for I believe that even so it is not without some truth then a man though he understood not a word of Greek or Latin would equally be affected if he heard them read acted or repeated which for any man to imagine is too ridiculous And then again if it be remembred that when we say the pleasure of the eyes or eares we mean such as through the eyes or eares doth passe unto the soul we may grant it the pleasure of a rational soul properly which only is capable of it and yet as properly sensual as it receiveth its first birth and breeding as it were from those senses Though I do not propose to my self as I have already said to go further into the search of these things then I must needs to avoid too much exactnesse for which all men I know are not fitted yet for their sakes that are more curious and capable I will adde here some further directions as they offer themselves to me by the way how they may come to the perfect knowledge of Words and Speech and so may give their reason if they please more full satisfaction concerning these effects which we speak of when they understand their causes They must begin first of all with the consideration of single Letters and enquire not from Grammarians only but from best and choicest Philosophers what is their natural power and property which letters are naturally smooth which are rough or sharp what Vowels grave and stately what quick and nimble what effects and operations to the conjunction of such with reference either to the Eare and the nature of it or to the instruments the Teeth Tongue Nose Throat c. by which they are formed and to their motions in forming are naturall Aristotle hath done somewhat in this speculation here and there in his Rhetoricks but Plato in his Cratylus much more more copiously and more profoundly tracing nature to her very cradle as it were then any that I have seen Many have laboured in it all almost that have written of Rhetorick either ancient or late but among the Ancients now extant Dionys Halicarn with more exactnesse then any other of that profession There is no part of Nature more obscure where there is so little suspicion of obscurity no wonder therefore if they that have laboured in this search are not alwayes of one judgement It is enough that by clear demonstration of unquestionable presidents and instances except a man be valde agresti hispida aure as Aulus Gellius in a place or somewhat else that is not ordinary doth alter the case out of Homer especially who of all men that have been known unto the world whether by art as some have thought or by nature and by the advantage of a judicious eare and plentifull wit as most likely made use in his writings of this craft but by clear demonstration of unquestionable presidents whether out of Homer or any other most certain that all letters both Consonants and Vowels have some natural and distinct propriety in speech if thus and thus used towards such and such effects and operations Next unto Letters if we consider Words there is no word that consists of Syllables but is measurable it hath some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dimension and there is no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dimension but hath some natural property or influence especially when many together artificially joined upon the soul of man towards such and such operations I may be thought to speak Riddles by some and I know very well that not only they that never read of such things may think so but even some that have taken great pains and read much to satisfie themselves have found this speculation more intricate and curious then usefull and necessary This very word Rhythmus in matter of speech what it is how it differs from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the one numerus properly the other though I made bold to confound them for want of a proper English word dimensio what is the nature and what are the properties of each though so many have written of it would be neverthelesse a long and difficult businesse to make it plain Without some skill in Musick if not practicall yet speculative I think it is not to be done But it is enough for my purpose by such hints as these to let the Reader know that as in all Poetry there is somewhat of Musick so in ordinary language too though not so apparent let it be never so ordinary much more in that which is elegant and whether by art or by nature only for so in this subject we must be allowed to speak artificiall Then for the Organs of Speech what analogy they have with divers instruments of musick there is much to be said if a man go about it rationally and philosophically Gregory Nyssen for so much as he hath done not of set purpose but occasionally only both in his book De Opificio and Contra Eunomium hath done it very well We have his words at large in a more proper place and task but not ended nor very likely to be They that have Casserius De vocis auditus organis may finde somewhat there about it if I be not mistaken but whether out of Nyssen any thing who well deserveth a place in that argument I know not And whereas I said but now that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a hard word to be explained I meant it of the naturall speculation of the thing signified by the word not of the Grammatical exposition of it in which sense neverthelesse it seemeth that it hath proved a hard and difficult word to some Nyssen useth it in this rhetorical sense in his first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is book not as some translate it Oration contra Eunomium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. where the Jesuite that translateth him because he understood it not hath perverted the whole passage and hath not one word of the