D. Field cited in the text And in his said Treatise of the Church l. 2. c. 9. pag. 58. ante med he affirmeth of the contradictory opinions for which saith he some were named Thomists other Scotists that they consisted to use his own words in the controversies of religion not yet determined by consent of the vniversal Church defined Now if these Protestants speak thus of our Bâ—essed Ladies immunity from Original sin much more will they hold that it is no damnable error if it were an error as it is indeed a most certain Catholick truth and so still we are safe for matter of Doctrine But here Chillingworth doth much forget himself not to consider that He his brethren the Socinians and some other Protestants deny all Original Sin and consequently that our B. Lady neither was or could be conceived therein So farr is this doctrine from being an errour or heresie in the grounds of these men 100. Thirteenthly He exemplifies the necessity of Auricular Confession But we have shewed that some learned Protestants hold the necessity of Confession and confess that the Fathers taught the necessity of confessing even thoughts Yea Chemnitius than whom no Protestant was ever more famous 2. part Exam. pag. 960. teacheth perfect sorrow or contrition not to be sufficient without Absolution as also I am informed by persons of worth and credit that Dr. Jeremie Tailor is so much for the necessity of Confession and Absolution that he teaches Contrition without Absolution not to be sufficient for remission of sins which he indeavours to prove in a Book written purposly to that end though for ought I understand it is not printed as yet And M. Spar a Cambridge Man printed a Sermon to prove the necessity of Confession as also in this third Consideration n. 82. fine we have heard Dr. Andrews prove the same out of St. Austine 101. Fourteenthly He allegeth the necessity of the Priests intention to obtain benefit by any of the Sacraments But this as we have seen out of Brereley in this third Consideration n. 49. is taught also by learned Protestants and the thing of it self is so reasonable that no man can deny it who understands the termes 102. Fifteenthly He ends his enumeration with these words And lastly for this very doctrine of licentiousness That though a man live and dye without the practise of Christian vertues and with the habit of many damnable sins immortifyed yet if he in the last moment of life have any sorrow for his sins and joyn Confession with it certainly he shall be saved In this accusation are involved three points or propositions First that Attrition with Absolution is not sufficient for the abolition of sin Secondly that true Repentance requires the extirpation and mortification of all vicious habits Thirdly that we teach any sorrow with Absolution to be sufficient for pardon of sins For the first we appose M. Chillingworth to himself who pag. 32. n. 4. saith God hath no where declared himself but that wheresoever he will accept of that Repentance which you are pleased to call Contrition he will accept of that which you call Attrition For though he like best the bright Flaming holocaust of Love yet he rejects not he quenches not the sâ—oaking flax of that repentance if it be true and effectual which proceeds from hope and fear which is more than we grant who teach only that not Attrition alone but with Absolution is sufficient The second is for ought I know against the common Tenet of Protestants and all Christians who believe that a sinner may be saved at the hour of his death if he have true contrition for his sins past with a firm purpose to amend for time to come though at that instant he cannot extirpate all vicious habits which as M. Chillingworth pag. 391. n. 8. confesses being a work of difficulty and time cannot be performed in an instant So that a poor sinner though he be never so contrite for his sins must despair of remission and salvation The third point that we believe any sorrow with Absolution to be sufficient for pardon of sins is a meer calumny as will appear to any that reads the sacred Councill of Trent declaring what sorrow is required to obtain pardon of our sins or Catholick divines writing on this subject For if the sorrow be conceived upon any Reason meerly of temporall Hope or Fear we teach that it is no wise sufficient to make men capable of Absolution or forgiveness of sins but it must proceed from some motive known by supernatural Faith for example the fear of Hell or desire of Heaven Secondly it cannot be produced by the natural forces of men or Angells as being the gift of God and requiring the special motion inspiration and grace of the holy Ghost and contrarily all the wit pains and industrie of all men that