola and from this citie of Granada the third of August 1540. Francis Vasquâ—s de Coronado kisseth the hands of your Excellencie The rest of this voyage to Acuco Tiquex Cicuio and Quiuira and vnto the Westerne Ocean is thus written in the generall historie of the West Indies by Francis Lopez de Gomara Chap. 214. BEcause they would not returne to Mexico without doing something nor with emptie hands they agreed to passe further into the countrey which was tâ—lde them to bee better and better So they came to Acuco a towne vpon an exceeding streng hill And from thence Don Garcias Lopez de Carcenas with this companie of horsemen went vnto the Sea and Francis Vasques went to Tiguex which standeth on the barke of a great riuer There they had newes of Axa and Quiuira There they sayde was a King whose name was Taâ—â—â—rax with a long beard horâ—e headed and rich which was giâ—ded with a Bracamaâ—â— which prâ—yâ—d vpon a payre of beades which worshipped a Crosse of goldeâ— and the image of a woman the Queene of heauen This newes did greatly reioyce and cheere â—p the armie altâ—oâ—g◠〈◊〉 to bee â—alleâ— and the report of the Friers They determined to goe thither with intention to winter in â—o â—ich a countrey as that was reported to bee One night the Indians ranne away and in the morning they found thirtie horses dead which put the armie in feare In their iourney they burnt a certaine towne And in another towne which they assaulted they killed certaine Spaniards and wounded fiftie horses and the inhabitants drewe into their towne Francis de Ouando wounded or dead to eate and sacrifice him as they thought or peraduenture to see more perfectly what maner of men the Spaniards were for there was not found there any signe of sacrificing men Our people layde siege vnto the towne but could not take it in more then fiue and fortie dayes space The townesmen that were besieged dranke snowe in stead of water and seeing themselues forlorne they made a fire wherein they cast their mantles feathers Turqueses and precious things that those strangers might not enioy them They issued out in a squadron with their women and children in the middest to make way by force and to saue themselues but fewe escaped the edge of our swordes and the horses and a certaine riuer which was neere the towne Seuen Spaniards were slaine in this conflict and fourescore were wounded and many horses whereby a man may see of what force resolution is in necessitie Many Indians returned to the towne with the women and children and defended themselues vntill our men set fire on the towne In this countrey there are melons and white and râ—dde cotton whereof they make farre larger maâ—tels then in other parts of the Indies From Tigues they went in foure dayes iourney to Cicuic which is a small towne and foure leagues from thence they met with a new kind of oxen wild and fierce whereof the first day they killed fourescore which sufficed the armie with flesh From Cicuic they went to Quiuira which after their accompt is almost three hundred leagues distant through mighty plames and sandie heathes so smooth and wearisome and bare of wood that they made heapes of oxe-dung for want of stones and trees that they might not lose themselues at their returne for three horses were lost on that plaine and onâ— Spaniard which went from his coÌ„panie on hunting All that way plaines are as full of crookebacked oxen as the mountaine Serena in Spaine is of sheepe but there is no people but such as keepe those cattell They were a great succour for the hunger and want of bread which our people stoode in One day it rayned in that plaine a great showre of haile as bigge as Orenges which caused many teares weakenesse and vowes At length they came to Quiuira and found Tatarrax whomâ— they sought an hoarie headed man naked and with a iewell of copper hanging at his necke which was all his riches The Spaniards seeing the false report of so famous riches returned to Tiguex without seeing either crosse or shewe of Christianitie and from thence to Mexico In the ende of March of the yeere 1542. Francis Vasquez fell from his horse in Tiguex and with the fall fell out of his wits and became madde Which some tooke to bee for griefe and others thought it to be but counterfeited
for they were much offended with him because hee peopled not the countrey Quiuira is in fortie degrees it is a temperate countrey and hath very good waters and much grasse plummes mulberries nuts meloâ—s and grapes which ripen very well There is no cotton and they apparell themselues with ore-hides and deeres skinnes They sawe shippes on the sea coast which bare Alcatraizes or Pellicanes of golde and siluer in their prows and were laden with marchandises and they thought them to bee of Cathaya and China because they shewed our mâ—n by signes that they had sayled thirtie dayes Frier Iohn de Padilla stayed behinde in Tigues with another of his companions called Frier Francis and returned to Quiuira with some dozen Indians of Mechuacan and with Andrew de Campo a Portugall the gardiner of Francis de Solis Hee tooke with him horses and mules with prouision Hee tooke sheepe and hennes of Castile and ornaments to say Masse withall The people of Quiuira stewe the Friers and the Portugall escaped with certaine Indians of Mechuacan Who albeit at that time he escaped death yet could hee not free himselfe out of captiuitie for by and by after they caught him againe But ten moneths after he was taken captiue hee fled away with a couple of dogs As hee trauailed hee blessed the people with a crosse whereunto they offered much and wheresoeuer hee came they gaue him almes lodging and foode He came to the countrey of the Chichimechas and arriuâ—d at Panuco When he came to Mexico hee ware his haire very long and his beard tyed vp in a lace and reported strange things of the lands riuers and mountaines that he had passed It grieued Don Antonio de Mendoça very much that the army returned home for hee had spent aboue threescore thousand pesos of golde in the enterprise and ought a great part thereof still Many sought to haue dwelt there but Francis Vasquez de Coronado which was rich and lately married to a faire wife would not consent saying that they could not maintaine nor defend themselues in so poore a countrey and so farre from succour They trauailed aboue nine hundred leagues in this countrey The foresayd Francis Lopez de Gomara in his generall historie of the West Indies Chap. 215. writeth in maner following of certaine great and strange beasts neuer seene nor heard of in our knowen world of Asia Europe and Africa which somewhat resembling our oxen hauing high bunches on their backes like those on the backes of Camels are therefore called by him Vacas corcobadas that is to say Crooke-backed oxen being very deformed terrible in shewe and fierce by nature which notwithstanding for foode apparell and other necessarie vses are most seruiceable and beneficiall to the inhabitants of those countreys He reporteth also in the same chapter of certaine strange sheepe as bigge as horses and of dogs which vse to carie burthens of 50. pound weight pound weight vpon their backes ALl the way between Cicuic and Quiuira is a most plaine soyle without trees and stones and hath but fewe and small townes The men clothe and shooe themselues with lether and the women which are esteemed for their loâ—g lockes couer their heads and secrets with the same They haue no bread of any kinde of graine as they say which I account a very great matter Their chiefest foode is flesh and that oftentimes they eate rawe either of custome or for lacke of wood They eate the fatte as they take it out of the Oxe and drinke the blood hotte and die not there withall though the ancient writers say that it killeth as Empedocles and others affirmed they drinke it also colde dissolued in water They seeth not the flesh for lacke of pots but rost it or to say more properly warme it at a fire of Oxe-dung when they eate they chawe their meate but little and rauen vp much and holding the flesh with their teeth they cut it with rasors of stone which seemeth to be great bestialitie but such is their maner of liuing and fashion They goe together in companies and mooue from one place to another as the wilde Moores of Barbarie called Alarbes doe following the seasons and the pasture after their Oxen. These Oxen are of the bignesse and colour of our Bulles but their hornes are not so great They haue a great bunch vpon their fore shoulders and more haire on their fore part then on their hinder part and it is like wooll They haue as it were an horse-mane vpon their backe bone and much haire and very long from the knees downeward They haue great tuâ—fes of haire hanging downe their foreheads and it seemeth that they haue beardes because of the great store of haire hanging downe at their chinnes and throates The males haue very long tailes and a great knobbe or flocke at the end so that in some respect they resemble the Lion and in some other the Camell They push with their hornes they runne they ouertake and kill an horse when they are in their rage and anger Finally it is a foule and fierce beast of countenance and forme of bodie The horses fledde from them either because of their deformed shape or else because they had neuer seene them Their masters haue no other riches nor substance of them they eat they drinke they apparel they shooâ— themselues and of their hides they make many things as houses shooes apparell and ropes of their bones they make bodkins of their sinewes and haire threed of their hornes mawes and bladders vessels of their dung fire and of their calues-skinnes budgets wherein they drawe and keepe water To bee short they make so many things of them as they haue neede of or as many as suffice them in the vse of this life There are also in this countrey other beaâ—tes as big as horses which because they haue hornes and fine wool they cal them sheepe and they say that euery horne of theirs weigheth is fiftie pound weight There are also great dogs which will fight with a bull and will carrie fiftie pound weight in sackes when they goe on hunting or when they remooue from place to place with their flockes and heards EL VIAIE QVE HIZO ANTONIO de ESPEIO en el anno de ochenta y tres el qual con sus companneros descubrieron vna tierra en que hallaron quinze Prouincias todas llenas de pueblos y de casas de quatro y cinco altos a quien pusieron por nombre El nueuo Mexico por parecerse en muchas cosas al viejo Esta à la parte del Norte y se cree que por ella y por poblado se puede venir hasta llegar a la tierra que llaman del Labrador Del Nueuo Mexico y de su descubrimiento y lo que del se sabe Y A dixe en el titulo del libro que el anno de mil y quinientos y ochenta