Fathers meaning I believe they that read Greek Authors will find this word elsewhere too misinterpreted and therefore I thought this caution would not be unseasonable Now for the pleasure of the Eyes in good language our next consideration though it may seem more remote at first hearing from probability yet that we have to say will be much plainer and as I apprehend it with no lesse reality of truth I will not insist upon Plato's reasoning in his Cratylus that words rightly imposed are and must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is artificial and picture-like imitations nor upon Aristotle his comparing of speeches made to a multitude unto Landscaps which shew best afar off and being looked upon near are little regarded Though both have good reason for what they say yet as not before so neither here do we hold bare similitudes a sufficient ground for us Many such we may find in divers Authors used by them to set out the excellent beauty and amiablenesse of an
denied his Providence or that he intermedled in humane affairs Now it was taken for granted on all parts that si Divinatio sit Dii sunt if any true enthusiastical Divination then Gods also if no Gods no Divination It is Tullies word that ista reciprocantur that they are termini convertibiles as we say commonly What ground there is in nature it self for this supposed reciprocation would be an unnecessary digression my matter will not oblige me to warrant it true it is enough for me if it be granted as I know it must by them that have read the writings of ancient Heathens of either side that it was so generally believed Now as men that are once ingaged both in inward affection and in outward profession which commonly go together unto a party are very apt to credit any thing for truth that makes for them and on the contrary nay some though they themselves know it to be otherwayes yet will do what they can that what is advantagious for their side may be believed by others such is the wretchednesse of most men where their affections or interests are once engaged so doth it manifestly appear to have happened in this particular businesse If therefore Lucian a profest Atheist or Epicure who employed what he had of wit and eloquence in deriding all manner of Religions scoffe and jeare at all miraculous relations which he hath made the subject of one of his Dialogues entitled Philopseudes if he will not admit of any Divination or Oracles as proceeding from any kind of enthusiasme it is not much to be wondred at If others besides Lucian and such profest Epicures have done the like in ancient times somewhat might be said to them too but that we will not be too long upon it As for late Authors I would rather blame their negligence in this point then suspect their partiality Certainly except all ancient Authors both Greek and Latin did conspire together to make themselves a scorn to their own time by writing such things as generally known and received which neverthelesse were but either their own phansies or the slights of some cunning merchants and to make a scorn of after times who upon the warrant of such witnesses accounted grave and sober might easily be induced to believe such things though strange enough otherwaies when it should be too late to disprove them by any visible search and triall except I say they did of purpose so conspire so many Authors of so many different ages and different countries Poets Philosophers Historians and others it must needs be that such Enthusiasms were very frequent in ancient times Neither was it a jesting matter to some of them that did offer themselves or were chosen by others to that ministry according to the several rites ceremonies and conditions of several places Lucan perchance as a Poet may be thought to deliver it more generally then truly when he saith Siqua Deus sub pectora venit Numinis aut poena est mors immatura recepti Aut pretium quippe stimulo fluctuque furoris Compages humana labat pulsusque Deorum Concutiunt fragiles animos Lucan lib. 5. He seems to make it a general case as though all so inspired in that particular place at least did die soon after But in his time that Oracle was almost expired and therefore he might the easier mistake because so little used That some died in the fit or presently after is not to be doubted and Plutarch in his book De Def. Oraculorum writeth very particularly of one of his time that did so But that which is more strange is that gravest authors of those times stick not to adscribe a great part of that worldly greatnesse and prosperity unto which the affairs of Greece did once arrive when several Common-wealths among them some together some successively as that of the Athenians the Lacedemonians and the like did flourish to the Oracles and other kind of divinations of those times So Plato in his Phaedrus where he disputes that divine madnesse is to be preferred before humane sobriety and wisdome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Plutarch though upon another occasion hath the same observation of the many benefits that did accre◠to the Grecians by the Oracle at Delphos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c Whence it is that even Socrates the author of the rational sect of Philosophers because he would have all things as well in matter of belief as practice brought to the trial of reason yet even he did allow of the use of Oracles nay commend it and thought it necessary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and judged them no lesse then mad or strangely besotted that maintained the contrary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as is recorded by one of his disciples Xenophon a famous both Philosopher and Historian And I pray what were the Pythones or