have been are or shall be yea or are possible to be created cannot arrive to it by all the natural forces of them all though they were assisted by the help of all Angels created or creable or of all other natural Creatures contained in the Omnipotency of Almightly God Thirdly Such sorrow must extend it self to all deadly sins in order to which it is to be so effectual that it must exclude all affection to them and the Penitent must be resolved rather to undergoe a thousand deaths than once consent to the least mortal sin And therefore Fourthly He must resolve to avoid for time to come all proximas occasiones or imminent danger of falling into any one mortal sin As also if he have injured any man by taking away his good name or goods or limb or life he must effectually and speedily procure to give satisfaction or make restitution according as the case shall require Yea and sometime if it be justly feared that dealy will cause a failing in his purpose Absolution may prudently or must be deferred till he hath actually satisfied all obligation the neglect whereof would prove a deadly sin And in a word that sorrow which we call Attrition differs from Contrition in the motive only because Contrition is conceived for sin as it is against the infinite goodness of God Attrition as it is repugnant to our eâ—ernal salvation and therefore Contrition is an act of the Theological Vertue of Charity Attrition of the Theological Vertue of Hope which as it moves us to desire and hope everlasting happiness so doth it incite us to fear the loss thereof and out of that holy fear not to fear any other temporal loss with the prejudice of our Souls according to those words of our blessed Saviour doe you not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the soul but rather fear him who can punish with Hell fire both the body and soul Which words declare that as I said a natural fear meerly of temporal losse though it be even of our life is not a sufficient disposition for pardon of sins as is
comisisse scelera ut propter turpitudinem suam non possit aut denique incurabili impediri impotentia quo minus per corporis vires illa valeat conjugii officia persolvere Moreover Bucer concludeth the lawfulnes of Divorce and marriage again to be Verbo Dei consentienter Agreeable to the word of God ibidem pag. 124. versus finem and see pag. 120 prope finem And all this in that very book of his de Regno Christi which is by our learned Adversaries highly magnifyed of which book Nicholas Car in epist de obitu Buceri ad Joannem Checum extant in Bucer's Scripta Anglicana pag. 873. fine saith Liber Buceri de Regno Christi editus continebat absolutissimam perfectissimam totius Doctrinae Christianae effigiem In like manner also in case of the Husbands one years voluntary absence the Opinion of Bucer in Script Anglic. pag. 122 ante medium is that it is lawfull for the Wife to marry again An Errour so manifest and confessed that it being objected to Mr. Whittaker by Dureus contra Whittakerum printed at Paris 1581. fol. 287. b. fine Mr. Whittaker in his Reply to that Booke and very folio forbeareth all mention and defence thereof 59 As concerning divers [p] Brereley tract 3. sect 7. in the margent at †notable Inconstancies for which Luther in Ep. ad Joan. Har. Typ Arg. calleth Bucer a very Monster charging him further with Perfidia in Lutheri Locis Comm. quinta Class fol. 50. antemed See further Osiander in Epitom c. Centur. 16. pag. 249 initio That after his first Apostacy from our Religion he defended with Luther the Reall-Presence is in it self evident and confessed by Peter Martyr in his Treatise of the Lords Supper annexed to his Common Places in English 138. ae fine after which he became a Zuinglian as appeareth by Bucer himself in Epist ad Norimb ad esseingenses After which he revoked that Opinion and joyned again with Luther as appeareth by the Acts of the Synod holden at Luther's House in Wittemberg Anno 1536. And is further confessed by Osiander in Epit. c. Centur. 16. pag. 246 post med and by Schlusselburg in Theolog. Calvanist l. 2. fol. 17. b. ante med and by Lavaterus in Hist Sacrament pag. 31. alleged also by Schlusselburg ubi supra Insomuch as Lavaterus in Hist Sacrament allegeth by Schlusselburg l. 2. fol. 129. a. post medium saith of Bucer non parum abalienatus a Tigurinis esse visus est quos ante amârat plurimum singulare quâdam pietate coluerat And see there also fol. 129. b. circa med where it is further said Bucerus a Tygurinis Zuinglianis omnino abalienatus est And see Bucer's first Edition of his Commentaries upon the sixt of John and the 26 of Matthew where he asketh Pardon of God and the Church for that he deceived so many with the Errour of