he says That no Body could do it but by a Divine Revelation but that if it should happen as it were by chance that any one did it without that help nothing would be more certain than that Philosophy and although he could not defend himself by the Authority of Revelation Truth would maintain it self only by its own Light Afterwards he blames those who stick to One Sect so as to embrace all its Opinions and condemn all other Sects being ready to dispute against all the Doctrines which they have not learned of their Masters That Design of collecting whatever the Philosophers said that was agreeable to the Gospel is undoubtedly a fine one and may very much conduce to convince Men of the Truth of the Christian Religion But to do it succesfully 't is necessary to understand both Philosophy and the Christian Religion well and to confine one's self to clear and undeniable Articles such as those that are Practical and some few Speculative ones The Heterodox of that time had introduced into the Christian Religion for want of Consideration an infinite number of Philosophical Doctrines which have no relation with those of the Gospel Thus the Carpocratians * Strom. l. 3. p. 430. believed as Clemens testifies That it was lawful to Lie promiscuously with all Women and did actually do it when they had supp't in a great Company and put out the Candles They fell into this Conceit because Plato would have Women to be Common in his Commonwealth and because they had wrested several Places of the Scripture to make them agree with that Opinion But Clemens is of opinion that they understood neither the Scripture nor Plato well This latter meant only this he thinks That there should be no Maid in the Common-wealth but to whom All the Citizens might indifferently pretend although if she had been Betrothed to any Man others could no more hope to Marry her I could easily shew that Clemens doth not explain well Plato's Meaning if this was a fit place for it The Marcionites †Ibid. p. 431 465 seq who said that Matter and Nature are Bad and condemn'd Marriage came by their Opinion so contrary to that of Carpocrates by Explaining some Passages of Scripture by the Platonick Principles Because the Scripture often describes the Miseries of this World and praises Continency they fancied that the Sacred Writers had the same Notions of this Life and Generation or Birth that Heraclitus and Plato had Those Philosophers believed that the Souls did exist before the Bodies into which they are sent only to be punisht for the Sins which they had committed in another Life So that to speak properly Birth should be called Death rather than a Beginning of Life and Death Life because when we are born our Souls are thrown into the Prison of the Body out of which they are set at liberty when we die Hence it is that those Philosophers and many Poets after 'em said That 't was better not to be born than to come into the World and to die in Childhood than to live many Years Hence it is also that some times they speak vehemently enough against the Use of Marriage because in their opinion it did only conduce to build a Prison for some Unfortunate Soul which was thrown into the Body that was produced The Valentinians had also learned what they said concerning the Generation of their Aeones of Hesiod as it will appear by comparing the Beginning of his Theogonia with the Doctrine of the Valentinians as it is reported by St. Irenaeus and St. Epiphanius who do not fail to upbraid them with their having taken their Doctrine from that Poet. 'T is likely they confounded Hesiod's Doctrine with that of the Holy Scripture because of some small resemblance that is between ' em I could easily shew that Hesiod by the Marriages between the Chaos Darkness Light Heaven Earth Air c. meant only that there is some Relation or Connexion between the Things which he joins and that 't was this that gave him occasion to Marry them together But my Business is only to shew by the Example of the ancient Hereticks that the Primitive Christians made a great use of the Heathen Philosophy and that many have perverted it as Clemens hath observed in several places As for him although he profest to follow the Method of the Eclecticks and take out of every Sect what he thought fit yet he was more enclined to the Stoick Philosophy because Pantaenus his last Master and whom he esteemed most as we have seen preferred that Sect before others Wherefore 't is observed that Clemens hath a close and harsh Style and that he affects some Paradoxes and to use New Words Characters whereby the Stoick and those that studied in their Schools were known Stoicorum says * In Bruto c. 31. Tully adstrictior est oratio aliquantóque contractior quà m aures populi requirunt * De Fin. lib. 4. Nova verba fingunt deserunt usitata at quanta conantur Mundum hunc omnem oppidum esse unum c. Pungunt quasi aculeis interrogatiunculis angustis Those that understand Greek and have read something of Clemens may have easily observed all this in his Stile There are many Paradoxes in his Paedagogus for instance he maintains Book 3. Chap. 6. That none but a Christian is Rich. A Paradox much like that of the Stoicks who said the same thing of their Wise Man Those Philosophers exprest themselves thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the Wise Man only is Rich And Clemens made no other Alteration in it but that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wise Man into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Christian The Reasons which he makes use of to prove his Assertion are not very different neither from those of the Stoicks as may be seen by comparing what he says with Cicero's Explication of that Stoical Maxim in his Paradoxes The Study of Heathen Authors produced in Clemens milder Thoughts with respect to them than those which Christians have had since He observes in many places †Strom. l. 1. p. 314. That whatever they say is not false And cites to prove it St. Paul's Discourse to the Athenians Act. 17. where that Apostle tells 'em That he preaches to them the same God to whom they had erected an Altar with this Inscription TO THE UNKNOWN GOD the same God of whom Aratus had said that We are his Off-spring Clemens believes that St. Paul approved what was Good in the Inscription of that Altar and in those words of Aratus and gave 'em only a clearer Knowledge of the True God whom they already perceived without knowing Him well He elsewhere * Strom. l. 6. p. 635. quotes a Book which was ascribed to St. Peter and was entituled ΚΗΡΥΓΜΑ ΠΕΤΡΟΥ The Preaching of St. Peter It appears that Clemens made no doubt but that Book was St. Peter's From whence one may conjecture that there was
Empire and Government and the most like Him who only is Almighty 'T is that Excellent Nature which governs all things according to the Father's Will which Rules the World well which Acts by an Unexhausted and Unwearied Power and which sees the most secret Thoughts The Son of God never leaves the Post from which he sees all things He is neither divided nor separated he doth not go from one place to another he is every where and is confin'd within no Bounds All Spirit All Paternal Light All Eye he sees all things understands all things knows all things and dives by his Power into the Powers themselves To that Paternal Reason who hath received that Holy Administration the whole Army of Angels and GODS is subjected because of Him who put them under him Clemens had another Opinion concerning the Humane Nature of Christ which perhaps he entertained lest he should make the Body of Christ inferior to that of the Gods of Homer The Gods of that Poet †Iliad 1. vers 342. neither ate Bread nor drank Wine And Our Lord according to * Paed. l. 1. p. 202. Clemens needed no Milk when he came into the World and was not nourished with Meat which he took only out of Condescension and which did not undergo the same Change in his Body which it does in ours Hence it is that †Vid. Diss P. Allix de Sanguine Christi Origen his Disciple believed that Christ had no Blood but a Liquor like that which Homer ascribes to his Gods and calls ΙΧΩΡ Plato says in several places that God inflicts no Punishment upon Men but for their Good and not at all out of meer Vengeance Which ‖ Paed. l. 1. p. 116. Strom. l. 4. p. 536. Clemens observes so as to make one believe that he approves it Plato said further That the Souls are purged with Fire in another Life and that after they have been purged they are restored to their former state * Strom. l. 5. p. 549 592. Clemens believed that the Apostles had the same Thoughts when they spake of a Fire which is to consume the World And †Vid. Huet Orig. l. 2. quaest 11. Origen his Disciple concluded from those Principles That the Devils and Damn'd Men should be one day delivered from their Sufferings The Apostles describe the Place wherein Wicked Men shall be tormented under the Notion of a Lake of Fiery Brimstone They use the same word with the Pagans to denote the State of the Souls after Death viz. ΑΔΗΣ They say that Men descend into it and that Christ descended into it This was enough to make Clemens exclaim thus * P. 592. What was Plato ignorant of the Rivers of Fire and the Depth of the Earth which the Barbarians call Gehenna and which he Prophetically 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 named Tartarus He hath mention'd Cocytus Acheron Pyriphlegethon and such like Places where Wicked Men are punisht that they may be mended Clemens did also believe with most of the Ancient Fathers †Strom. l. 6. p. 637 seq That Christ did really descend into Hell and preached there to the Damned Souls of which he saved those that would believe in Him I could alledge many other Instances whereby it would appear that Clemens explained the Opinions of the Christians by the like Doctrines which he found in the Philosophers But the before-mentioned Examples will suffice to those who have neither Time nor the Means to read that Author Those who will consult the Original will find enough of themselves One may further learn one thing from thence which most of those who apply themselves to the reading of the Fathers do not much mind and without which 't is almost impossible to understand them well in an infinite number of places viz. That before One begins seriously that Study the Heathen Philosophers especially Plato must be carefully read Without this One can't well apprehend what Grounds they go upon nor succesfully examine the strength of their Reasonings nor guess how they came by so many Opinions that are so different from those which are now entertained in our Schools Now to return to the Life of Clemens The Antients do unanimously say that he succeeded Pantaenus in the Office of Catechist He