Pythonici so called because of the supposed spirit of Divination in them but Enthusiasts but that the fit or faculty because more habitual was not so strong and visible They were for the most part of the meanest sort of men women often neither so experienced in the world or so perfected by study as that any could suspect them to deal cunningly Such a one we read of Acts 16.16 and such a one is Alexander said by some to have had with him in his expedition for the conquest of the East as is recorded by Arrianus and such another Marius in his expeditions against the Cimbri so terrible unto the Romans Syrian women both Martha was her name whom Plutarch speaks of Yet for all this and what else might be added to the same purpose if it concerned us and our purpose here to be long upon it it is farre from me to deny or to doubt that in the carriage of these things in all places there was much cunning and juggling much error and deceit and perchance some particular places and Oracles where all that outwardly had a shew of Enthusiasme was nothing but Art and Imposture But that all was therefore is as good as to say that there is no truth in the world because nothing in the world that is not lyable to the imposture of men But now to the proper businesse of this chapter Whether any enthusiastical Divination might be accounted merely natural or whether altogether either divine or diabolicall that is it we are now to consider of I shall not here referre my Reader to such as either Pomponatius or Leonicus the first whereof doth not allow of any miracles at all as supernatural but takes upon him blasphemously to give natural reasons for all even for those that were done by Christ the other if not in all points of Pomponatius his faith yet in this of Divination and some others a mere Peripatetick without any mixture of Christianity I have nothing to do with such and I think their grounds for the most part as contrary to sense and reason as they are to faith I would
abroad as a woman full of revelations and very dear unto God though in very deed a woman as of mean fortune so of as mean a capacitie otherwise except it were to forge lies This woman then whether really possest of the Devil which is most likely because of those ecstasies or whether she acted it with art and cunning as some learned men suspected because she told him strange things concerning himself that should come to passe which his phansie made yet greater he did certainly the more willingly apapply himself unto her to be her disciple whose ghostly Father he had been before To be short he came at last to that that he would take upon himself to do miracles and did verily think that he did when in very deed there was no ground at all for any such thought For which and for certain propositions contrary to the Faith he had received from his Prophetesse he was at last by order of the Judges of the holy Inquisition to the great astonishment of this whole Kingdome apprehended and put in prison where for the space of five years he was heard tolerated examined until at last his incomparable pride and madnesse was made known unto all men For whereas he pretended with all possible confidence and pertinacy that he had a private Angel of whom he learned whatsoever he desired yea that he had been intimate with God himself and conferred with him personally he would utter such fopperies as none would believe could proceed from any that were not stark mad yet in very truth the man was in perfect sense as to soundnesse of brain as perfect as I my self can think my self at this time now writing of him Very sadly and soberly therefore he would affirm that he should be a King yea and Pope too the Apostolical Sea being translated to those parts as also that holinesse was granted unto him above all Angels and heavenly hoasts and above all Apostles yea that God had made profer unto him of hypostatical union but that he refused to accept of it Moreover that he was appointed to be Redeemer of the world as to matter of efficacy which Christ he said had been no further then to sufficiency only That all Ecclesiastical estate was to be abrogated and that he would make new laws plain and easie by which the Coelibatus or restraint of Marriage of Clergie-men should be taken away multitude of wives allowed and all necessity of confession avoided These things and other things of that nature he would affirme with such earnest confidence as we were all amazed that any man could be in his right wits that held such opinions In fine after the examination of his actions and heretical propositions to the number of a hundred ten and upwards either heretical all or at least not agreeable to the sound doctrine of the Church as the manner of that High Court is we were appointed to dispute with him if possibly we might reduce him to sobriety We were three in all besides the Bishop of Quinto that met before the Judges about it The man being brought in did plead his cause with that liberty eloquence of speech that I stand amazed to this day that mere pride should bring a man unto this He acknowledged that his Doctrine because above all humane reason could not be proved but by Scripture and Miracles As for Scripture that he had proved the truth of it by testimonies taken from thence more clear and more pregnant then ever Paul had proved Jesus Christ to be the true Messias by As for Miracles that he had done so many and so great that the Resurrection of Christ it self was not a greater Miracle For that he had been dead verily and truly and was risen again and that the truth of it had been made apparent unto all All this while though he had never a book in the Prison so that even his Breviary was taken away from him he did quote places of Scripture out of