Zuinglius And see further also Functius in Chronic. And for his fourth change after all this into Zuinglianism again at his coming to Cambridge it is to all men evident and he therefore noted by the Protestant Writer Schlusselburg in Theolog. Calvin l. 2. fol. 70. b. fine where he saith Idem tamen Bucerus Anno 1551 Cantabrigiae in Anglia iterum ad Zuinglianorum haeresim deficit And ibidem fol. 17. b. circa med it is further said Bucerus Anno 1551 Cantabrigiae in Anglia rursus parva cum honestate ad Calvanistas defecit So evidently he did change his Doctrine First to Lutheranism and from thence afterwards to Calvinism from thence back again to Lutheranism and from thence lasty again to Calvinism And all this thus done both by Melancthon and Bucer with solemn Profession and shew at every such change of all full confidence and resolution of opinion and the same with great vehemency pretended evermore as plain and evident from the Scriptures Pu. Which shewes that Scripture alone cannot be a perfect Rule of Faith but that we must have recourse to a living infallible Judge of Controversies Of Knox. 60 THE most turbulent and seditious Doctrines and Deeds of John Knox the pretended Reformer of Religion in Scotland are so notorious and known and exorbitant that I have no mind to set them down in particular nor can any man of a quiet spirit take pleasure in recitall of them Yet if any desire to be further informed he may read Brerely in his Preface to the Reader particularly besides other places sect 14. Here therefore I will only set down that which a person of honour of worth and truth relates namely that when King James came first into England being received and entertained by a person of eminent rank at that time took occasion one day at dinner where at least a hundred persons attended to see and serve him to inveigh in earnest manner against some kind of disobedient seditious and mutinous persons upon which subject he was large and as for Knox in particular I remember well saith the foresaid most worthy person the Relator hereof who then was present and so well that I am able to depose it that the King sayd in particular of him that God thought fit to set a visible mark of Reprobation upon him even in this life before he went to the Devill which was that being sick in his Bed with a good fire of coales by him a candle light upon the table a woman or maid of his sitting by him he told her that he was extreamly thirsty and therefore willed her to fetch him some drink She went and returned quickly but found the Room all in darkness For not only the Candle but the Cole-fire also was utterly extinct and she by that light which her self brought in imediatly after saw the body of Knox lying dead in the middle of the floor and with a most gastly horrid countenance as if his body were to shew the condition of his Soul 61 Pu. Holy Scripture saying Prov. 17. v. 6 The Glory of Children their Fathers I beseech the Protestant Reader to weigh unpartially what Fathers the Protestant pretend Religion hath by reflecting upon what we have demonstrated even out of learned Protestants concerning the Doctrins and Lives of their first Reformers and if they find them to be such as indeed they were they ought to resolve speedily to forsake such infamous Fathers and return to that Religion from which those Sectaries departed to which end these ensuing Reflections may help if they be pondered not cursarily nor with prejudice or a Resolution to find out some kind of answer to all that may be objected but uprightly and with a harty desire to find the Truth for attayning the salvation of their Souls Consider then and collect from what we have said First that as I said heretofore seeing they taught Doctrines which Protestants themselves do not only reject but detest and abhorr they cannot be said to have been of the Protestant Religion and so Protestants must find some
signifyed by Doe you not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the soul but it must be conceived for some loss known by supernatural Faith as for the losse of heaven or paines of Hell as is signifyed by the second part of our Saviours speech and the adversative particle sed but fear him who can c. 103. Thus the Reader cannot but see that upon examination even this our Adversary is forced to grant that in the chief differences between us and Protestants many chief Protestants stand for us and that all his Instances or Examples to the contrary are either manifestly untrue or clearly impertinent But to omit more Instances or proofs I may in this occasion make use of that saying with which Chillingworth serves himself in his Book Quid verba audiam cum facta videam M. Chillingworth shewed himself