performed it with success and many Great Men came out of his School as Origen and Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem His Method of Instructing the Catechumeni consisted in teaching them what was Good in the Heathen Philosophy and so leading them by degrees to Christianity which they more readily embraced when they had relished many of those Maxims derived from the Light of Nature and scatter'd in the Writing of the Philosophers whom they saw every Body had a great Respect for than if they had been roughly told that they ought to renounce all their Opinions and look upon the rest of Mankind not only as Men that were guilty of Error but that had said nothing that was True * Strom. l. 1. p. 278. As Plow-men do not cast the Seed into the Ground but when they have watered it so says Clemens we draw out of the Writings of the Grecians wherewith to water what is earthly in those whom we instruct that they may afterwards receive the Spiritual Seed and be able to make it easily spring forth In effect the Light of the Gospel supposes that of Nature and doth not destroy it We don't find that Christ and his Apostles undertook to give us a compleat System of all the Doctrines that have some relation with Religion they supposed that we were already provided with several Thoughts received in all Nations upon which they reasoned else they should have for Example exactly defined all Vertues which they have not done because they found in the Minds of all Men some Idea's which though imperfect yet were most true So that they were content to add what was wanting in them or to take from them what ill Customs might have unfitly added to ' em Besides the Office of Catechist Clemens was promoted to the Priesthood in the Beginning as 't is thought of the Empire of Severus because Eusebius writing the Events of the Year CXCV. gives Clemens the Title of Priest About that time he began to defend the Christian Religion against Heathens and Hereticks by a Work which he entitled Stromata of which I shall speak hereafter because in that Work according to a Chronological Supputation * Lib. 1. pag. 336. he doth not go higher than the Death of Commodus From whence †Lib. 6. cap. 6. Eusebius concluded that he compiled it under the Empire of Severus who succeeded that Emperor Severus being exasperated against the Christians ‖ Vid. Dodwel Diss Cyp. XI §. 41 seq perhaps because of a Rebellion of the Jews with whom the Heathens confounded those who profest Christianity began to persecute them violently That Persecution having begun at Antioch went as far as Egypt and forced
Place which was so much envied he went to the Emperor's Palace to desire him to give him leave to retire He obtained it with some difficulty and having obtained it his only Thoughts were to take his leave publickly which he did in the Cathedral in the presence of a Hundred and Fifty Bishops and all the People The Discourse he made is extant still and is the Thirty second in order He describes the bad Condition he found the Orthodox Church of Constantinople in and the Alteration he made in it He makes a Confession of his Belief concerning the Holy Trinity and shews that he had done nothing that deserved to be censured He exhorts the Fathers of the Council to chuse a Person worthy of the See of Constantinople to succeed him and lastly takes his leave of all those who heard him In that * Pag. 523. Oration he complains of his Old Age. And in the Poem concerning his Life †Pag. 30. he says he was then but a Dead Man Animated Which he could not say had he been but Fifty six or Fifty seven years old according to the ordinary Supputation As soon as he had taken his leave the People and generally all those who heard him at Constantinople shewed a great grief for it The Conduct of the Council must needs have appeared to them very inconstant and violent since after they had confirmed Gregory in the See of Constantinople they obliged him to leave it when he was above Fourscore Years old Without doubt so imprudent and Unchristian a Behaviour gave matter of Sport to the Enemies of the Council and lessen'd in a great measure the Authority of their Decisions For how can it be imagined that Bishops as Factious Unjust and Ignorant as Gregory describes them in several Places were able to examine with Deliberation the Doctrines then in question If their Interest made 'em not encline to Orthodoxy 't was a meer Chance which led them into the right way The love of Truth is seldom to be found with so much Vanity and Ignorance Thus Gregory left the Bishoprick of Constantinople some Weeks after he had been setled in it by the Council that turned him out of it He retired into Cappadocia according to Gregory the Priest the Author of his Life and went to live at Arianzum where he was born Among those who were presented to the Emperor some Bishops * Sozom. l. 7. c. 8. put in Nectarius a Senator of Constantinople a Man of an Exemplary Life and good Mien but was not Baptized yet and had scarce any Learning 'T is not known whether Gregory set out for Cappadocia before that Election was made or whether he stay'd at Constantinople till they had named him a Successor However Gregory wrote †Orat. 46. an Instruction for Nectarius wherein he begins with saying That it seems God's Providence which heretofore took care of the Churches had altogether given over the Conduct of the Things of this Life He says that his Private Afflictions though so great that they would seem intollerable to any body else induced him not to speak so He assures that the Condition only the Church was in extorted those words from him Afterwards he describes to Nectarius the Boldness of the Arians and Macedonians who were at least as numerous as the Orthodox and dared to meet publickly A horrible Undertaking after the Decisions of a Council so well regulated as that which was held a little before Gregory could not apprehend how his Holiness and his Gravity so the Bishops were called suffered the Apollinarists to meet He lets him know that Apollinaris asserted That the Body of the Son of God existed before the World That the Divinity supplied the Place of the Soul and That the Body which descended from Heaven and is Essential to the Son did notwithstanding die Gregory fancied I know not why that to suffer those Men to Meet was to allow 'em that their Doctrine was Truer than that of the Council since there cannot be Two Truths As if to suffer some body is to denote that one believes their Opinion to be True Lastly He exhorts Nectarius to tell the Emperor That what he had done in the behalf of the Church would signifie nothing if Hereticks were suffered to Meet Thus good Gregory who whilst the Arians were strongest having the Emperor on their side would not have that practised which was blamed in them exhorted his Successor to forget that good Lecture So difficult a thing it is not to contradict one's self when one doth not take great care to be free from Passion The next Year * Theod. l. 5. c. 8. there was an Assembly of Bishops held at Constantinople to which Gregory was invited But he refused to go and he answered those who invited him to it thus †Ep. 55. If I must write the Truth t' ye I am so affected that I will always avoid any Assembly of Bishops because I never saw any Synod that had good Success or which did not rather encrease the Evil than lessen it Without any Exaggeration the Spirit of Dispute and Ambition is so great in them that it can't be exprest One ought not to think that our Bishop said so without thinking well on 't and in a Fit of Passion He repeats it in his Sixty-fifth Seventy first Seventy second and Seventy fourth Letters and besides he diverted himself by putting in Verses the same Thought in his Poetical Pieces ‖ Carm. 10. p. 80. I 'll never go says he to any Synod because Gregory drew for Example Baronius * Pagi ad an 389. a. 5. or some of his Transcribers into an Error since they believed that when Gregory a short time after the Death of his Brother Caesarius and Sister Gorgonia said that he was an Old Man it was to be understood of a Premature Old Age because the Translator made use of that term in translating the 363 Verse of the Poem entitled Carmen I. de Rebus suis though there is no such thing in the Original As for the Translation of the Works writ in Prose 't is incomparably better and it may be said that the Abbot de Billy was as fit for Prose as he was unfit for Verses 'T is a surprising thing that a Man of his Learning took so much pains to translate into bad Verses what he might have better translated in Prose However one may observe a thing in the Translation both of Gregory's Orations and Letters which shews that one ought always to have recourse to the Original viz. That the Punctuation of the Translation is often altogether different from that which is in the Greek which makes it appear neater This may arise partly from the fault of those who put the Greek over against his Translation for he publish'd it by it self and were not careful enough to correct it and partly from the liberty the Translator took who cut several Periods that were too long and
Angels that were in Love with Women Clemens * Pad l. 3. p. 222. Strom. l. 3. p. 450. l. 5. p. 550. says in more than one place that he thought the same thing and most of the Ancient Greek and Latin Fathers have explained so the Beginning of the Sixth Chapter of Genesis Photius cannot blame that Opinion without censuring at the same time all Antiquity but 't is his Custom to treat ill the most Ancient Authors when he finds in them some Opinions that were not received in his time or some Expressions which he doth not think energick enough to express such Thoughts as in his judgment the Antients should have had because 't would have been an Heresie not to think so in his time 7. The Incarnation being a Mystery which we do not comprehend and Clemens's Style not being for the most part very clear he might have exprest himself so as not to be well understood by Photius which is so much the more easie to believe because that Patriarch commonly explains the Thoughts of the Antients agreeably to the Opinions and Ways of Speaking of his time The Writings of the Antients are full of Equivocal Terms which they use in such a sence as they had no more in the following Ages Terms which signifying Spiritual and Obscure Things and very compounded Idea's must necessarily be difficult to understand because they took no care to Define them and make an exact Enumeration of the Idea's which they fixed to them Perhaps it did not so much as come into their Mind that this was very necessary to be well understood At least One may observe that when they endeavour to explain themselves about those Obscure Matters they use Terms