the Prophets the Apocalyps the Psalms and other books so many and so long that his very memory caused great admiration But these places he did so apply to his phansies and did so allegorize them that any that heard him must needs either weep or laugh But lastly if we did yet require Miracles that he was ready to be tried by them And this he spake as either certainly mad himself or accounting us all mad For that by revelation it was come to his knowledge he said that the Serenissimus John of Austria was vanquished by the Turks upon the Seas that Philip the most puissant King of Spain had lost most part of his Kingdome that a Council was held at Rome about the deposition of Pope Gregory and another to be chosen in his place That he told us these things whereof we had had certain intelligence because we might be sure that they could not be known unto himself but by immediate divine revelation All which things though they were so false that nothing could be more yet still were they affirmed by him as certainly known unto us But at last having disputed with him two dayes to no effect at all being led out with some others as the fashion is in Spain to be made a publick Spectacle he ceased not to look up to Heaven expecting as it seems the Devil had promised him that fire would come to consume both Inquisitors and Spectators all But in very deed no such fire came from above but a flame came from below which seized upon this pretended King and Pope and Redeemer and new Law-giver and quickly did reduce him into ashes In this relation the first thing I shall take notice of which to me seemeth very strange is that neither Acosta himself nor any of those grave men and Judges by him mentioned did seem to know that there is a sober kind of distraction or melancholy not such only wherein the brain is generally affected to all objects equally never outragious nor out of reason as it were to outward appearance but also where the distemper is confined to some one object or other the brain being otherwise very sound and sober upon all other objects and occasions I need not go so farre as Aristotle for an instance though to be found in him or at least in that book that beareth his name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which by Horace Fuit hand ignobilis Argis Qui se credebat c. is very elegantly rendered in Latin verses We need not go so farre either for an instance or for his authority there is not any Physician either ancient or late that treateth of Melancholy but doth both acknowledge it and hath several examples Laurentius in his treatise of melancholick diseases hath one whole Chapter of examples whereof some were of his owne time and knowledge As that of a Noble-man that otherwise had his senses very perfect and would discourse as Laurentius observeth of any subject very rationally but that he was
believe he saw much in the Mathematicks and he might in divers other things though I would not have any man to rely upon his demonstrations concerning either the being of a God or the Immortalitie of the Soul But his abilities I question not his Method having so much affinitie with this Mysticall Theologie against which I think too much cannot be said I could not passe it without some censure I am one I confesse that think reason should be highly valued by all creatures that are naturally rationall Neither do I think we need to seek the Image of God in man elsewhere then in perfect Reason such as he was created in Holinesse and Righteousnesse were but fruits of it Let others admire Witches and Magicians as much as they will who by their art can bring them their lost precious things and Jewels I honour and admire a good Physician much more who can as Gods instrument by the knowledge of nature bring a man to his right wits again when he hath lost them and I tremble homo sum humani à me nihil alienum puto when I think that one Mad man is enough to infect a whole Province Somewhat to that purpose we have had already and I doubt whether by this there would have been one sober man left in all Spain had not the Alumbrados or Illuminated sect which also pretended much to Contemplation and thereby to Ecstasies and mysticall unions been suppressed in time Here I should have ended this Chapter which hath taken up I believe the greatest part of this whole Discourse But I promised somewhat of Mahomet I must acquit my self of that before I have perused severall relations of Greek Authors set out by Sylburgius an Dom. 1595 concerning the beginning of Mahomet They all agree that a naturall disease was his first inducement Some call it a Palsie but more and I believe more truly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is an epilepsie or epilepticall distemper of which he made that advantage as to beget himself Divine authority Now to such a disease how naturally incidentall strange Visions and Apparitions are by which the parties themselves deeming their phansies and visions realities and truths are often deceived I appeal to former examples I could have told of them too that have thought books brought unto them by Angels in their Ecstasies and some such other things which may come somewhat near to Mahomet's case Now whether he might not be deceived at first before he used other Arts and Impostures the better to countenance his Phrensies I propose it as a disputable matter In point of Mahometisme as to the horridnesse of the delusion whether so or no it is all one I know It makes it neither greater nor lesse Neither do I make any question but that the Devil was a chief actor in the progresse of it But when we shall consider with our selves seriously what these beginnings that began with epilepticall Raptures and Ecstasies and supposed revelations of Angels and