in deeds so assured of our salvation that whereas his Mother had been converted from Protestancy to our Catholick Religion he even after his fall from us perswaded his Mother to remain constant in our faith and I hope he had no meaning to perswade his Mother to her damnation 104. Now for Conclusion I desire the Reader to consider the following Corollaries or deductions which follow evidently out of the Premisses delivered and proved in this third Consideration 105. First that the Points wherein Protestants agree with us against their pretended Brethren for number or quantity are very many and for quality of highest moment and concernment that they are taught not by a few or unlearned but by many of the most learned Protestants that they hold them with us Catholicks whom they reckon among professed enemies and against them whom they acknowledge to be their Brethren and consequently that this their agreement with us must be against their inclination and will against all humane reason or policie since they can gain nothing by joyning with us in opposition to other Protestants but dislike hatred and contempt from those on whose good or bad opinions their fortune depends But no torture or rack is so powerfull to draw from the will and tongue a true confession as evidence of Truth forces the understanding not to dissent from what is presented to it for which and many other respects the judgment of those Protestants who agree with us ought in reason to weigh much more in our favour than the verdits either of these or other Protestants when they are against us 106. Secondly That in every one of the above specifyed examples we challenge this great advantage That they increase the number of those who hold our doctrines by addition of our very Adversaries to us for as much as concerns those particulars and thereby add strength to our Doctrines and Arguments or Reasons whereby we prove them against other Protestants in a higher degree than they could have advantaged their pretended brethren by still agreeing with them and not joyning with us in those points in regard that the confession of an Adversary is a most convincing proof [t] Apud Brerely in the preface to the Reader sect 4. in the margent at * next after 2. Irenaeus advers Haereses lib. 4. c. 14. versus finem saith to this purpose Illa est enim vera sine contradictione probatio quae etiam ab adversariis ipsis singula testificationis profert c. For as Tertull in Apologetico saith Nemo ad suum dedecus mentitur quin potius ad honorem magis fides prona est in adversus semetipsos confitentes quam pro semetipsis negantes Whereto assenteth Tully in orat P. Qu saying Testimonium tuum quod in alienare leve est hoc contrate grave c. [u] Apud Brereley tract 3. sect 6. in the text and margent at x y. And our learned Adversaries do likewise affirm that it is a great peece of work to convince the Adversary from himself Academia Nemansis respons ad professorum Turnoriorum Societatis Jesu assertiones c. pag. 84. saith Magnae profecto industriae est ex ipsius adver sarii verbis Adversarium convincere And M. D. Field in his treatise of the Church l. 3. c. 47. initio pag. 182. circa med saith The next note whereby Bellarmine indeavoureth to prove the Romish Synagogue to be the true Church of God is our own confession Surely if he can prove that we confess it to be the Church he needeth not to use any other arguments And M. D. Whitaker saith accordingly de Ecclesia controvers 2. quaest 5. cap. 14. initio pag. 366. The argument must needs be strong which is taken from the confession of the Adversaries For the confession of the Adversaries against themselves is effectual And truely saith he I do acknowledg that the truth inforceth testimony from her enemies Decimam tertiam notam statuit Bellarminus adversariorum confessionem firmum certè sit necesse est argumentum illud quod hinc sumitur c. Efficax enim erit Adversariorum ipsorum contra ipsos testimonium c. quidem fateor veritatem etiam suis inimicis testimonium extorquere c. And Peter Martyr in his common places part 2. pag. 329. b. circa med saith Doubtlesse among all testimonies that testimonie is of greatest account which is testified by the enemies 107. Thirdly I ask whether those learned Protestant writers who agree with us against Protestants are to be esteemed and called Protestants or no If not seeing scarcely any one doth not agree with us in some point against the rest the name of Protestant will come to nothing If they may be esteemed Protestants notwithstanding their disagreement from their brethren the denomination of Protestants will grow to be over large and embrace what sects soever yea even those whom they most abhorr and by contempt call