as Obscure as the fore-going 8. One may observe an Example of it concerning the Two Reasons mention'd by Photius Those who will carefully read the Second Tome of Origen upon St. John may observe that he establishes a First or Supreme Reason which is Christ's Divinity and many Inferior Reasons which are made according to the Image of the Precedent It might be said in that sence that None but the Second Reasons became Flesh because none but they animate Humane Bodies for although the First was united to the Humane Nature of Christ it did not supply the Place of a Soul So that although Clemens had said what Photius pretends yet he could not be charged with Heresie upon that account But he did not say so as appears by the Passage which Photius himself quotes out of him The Son is called Reason as well as the Paternal Reason but 't is not that which was made Flesh Nor is it the Paternal Reason neither but a Divine Power which is as it were an Emanation of that same Reason which became Spirit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and is come into the Hearts of Men. By those Terms The Son we must not understand the Only Begotten Son of God but the Man as it clearly appears by what follows Clemens perhaps call'd him only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he might have before clearly enough denoted whom he meant by that word Photius who did not well apprehend the Meaning of that Passage might easily mistake the Series of that Discourse As the Jesuite Schottus otherwise a Learned Man was altogether mistaken in the Latin Translation of those Words as one may presently observe by comparing it with mine Lastly We have a Latin Work * In Bibliot Pat. ascribed to Clemens and intituled Commentariola in Primam Canonicam S. Petri in Epistolam Judae Tres Epistolas S. Joannis Apostoli There is indeed several things in those Notes which do not differ from Clemens's Doctrine but we can't know whether they are an entire Translation of part of the Hypotypoles or only some Extracts corrected according to the Interpreter's mind 'T is well known that when the Latins translated some Greek Writings they were very apt to make such Alterations in them as they thought fit as Ruffinus hath been upbraided with it Nay there is no need to look so far for Examples of that ill Custom since we have one with relation to part of Clemens's Hypotyposes of which Cassiodorus speaks thus * Lib. 1. de Just Div. Script Clemens Alexandrinus explained in the Athenian Language the Canonical Epistles that is the First Epistle of St. Peter the First and Second of St. John and that of St. James wherein there is many subtle things but also some unwarily spoken which we have caused to be so translated into Latin as to take away what might give scandal that his Doctrine thus purified might be more safely read Vbi multa quidem subtiliter sed aliqua incautè loquutus est quae nos ita transferri fecimus in Latinum ut exclusis quibusdam offendiculis purificata doctrina ejus securior posset hauriri Clemens also composed Five Tracts which are lost 1. The Rule or Canon of the Church against those that followed the Opinions of the Jews 2. Concerning Easter 3. Concerning III Speaking 4. Some Disputes about Fasting 5. An Exhortation to Patience directed to the Neophytes Having thus made some Particular Remarks upon every one of his Works and some General Ones on that Occasion what remains is only to take notice of Three Things 1. He often cites Suppositious Writings as if they had been acknowledged by every Body as one may observe by that Place of St. Peter's Preaching which I have alledg'd and another of St. Paul which seems to have been taken out of the Book of his Travels upon which Eusebius and St. Jerome may be consulted Which may make one believe that the great Reading of that Learned Man gave him no refined Palate One need not be a great Master of this sort of Learning to perceive that what he cites out of them doth not suit the Style of the Apostles and is not agreeable to their Principles It cannot be doubted but that they believed that the God whom the Jews worshipped was the True God Maker of Heaven and Earth and Father of Our Lord Jesus Christ who says so himself Nor can the Jews be charged with having served the Angels the Month and the Moon with any probability and the Reason which the Author of St. Peter's Preaching gives for it is so ridiculous that none but such as will be deceived can be deceived by it 'T is true that some * Huet in Orig. T. 2. p. 212. Learned Men have otherwise explained that Accusation which that Author lays upon them but one may easily see by what follows that he understood it in a more simple manner than they do However that Book being manifestly Supposititious †Ibid. T. 14. in Joan. Origen dealt much more prudently than his Master since being to refute Heracleon a Valentinian who drew some Consequences against the Old Testament from those pretended words of St. Peter he begins with saying That one should enquire whether that Book is truly St. Peter ' s
know that it is apparent they contain'd not the subject of the Three Principles like an infinite of others which they have known how to express in an even clear and elegant manner The Second thing we should observe is That in so difficult a Matter we must content our selves with what they say positively without attempting to draw far-fetch'd Consequences from their Principles which we cannot understand but by halves otherwise we are in danger of attributing to them such Notions as they never had Neither must we endeavour to reconcile in so abstracted a Subject the Contradictions which seem to appear in their Doctrine nor conclude that they could not mean things in such a manner because then they must contradict themselves It was the Custom of these Philosophers to affect certain apparent Contradictions in using the same Terms in divers Sences Besides its obvious enough to imagine that they may have sometimes contradicted themselves on a Subject whereof they had no distinct Idea These two Remarks were necessary to prevent the Questions which might be offer'd on these Matters and to shew that in writing the History of these Doctrines one should keep wholly to Facts and the Terms of the Authors we treat of A Second Opinion of the Platonists which has made a great noise in the World is that of the Prae-existence of Souls in places above the Moon * See Plato's Timoens of the Faults which they may have there committed of their banishments from these happy Abodes to come to inhabit in differently disposed Bodies according to the different Merits of these Souls in fine of their return into places whence they drew their Original We shall not trouble our selves to explain this Doctrine because it belongs not to the Relation in hand having only made mention of it for a particular Reason which will appear in its place The Kings of Egypt and Syria having carried the Sciences of the Greeks into Asia the Jews who were in great numbers in these two Kingdoms and who were obliged to converse with them learn'd of them their Opinions and made no difficulty of embracing those which did not appear to 'em contrary to their Religion Their Books containing nothing inconsistent with sundry of the Platonick Doctrines they believed therefore that these Doctrines might be true and receiv'd them so much the more easily in that they thought they might hereby defend their Religion against the Pagans and make them relish it the better Plato every where affirm'd the Unity of the Supreme Being yet without denying that there are other Beings which may be called Gods to wit the Angels which is agreeable to the Expressions of the Old Testament And this is apparently one of the things which made the Jews better relish the Opinions of this Philosopher But we should give some particular Proofs of this The Author of the Book of the Wisdom of Solomon was plainly of the Opinion of the Prae-existence of Souls as it appears from these words of chap. 8. ver 19 20. For I was a witty Child and had a good Spirit Yea rather being good I came into a Body undefiled The same Author has used the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reason in some places where Plato would have used it were he to have said the same thing Thus in chap. 18. ver 15 16. in speaking of the Deliverer of the Israelites he says Thy Almighty Reason descended from Heaven out of thy Royal Throne as a fierce Man of War into the midst of a Land of Destruction and brought thine unfeigned Commandment as a sharp Sword and standing up fill'd all things with Death and it touched the Heaven but it stood upon the Earth In chap. 9. ver 1. he says That God has made all things by his Reason It cannot be alledg'd that he has been the only one of the Jews that has spoke in this manner seeing that Philo who liv'd a little while after Our Saviour is full of the like Expressions as several of the Learned have observed It s known that this Author has so well imitated Plato that he has been call'd the Jewish Plato He believ'd that there was One only Supreme God as all the rest of the Jews do whom he calls TO ON the Being through Excellency But he further acknowledg'd a Divine Nature which he calls ΛΟΓΟΣ the Reason as well as Plato And another whom he calls likewise the Soul of the World His Writings are so full of these manner of speaking that there is no nead of offering * Vid. Defens Fid. Nicen. §. 1. c. 1. §. 16 17. Instances The Jews were of these Opinions when Our Saviour and his Apostles came into the World And this is perhaps the Reason why we find accordingly as it has been observed by several learned Men several Platonick Phrases in the New Testament especially in the Gospel of St. John It 's well known that Amelius the Platonick Philosopher having read the beginning of this Gospel remarked that this Apostle spake like Plato In effect this Philosopher might have said according to his Principles The Reason was in the beginning with God She it is who hath made all things who is Life and the Light of Men c. We find several Passages in Philo like to this This Jewish Philosopher calls Reason the Priest the Mediator between God and Men the Eldest Son of God c. Wherein it is observable that he mixes his Jewish Notions with the manners of Speaking of Plato He has likewise used in one place the term Paraclete * De Vit. Mos p. 521. Edit Gen. Graeco-Lat Intercessor in speaking of the Reason It was necessary said he that the High-Priest who is to offer Sacrifices to the Father of the World should have for Intercessor him of his Sons whose Vertue is the most perfect for to obtain the Pardon of Sins and abundant Graces He had said * Quod Det. Pot. Insid p. 137. that Moses denoted by the Manna and by the Rock of the Desart the same Reason The Prophet says he calls elsewhere this Rock Manna a name which signifies the same thing to wit the Divine Reason the most Ancient of Beings Our Saviour Christ calls himself Paraclete in St. John chap. 14.16 when he promises his Apostles to send them another Paraclete He says likewise that he is the True Bread in opposition to the Manna which could be no more than a Shadow of it And St. Paul says that the Stone of the Desart was Christ 1 Cor. 10.4 These ways of speaking which are found in St. John to be the True Bread the True Vine and which denote that he to whom they are applied is able to produce in Mens Spirits as much Efficacy in another kind of things as the Bread and Wine produce in the Body These ways of speaking I say were particular to the Platonists as has been observed elsewhere We might give several other Examples of Platonick Phrases to be met with in