the like came to afterwards it would it should I am sure and to that end I mention him here make men the more warie either how they give credit to such fits and revelations of others or how themselves by their ignorance or indiscretion expose themselves to delusion CHAP. IIII. Of Rhetoricall Enthusiasme The Contents The nature and causes of Speech a curious and usefull speculation by the perfect knowledge whereof the deaf and dumb so naturally may be taught not only to understand whatsoever is spoken by others as some upon credible information have done in England but also to speak and to discourse as one very lately a Noble-man in Spain A Spanish book teaching that Art Another way to teach the dumb to speak out of Valesius A dumb man that could expresse himself and understand others perfectly by writing Another use of this knowledge conceited but not affirmed ¶ The dependance of reason and speech both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek Rhetorick what it is of what use and whether absolutely necessary The matter and method of this Chapter in four propositions or particulars I. That divers ancient Orators did really apprehend themselves inspired c. Enthusiasm in point of speech used by some Ancients metaphorically or figuratively by some others properly for divine inspiration Longinus Aristides Apollonius in Philostratus Quintilian upon this subject Seneca concerning the causes of high conceptions and expressions inconstant to himself His violent both stile in some places and spirit noted True valour and magnanimitie in meeknesse according to Aristotle A place of Plato considered of Prov. 16.1 The preparations c. II. That Rhetorick or good language hath often had enthusiastick operation upon others Demagogie anciently how powerfull the Athenians particularly blinded and bewitched by it Acts 17.21 concerning the Athenians illustrated Philosophicall Discourses what made them powerfull Ancient Orators Demosthenes and Cicero their language both read and heard how strangely amazing and ravishing proved by some notable instances The Sophistae of those times whose profession was to amaze men both by set extemporary speeches Gorgias the first of that profession how much admired almost adored Their usuall Arguments Their extemporarie facultie or abilitie publickly and suddainly to discourse of any subject that should be proposed unto them proved by divers instances Callisthenes The Tarsenses of Asia Adolescens sine controversia disertus in Aulus Gellius This extemporary kind of speaking by many now fondly deemed inspiration why not so frequent in our dayes some reasons given for it The learning of severall tongues c. Synesius his way of extemporary speaking much more strange and almost incredible Petavius the Jesuite his translation of Synesius very faulty and some examples of his mistakes III. Whence that apprehension of divine Inspiration Ardor Impetus in Latine Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek Authors God himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Hâ—ppocrates Not Heathens only but Ben Maimon and Philo Judaeus both learned Jewes mistaken in this matter An observation of Ribera the Jesuite considered of Spiritus in Latine Poets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Zeal in the N. T. diversly taken and diversly which we think should not be translated IV. What causes truly naturall of those wonderfull operations mistaken by many for divine and supernaturall That some other cause besides that which is generally apprehended must be sought or supposed proved by the example of some notoriously wicked as Nero Dionysius c. who neverthelesse took great pleasure in the exhortations of Philosophers perswading to goodnesse and sobriety As also by the example of poor Mechanicks who neglected their trade to please their ears Passages out of Seneca and Plinius secundus to that purpose First then The power and pleasure of Musick in good language and elocution proved by sundrie all hoâ—ties and by arguments taken from the very nature of speech Ezek. 33.31 c. Musonius The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or artificiall colâ—ocation
eloquent piece But for the reality of the thing which is our businesse The first thing I shall take into consideration is the use of those Figures of Speech by which Speech is adorned as much as by any other kind of ornament which we call Metaphors and Similitudes and Allogories Of their use and excellency in point of Eloquence if well used of the right use of them no man need to read any other then Aristotle who as in all other points of humane learning so in this particular hath behaved himself not as an excellent Orator only but as a Philosopher that is as one that had the perfect knowledge of Nature without which knowledge nothing else though it seemeth never so remote can rightly be uÌ„derstood Now what it is that maketh such Figures Ornaments of Speech so pleasant and so taking I shall answer in the words of one who could both judge and speak very well himself but it is the sense of all that have written of that argument Quod omnis translatio quae quidem ratione suÌ„pta est ad sensus ipsos admovetur maxime oculorum qui est sensus acerrimus that is Because every Metaphor and so of the rest that is proper and natural exposeth the things that are spoken of to the senses especially to that of the eyes which of all senses is the quickest sense Which makes me wonder that S. Augustine in his book De Doctrina Christiana should make it such a difficult businesse to be resolved why the same thing delivered in plain and perspicuous language should not be so pleasing as when it is set out with Metaphors and Allegories whereof he gives some examples there difficile est