the same day to see if there were any people and fresh water and wee found certaine small cottages couered with drie grasse with certaine little staues layd ouerthwart and we went a little way into the countrey which was very barâ—n by certaine small and streight pathes and found a little pond or pit but drie and without water and here the Captaine tooke possession for the Marques of the valley in the name of his Maiestie and after this we returned to our ship and that night we sawe foure or fiue fires on the land The next day the Captaine determined because hee had seene these fires to goe on shore and so with our two boates we went fifteene or twenty of vs vnto certaine crooked strands two leagues from the place where our ships rode and where we had seene the fires and we found two Indians of exceeding huge stature so that they caused vs greatly to wonder they caried their bowes and arrowes in their hands and as soone as they saw vs leap on shore they ran away and wee followed them vnto their dwellings and lodgings which were certaine cottages and bowers couered with boughs and there we found great and small steps of many people but they had no kind of victuals but onely cuttle-fishes which wee found there The countrey toward the sea side seemed but barren for we saw neither trees nor greene grasse there yet were there certaine smal pathes not well beaten and along the sea-coast we saw many tracts of dogges hares and conies and in certaine small Islands neere vnto the maine we saw Seale-fishes This hauen is called Ancon de Sant Andres Chap. 5. They discouer a mountainous Island very great and neere vnto it certaine other Islands with a goodly greene and pleasant countrey They haue sight of certaine Indians in Canoas of canes whose language sounded like the Flemish tongue with whome they could not haue any traffique THe next day we proceeded on our voyage sayling betweene the maine and an Island which we suppose to be in circâ—it about a hundred or eighty leagues sayling sometimes within one and sometimes within two leagues of the maine The soile of this Island is of certaine mountaines not very steepe with caues in them and as farre as wee could descrie by the coast there appeared no signe of any plaine countrey Here from this day forward wee began to bee afraid considering that we were to returne to the port of Santa Cruz for it was supposed that all along this mighty gulfe from the entrance in at Culiacanâ— vntil the returning backe vnto the said hauen was all firme land and also because wee had the firme land alwayes on our right hand and it goeth round circle-wise vnto the sayd hauen but many thought and hoped that we should finde some mouth or out-let whereby wee might passe through vnto the other coast What our successe was we will declare in the relation following The next day being Thursday wee sayled with scant winde for it was almost calme and passed beyond that great Island hauing firme land alwayes on our right hand and coasting as I sayd very neere vnto it The next day likewise we sayled with little winde it being in a manner calme and passed neere vnto the shore by certaine round baies and certaine points which the land made which was pleasant to behold bring somewhat greene and there seemed to be some creeke there This Friday at night wee sayled altogether with a fresh gale and at breake of day wee were betweene the maine land and an Island on our left hand which was somewhat big as farre as we could discerne There was a great bay in the firme land and before it was a point which stretched farre into the sea The firme land seemed to bee much fresher and pleasanter then those lands which we had passed hauing many bankes and hilles of indifferent height and beautifull to behold The countrey as farre as wee could discerne was so pleasant and delightfull that wee all desired to goe on shore and to search vp into it two or three dayes iourney to see whether it were inhabited or not Wee saw within the land of that bay two fires The night following being Saturday we sailed continually with a prosperous and fresh gale and the wind was so great that we drew our bonet to our maine sayle and sayled so till the morning On Sunday the twelfth of October we found our selues altogether inclosed with land on the right hand with the maine which compassed vs before and behinde and on the left hand with an Island of a league and a halfe and betweene the maine and the Island in the midst of the sea there lay a small Islet and also betweene the sayd maine and the Island there were two mouthesâ— through which there appeared a passage whereby afterwad we passed through This maine was much more fresh and greene then the other which wee had passed and had certaine plaines and points of mountaines of pleasant view and full of greene grasse Here all this night we saw two or three villages which were very great and at breake of day we saw a Canoa or boate made of canes which came from the land out of a creeke and wee stood still vntill it came neere vnto vs in the ship and they began to speake in their language which no man vnderstood whose pronuntiation was like to the Flemings and being called they returned with great haste vnto the shore and we were very sory because our boate had not followed them Here happened vnto vs a very strange thing which was that as this Indian returned to the shore in certaine of these creekes where a number of his fellow Indians were as wee vieweâ— that part we sawe fiue Canoas issue foorth which came toward vs whereupon wee stayed to see what they would doe In the meane while our Admirall came vp vnto vs which was neere the shore for she also had seene them and so being come together we cast anker expecting what those Canoas would doe In the meane while our Generall commanded vs to make ready our boate and to furnish the same with oares and men to trie if we could by any meanes take some of them that we might come to some knowledge of them and that wee might giue them some of our trifles and specially of our hookes and beads to winne their friendship The Indians with their fiue Canoas approched within one or two stones cast of vs and then began to speake very loude vnto vs in a very strange language alwayes standing vpon their guard to retire themselues with speede When our Captaine saw this and that they would not come neere vs but rather retired he commanded sixe mariners to goe into the boate from the sterne of the ship and himselfe also went with them with all possible haste toward the Indians The Indians returned to the shore with so great celeritie that they seemed to flie
scarse a stones cast but the Indians were come vpon them to shoot at them with their arrowes and because they were vnaâ—med they would not fight with them hauing gone on shore for no other purpose but to sound the mouth and enterance of that lake On Thursday the 4 of December we set saile with a frâ—sh gale of winde and sayled some 8 or 10 leagues and came vnto certaine mouthes or inlets which seemed to all of vs as though they had beene Ilands and we entered into one of them and came into an hauen which we called Baya del Abad all inclosed and compassed with land being one of the fairest hauens that hath beene seene and about the same especially on both sides the lande was greene and goodly to behold we discryed certaine riuers on that part which seemed greene therefore we returned backe going out at that mouth wherby we came in alwayes hauing contrary wind yet the Pilots vsed their best indeuour to make way and we saw before vs certaine wooddy hils and beyond them certaine plaines this we saw from the Friday the 5 of the said moneth vntill the Tuesday which was the ninth As we drew neere to these woods they seemed very pleasant and there were goodly and large hilles and beyond them towardes the sea were certaine plaines and through all the countrey we saw these woods From the day before which was the Conception of our Lady we saw many great smokes whereat we much maruelled being of diuerse opinions among our selues whether those smokes were made by the inhabitants of the countrey or no. Ouer against these woods there fell euery night such a dew that euery morning when we rose the decke of the ship was so wet that vntill the sunne was a good height we alwaies made the decke durtie with going vpon it We rode ouer against these woods from the Tuesday morning when we set saile vntill Thursday about midnight when a cruell Northwest winde tooke vs which whither we would or no inforced vs to way our anker and it was so great that the ship Santa Agueda began to returne backe vntill her cable broke and the ship hulled and suddenly with a great gust the trinker and the mizâ—n were rent asunder the Northwest winde still growing more and more within a short while after the maine saile was rent with a mighty flaw of winde so that we were inforced both souldiers captaine and all of vs to doe our best indeuor to mend our sailes and the Trinitie was driuen to do the like for she going round vpon her anker when she came a-head of it her cable broke so that there we lost two ankers each ship one We went backe to seeke Baya del Abad for we were within 20 leagues of the same and this day we came within foure leagues of it and being not able to reach it by reason of contrary windes we rode vnder the lee of certaine mountaines and hilles which were bare and almost voide of grasse neere vnto a strand full of sandie hilles Neere vnto this road wee found a fishing-place vnder a point of land where hauing let downe our lead to see what ground was there a fish caught it in his mouth and began to draw it and he which held the sounding-lead crying and shewing his fellowes that it was caught that they might helpe him as soone as he had got it aboue the water tooke the fish and loosed the cord of the sounding-lead and threw it againe into the sea to see whether therâ— were any good depth and it was caught againe whereupon he began to cry for helpe and all of vs made a shout for ioy thus drawing the fish the rope of the sounding-lead being very great was crackt but at length we caught the fish which was very faire Here we stayed from Friday when we arriued there vntill the Munday when as it seemed good to our Captaine that we should repaire to the watering place from whence we were some sixe leagues distant to take in 12 buttes of water which wee had drunke and spent because he knew not whither we should from thencefoorth finde any water or no and though we should finde water it was doubtfull whither we should be able to take it by reason of the great tide that goeth vpon that coast We drewe neere to that place on Munday at night when as we sawe certaine fires of the Indians And on Tuesday morning our Generall commaunded that the Trinitie should come as neere our ship to the shore as it could that if we had neede they might helpe vs with their great ordinance and hauing made 3 or 4 bourds to draw neere the shore there came 4 or 5 Indians to the sea-side who stood and beheld while we put out our boat and anker marking also how our bwoy floated vpon the water and when our boat returned to the ship two of them leâ—pt into the sea and swamme vnto the bwoy and beheld it a great while then they tooke a cane of an arrow and tyed to the sayd bwoy a very faire and shining sea-oyster of pearles and then returneâ— to the shore neere to the watering-place Chap. 10 They giue vnto the Indians many trifles which stand vpon the shore to see them and seekâ— to parley with them by their interpreter which was a Chichimeco who could not vnderstand their language They go to take fresh water Francis Preciado spendeth the time with them with many signes and trucking and being afeard of their great multitude retireth himselfe wisely with his companions returning with safety to the ships WHen the Captaine and we beheld this we iudged these Indians to be peacable people whereupon the Captaine tooke the boat with 4 or 5 mariners carrying with him certain beades to truck and went to speake with them In the meane while he commanded the Indian interpreter our Châ—chimeco to be called out of the Admirall that he should parley with them And the Captaine come vnto the bâ—y and laid certaine things vpon it for exchange made siâ—nes vnto the Sauages to câ—me and take them and an Indian made signes vnto our men with his hands his armes and head that thâ—y vnderstood them not but signified that they should go aside Whereupon the Captaine deparâ—ed a smal distance from that place with his boat And they made signes againe that he should get him further whâ—reupon we departing a great way off the saide Indians leapâ— into the water came vnto the boy and tooke those beades and returnâ—d backe againe to land and â—hen came vnto the other three and all of them viâ—wing our things they gaue a bowe and certaine arrowes to an Indian and sâ—nt him awâ—y running with all haste on the shore and made signes vnto vs that they had sent word vnto their lord what things we had giuen them and that he would come thither Within a while after the said Indian returned running as he did before and