their Vertue was esteem'd by those who knew them if we may believe their Son who always speaks of them with great Commendations He says that his Father whose Name was Gregory too was born of Parents who had I know not what Religion which did partake of the Heathenish and the Jewish ‖ Orat. 19. p. 289. They had neither Idols nor Sacrifices but they worshipped Fire and Torches They kept the Sabbath abstained from eating the Flesh of certain Beasts and yet despised Circumcision They went by the Name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they boasted of worshipping none but the Supreme God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They seem to have taken the Worship of Fire from the Magi of Cappadocia who went by the Name of * Strab. l. 15. Pyrethes because of the respect they had for Fire which they look'd upon as the Symbol of the Supreme Deity But they were not like them in other things 'T is a surprising thing that Gregory who as hath been said denies that they worshipped Idols and says that his Father was born with those Sentiments †Carm. 1. de rebus suis v. 125. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should positively say elsewhere that he was subject to the Images of Animals It seems that either his Memory was somewhat weak on this occasion or his great Zeal made him fall into that Contradiction unless one had rather excuse him by looking on what he says of the Idols of Animals which his Father worshipped as a Rhetorical Exaggeration a Figure common enough in Gregory's Style As for his Mother Nonna she was born of Christian Parents who had been careful of her Education and found her extremely enclined to Piety Her Son doth also infinitely praise her Parts and Conduct A Woman with such Dispositions could hardly allow that her Husband should profess the Errors of the Hypsistarians Besides Gregory was a good-natur'd and temperate Man so that tho' he had some erroneous Opinions yet his Life was unblameable Nonna was continually urging him to get himself instructed in the Christian Religion but he could not be persuaded to 't till he had a Dream which made him resolve upon it He dreamed that he was singing those words of the Cxxii Psalm I was glad when they said unto me We will go into the House of the Lord. That way of Singing though new pleased him and his Wife failed not to take hold of this Opportunity to persuade him to embrace Christianity It happen'd at the very same time that Leontius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia went that way with some other Bishops in his Journey to Nice where Constanstine had called a Council Gregory went to see him and told him that he had a mind to turn Christian Leontius caused him to be instructed and whilst they were instructing him to admit him amongst the Cathecumeni he was upon his Knees without being bid to rise whereas the Cathecumeni commonly stood whilst they were instructed Those who were there observed that Posture because 't was the Posture of the Priests when they were consecrated And his Son * Orat. 19. says that every Body look'd upon it as an Omen of his being some time or other honour'd with the Orders of a Priest Afterwards as the Bishop of Nazianzum was baptising him those who stood by saw him come out of the Water surrounded with Light and the Bishop could not forbear saying that Gregory should succeed him in his Bishoprick as it happen'd when the See of Nazianzum had been vacant for some time His Son who relates these two Circumstances styles them Miracles And because then as now-a-days every body believed not whatever Church-men said he declares that he relates these Wonders only to the Faithful because none of those great things appear true to profane Men. But a Man that is not profane can't forbear suspecting not of want of Sincerity but of Credulity and Exaggeration those Rhetorical Souls who take Advantage of every thing By relating Facts of that nature when Men think that they say what they have seen they often say what they have thought concerning things at which they were surprized and instead of the undeniable of their Eyes they give out the doubtful Consequences of a prejudiced Mind They believe without any Examination whatever is advantageous to the Party they have embraced and whatever is contrary to it is false or at least suspected Those who will read Gregory Nazianzen without making these Reflexions will run the hazard either of looking upon him as a Man of little Sincerity or of believing many unlikely Miracles Nonna had but one Daughter in the beginning of her Marriage if Gorgonia whom Gregory her Brother mentions in several places was the first Child she had * Greg. de Vita sua p. 2. and she did heartily desire to have a Son She made a Vow to God to consecrate him to him if he gave her one and soon after she had a Dream in which she saw the Face of the Son she was to have and learned what should be his Name Instead of one she had two and as soon as they were born she took great care of their Education having observed in them some Dispositions which deserved to be cultivated As soon as Gregory came to years he was sent to Caesarea †Greg. Presb. in Vit. Gr. p. 4 c. the Metropolis of Cappadocia where he was put under the best Masters to learn Humane Learning that is to say to understand the Greek Poets and Orators and to write well in that Tongue 'T was the only thing that was minded in Asia and the reading of the Pagan Authors who had writ well in that Tongue was the Study which they applied themselves to 'T is thought that about that time Gregory became acquainted with Basil whose Friendship was so dear to him afterwards From Caesarea in Cappadocia he went afterwards * Orat-10 p. 163. to Caesarea in Palestine whereof Eusebius was Bishop He applied himself there †Hieron de Script Eccles in Euzoio to Declaming according to the Custom of that time under a famous Rhetor named Thespesius Having stay'd some time at Caesarea he went to Alexandria which for some Centuries was much celebrated by reason of the learned Men who were there His stay there was not useless to him but he did not think he could be accounted a learned Man without going to Athens the Mother of Learning Wherefore ‖ De Vita sua p. 3 4. Orat. 19. p. 306 307. he embarked on a Ship of the Island of Aegina which is not far from the City of Athens Forasmuch as 't was in the middle of November he had not a very prosperous Passage Being near the Isle of Cyprus his Ship was tossed with a violent Storm for several Days and Provisions failing the trouble they were in was attended with Hunger so that the Seamen would not have been able to do their Duty had not a Phoenician
of those whose Disposition made 'em not altogether unworthy of them 'T is true that †Pag. 70. Gregory says that some Lyes had been mixed with the Truth and relates only in a doubtful way what was reported that Julian as he was sacrificing saw a a Crowned Cross in the Bowels of a Victim But he assures as certain some things that are much more incredible in the following Oration * Pag. 71. and in this he says that Julian having called out the Daemons with certain Sacrifices could not forbear being frighted as soon as he heard the Noise and that he saw certain Fires which commonly precede their Apparition and that forasmuch as he had been bred up in the Christian Religion he made the Sign of the Cross which presently drove away all those Spectrum's The Priest who performed the Ceremonies and perceived the trouble Julian was in told him that the Gods abhorred him upon that account not that they were afraid of the Sign of the Cross which he had made 5. Gregory †Pag. 72. derides the Artifices which Julian made use of to persecute the Christians without procuring them the Honour of Martyrdom and without seeming to treat them ill because whatever Pretence he used one might easily see that their greatest Crime was Christianity Persecution upon the account of Religion is so odious of it self even to all those who have still some sense of Humanity left that even those who practice it are ashamed of it when Superstition and Cruelty allow them some time to think somewhat more calmly on what they are doing This is so true that most of those who have suffered themselves to be led by the blind Zeal of Persecution have used the same Artifices We have seen an egregious Example of it in our Age and if what Gregory says here of the pitiful Arts and Cunnings of Julian be compared with what was lately done in a great Kingdom one will find a great Resemblance between both I shall omit it here lest any body should think that I design to insist upon so odious a Parallel 6. Amongst other Reasons which Gregory uses to shew that Julian could not succeed in his Design he describes thus the Power of the Saints which the Christians honoured * Pag. 76 77. Did you not fear those on whom so great an Honour is bestowed and for whom solemn Feasts have been instituted by whom the Daemons are driven away and Diseases cured whose Apparitions and Predictions are known the very Bodies whereof have as much Vertue as their holy Souls whether they be touched or honoured some drops of whose Blood only have the same Vertue with their Bodies It appears from those words and several other places out of Gregory and other Fathers in his time that they had already a great respect for the Relicks of Saints and vented a great many Miracles wrought at their Graves 'T is to be wondered how Gregory who loved Exaggerations said not that the Bodies of the Saints had a greater Vertue after their Death than during their Life for there is no comparison between the multitude of Miracles which are said to have been wrought at the Graves of Martyrs and those which they wrought whilst they were alive Several People believe that the want of Sincerity of some Christians and the Credulity of some