Papists with whom they pretend a necessity not to communicate seeing so many learned men may remain Protestants and yet agree with us In a word by this occasion it will be obvious for every one to expresse a desire to know how far Protestancy extends it self 108. Fourthly I demand whether those Protestants who agree with us against their brethren be hereticks in regard of such their doctrines and without repentance not capable of salvation If they be hereticks and cannot be saved without repentance seeing it hath been proved that scarcely any of them doth not agree in some points with us against their brethren it follows that scarcely any Protestant can be judged free from Heresie or capable of salvation Or if they be not Hereticks but capable of salvation we Catholicks also with whom they agree by the confession of Protestants are no hereticks nor excluded from salvation And here I cannot omit this Reflexion That whereas Protestants generally grant that although our Forefathers might be saved by reason of their ignorance yet it follows not that we also may be saved because we may forsooth receive light from Luther and others which our Ancients could not This evasion
then attribute so much to his Epistles that whatsoever was contained in them was sacred lest that in thinking so we should saith he impute immoderate arrogancy to the Apostles His words are tom 2. contra Catabaptistas fol 10. b. circa med Ignorantia vestra est quod putatis cum Paulus haec scriberet Evangelistarum commentarios Apostolorum Epistolas jam in manibus Apostolorum atque authoritate fuisse quasi vero Paulus Epistolis suis jam tum tribuerit ut quicquid in iis contineretur sacrosanctum esset non quod ipse velim non esse sacrosancta quae illius sunt sed quod nolim Apostolis imputari immoderatam arrogantiam In so much that where the Evangelists say This is my Body Zuinglius to supply their supposed defect altereth the text with incredible boldness translating and saying insteed thereof This signifieth my Body Whereof Schlusselburg a learned Protestant in Theologia Calvinistarum l. 2. art 6. fol. 33. b. fine saith Nec potest hoc scelus Zuinglii ullo colore excusari res est manifestissima in graeco textu non habetur significat sed est c. And fol. 44. a. he speaketh to the Zuinglians saying Nec potestis rem inficiari aut occultare quia exemplaria Francisco Regi Galliarum à Zuinglio dedicata sunt in plurimorum hominum manibus excusa Tiguri Anno 1525. in mense Martio in octavo c. And yet more of the Dutch Bible of the Zuinglians he saith there Ego in Saxoniae oppido Mundera An. 60. apud Scholae Rectorem Humbertum vidi exemplar Germanicorum Bibliorum quae Tiguri erant impressa ubi non sine admiratione animi perturbatione verba Filii Dei ad imitationem Zuinglii somniatoris depravata esse deprehend Nam in omnibus illis quatuor locis Math. 26. Marc. 14. Luc. 22. 1. Cor. 11. ubi verba institutionis Testamenti Filii recensentur Hoc est Corpus meum hic est sanguis meus inhunc modum textus erat falsatus hoc significat Corpus meum hoc significat sanguinem meū And see further Zuinglius himself tom 2. l. de vera falsa Religione fol. 210. a. ante med where he saith Sic ergo habet Lucas accepto pane gratias egit fregit dedit eis dicens Hoc significat Corpus meum 28. Pu. Be pleased Reader to reflect here that as above we heard Zuinglius deeply taxing Luther saying to him Thou dost corrupt the word of God thou art seen to be a manifest and common corrupter of the holy Scriptures so here we see how the Lutherans cry shame on Zuinglians for the same crime of falsifying the word of God by turning This is into This signifies my Body c. teaching every one who desires not to betray his own Soul not to trust either of these two or any other Protestant in their Translations seeing there is not a Translation among them which is not condemned by other Protestants as we shall declare after I have noted some very particular corruptions of our English Protestants Zuinglius is condemned by other Protestants for changing This is into this signifies But was he alone guilty of this impiety No. The Communion Book of the Church of England together with the Articles and Book of Ordination were composed Anno 1547. by the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Bishops of Rochester Ely Hereford Worcester Linclon Chichester Dr. Redman Dr. Robinson Dr. Cox the Deans of Pauls of Exeter and of Lincoln who at the Kings charges partly at Windsor partly elsewhere contrived them all which were ratified and confirmed by the Parliament in the year 1548. In this Common Book to say these few things by the way there was Invocation of Saints and Prayer for the dead which are the Doctrines commonly objected