kinde of fruits of the countrey which are very good as plancans sapotes guiaues pinas aluacatas tunas mamios limons orenges walnuts very small and hard with little meat in them grapes which the Spanyards brought into the countrey and also wilde grapes which are of the countrey and are very small quinses peaches figs and but few apples and very small and no peares but there are melons and calabaças or gourds There is much hony both of bees and also of a kind of tree which they call magueiz This hony of magueiz is not so sweet as the other hony is but it is better to be eaten only with bread then the other is and the tree serueth for many things as the leeues make threed to sowe any kinde of bags and are good to couer and thatch houses and for diuers other things They haue in diuers places of the countrey many hote springs of water as aboue all other I haue seene one in the prouince of Mechuacan In a plaine field without any mountaine there is a spring which hath much water it is so hot that if a whole quarter of beefe be cast into it within on halfe houre it will be as well sodden as it will be ouer a fire in halfe a day I haue seene halfe a sheepe cast in and immediatly it hath bene sodden and I haue eaten part of it There are many hares and some conies There are no partridges but abundance of quailes They haue great store of fish in the South sea and many oisters and very great The people do open the oisters and take out the meat of them and dry it as they do any other kinde of fish and keepe them all the yeere and when the times serue they send them abroad into the countrey to sell as all other fish They haue no salmon nor â—rowt nor pele nor carpe tench nor pike in all the countrey There are in the countrey mighty high mountaines and hilles and snow vpon them they commonly burne and twise euery day they cast out much smoke and ashes at certeine open places which are in the tops of them There is among the wilde people much manna I haue gathered of the same and haue eaten it and it is good for the Apothecaries send their seruants at certeine times to gather of the same for purgations and other vses There are in the mountaines many wilde hogs which all men may kill and lions and tygres which tygres do much harme to men that trauell in the wildernesse In this countrey not long since there were two poore men that found a maruellous rich mine and when these men went to make a register of the same according to the law and custome before the kings officers they thought this mine not meet for such men as they were and violently tooke the sayd mine for the king and gaue no part thereof vnto the two poore men And within certaine dayes the kings officers resorted thither to labor in the mine they found two great mighty hilles were come together so they found no place to worke in And in the time while I was among them which was fiue yerees there was a poore shepheard who keeping his sheepe happened to finde a well of quicke-siluer and he went in like maner to manifest the same as the custome and maner is the kings officers dealt in like order as they did with the two poore men that found the rich mine taking it quite from the shepheard but when they went to fetch home the quicke-siluer or part thereof they could neuer finde it againe So these things haue bene declared vnto the king who hath giuen commandement that nothing being found in the fields as mines and such like shall be taken away from any man And many other things haue bene done in this countrey which men might count for great maruels There is great abundance of sugar here they make diuers conserues very good and send them into Peru where as they sell them maruellous well because they make none in those parts The people of the countrey are of a good stature tawny coloured broad faced flat nosed and giuen much to drinke both wine of Spaine and also a certeine kind of wine which they make with hony of Magueiz and roots and other things which they vse to put into the same They call the same wine Pulco They are soone drunke and giuen to much beastlinesse and void of all goodnesse In their drunkennesse they vse and commit Sodomy and with their mothers and daughters they haue their pleasures and pastimes Whereupon they are defended from the drinking of wines vpon paines of money aswell he that selleth the wines as the Indian that drinketh the same And if this commandement were not all the wine in Spaine and in France were not sufficient for the West Indies onely They are of much simplicity and great cowards voide of all valour and are great witches They vse diuers times to talke with the diuell to whom they do certeine sacrifices and oblations many times they haue bene taken with the same and I haue seene them most cruelly punished for that offence The people are giuen to learne all maner of occupations and sciences which for the most part they learned since the comming of the Spanyards I say all maner of arts They are very artificiall in making of images with feathers or the proportion or figure of any man in all kind of maner as he is The finenesse and excellency of this is woonderfull that a barbarous people as they are should giue themselues to so fine an arte as this is They are goldsmiths blackesmiths and coppersmiths carpenters masons shoomakers railers sadlers â—nbroderers and of all other kind of sciences and they will do worke so good cheape that poore yoong men that goe out of Spaine to get their liuing are not set on worke which is the occasion there are many idle people in the countrey For the Indian will liue all the weeke with lesse then one groat which the Spanyard cannot do nor any man els They say that they came of the linage of an olde man which came thither in a boat of wood which they call a canoa But they cannot tell whether it were before the flood or after neither can they giue any reason of the flood nor froÌ„ whence they came And when the Spanyards came first among them they did certeine sacrifice to an image made in stone of their owne inuention The stone was set vpon a great hill which they made of bricks of earth they call it their Cowa And certeine dayes in the yere they did sacrifice certeine olde men and yoong children and onely beleeued in the Sunne and the Moone saying that from them they had all things that were needful for them They haue in these parts great store of cotton wooll with which they make a mâ—ner of linnen cloth which the Indians
of all Andrew Barker hauing abode in one of the Canary Islands called Tenerif for a certaine time and returning home left behind him Charles Chester the sonne of Dominic Chester merchant of Bristol to learn the language Now the sayd Andrew Barker fort with vpon his arriuall in England in Nouember 1574 fraighted a small ship named the Speedwell of Bristol to goe for the Canaries with cloth and other merchandise of a great value He sent also one Iohn Drue of Bastable as his Factor to make sale and dispose of the said goods who when he arriued at Tenerif landed the marchandize and sent home the barke with some small quantity of wine making account to sell the sayd wares to greater aduantage in prouiding wines and sugar for the lading of another ship which Andrew Barker had appointed to send thâ—ther Also according to this his purpose y e said Andrew in March following sent a ship called the Christopher of Dartmouth captaine wherof was one Henry Roberts of Bristol who when he had landed in Tenerif was in good hope to find the lading of his ship in a readines coÌ„trary to his expectation was suddenly cast into prison the Spaniards alleaging that Andrew Barker was accused to the inquisitioÌ„ by Charles Chester whereupon his goods were confiscat his factor Iohn Drue was attached and he also the said captaine Roberts being as they supposed Barkers partner was in like sort to be imprisoned In fine all the foresaid commodities appertaining to the said Andrew and his brother M. Iohn Barker and others to the value of 1700 pound and vpwards as it doth appeare by proofes of record in the Admiralty were vtterly lost being confiscat to the said inquisition Howbeit captaine Roberts by the meanes of a frier was deliuered out of prison which cost him all the marchandize he brought with him in his ship and so returned with dead fraight to the summe of 200 pound that afterwards Andrew Barker discharged In recompense of which iniurie for that no suite preuaileth against the inquisition of Spaine also to recouer his losse of the Spaniards themselues at his owne charge with the help of his friends hee furnished two barkes for the West Indies the greater of which barkes was called the Ragged staffe himselfe being captaine Philip Roche Master thereof the other named the Beare had one William Coxe of Limehouse for her Master and captaine And thus all our company being imbarked at Plimmouth on Whitsonday in the beginning of Iune we set forward in our course we met with a ship of London afterwards with another ship but tooke nothing froÌ„ either of them Our first arriual was at one of the Island of Cape Verde named Del sal vz. the Isle of salt where we tooke certain fishes called Tortoises and there we remained one night and halfe the day following And from thence wee came to the Isle of Maio being distant from Isla del sal 14 or 15 leagues where we tooke in fresh water and traffiqued with certaine Portugals inhabiting in that place of whom we had some victuals for kniues and beades and there we remained one day and one night but our trumpetter was trecherously slaine by those Portugals in reuenge of which murther we set on fire two of their small villages From this Island wee shaped our course ouer the maine Ocean toward the West Indies and arriued happily at the Island of Trinidad and had conference with certaine Indians inhabitants thereof who gaue vs very friendly and courteous entertainement and here we set vp a pinnesse which we caried forth in the Ragged staffe and traffiqued with the foresayd Indians for victuals And after we had spent sixe dayes in this place we departed and arriued next at the Isle of Margarita where we tooke a small Spanish ship hauing in her certaine pitch and 30 tuns of Canarie wines whereof we reserued 4 or 5 tunnes to our selues dismissing them without any further damage Thence hauing remained there a day wee set saile to the Island of Curaçao where we remained a day a night tooke in fresh water at what time by the inhabitants of that Island being few of them Spaniards the most part IndiaÌ„s 14 of our men were treacherously hurt but none slaine And from thence we departed for the maine land Southwards to a certain bay and there we abode 3 daies but nothing of any reckoning was there atchieued From theâ—â—e we arriued at Cape de la Vela where grewe a contention betweene our Captaine M. Andrew Barker and his Master Philip Roche vpon comparisons made betweene them concerning the knowledge of Nauigation and about other quarels which quarels afterward were an occasion of further mischiefe Hence we sailed to the bay of Tulu which is about 18 leagues Southwestward from Carthagena where wee tooke a Frigat and certaine treasure therein to the value of 500 pound namely barres of gold and lingots of siluer and some quantity of corriento or coyne in rials of plate and certaine greene stones called Emerauds whereof one very great being set in gold was found tied secretly about the thigh of a frier Here hauing stayed three dayes and now being pursued by Spanish men of warre wee departed with the sayd treasure and left the Frigat behind vs all which treasure at that instant was committed to the keeping of our captaine Andrew Barker From thence we passed to Nombre de 〈◊〉 and so foorth to the mouth of the riuer of Chagre 18 leagues distant from Nombre de dios towards the Northwest There wee landed 10 of our men who trauelled vp into the woods three or foure daies to seeke the Simerons which are certaine valiant Negros fled from their cruel masters the Spaniards and are become mortall enemies ready to ioyne with the English and French against them but in their search they could find none of them And though our men returned all free from peril of the enemie yet the most part of the sayd ten persons presently fell sicke and diuers other of our company so that within 14 dayes 8 or 9 of our men died of a disease called there the Calentura which is a hote and vehement feuer And passing betweene Chagre and Veragua we tooke a Frigat and some quantity of golde wee found therein In this Frigat were 23 Spaniards whom wee set on shore and two Flemings them wee brought into England with vs wee had therein also foure cast pieces of Ordinance 3 harquebuzes on crocke 16 Spanish caliuers and a booke of Nauigation and in this Frigat some of our company came homeward into England Thus passing forward in our course we came to Veragua where captaine Barker Philip Roche his Master fought vpon the foresayd quarel in which combat the captaine was hurt a little in the checke Here we sanke our Admirall the Ragged staffe because of her great leakage and imbarked part of our company in