others did very much contribute to the keeping up of Paganism 7. Our Author * Pag. 77. makes afterwards an Encomium of the Monks and despises Socrates Plato and all the Heathen Philosophers Gregory upbraids Julian with his not esteeming Vertue in his Enemies but certainly his Zeal made him on this occasion commit somewhat like it and 't is very certain that he had learned more by the reading of Plato and Socrates's Discourses than by his Conversation with all the Monks he had seen As for Manners the continual Seditions of those Pious Hermits and their implacable Temper do plainly enough shew that they were infinitely below those great Patterns of the Pagan Antiquity 8. He †Pag. 80. rightly observes that to design the ruine of the Christian Religion in a time when the Roman Empire was full of Christians was to undertake to ruine the Empire it self When they were but a small number they might have been ill treated without any danger to the State but it could not then be done without causing great Commotions and too great Disorders in it It were to be wished that the Imitators of Julian had well considered that Advertisement of Gregory who despises with great reason whatever might be good in Julian's Government if compared with the mischief which so detestable a Design would have been the cause of if he had been able to execute it Besides one could have wish'd that our Age * Pag. 83 84. had been well acquainted with the horror the Christians had for the Snares which Julian laid for his Officers and Soldiers Gregory says that some Christian Soldiers having on one day wherein Julian was distributing some Liberalities to his Army thrown Incence into the Fire in his presence according to an ancient Custom it had been interpreted as if they had incens'd the Idols and having been told of their fault as they were praying to Christ by making the Sign of the Cross after a Meal by some who told 'em that they had renounced him they presently went into the publick Place and cried even in the Emperor's hearing that they had been surprized and were Christians Julian being angry because they had found out that Surprize sent 'em into Banishment 9. Gregory describes * Pag. 87 88. some horrible Cruelties against the Christians which Julian had either commanded or suffered in Egypt and Syria He says that the Inhabitants of Arethusa a Town of Syria after they had exposed some Virgins consecrated to God to a thousand Infamies killed them ate their Liver raw and threw their Bodies to be eaten by Dogs having cover'd them with Barley The same People treated with an abominable Barbarity the Bishop of that Town who notwithstanding seemed to be insensible in the midst of Torments There might be some Exaggerations in this and †Pag. 88. Gregory says that that Bishop had in Constans's time demolished an Habitation of Daemons that is a Pagan Temple according to the Power he had received from the Emperor That Action of Mark of Arethusa drew on him the Hatred of the People as a Heathen would have been detested by the Christians if he had pull'd down one of their Churches Notwithstanding Gregory says ‖ Pag. 97. a little lower not only that the Christians had not treated the Pagans as they were treated by them but he asks them what Liberty the Christians took from them As if it was nothing to pull down their Temples as they did * Sozom. l. 2. c. 5. since the Empire of Constantine They went on with the same Rigour under the following Emperors and to leave nothing that the
embraced That they admired among themselves what they sharply censured in another Party That there was nothing to be seen amongst 'em but Disputes like Night-Fights wherein Friends are not distinguished from Enemies That they wrangled about Trifles on the specious Pretence of defending the Faith Lastly That they were abhorred by the Heathens and despised by good Men among the Christians This is a true Picture of the Lives of the Ecclesiasticks in his time as it doth but too plainly appear by the History of that time It 's an unlucky thing that those of our time are so much like them that were it not known from whence those Complaints come one would be apt to look upon them as a Picture of our Modern Divines Another Difficulty which attended the Exercise of Episcopacy consisted in discoursing well of the Mysteries of Christianity and especially of the * Pag. 16. Holy Trinity concerning which according to Gregory a medium ought to be kept between the Jews who acknowledge but One God and the Pagans who worship Many A Medium which Sabellius did not keep by making the same God considered under several Relations Father Son and Holy Spirit nor Arius by maintaining that they are of different Natures As for him he believed as we have already seen and as he repeats it here and in many other places that he kept that wished for Medium by establishing Three Principles Equal in Perfection though the Father be the Principle of the Son and Holy Spirit It seems that Gregory had not been long his Father's Coadjutor when his Brother Caesarius died 'T was not long after the Earthquake which happen'd in Bithynia in October in the Year 368. He was then at * Orat. x. p. 169. Nice where he exercised the Office of Questor or the Emperor's Treasurer That City was almost altogether ruined and he was the only Officer of Valens who saved himself from that Danger Gregory made a Funeral Oration in his Praise which is the Tenth of those that are extant He makes a short Description of his Life the chief Circumstances of which I have related describes the Vanity of whatever we enjoy here and makes several Observations upon Death and the manner of comforting one's self upon the Death of one's Relations He wishes that his Brother may be in †Pag. 168. Abraham's Bosom whatever it may be And towards the ‖ Pag. 173. end describing the Happiness of Good Men after Death he says that according to Wise Men their Souls are full of Joy in the Contemplation of their future Happiness until they are received into the Heavenly Glory after the Resurrection Caesarius had given his Estate to the Poor at his Death yet notwithstanding they had much ado to save it those who were at his death having feized the greatest part of it as Gregory complains in his Eighteenth Letter whereby he desires Sophronius Governor of Bithynia to use his Authority in it Basil Gregory's Friend having been made Bishop of Caesarea * Vid. Pagi Crit. ad hunc ann in the Year 370 had some difference with Valens which I shall not mention here because it doth not at all relate to the Life of his Friend This was perhaps the reason that moved that Emperor to divide Cappadocia into Two Provinces and to make Tyane the Metropolis of the Second Cappadocia Forasmuch as the Jurisdiction of the Metropolitans reached as far as the extent of the Province several Bishops who were before Suffragan of Caesarea became Suffragan of Tyane so that Basil saw himself at the head of a lesser number of Bishops than before †Orat. xx p. 456. The new Metropolitan drew to himself the Provincial Assemblies ceased the Revenues of his Diocess and omitted nothing to lessen the Authority and Revenues of Basil Anthimus such was the Bishop of Tyane's Name who was an Arian shelter'd himself under the pretence of Piety and said that he could not give up the Flocks to Basil's Instruction whose Opinions concerning the Son of God were not right nor suffer that any Tribute should be paid to Hereticks Gregory assures us that he got some Soldiers to stop Basil's Mules to hinder him from receiving his Rents Basil found no other remedy to it but to make new Bishops who should have a greater care of the Flocks than he could have and by whose means every Town should carefully receive what was due to them Sasime being one of those Towns in which he was resolved to put some Bishops he cast his Eyes upon his Friend Gregory to send him to it without considering that that Place was altogether unworthy of a Person of such Merit 'T was a * Greg. de Vita sua p. 7. little Town without Water and Grass and full of Dust a Passage for Soldiers and inhabited only by some few poor Men. The Income of that Bishoprick was very small and besides he must either resolve to defend it by Force against Anthymus or submit to that new Metropolitan Gregory refused that Employment but at length the Importunity and Dexterity of Basil who wrought upon Gregory's Father obliged him to accept of it It seems that about that time he made his Seventh Oration wherein he addresses himself to his Father and Basil and desires their Help and Instruction to govern his new Church at Sasime Notwithstanding he says freely enough to Basil that the Episcopal Throne had made a great Alteration in him and that he was much milder when he was among the Sheep than since he was a Pastor The next day he made * Orat. vi another Oration on the Arrival of Gregory Nyssen Basil's Brother to whom he further complains of the violence his Brother had done him and because 't was a Day of some Martyr's Feast he adds several things on that occasion concerning the Manner of Celebrating Holy-days not with Profane Rejoycing but Pious Exercises He says amongst other things That 't is then time to raise one's self and become God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if one may so say and that the Martyrs perform therein the Office of Mediators 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That Expression to become God instead of to become a Good Man and despise Earthly things doth often occur in Gregory's Writings He says elsewhere That the Priests * Orat. i. p. 31. Orat. xxiii p. 410. are Gods and Deifie other Men †Orat. ii p. 46. That Solitude Deify's Introducing ‖ Orat. xx p. 349. Basil who refused to embrace Arianism he makes him say That he could not worship a Creature he who was a Creature of God too and had received a Commandment of being God It ought to be observed that that Expression was used among the Pythagoreans as may be seen by the last Golden Verse of Pythagoras upon which Hierocles may be consulted When Gregory came to Sasime the misery of that Place made him believe that Basil despised him and abused altogether his Friendship Though he took