by modern Protestants against Catholicks as is yet to be seen many Copies being yet extant And in the Statute of King Edward the sixt it is resolved that those that are abstemious that is cannot drink Wine may receive under one kind only Afterward the then Lord Protector at Calvins instigation as appeareth by his Epistles to the Duke of Summerset put out the Invocation of Saints and Prayer for the dead so variable is the Religion of Protestants But to come to our purpose of proving that not Zuinglius alone was guilty of that foul falsification of the Scripture by translating signifies for is In the first Edition of the said Communion Book the words cited out of Scripture were rendred thus This is my Body c. A year after it was altered thus This signifieth my Body c. A little after is and signifieth were both expunged and a blank Paper put in the place of the Verb thus this my Body c. which without the Verb signifieth nothing or rather may be applyed to any thing as it may please the Painter or changeable Protestant And lastly is was put in again Of this incertainty in Protestant Religion in a matter of greatest moment Nicholas Heath Archbishop of York and Lord Chancellour of England minded the Kingdom 1. Elizabethae in his Speach against the bringing in of the uncertain and unsetled new Religions which Speach saith a man of great learning and credit under whose hand I received it I have read and have seen divers of King Edward the sixt Service Books some with is some with signifieth and some with a blank in the place Now Reader look above and apply to English Protestants that which Lutherans justly object to Zuinglius for his translating signified for is 29. Moreover it is to be observed that the Bible in King Edward the sixt days was translated into English by the Bishops of St. Davids Hereford Ely Norwich and Rochester and therefore it is called the Bishops Bible In it the whole Book of the Canticles which they prophanely why may not I say blasphemously translate the Ballad of Ballads and many other Chapters and verses in the Bible were particularly noted as not fit to be read to the common people or by them But in the latter Bibles all things are equally permitted to all from which liberty what could be expected then that which we find by lamentable experience an endless multiplication of new Heresies without any possible means of remedy as long as men are resolved not to acknowledge an infallible Judge of Controversies but to leave every man to read Scripture which they must interpret according to their own mind or fancy not having any other infallible Rule or Guide to follow I know that a learned Catholick in a familiar discourse with Dr. Collins chief Reader of Divinity in Cambridge told him that Protestants themselves were the true cause of so many Heresies by permitting the promiscuous reading of Scripture to every Body and the Doctor answered plainly That for his part he did not approve such liberty and this is the thing which the Church dislikes but it is a meer calumny to say that she
before his Passion suffered in soul the horrible torments of a damned and wicked man Diros in anima cruciatus damnati ac perditi hominis pertulit Calvinus l. 2. Instit cap. 16. sect 10. that he not only offered his body in price but also suffered in soul the pains due to us Calvinus ubi supra in Harmonia in Matth. 27. v. 46. Even that death which is inflicted upon the wicked by God in his anger Calvinus institut l. 2. cap. 16. sect 10. eam mortem pertulit quae sceleratis ab irato Deo infligitur And all the pains for which the damned stand answerable only excepted that he could not be deteined therein Calvin Instit l. 2. c. 16. sect 10. qui dependeret ac persolveret omnes quae ab illis sceleratis expectendae erunt paenas hoc uno duntaxat excepto quod doloribus mortis non poterat detineri From whence also followeth the sequel of that despair wherewith God inflicteth the damned To which purpose certain Calvinists affirm accordingly of our Saviour [n] See M. Whitaker contra Duraeum l. 8. pag. 556. cirâ—a medium and Master Nowels Catechism Greek and Latine pag. 281. And see Mr. Bilsons survey c. pag. 377. fine 445. post med and Calvin in Harmonia in Mat. c. 26. ver 39 versus finem and Marloret in Mat. 26. that he was in great horror with the feeling of eternal damnation that [o] Calvin Instit l. 2. c. 16. sect 10. he did strive with the horror of eternal damnation [p] Calvin in Harmonia in Matth. 27. ver 37. 39. And see in M. Bilsons survey pag. 387. ante med feared more than his bodily death even [q] See in M. Bilsons survey pag. 392. prope initium the other death far more dreadful namely [r] See in M. Bilsons survey pag. 503. circa post med the death of the soul or second death and was for the time in despair Brentius in Luc. part 2. hom 65. in Joan. hom 54. Marloret in Matth. 