Iewes-harps he did them assure me he had a Mine of gold and could refine it would trade with me for token whereof he sent me 3. or 4. Croisâ—ants or halfe moones of gold weighing a noble a piece or more and two bracelets of siluer Also he told them of another rich nation that sprinkled their bodies with the poulder of golde and seemed to be guilt and farre beyond them a great towne called El Dorado with many other things My men being satisfied and thinking their company too fewe to stay among these Sauages and their victuall spent returned This Balthazar my Indian their guide ranne from them which distresse caused them to borrow of Armago newe guides who brought them home another way through a Riuer called Braha by the highland of Paria and so to my ship They accompted Orocoa 150. miles distant so they rowed in my boate aboue 250. miles Their absence from mee was 16. dayes making but one nights aboad any where The report of this made mee attempt my company to goe with them againe But nowe they were worse then before for vnlesse I would haue gone my selfe alone not one man would goe with me no albeit I had had commission to hang or kill them for my men came home in very pitifull case almost dead for famine and indeed such was their misery as they dranke not in three dayes for so long they were out of the fresh Riuers before they recouered the shippe and yet the boat was filled with as much victuall as it could holde In this time of my boates absence there came to me a pinnesse of Plimmouth of which Captaine Popham before named was chiefe who gaue vs great comfort And if I had not lâ—st my pinnesses wherein I might haue caried victuals and some men we had discouered further the secrets of those places Also this Captaine and I stayed some sixe or eight dayes longer for Sir Walter Ralegh who as wee surmized had some purpose for this discouery to the ende that by our intelligence and his boates we might haue done some good but it seemed he came not in sixe or eight weekes after So Captaine Popham and I helde it not conuenient to stay any longer therefore new watering our selues at Paracoa we set saile to see further of the Indies leauing the yle of Trinidad the 12. day of March The 13. I tooke a small prize of sackes 25. leagues to the Northward of an yland which I sailed by called Granata This prize refreshed vs well yet meaning to sel her at the yle of Sant Iuan de Puerto rico and shaping our course thither by the ylands of Santa Cruz and Infierno I coasted all the South side of the said yle of S. Iohn till I came to an ancker at Cape Roxo where riding 14. dayes to expect S. Domingo men which oftentimes â—aâ—l with the yland of Mona and finding none neither would the Spaniards of S. Iuan de puerto rico buy my prize I vnladed her tooke in the goods and after burned her This ended I disemboqued where fewe Englishmen had done before by reason of the great dangers betweene this yland of S. Iuan de puerto rico and Hispaniola by a little yland called Zacheo And after carefully doubling the shouldes of Abreojos I caused the Master hearing by a Pilote that the Spanish fleete ment now to put out of Hauana to beare for the Meridian of the yle of Bermuda hoping there to finde the fleete dispersed The fleete I found not but foule weather enough to scatter many fleetes which companion left mee not in greatest extremitie till I came to the yles of Flores and Cueruo whither I made the more haste hoping to meete some great Fleete of her Maiestie my souereigne as I had intelligence and to giue them aduise of this rich Spanish fleet but finding none and my victuals almost spent I directed my course for England Returning alone and worse manned by halfe then I went foorth my fortune was to meete a great Armada of this fleete of some 600. tunnes well appointed with whom I fought board and board for two dayes being no way able in all possibilitie with fiftie men to board a man of warre of sixe hundreth tunnes And hauing spent all my powder I was constrained to leaue her yet in such distresse without sailes and mastes and hull so often shot through with my great Ordinance betweene winde and water that being three hundred leagues from land I dare say it was impossible for her to escape sinking Thus leauing her by necessitie in this miserable estate I made for England where I arriued at S. Iues in Cornewall about the latter ende of May 1595 scaping most dangerously in a great fogge the rocks of Silly Thus by the prouidence of God landing safely I was kindely intertained by all my friends and after a short time learned more certaintie of the sinking of that great shippe being also reputed rich by diuers intelligences out of Spaine which we then supposed not were doubtfull whether she had bin of Biscay or S. Iohn de Luz in France laden with fish onely from Newfoundland In this voyage I and my fleete tooke sunke and burnt nine Spanish ships which was losse to them though I got nothing Here follow certaine wordes of the language of Trinidad which I obserued at my being there GVttemock A man Tabairo Dabarah Or Dabarra The heare of ones head Dessie The forehead Dasereth or Dacosi An eye Dalacoack The mouth Areheh The teeth Daria The gummes Desire The lips Dill The tongue Dudica The eares Dacan A hand Dacabbo The palme of the hand Dadena The wrist Dacurle A knee Daddano The calfe of the legge Dabodda The toes Dacutti The feete Cattie The moone Tauraroth A rope Arkeano A paire of â—izers Weeuah The heauen Harowa A stone good for the head acheâ— Mointiman Yron or steele Howa Munkeis in generall Carotta A thing like pappe Sakel It is well or I am well Techir A bracelet Bodad A boxe or chest Mentinie A tree Addehegaeno A glasse Calcouri Gold Perota Siluer Tacorao a green stone Arrara copper Caulpiri A white stone Casparo A sword Tibetebe cockles Marrahabo a bow Semaro an arrow Huculle A bow-string Halete A Potato roote Caerwoda A sweete root Maurisse Wheat Qucca A basket Yeddola A knife Sambolers A hat Beyou A pipe Callit Bread Oronuie Water Arguecona A paire of cizzers Heldaro A spoone Hemachugâ— A bread which they eate Hicket Fire Walrowa A parrot Vreit Tabacco Batudda A combe Addoth A slicke Barrennaire A button or beads Curaballa Sibath for 2 sundry stoâ—es but Sibath in general signifieth a stone Tolletilleâ—o bels Vllasâ—o a Tuny-fish Bohery A flying sâ—â—h Bara Water Haddalle The Sunne Babage-Canoaseen The maner of the Indians hatling of a ship calling it after the name of their Canoas Non quo Or I know not Or Non quapa I cannot tell The
of vs. On Sunday morning being the last of Nouember wee saw three or foure little Islands called the Monjes betwixt Aruba and the next North point of the maine At 12 of the clocke we sawe the maine where we saw a great current setting to the Westward and also the water changing very white The Phenix the carauell and one of the catches kept within and at midnight came vnder Cape de la Vela and made a fire whereby the rest of the fleeâ—e came to anker vnder the Cape where is a very good rode faire sholding and sandie ground fourteene twelue and tenne fadoms neere the shore Toe Cape is a bare land without trees or shrubs and falleth in eight or ten leagues Southeast and Northwest and a saker shot off the point standeth a little Island like Mewestone neere Plimmouth but somewhat bigger In the morning the first of December wee imbarked all our souldiers for Rio de la Hacha which is a towne twenty leagues to thâ— Westwards one of the ancientest in all the maine although not very bigge but it standeth in a most fertile and pleasant soyle Our men tooke it by ten of the clock in the night The ships bearing all that night and the day before in 5 and 6 fadomes the lesser ships in 2 fadomes and an halfe water the Phenix went so neere the shore by the Generals commandement that shee strake on ground but got off againe There lieth to the Eastward of the towne some mile thereabout a shold of sand therefore giue a birth some halfe league or more before you come right against the town There wee came to anker in two fadomes but the great ships rode off in fiue â—nd siâ—e fadomes There is a fresh riuer about a bow-shot to the Eastward of the towne whâ—reinto our pinnesses could scarce enter by reason of a barre of sand in the riuers mouth but within it is nauigable for barkes of twenty or â—hâ—râ—y â—unnes some sixe or eight leagues vp The siâ—th day the Spaniards came in to talke about the ransome of the towne but not to the Generall his liking and that night Sir Thomas Baskeruil marched vp into the countrey to ouer-runne those parâ—s and the Generall the same night with some hundreth and fifâ—ie men went by water sixe leagues to the Eastward and tooke the Rancheria a fisher towne wherâ— they drag for pearle The people all fled eâ—cept some sixteen or twenty souldiers which fought a little but some were taken priâ—oners besides many Negros with some store of pearles and other pillage In the houses we refreshed our selues and were all imbarked to come away and then had sight of a brigandine or a dredger which the Generall tooke within one houres chase with his two barges she had in her Indie-wheat which we call Maiz and some siluer and pearle but of small value On Saturday the seuenâ—h master Yorke captaine of the Hope dyed of sicknes and then master Thomas Drake the Generals brâ—ther was made captaine of the Hope and master Ionas Bodenham captaine of the Aduenture and master Chaâ—les Caesar captaine of the Amitie The tenth day the Spaniards concluded for the ransome of the towne for 24000 ducats and one prisoner promised to pay for his ransome 4000 ducats The fourteenâ—h day they brought in the townes ransâ—me in pearles but rated so deare as the Genâ—rall after conference with them misliking it sent it backe againe giuing them foure houres respite to cleere themseluâ—s wiâ—h their treasure The siâ—teenth the gouernour came into the towne about dinner and vpon conference with the Gâ—nerall told him plainely that he cared not for the towne neither would he ransome it and that the pearle was brought in wiâ—hout his command or consent and that his detracting of time so long was onely to sâ—nd the other townes word that were not of force to withstand vs whereby they might conuey all their goods cattell and wealth into the woods out of danger So the Genâ—ral gaue the gouernour leaue to depart according to promise hauing two houres to withdraw himselfe in safety The seuâ—nteenth Sir Thomas Baskeruil with the Elizabeth Constance of Phenix the carauâ—l wiâ—h fâ—ure or fiue piâ—nâ—sses went some fiue leagues to the Wesâ—ward landing marched some foure leagues vp into the countrey to a place called Tapia which he tooke burned certain villâ—ges â—nd ferme houses about it He had some resistance as he passed ouer a riuer but had but one man â—urt which he brought aboord aliue with him he marched one league farther and burnt a village called Sallamca and so returned with some prisoners the souldiers hauing gotten some pâ—â—lâ—gâ— The 18 the Rancheria and the towne of Rio de la Hacha were burnt cleane downe to the