Whereupon several Bishops and many amongst the People who followed the Council of Nice obliged Gregory to go to Constantinople to confirm the Orthodox and oppose the Hereticks He says that he undertook that Journey against his will especially because 't was reported that there was to be a Synod made up of Apollinarists to establish their Opinion Being arrived at Constantinople ‖ Orat. 28. p. 484. †towards the end of the Year 378 he lodged at a Kinsman 's of his whom some Authors conjecture to have been Nicobulus who had marry'd Alypiane Daughter of Gorgonia Gregory's Sister Valens had given to the Arians all the Churches of Constantinople so that Gregory was obliged to Preach at his Kinsman's House There was soon after so great a concourse of People that that House having no Chamber that might hold them the Owner of it pull'd it down to make a Church of it * Orat. 32. p. 527. It was named Anastasis that is the Church of the Resurrection because the Orthodox Faith had been as it were raised in that Place Then the Arians stirred up almost the whole City against him by accusing him of believing Three Gods He ascribes the Zeal of the People against him to their ignorance of the manner how to reconcile the Trinity with the Unity of God It was not altogether the People's fault because Gregory himself speaks of it so as to make one believe that he introduced what we should call Three Gods according to the common way of speaking though according to his manner of defining the Unity it must be said he believed but One. He complains that they threw †Carm. de Vita p. 10 11. Stones at him upon that account and that he was summoned before the Judges as a Seditious Person All that helped to make him more Famous and encrese the number of his Admirers 'T was then that St. Jerom heard him as he said in ‖ Ep. ad Nepot Catal. Script Eccles cont Jovinian lib. 1. several places I have quoted elsewhere a Passage out of that Father wherein he gives but an ill Character of Gregory's Eloquence whom he describes as a Declamator and whom the People applauded without understanding what he said The number of the Orthodox encreasing every day they desired to have a Bishop of their Opinion and generally cast their Eyes upon Gregory The Eastern Orthodox Bishops especially Meletius of Antioch Basil of Caesarea and Peter of Alexandria did openly favour him Yet they succeeded not in their Design There was at Alexandria * Carm. de Vita sua p. 12. one Maximus a Profest Cynick and yet a Christian He pretended to be desoended from a Noble Family and in which there had been some Martyrs After the Death of Athanasius the Orthodox having been persecuted in Egypt he had been banished into a Village of the Wilderness of Thebais named Oasis He went drest like the Philosophers that is with a ragged Cloak on his Back he never cut his Hair nor shaved his Beard and went with a Stick as Diogenes Thus living a very austere life he took upon himself to censure every body's Vices without any regard to any one's Quality as the Ancient Cynicks did Yet under that severe Out-side and mortified Countenance there lay a Soul Deceitful Ambitious Malicious Covetous and full of the most shameful Passions But because those things appeared not to the Eyes of Men he got a great Reputation not only among the People but also among the most learned Men. He kept Correspondence with the Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia Gregory's Friend * Basil Ep. 41. 42. as it appears from two Letters of Basil which are directed to him Gregory received him so well at his arrival at Constantinople that he made an Oration in his Praise †Orat. 23. wherein he omits nothing that might contribute to make that Impostor be look'd upon as a Great and Good Man But having since found out his Cheat ‖ Hieron in Cat. in Greg. instead of the Name Maximus which was prefix'd to that Oration he put that of Heron and entitled it thus An Oration in the Praise of Heron a Philosopher of Alexandria sent into Exile because of the Faith and returned three Years after Gregory shews in that Discourse what use might be made of the Cynick Philosophy in the Christian Religion and mentions the Persecutions which the Princes who favour'd Arianism had exercised against the Orthodox especially in Egypt and against the Philosopher Maximus He concludes with explaining the Mystery of the Holy Trinity and exhorting his Philosopher constantly to persevere in the Sound Doctrine which kept a medium between Judaism and * Arianism †Pag. 425 c. He often makes that Observation when he mentions the Holy Trinity and one may observe in general by reading his Works that the same Thoughts do frequently occur He advises his Philosopher to despise the Objections that are raised against that Doctrine and bids him not be ashamed of the Charge of Tritheism whilst others the Arians and Macedonians run the hazard of establishing Two Gods for says he either you 'll resolve the Difficulty as they do or you will not be able to resolve it no more than they c. Gregory having thus made the Panegyrick of Maximus received him at his House Instructed Baptized and Ordained him and imparted to him his most secret Thoughts †Carm. de Vita sua p. 12 c. But as soon as Maximus thought himself Learned enough he saw with grief that they designed to make Gregory Bishop of Constantinople He thought he deserved that Station better than his Master and Benefactor and perceiving that one of the Chief Priests of that Church envied also Gregory that Dignity he joined with him to cross him In order to it Maximus got on his side Peter of Alexandria who before favoured Gregory Some time after the Corn Fleet which came every year from Alexandria to Constantinople arrived there and the Masters of the Ships Hammon Aphammon Harpocras Steppas Rhodon Anubis and Hermanubis joined presently with Gregory's Assembly though they had Orders to favour the Design of Maximus whom two or three Egyptian Bishops designed to uphold more vigorously afterwards In the mean time the arrival of the Egyptians and the care they took to join with Gregory rejoyced him so much that he made * Orat. 24. an Oration thereupon wherein he doth very much extoll the Piety and Constancy of those of Alexandria and explains to them his Opinion concerning the Equality of the Father Son and Holy Spirit He doth especially enlarge to prove the Divinity of the Holy Spirit and among other Reasons he uses this Argument the Terms whereof would seem strange had I not already observed the like before †Pag. 429. If the Holy Spirit is not God let him be made God first and then let him make me God equal to him in Honour The meaning of that harsh
modern School-men and which F. Chamillard seems to follow in his Paraphrase But others who had the same Thoughts with respect to the word Hades believed that the Souls were still in a subterranean Place which they call Abraham's Bosom where they were to stay till the Day of the Resurrection Justin Martyr St. Irenaeus Tertullian St. Hilary and St. Gregory Nyssen were of that Opinion Others who maintained that the Souls of the Patriarchs could not be in a Place call'd Hell which in their Opinion denotes only the Place of Torments in the Scripture said that Christ really descended into the Place wherein the Devils and wicked Men are tormented They believed he went thither to deliver the Souls which were there to suffer the Punishment which their Sins deserved Some pretended that Christ had only delivered a certain number of those Souls and others that he had altogether emptied Hell St. Augustine * Haeres 79. calls this latter Opinion a Heresie and follows the former However it was St. Cyril's Opinion †Hom. Pasch 7. who assures us that when Christ was risen he left the Devil alone in Hell Prudentius seems to have been of the same Mind too at least in his ‖ Vers 125. 133. Fifth Hymn he says that every Year on the Night in which Christ rose the Damned feel no Pain which supposes that Christ descended into that Place and took the Damned out of it on that very Night Sunt Spiritibus saepè nocentibus Paenarum celebres sub Styge feriae Illa Nocte sacer qua rediit Deus Stagnis ad superos ex Acheronticis Marcent suppliciis Tartara mitibus Exultatque sui carceris otio Vmbrarum populus liber ab ignibus Nec fervent solito flumina sulphure The Spirits of the Wicked the Night in which God came from the Lakes of Acheron have some solemn releases from their Torments Tartarus languishes with milder Punishments the People of the Shades free from Fire are glad to have some rest in their Prison and the Rivers of Brimstone don't boil as they are wont to do F. Chamillard observes that the Poet was mistaken in that respect altho' St. Augustine * Enchir. c. 12. believed also that the Damned had sometimes some release The School-men and other Divines who are so positive upon that Matter should produce a clear Revelation or the Testimony of some that have been in the Places which they speak of But it appears by the variety of Opinions that no body hath any such Proof and all that can be said is that it were better ingeniously to confess that they know nothing of it no more than those who formerly spoke of it so differently We shall see again in the sequel of this Work a Thought of Prudentius extraordinary enough concerning the State of the Dead 7. In the Hymn †Vers 95. to be said before Sleep speaking of the Divine Justice which can kill the Soul as well as the Body he says Idem tamen benignus Vltor retundit iram Paucosque non piorum Patitur perire in aevum Notwithstanding that Revenger full of Goodness stops his Wrath and only permits that some impious Men perish for ever Had Prudentius read Plato one might believe that he should have taken that Opinion from him for that Philosopher introduces Socrates in his Phaedon dividing Men into Three Orders the last whereof which contains but a small number of them is of those who are come to the highest pitch of Wickedness and who being past curing are precipitated into Tartarus never to come out of it It may be also that our Poet by Perirae in Aevum meant not meerly to be excluded from Heaven or to be in Hell but to suffer the highest degree of Punishment in it for he acknowledged several Degrees of it as he says in the end of his Harmartigeny of which I shall speak hereafter The Fathers have very differently spoken of the State of Souls after Death and the Punishments of another Life so that 't is no wonder that Prudentius should have an Opinion of his own upon that Subject We have seen what they said concerning the Place into which Christ descended whilst his Body was in the Grave And several of their Opinions concerning the Duration of the Punishment of the Wicked may be seen in Huetius his Origeniana lib. 2. cap. 2. q. 11. by which it will appear that Justin Martyr and St. Irenaeus believed that after a certain time they should be annihilated But says that learned Man the Church had decided nothing then concerning those Questions so that what was look'd upon as uncertain at that time became certain since some Councils were pleased to tell what was their Opinion concerning it which Opinion cannot be grounded upon a constant Tradition seeing the Antients spake so differently of it 8. 