26. Calvin in Matth. cap. 27. v. 46. saith Sed absurdum videtur Christo elapsam desperationis vocem Respondeo facilem esse solutionem hanc desperationem ex sensu carnis profectam And ibidem in ver 47. Sic videmus omni ex parte fuisse vexatum ut desperatione obrutus ab invocando Deo obsisteret quod erat saluti renuntiare And Beza ad Haebr 5. v. 7. affirmeth that Christo divinae maledictionis horrore percusso elapsa est vox desperationis In so much as they affirm him to have been thereupon distempered or unadvised in his prayer Calvin in Harmonia in Matth. 26. v. 39. sayeth Haec ratio est cur mortem deprecatus mox sibi fraenum injiciat Patrisque imperio se subjiciens votum illud subitò elapsum castiget revocet And after Non fuit igitur haec meditata Christi oratio sed vis impetus doloris subitam ei vocem extorsit cui statim addita fuit correctio eadem vehemeâ—tia praesentem caelestis decreti memoriam illi abstulit ut non reputaret in ipso momento se hac lege missum esse c. Certè in primo voto Christi non apparet placida illa moderatio quam dixi quia Mediatoris officio defungi quantum in se est renuit ac detrectat Pu. O blasphemies of Calvin If Christ did despair and did refuse to redeem mankind as his Father had decree'd and commanded he should be our Redeemer how can he be a Redeemer of sinners if he himself did commit so great and grievous sins as Despair and Disobedience are 47. Pu. As we concluded the life of Luther with a saying of Erasmus so now we may well end the life of Calvin with the words of Hugo Grotius esteemed one of the most learned and eloquent and moderate Protestants of this age who in his Votum pro pace Ecclesiastica ad Articulum pag. 17. saith thus of Calvin Qua vero humanitate solitus fuerit Calvinus excipere à se dissentientes ex scriptis liquet Castalionem quia illam quam Calvinus docebat praedestinationem oppugnabat nebulonem Satanam vocat Cornhertium nebulonem canem Scriptorem de officio pii viri in hoc Religionis dissidio qui erat Cassander ipsi autem putabatur esse Balduinus appellat frontis ferreae hominem pietatis expertem prophanum impudentem impostorem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 petulantiae deditum Ei Scripto cum se opposuisset Balduinus vocat eum hominem nihili obscaenum canem improbum falsarium multa scelestè ac nequiter cogitantem conspirantem cum improbis nebulonibus Cynicum scurram perfidum fatuum belluinâ rabie Satanae addictum Cassandrum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mâ—rosum lamiam larvam serpentem pestem carnificem Quid quod Bucerum ita vexavit ut virum mitem coegerit haec scribere longè verissima Judicas prout amas vel odisti amas autem vel odisti prout libet Imo ob atrocia dicta Bucerus ei nomen dedit fratricidae Of Beza 48. NOw [s] Apud Brereley in his Book a part of the lives of the late pretended Reformers cap. 7. sect 1. as concerning Theodore Beza whose life was in like manner written by Hierom Bolseck and by him published Anno 1582. wherein he objecteth against Beza many great and hainous imputations set down in particular with special naming of times places and persons as for example among other the selling of his Priory for ready mony in hand and further letting it to others in farm for five years upon mony before hand received wherupon the abused parties upon his secret stealing away fell at publick sute which depended of record in the Court at Paris Also his then stealing away at the time of his said flight the Taylors wife dwelling in Calender street at Paris furthermore the getting of his maid with Child at Geneva and his then feigning both himself and the Maid to be sick of the Plague whereby none should dare to come to them whereupon he requested that they might be lodged in two Chambers of Petrus Viretus in an outer Gardin which obtained he caused a Barber Surgion to let the woman bloud and to give a strong Purgation after which she was delivered of a dead Child which they Buryed in that Garden as the said Barber after confessed to Bolseck himself during which mean time Beza to cover the matter composed certain spiritual Songs of the great pains he suffered by vehemency of the Plague and Printed them at Geneva whereto are further added his Printed seditious Books for stirring up of Civil Wars in France whereof one was intituled the French furies an other Truth an other the Watch an other the waking Bell with others Besides many other like grievous imputations and the same delivered as being so particular and publick that the untruth of them if any were could not but become discoverable to all