ground the Churches and a Ladies house onely eâ—cepted which by her letters written to the Generall was preserued That day wee sâ—t sayle and fell to lâ—e-ward to meete with Sir Thomas Baskeruil The 19 we weighed and stood to leeward for Cape de Aguja wâ—ich the twentieth at sunne rising we saw It is a Cape subiect much to flawes by reason it is a very hie land and within the cape liâ—th an Island within the mouth of the sound which hath a white cliffe or spot in the Westnorthwest part of the Island The land all about the cape riseth all in hemocks or broken steâ—pie hils A league Southwest within that for so falleth the land thereabout thâ—re standeth on the top of a cliffe a watch-house and a little within that a small Island you may goe in betweene the maine and it or to leeward if you lust and hard within that iâ— the rode and towne of Santa Martha which at 11 of the clocke we tooke the people all being sled except a few Spaniards Negros IndiaÌ„s which in a brauado at our landing gaue vs some 30 or 40 sâ—ot so ran away That night their Lieutenant generall was taken and some little pillage brought in out of the woods for in the town nothing was left but the houses swept clean In all the main is not a richer place for gold for the hops were mixt with the earth in euery place and also in the sâ—nd a little to the leewards of the towne In the bay wee had a bad rode by reason of a small moone for euery small moone maketh foule weather all the maine along The 21 the Generall caused the towne to be burnt and all the ships to wey and stood out many of the souldiers being imbarked where the Generall had appointed in the small ships which rode neerest the shore We lost that night the company of the Phenix captaine Austin Peter Lemond and the Garlands pinnesse which stood along the shore and being chased off by gallies out of Carthagena Peter Lemond with nine of our men was taken the rest came safe â—o our fleete The 26 we saw the Ilands some twelue leagues to the Eastward of Nombre
thing neere the saide countrie Orellana of whom the riuer of Amazones taketh name was the first and Don Antonio de Berreo whom we displanted the last and I doubt much whether he himselfe or any of his yet know the best way into the sayde Empire It can therefore hardly be regained if any strength be formerly set downe but in one or two places and but two or three crumsters or gallies built and furnished vpon the riuer within The West Indies haue many portes watering places and landings and nearer then three hundred miles to Guiana no man can harbour a shippe except he know one onely place which is not learned in haste and which I will vndertake there is not any one of my companies that knoweth whosoeuer hearkened most after it Besides by keeping one good Fort or building one towne of strength the whole Empire is guarded and whatsoeuer companies shall be afterwardes planted within the land although in twentie seuerall Prouinces those shall be able all to reunite themselues vpon any occasion eyther by the way of one riuer or be able to march by land without either wood bogge or mountaine whereas in the West Indies there are fewe townes or Prouinces that can succour or relieue one the other eyther by land or sea By land the countries are either desert mountaynous or strong enemies by sea if any man inuade to the Eastward those to the West cannot in many moneths turne against the brize and Eastern wind besides the Spaniards are therein so dispersed as they are no where strong but in Nueua Espanna onely the sharpe mountaines the thornes and poysoned prickles the sandie and deepe wayes in the valleys the smothering heate and aire and want of water in other places are their onely and best defence which because those nations that inuade them are not victualled or prouided to stay neither haue any place to friend adioyning doe serue them in steede of good armes and great multitudes The West Indies were first offered her Maiesties grandfather by Columbus a stranger in whom there might be doubt of deceipt and besides it was then thought incredible that there were such and so many lands regions neuer written of before This Empire is made knowen to her Maiestie by her owne vassall and by him that oweth to her more duetie then an ordinary subiect so that it shall ill sort with the many graces and benefites which I haue receiued to abuse her Highnesse either with fables or imaginations The countrey is alreadie discouered many nations wonne to her Maiesties loue and obedience and those Spaniardes which haue latest and longest laboured about the conquest beaten out discouraged and disgraced which among these nations were thought inuincible Her Maiestie may in this enterprize employ all those souldiers and gentlemen that are younger brethren and all captaines and chieftaines that want employment and the charge will be onely the first setting out in victualling and arming them for after the first or second yeere I doubt not but to see in London a Contractation house of more receipt for Guiana then there is now in Siuill for the West Indies And I am resolued that if there were but a small army a foote in Guiana marching towards Manoa the chiefe citie of Inga he would yeeld to her Maiestie by composition so many hundred thousand pounds yeerely as should both defend all enemies abroad and defray all expences at home and that he would besides pay a garrison of three or foure thousand souldiers very royally to defend him against other nations For he cannot but knowe how his predecessors yea how his owne great vncles Guascar and Atabalipa sonnes to Guainacapa Emperour of Peru were while they contended for the Empire beaten out by the Spaniards and that both of late yeres and euer since the said conquest the Spaniards haue sought the passages and entrey of his countrey and of their cruelties vsed to the borderers he cannot be ignorant In which respects no doubt but he will be brought to tribute with geat gladnesse if not he hath neither shot nor yron weapon in all his Empire and therefore may easily be conquered And I farther remember that Berreo confessed to me and others which I protest before the Maiestie of God to be true that there was found among prophesies in Peru at such time as the Empire was reduced to the Spanish obedience in their chiefest temples amongst diuers others which foreshewed the losse of the said Empire that from Inglatierra those Ingas should be againe in time to come restored and deliuered from the seruitude of the said Conquerours And I hope as we with these few hands haue displanted the first garrison and driuen them out of the said countrey so her Maiestieâ—will giue order for the rest and either defend it and hold it as tributary or conquere and keepe it as Empresse of the same For whatsoeuer Prince shall possesse it shall be greatest and if the king of Spaine enioy it he will become vnresistable Her Maiestie hereby shall confirme and strengthen the opinions of all nations as touching her great and princely actions And where the South border of Guiana reacheth to the Dominion and Empire of the Amazones those women shall hereby heare the name of a virgin which is not onely able to defend her owne territories and her neighbours but also to inuade and conquer so great Empires and so farre remoued To speake more at this time I feare would be but troublesome I trust in God this being true will suffice and that he which is King of all Kings and Lord of Lords will put it into her heart which is Ladie of Ladies to possesse it if not I will iudge those men worthy to be kings thereof that by her grace and leaue will vndertake it of themselues An abstract taken out of certaine Spaniards letters concerning Guiana and the countries lying vpon the great riuer Orenoque with certaine reports also touching the same An aduertisement to the Reader THose letters out of which the abstracts following are taken were surprised at sea as they were passing for Spaine in the yeere 1594. by Captaine George Popham who the next yeere and the same that Sir Walter Ralegh discouered Guiana as he was in a voyage for the West Indies learned also the reports annexed All which at his returne being two moneths after Sir Walter as also so long after the writing of the former discourse hearing also of his discouerie he made knowen and deliuered to some of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Councell others The which seeing they confirme in some part the substance I meane the riches of that countrey it hath bene thought fit that they should be thereunto adioyned Wherein the Reader is to be aduertised that although the Spaniards seeme to glorie much of their formall possession taken before Morequito the Lord of Aromaya and others thereabouts which throughly vnderstood them not at that time whatsoeuer the Spaniards otherwise pretend yet
The solid world and made it fall before them Built all their braue attempts on weaker grounds And lesse perswasiue likelihoods then this Nor was there euer princely Fount so long Powr'd forth a sea of Rule with so free course And such ascending Maiestie as you Then be not like a rough and violent wind That in the morning rends the Forrests downe Shoues vp the seas to heauen makes earth to tremble And toombes his wastfull brauery in the Euen But as a riuer from a mountaine running The further he extends the greater growes And by his thriftie race strengthens his streame Euen to ioyne battell with th' imperious sea Disdayning his repulse and in despight Of his proud furie mixeth with his maine Taking on him his titles and commandes So let thy soueraigne Empire be encreast And with Iberian Neptune part the stake Whose Trident he the triple world would make You then that would be wise in Wisdomes spight Directing with discredite of direction And hunt for honour hunting him to death With whom before you will inherite gold You will loose golde for which you loose your soules You that chuse nought for right but certaintie And feare that valour will get onely blowes Placing your faith in Incredulitie Sit till you see a wonder Vertue rich Till Honour hauing golde rob golde of honour Till as men hate desert that getteth nought They loath all getting that deserues not ought And vse you gold-made men as dregges of men And till your poysoned soules like Spiders lurking In sluttish chinckes in mystes of Cobwebs hide Your foggie bodies and your dunghill pride O Incredulitie the wit of Fooles â—hat slouenly will spit on all things faire The Cowards castle and the Sluggards cradle How easie t' is to be an Infidel But you Patrician Spirites that refine Youâ— flesh to fire and issue like a flame On braue indeuours knowing that in them The tract of heauen in morne-like glory opens That know you cannot be the Kings of earth Claiming the Rights of your creation And let the Mynes of earth be Kings of you That are so farre from doubting likely drifts That in things hardest y' are most confident You that know death liues where power liues vâ—usde Ioying to shine in waues that burie you And so make way for life euen through your graues That will not be content like horse to hold A thread-bare beaten way to home affaires But where the sea in enuie of your reigne Closeth her wombe as fast as t' is disclosde That she like Auarice might swallow all And let none find right passage through her rage There your wise soules as swift as Eurus lead Your Bodies through to profit and renowne And skorne to let your bodies choke your soules In the rude breath and prisoned life of beastes You that herein renounce the course of earth And lift your eyes for guidance to the starres That liue not for your selues but to possesse Your honour'd countrey of a generall store In pitie of the spoyle rude selfe-loue makes Of them whose liues and yours one ayre doth feede One soile doeth nourish and one strength combine You that are blest with sence of all things noble In this attempt your compleat woorthes redouble But how is Nature at her heart corrupted I meane euen in her most