'T was the Custom to make the Sign of the Cross when they went to Bed thinking that that Sign did drive away the Devil as it appears by these words of * Vers 131. Prudentius in the same Hymn Frontem locumque cordis Crucis figura signet Crux pellit omne crimen Fugiunt crucem tenebrae c. Make the Sign of the Cross upon the Forehead and Heart The Cross drives away all manner of Crimes and Darkness flies from the Cross c. The Respect which the Antients had for that Figure gave occasion to their being accused of worshipping the Cross as may be seen in Minutius Felix who vindicates himself from it but at last the time came when Men were not ashamed to maintain that it ought to be worshipped Thus Outward Practises which strike the Eyes of the People and are performed without Trouble are easily kept up and encreased whilst the Inward Dispositions of the Mind which cannot be acquired without Pains and without renouncing one's Passions are neglected 9. In the * Ver. 147. Seventh Hymn which is for those who Fast Prudentius speaking of the Fast of the Ninivites affords us an Example of a manner of Speaking which may easily lead one into an Error if he doth not read with great Attention He speaks after the manner of his time of a thing that was done in a very remote time and which those who did it would not have expressed after the same manner Placet frementem publicis jejuniis Placare Christum It was resolved to appease Christ with Publick Fastings If the Ninivites well known and if we knew not the Fast which Prudentius mentions was celebrated many Ages before Christ we might conclude from thence that the People knew Christ But 't is very likely that our Poet had no such Thought but only spake as they did in his time and in all probability those who spake of the Father 's of the Old Testament in Christian terms did the same 10. Prudentius is not very exact in his Expressions as one may easily perceive by the reading of some Pages with a little Application Here is
a remarkable Instance of it in the two Verses of his * Ver. 12. Tenth Hymn wherein he describes Death thus Humus excipit arida Corpus Animae rapit Aura Liquorem The Earth receives the Body and the Wind carries away the Soul If we had nothing of him but those two Verses and if we knew not that he was a Christian we should maintain that he believed that the Soul dies together with the Body for the second of those two Verses doth naturally signifie so much and an Epicurean could not express himself better But besides that it cannot be doubted after the reading of Prudentius that he believed the Immortality of the Soul he explains himself in his second Book against Symmachus wherein he introduces †God speaking thus a Ver. ib. The Inward Man who lives in you shall not die he shall be punish'd with an Everlasting Punishment because he hath ill govern'd the Members that were subjected to him 'T is no difficult thing for me to surround a Liquid Substance with Flame though it flies as the Wind Nec mihi difficile est liquidam circumdare flammis Naturam quamvis perflabilis illa feratur More Noti He would have the Soul to be a very subtle Liquor which the Wind carries away but he pretended that it could not be dissipated The question is not whether he had a clear Idea of what he said and whether his Opinion is rational 't is enough to shew that he believed those two things lest he should be suspected of Epicureism F. Chamillard conjectures that he might believe that the Soul was of the same Nature with Heaven or of the Quint-Essence which Heaven is made of But Prudentius his Chimera's were not perhaps the same with those of the Peripateticks of our time II. The Work entitled De Coronis contains a Preface and Fourteen Hymns in Praise of several Martyrs especially of Spain which was our Poet 's Native Countrey 1. It doth clearly appear from several Places in those Hymns that they Prayed to Martyrs at that time and believed that they were appointed Patrons of some Places by God Some Protestant Writers who fancy that the Tradition of the Four or Five first Centuries of the Church ought to be joined with the Scripture have denied that the Saints were Prayed to in the Fourth Century but they should not have framed a Notional System before they were well instructed in Facts since they may be convinced of this by several places out of Prudentius Thus in the * Ver. 10. First Him which is in Praise of two Martyrs of Calahorra a City of Spain he says Exteri nec non Orbis c. Strangers come hither in Crowds because Fame hath publish'd through the whole World that the Patrons of the World Patroni Mundi are here whose Favour may be sought for by Prayers No Body did ever offer here pure Oraisons in vain Whosoever came to Pray to them perceiving that his just Requests had been granted him went away full of Joy having wept off his Tears Those Martyrs are so careful to intercede for us that they suffer not that they should be Prayed to in vain Whether it be done with a loud or a low Voice they hear it and report it to the Ears of the Eternal King Those who desire more Proofs of it need only read the Passages marked in the * Hymn II. ver 457. III. 311. IV. 175 196. V. 545. IX 97. X. 130. XIV 124. Margin It doth also appear from Vigilantius a Priest †Vid. Hieron T. 2. of Barcelona his upbraiding most of the Christians of his time upon that account that there were already great Abuses in the Honour which they paid to the Saints St. Jerom who answer'd him confirms the same by his manner of vindicating himself He feigneth so to understand the Objections of Vigilantius as if that learned Man had said that the Martyrs were Honoured as Gods whereas he only complained that they Prayed to them and Kissed their Relicks Hereupon his Antagonist denies that they Worshipped the Martyrs and believed they were Gods but he doth not deny that they Prayed to them One may see his violent Invective against Vigilantius in the Second Tome of his Works 2. Although Prudentius relates a great number of Circumstances of the Torments of the Martyrs whom he mentions yet he complains that Time and the Heathens have destroyed abundance of Acts from which one might have learned them O vetustatis silentis obsoleta oblivio Invidentur ista nobis fama ipsa extinguitur Chartulas blasphemus olim nam Satelles abstulit * Hymn I. ver 73. O Forgetfulness of Antiquity We are deprived of the knowledge of those Facts and the very Fame which would have mention'd them is extinguished for the Satellites of the Heathens have long since taken from us the Acts. The History of the Martyrs hath been the better adorned for it they are represented to us not as Men but as Persons that have no Feeling and at the same time are almost out of their Wits as it appears by the Hymns upon Lawrence and Agnes Hence it is also that Prudentius made but Two Persons of several Hippolytus's and Cyprian as F. Chamillard hath observed upon the Eleventh and Twelfth Hymns 3. They believed in our Poet's time that Rome was full of the Graves of Martyrs whereof the Number was not known †Hymn II. ver 541. as may be inferred from the following words Vix fama nota est abditis Quà m plena sanctis Roma sit Quà m dives urbanum solum Sacris sepulchris floreat 'T is scarce known how full Rome is of hidden Saints and how rich and adorned with holy Sepulchres the Soil of that City is The great Crowds of People about the Graves of the Martyrs brought then too great a Gain to the Ecclesiasticks in whose Parish they were found to believe them altogether upon their Word However they began then to set up the Catacombs of which here 's a Description taken out of the * Ver. 158. Eleventh Hymn Haud procul extremo culta ad pomoeria vallo Mersa latebrosis crypta patet foveris c. Not far from the Walls of the City is a Vault that lies open through dark Pits They go down into it by winding Stairs without seeing any thing at all for there is but a small Light that gets into it through the Door of the Stairs but when they go forward to the darkest Place after they have walked through the winding Bye-ways of that Den the Light comes in through a Gap that is above And although those Paths are very narrow and winding yet one sees often the Light through such like Gaps which are in the pierced Vault c. The Body of Hyppolitus says Prudentius was laid in that hidden Place 4. 'T is not only the Behaviour of the Christians towards the Martyrs after their Death which may be observed in the Works of
fragosis Argumenta modis concludunt Numen in Vnum Afterwards he shews that the Christians surpass those Pagan Vnionites because they believe Three Hypostases in that One Deity and that if there was but One Hypostasis the Son would be Son of Himself which is absurd That whole Dispute is a very intricate one because it runs upon a Subject equally incomprehensible to the Orthodox and Hereticks and those who will carefully read the Reasonings of Prudentius and St. Epiphanius upon that Matter will perceive that they prove not Three Modifications of One Essence but Three equally Glorious Essences This the Hereticks upbraided the Orthodox with when they asked 'em as St. Epiphanius relates it Have we One God or have we Three Prudentius answers that Question in his * Ver. 347. Hamartigeny thus Deus Pater est Filius unum Quippe unum Natura facit quae constat utrique Vna voluntatis juris virtutis amoris Non tamen idcircò Duo Numina nec Duo rerum Artifices quorum generis Dissentio nulla est That is to say those are not Three whose Nature is the same Kind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek which is the same thing with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I have shewed * In the Life of Eusebius elsewhere 3. Afterwards Prudentius attacks the Jews somewhat weakly by confusedly relating some Miracles of Christ and some Effects of the Gospel either true or false as the History of I know not what Magical Sacrifice of Julian the Effects whereof a Christian hindred by his Presence Yet he speaks well of that Emperor which is a sign of his Equity Ductor fortissimus armis Conditur legum celeberrimus ore manuque Consultor Patriae sed non consultor habendae Religionis 4. The Fourth Error which Prudentius confutes is that of Paulus Samosatenus Bishop of Antioch who believed the Unity of God in the same sence as Noëtus and Sabellius but said that Christ was but a meer Man To shew the falsity of that Doctrine Prudentius relates the History of the Wise Men and the Miracles of Christ He that set down the Titles to those Places of the Apotheosis wherein our Poet begins to confute a new Error calls the Followers of Paulus Homuncionites 5. Prudentius explains the Nature of the Soul against I know not what Hereticks who seem to have made it Equal to the Divine Nature He shews that the Soul hath a Beginning though it be like God wherein it differs from the Son