dicere saith he alia est quaestio But I know that S. Augustine was so good a Naturalist and an Orator too which he once professed that he could easily have found the reason of it himself though none had found it before him but difficile est dicere in reference to his reason he might say such speculations of nature are not for every capacity nor that perchance so seasonable a place in his judgement for such a speculation But this very reason that makes them so pleasing in ordinary language hath brought Metaphors out of credit with Philosophers that seek not the pleasures of the senses but the naked truth of things Aristotle in his Topicks condemneth them Plutarch saith they are children for the most part or sensually given that are so taken with such Figures of Rhetorick I would produce his words but that there is somewhat to be amended in them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in all editions I have seen a vast difference which I have done elsewhere in another work which may one day see light perchance and therefore will spare that labour here Seneca allowes them to Philosophers not as commendable of themselves nor as Poets use them for a shew and to delight sed ut imbecillitatis nostrae adminicula sint ut discentem audientem in rem praesentem adducant that is because of humane infirmity that by the help of such figures the teacher may bring his hearers to the knowledge of those things by a kind of present sight which otherwise they cannot understand S. Chrysostome hath the same thing and is very large upon it upon the seventh Psalm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore saith he speaking of Metaphors and Allegories the Scripture doth use such grosse or course expressions that it may fit the coursenesse or dulnesse of our understandings But besides such Figures as Metaphors Allegories and the like there is a certain propriety of speech which they commonly call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though there be that make a difference or lively representation others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a phantasie or a representation of shapes and images It is so called saith Longâ—nus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is When by a kind of Enthusiasme and strong apprehension of the mind you think you see what you speak of and so set it out by words to those that hear you that you make it in a manner visible Of this property or faculty common Rhetoricians treat largely and bring divers examples out of best Authors Many excellent places out of Homer and Virgil the two Poets that have been the admiration of all Ages which have afforded men of judgement compared together may be found in Macrobius his Saturnalia and Julius Caes Scaliger in the fifth of his Poetices I have read somewhere that Phidias an ancient famous Statuary adscribed especially that so much renowned and almost adored piece of his Jupiter Olympius to the reading of Homer How farre the reading of excellent Poets or Orators may conduce to painting or carving I know not it is out of my profession to judge This I can speak of my self that when I read any such passage in any of those principal Poets or Orators I do not only phansy to my self that I see those things that they describe but also find in my self as I phansy the very same content and pleasure that I should if my eyes beheld them in some whether coloured or carved representation of some excellent Artist As for example when I read Laocoon his tragical end and story set out by Virgilius in the second book of his Aeneids I do not think I read it with much less admiration or pleasure then they receive that go a hundred or a thousand miles perchance to behold that incomparable Laocoon now at Rome to be seen which was an admiration to the beholders even when Artists were at the highest of esteem and perfection as by Pliny and others that write of it may appear so many hundred of yeares above a thousand since how much more now to all that can judge since that noble Art hath suffered so notable declination Not with much lesse admiration I say saving that which much derogates from admiration I have a Virgil alwaies at command and can turn to it when I please the other I never saw but in paper picture and even so not without some admiration nor can hope ever to see for many reasons But there is more in Virgil then in that carved piece the description of the two Serpents which I most admire their gliding pace and motions or what should I call it upon the Seas towards the place of execution Now if any body shall think much of this that a man should be made to see without eyes and should by the benefit of his eares really compasse pleasures that properly belong unto the eyes I would have him to remember what he hath read before if he have read from the beginning that a man may see inwardly as well as outwardly without eyes though not without visible species whether materiall or spirituall we will not dispute and that those pleasures we commonly adscribe to the