ennobled birth How in excesse of Sence is Sence bereft her That her most lightening-like effects of lust Wound through her flesh her soule her flesh vnwounded And she must neede incitements to her good Euen from that part she hurtes O how most like Art thou heroike Autor of this Act To this wrong'd soule of Nature that sustainst Paine charge and perill for thy countreys good And she much like a bodie numb'd with surfeits Feeles not thy gentle applications For the health vse and honour of her powers Yet shall my verse through all her ease-lockt eares Trumpet the Noblesse of thy high intent And if it cannot into act proceed The fault and bitter penance of the fault Make red some others eyes with penitence For thine are cleare and what more nimble spirits Apter to byte at such vnhooked baytes Gaine by our losse that must we needs confesse Thy princely valure would haue purchast vs. Which shall be fame eternall to thy name Though thy contentment in thy graue desires Of our aduancement faile deseru'd effect O how I feare thy glory which I loue Least it should dearely grow by our decrease Natures that sticke in golden-graueld springs In mucke-pits cannot scape their swallowings But we shall foorth I know Golde is our Fate Which all our actes doth fashion and create Then in the Thespiads bright Propheticke Fount Me thinkes I see our Liege rise from her throne Her eares and thoughts in steepe amaze erected At thâ— most rare endeuour of her power And now she blesseth with her woonted Graces Th' industrious Knight the soule of this exploit Dismissing him to conuoy of his starres And now for loue and honour of his woorth Our twise-borne Nobles bring him Bridegroom-like That is espousde for vertue to his loue With feasts and musicke rauishing the aire To his Argolian Fleet where round about His bating Colours English valure swarmeâ— In haste as iâ— Guianian Orenoque With his Fell waters fell vpon our shore And now a wind as forward as their spirits Sets their glad feet on smooth Guianas breast Where as if ech man were an Orpheus A world of Sauages fall tame before them Storing their theft-free treasuries with golde And there doth plentie crowne their wealthie fields There Learning eates no more his thriftlesse bookes Nor Valure Estridge-like his yron armes There Beautie is no strumpet for her wants Nor Gallique humours puâ—rifie her blood But all our Youth take Hymens lights in hand And fill eche roofe with honor'd progenie There makes Societie Adamantine chaines And ioyns their hearts with wealth whom wealth disioin'dâ— There healthfull Recreations strow their meades And make their mansions daunce with neighbourhood That here were drown'd in churlish Auarice And there do Pallaces and temples rise Out of the earth and kisâ—e th' enamored skies Where new Britannia humblie kneeles to heauen The world to her and both at her blest feet In whom the Circles of all Empire meete G. C. Ad Thomam Hariotum Matheseos vniuersae Philosophiae peririssimum de Guiana Carmen Dat. Anno. 1595. MOntibus est Regio quasi muris obsita mulâ—â—s Circumsepit aquis quos Raleana suis. Intus habet largos Guaiana recessus hostili gestans libera colla iugo Hispanus cliuis illis sudauit alsit septem annos nouies nec tamen inualuit Numenâ— omen inest numeris Fatale sit illi Et nobis virtus sit recidiua precor Gualtero patefacta via est duce auspice Ralegh Mense vno ó factum hoc nomine quo celebrem Nocte dieque datis velisâ— remisque laborans Exegit summae dexteritatis opus Scilicet expensis magnis non ille pepercit Communi natus
and as wee haue at your request bene at great charges in sending these men so we pray you let vs haue lawful fauour in like courtesie to further all our causes And if any of our Mariners or passengers in any respect of displeasure against their company or in hope of preserment of mariage or otherwise would procure to tary and dwell there and leaue his charge and office that then you will bee a means to the Iustice that such fugitiues should bee sent abord the ship as prisoners for as you know without our men wee cannot bring home our ship Wee haue giuen order to our factours to vse your counsell and helpe in their affaires and to gratifie you for the same as to your courtesie and faithfull friendship shall appertaine to your good liking and in the meane time for a token of our good willes towards you we haue sent you a field-bed of walnut tree with the canopy valens curtaines and gilt knops And if there be any commoditie else that may pleasure you or your friends wee haue giuen order that they shall haue the refusing of it before any other giuing for it as it is worth And thus to conclude promising to performe all the foresaide things on our parts in euery condition we commit you to God whoeuer preserue you with all his blessings Your louing friends Christopher Hodsdon Anthonie Garrard Thomas Bramlie Iohn Bird. William Elkin Certaine notes of the voyage to Brasill with the Minion of London aforesaid in the yere 1580. written by Thomas Grigs Purser of the said ship THe thirde day of Nouember in the yeere abouesaid we departed in the Minioâ— of London from Harwich from which time no great thing worth the knowledge or regard of others happened vntil the 22. of December the next moneth which day for our owne learning vse wee obserued the setting of the Sunne which was Westsouthwest we then being vnder the line Equinoctiall where we found the aire very temperate and the winde for the most part Southeast and East southeast The same day we also obserued the rising of the moone being one day after the full which rose at East northeast The first land that wee fell with vpon the coast of Brasill was the yland of S. Sebastian where we arriued the 14. day of Ianuary in the yeere 1581. The 16. day Thomas Babington and others in our pinnesse went a shoare to Guaybea where they met with Iohn Whithall his father and mother in lawe who hauing receiued letters from thence to be deliuered at Santos came abord and then we weyed and set saile and the 28. day wee arriued at the yland of Santa Catelina neere the entrance of Santos Our course from S. Sebastian was Southwest and by West and betwixt the Southwest and by West and West southwest This yland of Santa Catelina seemeth at the first to be a part of the yland of Girybia Wee ankâ—red at nine fathome blacke osâ—e ground Upon the yland there grow many Palmito-trees but no fresh water is there to be found The third day of February we arriued before the towne of Santos and were there well receiued and intertained of the Captaine the kings officers and all the people The fourth day we tooke into our ship a beâ—fe aliue which serued for the victualling of the ship and the refreshing of our men and to make vs the merrier at Shrouetide The eight day we deliuered to M. Iohn Whithall a bedstead with the appurtenances which were sent to him from our marchants of London The 18. day the captaine of Santos came abord our ship by whom we had knowledge of foure great French ships of warre that had bene at the riuer of Ienero which there tooke three Canoas but were driuen from thence by their castles sorts and were looked for here at Santos Whereupon the Captaine requested vs to lend them some armour and artillery and we lent them twentie caliuers and two barrels of powder The 19. day our skiffe which we had sent to Alcatrarzas and had bene away sixe dayes came againe and brought good store of great and good fish and tolde vs that there was good store of fish to be taken there by the hooke and as much wood as we would haue of the Palmito-tree The 20. day at night Nicholas Gale one of our company fell ouer our shippes side and was drowned in the port of Santos before the towne where our ship rode at anker The 22. day two of the Canoas which the Frenchmen tooke in the riuer of Ienero returned to Santos and reported that the foure French ships were past to the southwards as they thought for the Straights of Magellan and so into the South sea The 23. day the aforesaide Nicholas Gale who fell ouerbord two dayes before was found againe and taken vp three miles from our ship and our company went to his buriall in the Church at Santos This day the Captaine and Iustices of Santos wished vs to tary in their road till the last of April for they had sent a barke of Santos to Baya at the kings charges to know whether we should haue trade or no and this barke could not returne before that time About this time there arriued at Feâ—nambuck a shippe from Portugall which brought newes that the Islands Indies and Portugall it selfe was molested and troubled by the Spaniâ—rds and that the Portugales had both English and Frenchmen to Lisbone to defend them against Spaine The 25. day wee sent two of our men namely Thomas Michael and Simon Thorne to Baya in a barke that went thither from Santos The two and twentie day of Aprill our Master and Thomas Babington hauing some talke and conference with the Padres of Santos they our men being ready to go to the Riuer of Ienero tolde them that they were sorry for our banishment from the Church and that the Ministrador had written from Rio de Ienero that forasmuch as these twentie yeres or more the English nation had denied the Church of Rome and her proceedings therefore the Ministrador commanded that none of vs should come to their Church the Padres willed vs herein to haue patience and to take it in good part and promised to stand our friends in their word and writing both to the Ministrador and to the bishop at Baya and further requested all our English company to haue no ill opinion of them The 28. of April we laded sugars into our ship The 21. of May we tooke in fresh victuals from Santos The 10. day of Iune wee gratified one Iosto Thorno dwelling in Santos with some of our English victuals and intertained him in good sort in our ship and this day wee were promised to haue a Pilot at Santos to cary vs to Baya The 11. day we went to fish to make prouision for our ship and men and from that time till the eighteenth day wee fet water and cut wâ—od for our fire and trimmed
the gunner with 2 others outright hurt 20 more of which 4 or 5 died This powder made such a smoke in the ship with the fire that burnt in the gunner roome among all the fire workes that no man at the first wist what to doe but recalling backe their feare they began to cast water into the gunner roome in such abundance for the Queenes ships now also the other ships that were in our company came presently to our helpe that God be praised we put out the fire saued all no great harme was done to the goods By this may be seene that there is no sure safety of things in this world For now we made account to be out of all danger where behold a greater come vpon vs then we suffered all the whole voyage But the almightie be praysed for euer which deliuered vs out of this and many other in this voyage Our fire being well put out and we taking in fresh men God be praysed we came to Blacke-wall in safety A speciall letter written from Feliciano Cieça de Carualsho the Gouernour of Paraiua in the most Northerne part of Brasil 1597. to Philip the second king of Spaine answering his desire touching the conquest of Rio Grande with the relation of the besieging of the castle of Cabodelo by the Frenchmen and of the discouerie of a rich siluer mine and diuerse other important matters I Receiued your Maiesties letter bearing date the ninth of Nouember 1596. whereby I vnderstande that your Maiestie doth determine to proceede in the discouerie and conquest of Rio Grande according to the relation which was sent your Maiestie by Don Francisco de Sousa Gouernour generall of this Realme of Brasilia together with a copie of a letter which your Maiestie sent vnto vs bearing date the two and twentieth of March 1596. Moreouer I receiued another letter from your Maiestie bearing date the 15 of March 1597. Both which letters were to one effect It may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that there are diuerse Gentlemen in these countreys of