of whom the Essence had no Beginning having been in his Father from all Eternity Afterwards he shews how it is subject to several Weaknesses and may sin He says that Souls * Ver. 910. become corrupted by being united with the Body which all Men have from Adam whence it is that all Men are born Sinners and that we must beware of believing that Souls produce other Souls 6. Our Poet writes against the Phantasmaticks that is to say those who pretended that Christ had not a True Body He doth especially endeavour to to shew that if this were true God would have deceived us and that Christ's Genealogy would he but a Chimaera in effect the Manichaeans who were of the number of the Phantasmaticks rejected that Genealogy 7. Prudentius in the last place describes the Resurrection in some Venses and so ends his Poem IV. The following Poem entitled Hamartigeny or The Birth of Sin is against the Opinions of the Manicheans and Marcionites who believed Two Collateral Gods whereof the one was the Author of Good and the other of Evil. Prudentius doth scarce any thing but set down the common Opinion and repeat several ways That there is but One All-Good God and that he whom the Hereticks make Equal with Him is an Angel fallen from his Innocency who induced Men to Sin and is really the cause of most Evils which happen in the World which our Poet describes at large The Manicheans and Marcionites raised an Objection against the Orthodox which Prudentius * Ver. 640. alledges without abating any thing of its strength viz. That if the God who governs the World did not delight in Sin he would hinder it since he is not ignorant of Mens Corruption and can hinder it They pretended that to do Ill or suffer it was the same thing when it can be remedied Prudentius answer First That it doth plainly appear that God delights not in Sin since he applies a Remedy to it and saves those who abstain from it But replied the Hereticks Men cannot Sin if God will not since he masters Mens Hearts and turns them as he pleases Our Poet doth not resolve this Difficulty any other way than by having recourse to Free-Will without which there can be neither Vice nor Vertue He doth much enlarge upon that and proves it not only by the Example of our First Parents but of Lot and his Wife Noemi's Daughter-in-Law and of two Brothers one of whom is seen every day to embrace Vertue and the other to give up himself to Vice To which he adds * Ver. 508. this general Maxim Omnibus una subest Natura sed exitus omnes Non unus peragit placitorum segrege formâ All Men are not of the same Nature but all have not the same End because they do not all pursue the same thing It appears from what hath been said before the Prudentius believed that Men are born corrupted but one may see by what he says here that he believed not that that Corruption did irresistibly determine 'em to do Ill. To which he adds That because Men may be Good or Bad as they will God hath appointed Rewards and Punishments If the Manicheans had further objected to him That it seems 't were better if there was no Freedom of Will nor Happiness bestowed as a Reward and if Men necessarily applying themselves to Good were necessarily happy than to make Men so dismal a Present as Free-Will which exposes most of them to an Eternal Misery If I say the Manicheans had raised such an Objection against him he would perhaps have made use of his Principle which I have already mention'd viz. That few Men fall into that Misery And who knows but Prudentius came by that Notion because of that Objection which might easily come into his Mind 2. Prudentius describing the Flying of Lot uses a word which cannot be understood without the help of the Old French which hath its Original immediately from the bad Latin 'T is in the 773 Verse Alter Lot se proripit altera mussat That is Et l'autre muse in better Latin Nectit moros Father Chamillard paraphrases it Murmure in effect Mussare signified that in the ancient Latinity but afterwards it changed its signification But that 's an Observation of no great moment I had rather observe another thing which Prudentius says in the same History viz. That Lot's Wife was not only changed into a Statue of Salt but also that that Statue was perfectly
like her and had the Head turned backwards That it was still extant and though the Salt did melt and was often licked by the Cattle yet it did not lessen It seems that our Poet had this out of a Poem upon Sodom ascribed to Tertullian wherein 't is said moreover that 't was known every Month by a certain Mark that 't was a Woman's Statue I think I am able * The Author hath done it since in his Comment upon Genesis to shew that Moses says not that Lot's Wife was metamorphosed into a Statue of Salt but this is not a fit place to enlarge upon that Matter or shew that what is related concerning the Statue of Salt are meer Fables 3. At the end of this Poem Prudentius offers a Prayer to God which deserves to be observed He prays That when he is dead he may not see a Devil who carries his Soul into the Black Dens where he will be forced to pay whatever he owes to the last Farthing He doth not beg to be in the Place where the Blessed especially the Virgins dwell He says he 'll be content provided he sees no Devil and Hell devours not his Soul that since is is necessary because of the Corruption which his Soul had contracted in his Body he consents to be swallowed up by the sod Fire of Avernus provided however that it shall not be too hot Let others says he be gloriously crowned in an Immense Light and I but lightly burnt Esto cavernoso quia sic pro labe necesse est Corporea tristis me sorbeat ignis Averno Saltem mirificos incendia lenta vapores Exhalent aestuque calor lanquente tepescat Lux immensa alios tempora vineta coronis Glorificent me poena levis clementer adurat Prudentius adds not that he hoped to get out of that Place in the Day of the Resurrection so that one cannot affirm that he understands by it what was since called Purgatory as F. Chamillard thinks The Antients differed so much among themselves concerning those Matters that we cannot tell whether Prudentius had not a private Opinion of his own concerning this and believed not that a lesser degree of Heat though it should last for ever was a hind of Happiness In effect he ranks the Place wherein he wished to be among the several Habitations in the House of God which Christ speaks of John xix Multa in Thesauris Patris est habitatio Christe Disparibus Discreta locis V. The Psychomachy is an Allegorical Poem wherein Prudentius describes a Fight of Vertues against Vices and wherein there is nothing that 's remarkable VI. The two Books against Symmachus were composed a little while after the Defeat of Alarick by Stilichon in the Year 402. as it appears from the 695 Verse of the Second Book wherein Prudentius mentions that Defeat as having lately happened Symmachus a Pagan and Praefect of the City of Rome the most Eloquent Orator of his time had about eighteen Years before presented a Request to Valentinianus Theodosius and Arcadius to obtain from them the re-establishment of an Altar and Statue of Victory which was in the Place where the Senate met and which Gratianus took away We have still the Discourse of Symmachus and an Answer to it of St. Ambrose Bishop of Milan which he wrote when he had disappointed the Request of Symmachus by another which he presented upon the spot Prudentius did also exercise himself in writing an Answer in Verses to the Discourse of that famous Heathen He excuses himself for daring to write against so learned a Man * Lib. 1. ver 646. In effect the Verses of our Poet are not comparable with Symmachus's Prose as to what concerns the Expression though the Reasons of the latter being only the Reasons of a Declamator are very much beneath those of Prudentius Yet Prudentius says scarce any thing against the Pagan Religion but what other Christian Authors who wrote upon the same Matter said before him He spends his First Book in that and answers Symmachus's Reasons only in the Second 1. One may learn from two Places of the First Book that there was then but a small number of Heathens in Rome since * Ver. 579. Prudentius says to the Pagans That to know how few People pay Honour to the Altars of Jupiter one needs only observe of what Religion are those who live in the highest Stories of the Houses those who walk through the whole City those who are nourished with the Bread which the Emperors distributed to the People those who lived at the foot of the Vatican and those who go to the Church of Lateran to be Confirm'd there It appears from thence that the greatest part of the People were Christians And a little lower †Ver. 609. Prudentius teaches us that the greatest number of the Senators were Christians too Because they had thrown down the Images of the Gods by a Decree of the Senate made by the Majority of Votes He says That the Senators gave freely their Consent to the Proposal of the Emperor for it which was evident because that Prince did equally honour Merit in the Pagans and Christians 2. Simmachus had drawn an Argument for the Pagan Religion from its Antiquity which he expressed very elegantly Si longa aet as authoritatem religionibus faciat servanda est tot saeculis sides sequendi sunt nobis Parentes qui feliciter sequuti sunt suos If length of Time is of some weight in Religion we ought not to depart from the Belief of so many Centuries we ought to imitate our Fathers who did so well imitate theirs This is so well worded that the ablest Missionary cannot preach better against the Innovators Yet Prudentius answers chiefly two things against that Argument which are so judicious that the most learned Innovator cannot answer a Missionary better The First is That if the manner of Living of past Ages is always to be preferr'd before that of the time wherein one lives the Romans of that time should have renounced all the Conveniences of Life trodden under foot all Sciences recall'd the Inconveniences and Barbarity of the Age of Saturn and sacrificed Humane Victims to him The Second thing is That the Religion of the Romans was very much altered since Saturnus and even Romulus's time * Ver. 303. Roma Antiqua sibi non constat versa per aevum Et mutata sacris c. What was remarkable in the Religion of the Romans is that since Romulos the number of the Gods was infinitely encreased †Ver. 343. Sanguinis Hectorei populum probo tempore longo Non multos coluisse Deos rarisque sacellis Contentum paucas posuisse in collibus aras c. 3. Symmachus said also That as every Body hath a certain Soul so Cities have some Tutelar Gods which Fate gives ' em Prudentius having laught at those pretended Genius's ‖ Ver. 460. doth very much inveigh as all the Ancient