as among them that professe Christianity and seem to be zealous as zealous as can be there be many that are nothing lesse then Christians So amongst them that are true sanctified orthodox Christians some may be found that have more zeal then they have discretion to discern between time and time persons and persons and other circumstances by which they that intend to do good ought as by the word of God they are directed to guide their zeal But it is more likely that he intends it of true zeal for not long after he useth the same words of S. Peter eodem mentis ardore quo caetera whose zeal though it were not alwaies seasonable and therefore sharply reproved by Christ in a place yet alwayes true and sincere God forbid that we should make any question I had rather be silent then not to speak well But because my silence may be misconstrued where so much opportunity doth invite as well as my judgement I will rather expose my self to censure then to disappoint my reader of his expectation There is one that calls himself Nicolaus Leonicus Thomaeus an Italian of no small credit in his dayes and I wish no man had done worse upon Aristotle then he hath done who hath set out some philosophical Discourses or Dialogues as he calls them the title of one of which is Sadoletus five De Precibus The subject of the Dialogue is what it is that maketh Prayers available I have read it more then once I am sorry I can make nothing of it whether I consider him as a Christian especially having interessed two Cardinals and one Bishop in the businesse the one by his Dedication the two other as Interlocutors or as a mere Philosoper his chiefest undertaking The Reader may quickly satisfie himself It is no long discourse And when he hath done if he judge otherwise let him condemne my dulnesse not my malignity I shall think my self much beholding to him for it I shall conclude this Chapter with a relation I have read some things and heard of many that I have thought strange in that kind but never met with any thing of that nature that I took more notice of My Author is one that I have named already more then once as I take it Antonius Benivenius whom I find often quoted by learned Physicians without any exception which makes me to give him the more credit though I find my self often posed with his relations However the very circumstances of this relation if judiciously considered are such as can admit of no suspicion But the Reader may believe as much or as little as he pleaseth It may be some ease to him Quanto expeditius est dicere Mendacium fabula est as Seneca somewhere just as he that confuted Bellarmine with three words in the Pulpit if he be resolved to believe nothing that he cannot understand it shall not trouble me who undertake not for the truth of it I trust him whom many before me men of good judgement have trusted more then which no ingenuous Reader will require of me And as I undertake not for the truth so I will passe no further judgement upon the cause The case out of his Latine in my English is this A certain Florentine whose name was Gaspar having received a wound in the Breast or about the Heart whilest he endeavors to pull out the dart pulls out the arrow but leaves the point behinde When the Chirurgions had done all that could be done by art and skill to get it out and all in vain because it stuck so fast in one of the inmost Ribbs that it was impossible to draw it without a larger wound and some danger of breaking the said Ribb or without taking away part of the Ribb with it he resolved to undergo any death though never so painfull rather then to submit to such a cure But at last being grown desperate he attempted to hang himself or to cast himself into the next River Arnus or into some deep Well and had done it had not his friends that were about him watched him with great care and diligence Among them there was one Marioctus by name a man of approved piety and integrity who besought him with great importunity that giving over desperation he would endeavour to commit so incurable an evil into the hands of God the author of all salvation Gaspar being at last perswaded by him betakes himself to God and ceased not both night and day to pray till at last he was taken with a spirit of divination or fell into fits of divination so that he would tell who were coming to him to visit him even when they were yet farre off Besides that he would name all men though never seen before by their right names and exhort all that came to him to fear God and to be confident of his help in time of need That himself was now not only assured of his recovery and of the day and hour particularly but by the same light that assured him he also foresaw many other things that should happen as that he was to go to Rome and dy there the banishment of Petrus Medicis and his flight the distresses Calamities of Florence the ruine of Italy and divers other things which for brevity we omit the fulfilling whereof for the most part we have already seen As for the point it came out of the wound of its own accord the very day hour that he had foretold and when it was come out he ceased to prophesy and after a while being gone to Rome he died there I said I would passe no judgement upon the cause neither shall I. However did not I believe that it had some relation to the contents of this Chapter the Reader may be sure it should not be here But though here yet not any thing from thence to be concluded of the cause if he remember what hath been said of some cases some mixed cases of others so uncertain and obscure as not by me at least at all determinable My Author makes it a Miracle Miraculo liberatus is his argument prefixed before the Chapter I oppose it not and I like it the better First because in such an extremity that seemed as much above the patience as help of man there was no other way that either piety or discretion could suggest but to be importunate with God And secondly because addresse was made unto God immediately This may relish of Lutheranisme with them that have more zeal for Saints then they have for God or at the best think they serve God best when they pray to them who but lately as to God and Eternity were their fellow-servants But Nicolaus Remigius I hope Privy Counseller to the Duke of Lorrein as a Duke so a Cardinal too and a great Judge in capital causes within his Dominions was no Lutheran Let any man read the first and the fourth Chapter of his third book of Daemonolatry and let him