as good abilitie as my selfe which seeke to liue at home onely for their ease and pleasure and are not wont to hazard nor venture their bodies liues and goods so often times in your Maiesties seruice as I haue done and commonly doe and can keepe their goods and riches and not spend nor wast them as I haue done and dayly doe so wilfully yet neuerthelesse being spent in your Maiesties seruice I am very glad thereof For I and they are alwayes readie at your Maiesties commandement And as concerning your Maiesties commandement in commanding me that I should put to my helping hand in the conquest of Rio Grande although this Captaineship of Paraiua and countrey where I doe gouerne doth want abilitie for that purpose yet neuerthelesse your Maiestie shall alwayes finde me readie to doe your Maiestie the best seruice I can for it is very well knowen how forward I haue bene alwayes and am in this conquest and still doe put to my helping hand as partly your Maiestie doth vnderstand by a letter which I wrote to your Maiesty by my sonne bearing date the 19 of March 1596 wherein your Maiestie may vnderstand what good seruice I haue alreadie done therein and alwayes will be readie to my power to doe the like in furthering of the said enterprise It may please your Maiestie to vnderstand that the third of Iuly there was brought vnto me a Frenchman a prisoner who presented himselfe vnto me And I examining of him he tolde me that he came running away from certaine French ships men of warre which came vpon this coast and he tolde me that he had serued your Maiestie in the warres of France Likewise he told me that he left me seuen great ships Frenchmen of warre riding at an anker in Rio Grande and that there were 13 french ships of warre more which had giuen battery to the Castle of Cabodelo and landed 350 soldiers all in white armour and the battery continued from Friday vntill the Munday following both by sea and land and great store of Frenchmen were slaine and two Captaines of the French On our side the Captaine of the castle was slaine and other two Portugals hurt other harme they had none There were but twentie Portugals in the castle and fiue pieces of ordinance They ment to haue kept the castle and to haue traded with the Indian people So seeing they could not take the castle they hoysed sayles and went from thence to Rio Grande and being altogether they are in number 20 saile at an anker in Rio Grande And some of them determine after they be new trimmed and drest and haue taken in fresh victuals and stayed there vntill Easter then to depart from thence to the Honduras and so to burne and spoyle some townes thereabout I certified Manuel Mascarenhas of these informations by my letters requesting him to send me with all expedition those souldiers which were in garison in Fernambuck to ayde me and to defende this Captaineship from the enemie But the Friers of The Couent would not consent thereunto nor suffer them to be sent vnto me So I was forced to make shift with those souldiers only which I had in my gouernment and tooke them with me and marched to the place where the enemies were entrenched and vpon Whitsunday in the euening about three of the clocke hauing in my company a Negro of the countrey of Petiguar which was our guide he brought vs where the enemies campe was and presently I did assault them and slew great store of them burning the villages and countrey of those rebels which did ioine with the Frenchmen and tooke many of them prisoners So they told me that there were ten great french ships of warre which were at an anker in Rio Grande Likewise I was informed that there is a frenchman called Daurmigas which hath discouered and found great store of siluer in a place called Capaoba The siluer hath bene tried and melted it is very good and fine siluer and there is great quantitie The man which told me of this hath beene in the mine and hath seene in tried and melted And I haue bene my selfe once in the place it is but 6 dayes iourney from this Captaineship Furthermore this Frenchman told me that one Monsieur Mifa a french Captaine and a kinsman of the gouernour and Uiceadmirall of Diepe in Normandie had one of his armes strooken off at the siege of the castle of Cabodelo who is departed from Rio Grande with determination to come backe hither againe the next yeere in the moneth of Ianuarie following and to inhabite in this countrey of Paraiba which is 20 leagues from Fernambuck because of the great store of siluer which they haue alreadie found here Moreouer I am enformed that a noble man of France called The earle of Villa Dorca doth intend to come vpon this coast with a great fleete
weeks past from the riuer of Ienero wherâ— they had beene seuen moneths to refresh and Winter and that these were not of that companyâ— but came out of Spaine the 26 of May 1582 in a barke of fourescore tun and fourescore persons of purpose for the riuer of Plate The friers being eighteene in number could not agree and their barke was a ground at Spirito santo like to be lost therefore the old frier bought this small barke of 46 â—un at a port named Spirito santo in Brasill and so diuided themselues and comming from thence lost company at sea but they thought they were before at the riuer of Plate After his speeches I went and appointed by the generals order men to remaine aboord the prize with captaine Parker and brought one of the Portugals sailes away with me and came aboord where I found that our men had filled water all day The 7 day in the morning the generall sent for me where he shewed me and M. Maddox certeine articles which the friers and mariners Spaniards were examined of which tended altogether to the knowledge of the Spanish fleets intent and of the meanes whereby we might be discouered by the way of the riuer of Plate by land to Peru. In this time came the rest after whosâ— comming it was debated whether it were best to take the boat people with vs or not Which was not determined but referred till further examination Then was it determined to passe by the streights notwithstanding the Spaniards were there but not to set vp forge nor to build pinnesse but water and so thorow The eight day afore noone M. Walker and I went aboord the admirall to dinner where was determined to discharge the Spanish barke named Our lady of pity and all the men except Richard Carter the English man and Iohn Pinto a Portugall which dwelled at the riuer of Plate After dinner the generall appointed mee and captaine Hawkins to see them all sâ—t aboord their ship and to receiue from them certeine necessaries which willingly they imparted with vs and to leaue them satisfied Which done I returned aboord The 9 day being Sunday in the morning I sent M. Shaw and M. Geffries aboord the admirall to peruse the Spaniards letters wherein they found the estate of the fleet which was in the streights of Magellan as by the note thereof appeareth About ten of the clocke the generall M. Maddox captaine Hawkins and captaine Parker came aboord of me The generall began to reprooue my quarter master for grudging of victuall for the Francis Which was answered and he well satisfied Then sent I for the olde frier and Don Francisco who all dined with me and after dinner the Spaniards hauing receiued the canoa which was suncke aland and stones to ballast them which my boat caried them and all other things to their liking and content they departed from me The generall also departed and his company who being gone I diuided the sugar and ginger among my people which the Spaniards gaue vs and after spent the day in ordinary businesse The 10 day in the morning our skiffe went a fishing wherof we eat as much to supper as serued the company the rest we salted for store and to proue if they would take salt or not The 11 day betimes in the morning our skiffe went againe to fish and tooke great plentie About seuen of the clocke I went a land taking with me the master and others of our best men to the number of 22 persons trauelled to the place where our people before had found many great iars of earth and decayed habitations of the Indians and trees being dead and withered of sweet wood From that place we saw ouer the tops of a narrow wood a faire plaine which at the request of the master and the rest I went with them to see We passed thorow a thicke and perillous wood before we came to the supposed plaine and when we came to it we found the lowest part there of higher then any of our heads and so mossy vnder foot that we sâ—ipped to the knees many steps which so wearied vs that for my part I was very sicke and so hasted aboord leauing the master with 15 men which cut a tree of sweet wood and brought many pieces thereof aboord About 3 afternoone M. Walker and many of our men being ashore the winde came faire and we layed out a warpe to the Northeast and began to winde ahead After we layed out another warpe with a bend and wound to the plat and so rid by it with one anker all night The 12 day about fiue a clocke in the morning we set saile and as we ran out betwixt the ledge of rocks and the maine in eight fadom water as we were câ—tting our anker the cattrope stopper and all brake so that we were glad to let slip all the cable and cast off our boat and skiffe to wey the same After we had stood out a good way the admirall was vnder saile then cast we about and went roome with the admirall which weaued vs who sent in his pinnesse and the Francis to helpe out our boats so by the helpe of the admirals pinnesse with her saile we had our boat the sooner and about 12 a clocke at noone had taken in the anker cable our long boat skiffe all and put out all our sailes bearing after the admirall which went hence South by east About sixe a clocke at night being thicke weather we lost sight of the land being foure leagues off or thereabout All night it was but little winde yet went we our course South by west The 13 day about seuen afore noon the wind blew at Southsoutheast was very foggy with which gale we stood in larboord tacked West till ten a clocke the same forenoone Then had we sight of the land ahead all along for it wared cleere weather if she weth a farre off like white cliffes but is all sandy hilles and bayes along the sea side At one a clocke after noone we were in 16 fadome water and within halfe a league of the shore where we saw seuerall fires made by the Indians to giue warning to the other people within the land as we supposed Then we cast about and stood off Southeast by east till midnight that the winde came large then went we our course South by west till next morning The 14 day we went our course South by west hauing sight of the land at sixe a clocke in the morning about seuen leagues off and so went till sixe at night that wee saw land againe seuen leagues off West and the winde shifted to the South Then we cast about and stood off Eastsoutheast at seuen at night for a while then came vp the winde at Northwest and blew a good The 15 day in the morning the admirall was ahead as farre as we could almost see her by whose default I know not and being
night in a most desert path in the woods vntill such time as hee came to the place where as it seemed they had kept watch either at the waters side or at the houses or else at both and were newly gone out of the houses hauing so short warning that they left the meate both boyling and rosting at the fire and were fledde with their treasure with them or else buried it where it could not bee found being also in the night Our companie tooke hennes and such things as wee thought good and came away The 29 day of May our Generall went in the ship-boate into a little Iland there by whereas the sayd Casique which was the lord of Puna had caused all the hangings of his chambers which were of cordouan leather all guilded ouer and painted very faire and rich with all his houshold stuffe and all the ships tackling which was riding in the road at our comming in with great store of nailes spikes of yron and very many other things to be conueyed all which wee found and brought away what our Generall thought requisite for the ships businesse This Iland is very pleasant for all things requisite and fruitful but there are no mines of gold nor siluer in it There are at the least 200 houses in the towne about the Casiques pallace and as many in one or two townes more vpon the Iland which is almost as bigge as the I le of Wight in England There is planted on the one side of the Casiques house a faire garden with all herbes growing in it and at the lower end a well of fresh water and round about it are trees set whereon bombasin cotton groweth after this maner The tops of the trees grow full of cods out of which the cotton groweth and in the cotton is a seede of the bignesse of a pease and in euery codde there are seuen or eight of these seedes and if the cotton bee not gathered when it is ripe then these seedes fall from it and spring againe There are also in this garden fig-trees which beare continually also poÌ„pions melons cucumbers radishes rosemarie and thyme with many other herbes and fruits At the other end of the house there is also another orchard where grow orenges sweete and sower limmons pomegranates and lymes with diuers other fruits There is very good pasture ground in this Iland and withall many horses oxen bullockes sheepe very fat and faire great store of goates which be very tame and are vsed continually to bee milked They haue moreouer abundance of pigeons turkeys and ducks of a maruellous bignesse There was also a very large and great church hard by the Casiques house whither hee caused all the Indians in the Iland to come and heare masse for he himselfe was made a Christian when he was maried to the Spanish woman before spoken of and vpon his conuersion he caused the rest of his subiects to be Christened In this church was an high altar with a crucifixe and fiue belles hanging in the nether end thereof We burnt the church and brought the belles away By this time wee had haled on ground our admirall and had made her cleane burnt her keele pitched and tarred her and had haled her on flote againe And in the meane while continually kept watch and ward in the great house both night and day The second day of Iune in the morning by and by after breake of day euery one of the watch being gone abroad to seeke to fetch in victuals some one way some another some for hennes some for sheepe some for goats vpon the sudden there came down vpon vs an hundred Spanish souldiers with muskets and an ensigne which were landed on the other side of the Iland that night and all the Indians of the Iland with them euery one with weapons and their baggage after them which was by meanes of a Negro whose name was Emmanuel which fled from vs at our first landing there Thus being taken at aduantage we had the worst for our companie was not past sixteene or twentie whereof they had slaine one or two before they were come to the houses yet we skirmished with them an houre and an halfe at the last being sore ouercharged with multitudes we were driuen down from the hill to the waters side and there kept them play a while vntil in the end Zacharie Saxie who with his halberd had kept the way of the hill and slaine a couple of them as hee breathed himselfe being somewhat tired had an honourable death and a short for a shot strooke him to the heart who feeling himselfe mortally wounded cryed to God â—or mercie and fell downe presently dead But soone after the enemie was driuen somewhat to retire from the bankes side to the greene and in the ende our boate came and carried as many of our men away as could goe in her which was in hazard of sinking while they hastened into it And one of our men whose name was Robert Maddocke was shot through the head with his owne peece being a snap-hance as hee was hasting into the boate But foure of vs were left behinde which the boate could not carrie to wit my selfe Francis Pretie Thomas Andrewes Steuen Gunner and Richard Rose which had our shot readie and retired our selues vnto a cliffe vntill the boate came againe which was presently after they had carried the rest abourd There were sixe and fortie of the enemies slaine by vs whereof they had dragged some into bushes and some into aide houses which wee found afterward Wee lost twelue men in maner following Slaine by the enemie 1 Zacharie Saxie 2 Neales Iohnson 3 William Geirgifield 4 Nicolas Hendie 5 Henry Cooper 1 Robert Maddocke killed with his peece 2 Henry Mawdley burnt drowned 1 Edward the gunners man 2 Ambrose the mustrian taken prisoners 1 Walter Tilliard 2 Edward Smith 3 Henry Aselye The selfe same day being the second of Iune we went on shoare againe with â—â—â—ntie men and had a fresh skirmish with the enemies and draue them to retire being an hundred Spaniards seruing with muskets and two hundred Indians with bowes arrowes and darts This done wee set fire on the towne and burnt it to the ground hauing in it to the number of three hundred housesâ— and shortly after made hauocke of their fieldes orchards and gardens and burnt foure great ships more which were in building on the stockes The third of Iune the Content which was our viceadmirall was haled on ground to graue at the same place in despight of the Spaniards and also our pinnesse which the Spaniards had burned was new trimmed The fift day of Iune wee departed out of the roade of Puna where wee had remained eleuen dayes and turned vp for a place which is called Rio dolce where wee watered at which place also wee sunke our rereadmirall called The Hugh Gallant for want of men being a barke
our Generall and falling downe vpon his knees offered to haue kissed our Generals fette and craued mercie our General most graciously pardoned both him and the rest vpon promise of their true dealing with him and his company concerning such riches as were in the shippe and sent for the Captaine and their Pilote who at their comming vsed the like duetie and reuerence as the former did The Generall of his great mercy humanitie promised their liues and good vsage The sayd Captaine and Pilote presently certified the Generall what goods they had within boord to wit an hundreth and 22 thousand pezos of golde and the rest of the riches that the ship was laden with was in silkes sattens damasks with muske diuers other marchandize and great store of al mâ—ner of victuals with the choyse of many conserues of all sortes for to eate and of sundry sorts of very good wines These things being made knowne to the Generall by the aforesaid Captaine and Pilote they were commanded to stay aboord the Desire and on the 6 day of Nouember following wee went into an harbour which is called by the Spaniards Aguada Segura or Puerto Seguâ—o Here the whole company of the Spaniardes both of men and women to â—he number of 190 persons were set on shore where they had a fayre riuer of fresh water with great store of fresh fish foule and wood and also many hares and conies vpon the maine land Our generall also gaue them great store of victuals of garuansos peason and some wine Also they had all the sailes of their shippe to make them tents on shore with licence to take such store of plankes as should bee sufficient to make them a barke Then we fell to hoysing in of our goods sharing of the treasure and alotting to euery man his portion In deuision whereof the eight of this moneth many of the company fell into a mutinie against our Generall especially those which were in the Content which neuerthelesse were after a sort paciâ—ied for the time On the 17 day of Nouember which is the day of the happy Coronation of her Maiestie our Generall commanded all his ordinance to be shot off with the small shot both in his owne shippe where himselfe went and also in the Content which was our Uice-admirall This being done the same night we had many fireworkes and more ordinance discharged to the great admiration of all the Spaniards which were there for the most part of them had neuer seene the like before This ended our Generall discharged the Captaine gaue him a royall reward with prouision for his defence against the Indians and his company both of swords targets pieces shot and powder to his great contâ—ntment but before his departure he tooke out of this great sâ—ippe two yong lads borne in Iapon which could both wrighâ— and reade their owne language the eldest being about 20 yeers olde was named Christopher the other was called Cosmus about 17 yeeres of age both of very good capacitie He tooke also with him out of their ship 3 boyes borne in the isles of Manilla the one about 15 the oâ—her about 13 and the yongest about 9 yeeres old The name of the eldest was Alphonso the second Anthony de Dasi the third remaineth with the right honourable the Countesse of Essex He also tooke from them one Nicholas Roderigo a Portugall who hath not onely bene in Canton and other parts of China but also in the islands of Iapon being a countrey most rich in siluer mynes and hath also bene in the Philippinas Hee tooke also from them a Spaniard whose name was Thomas de Eâ—sola which was a very good Pilote from Acapulco and the coast of Nueua Espanna vnto the islands of Ladrones where the Spaniardes doe put in to water sayling betweene Acapulco and the Philippinas in which illes of Ladrones they finde fresh water plantans and potato rootes howbeit the people be very rude and heathens The 19 day of Nouember aforesaid about 3 of the clock in the afternoone our Generall caused the kings shippe to be set on fire which hauing to the quantitie of 500 tunnes of goods in her we saw burnt vnto the water and then gaue them a piece of ordinance and set sayle ioyfully homewardes towardes England with a fayre winde which by this time was come about to Eastnortheast and night growing neere we left the Content a sterne of vs which was not as yet come out of the road And here thinking she would haue ouertaken vs we lost her companie and neuer saw her after Wee were sayling from this hauen of Aguada Segura in California vnto the iles of Ladrones the rest of Nouember and all Decembeâ— and so forth vntil the 3 of Ianuarie 1588 with a faire winde for the space 45 dayes and we esteemed it to be between 17 and 18 hundred leagues The 3 day of Ianuary by sixe of the clocke in the morning wee had sight of one of the islands of Ladrones called the island of Guana standing in 13 degrees 2 â— toward the North and sayling with a gentle gale before the winde by 1 or 2 of the clocke in the afternoone wee were come vp within 2 leagues of the island where we met with 60 or 70 sailes of canoas full of Sauages who came off to sea vnto vs and brought with them in their boates plantans cocos potato rootes and fresh fish which they had caught at sea and helde them vp vnto vs for to truck or exchange with vs which when we perceiued we made fast litle pieces of old iron vpon small cords and fishing lines and so vered the iron vnto their canoas and they caught hold of them and tooke off the iron and in exchange of it they would make fast vnto the same line either a potato roote or a bundle of plantans which we haled in and thus our company exchanged with them vntil they had satisfied themselues with as much as did content them yet we could not be rid of them For afterward they were so thicke about the ship that it stemmed brake 1 or 2 of their canoas but the men saued themselues being in euery canoa 4 6 or 8 persons all naked excellent swimmers and diuers They are of a tawny colour marueilous fat bigger ordinarily of stature theÌ„ the most part of our men in England wearing their haire marueilous long yet some of them haue it made vp and tyed with a knot on the crowne some with 2 knots much like vnto their images which wee saw them haue carued in wood and standing in the head of their boates like vnto the images of the deuill Their canoas were as artificially made as any that euer wee had seene considering they were made and contriued without any edge-toole They are not aboue halfe a yard in bredth and in length some seuen or eight yardes