heart if 〈◊〉 slept on roses or down the deâ—â— men he had killed troubled hiâ— he scosfed at Religion and feared one while he despised sacred things and at another time they made him tremble with horror in vain seeking all ways imaginable for expiation his Soul being torn with exquisite torments wilde as a stung beast a great while and at last sottish as a tame one beseeching the Senate to have so much â—ercy on him as to kill him to â—ave him the labour and horror of doing it himself who had not a more tormenting thought than this that he was an Athiest notwithstanding the warning given him by the burning of Diagoras the lice of Pherecides the dogs of Lucian the thunderstruck Olympius and the fearful death of others that led Atheistial lives vid. Dion Prusaeus Orat. 9. Tiberius Caesar in Tacitus had his sins so turned into punishments that he thought nothing would confirm men more in vertue than to see wicked mens breasts opened with their inward wounds and gashes where their minds are tormented with guilt lust and evil thoughts as much as the body is vexed with stripes neither the greatness of his fortune nor the pleasure of his diversions and solitudes being able to remove the punishmentâ— he carryed about him insomuch that he doth profess his anguish to the Senate in these words Quiâ— vobis scribam patres consâ—ripti aâ—â— quomodo scribam aut quid omninâ— non scribam hoc temporeâ— Dij deaeque pejus perdantâ— quam quotidie me perire sentio Anâ— Dion Cassius in Tib. doth profesâ— to the world his acknowlegment oâ— the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Thâ— first and great God that made anâ— governeth all things 10. Otho having killed Galba could not kill his ghost whicâ— though in vain by all wayes of expiation attoned gave his conscience as great a wound as he had done his body so that in his distress he came to that serious conclusion which Livy l. 3. saith all men come to in distress prose quisque deos esse non negligere humana fremunt every man then believes a God whence that smart saying of Saint Cyprian haec est summa delicti c. this is the highest both folly and impiety not to have those lawful sentiments of a God which a man cannot be without 11. Neque enim post id Iugurtha c. neither had Iugurtha writes Salust of him after his many villanies a quiet day or night nor could he trust any place time or man fearing both Friends and Foes looking about and pale at every noise tumbling from one Room to another several times in the night in a way unseemly for a Prince and so mad with fears as sometimes to get up in his sleep in arms disturbing the whole house whence the Author concludeth that there is a God within men who seeth and heareth all that they do and I may infer with anâ—â—â—pol â—pol 9. mae ipsius testimonio probamus deum quae licet corporis carâ—ere pressa c. We may see and feel a God in our Souls which â—hough kept close in the prison of the body though depraved by ilâ— principles though weakened by lusts and concupiscence though enslaved to false gods yet wheâ— it awakes and recovers as out oâ— a drunkenness a sleep or sickness it owns fears and appealeâ— to a God and repenting lookâ— up to the heaven from whence iâ— came 12. Iulian the Apostate oâ— whom Crakanthorpe de provid â—â—ej hath this character quo tetrius magisque deo simul hominibus exosum animal orbis vix vidit Yet gave this testimony towards the latter end of his life to Religion in general 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. We all by nature without any instruction have ingraven in us strong perswasions of a Divine being to whom we must look up and I believe saith he that our minds are to God as our eyes are to light and at his death to Christian Religion in particular when having two plots for the honour of his Government Idols the rooting out of the Galileans so he called the Christians the subduing of the Persians he was prevented in the former by being overthrown in the latter and being shot or thrust in the belly he threw up his blood towards heaven saying â—icisti Galilee thou hast overcome O Galilean meaning Christ Ita simul et victoriam fassus est Blasphemiam evomuit see Naz. or 4. in Iulian Socrates Sezom Theodoret in Iul. collected in Pez mellific Histor p. 2. p. 273. Indeed St. Basil gave the right reason why he and all other Apostates slight Religion even because they understand it not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I read I understood I condemned said Iulian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thou hast read but not understood for if thou hadst understood thou hadst not condemned said Basil. 13. Seneca a man of great parts prudence and experience after a serious study of all the Philosophy then the World was almost a Christian in his severe reproofs of vice and excellent discourses of vertue Lipsâ—â—s epist. ad Paul Quintum and a Saint as Ierome de Script eccles reckoneth him for his supposed Epistle to St Paul and St. Pauls to him to be read saith Mr Gataker in his preloquium to Antonius by those that study Divinity as well as those that study other in learning And Came to this excellent temper by this consideration in hiâ— reduced yeares which is to be seen in his excellent preface to his natural questions O quam contemptares est homo nisi supra â—umana se erex erit what a pittiful thing is man were it not that his Soul soared above these earthly things Yea and when he was somewhat dubious as to the future condition of the Soul yet he could tell his dear Lucilius with what pleasure he could think of it and at last that he was setled in his opinion of an eternal state with this thought hoc habet argumentum divinitatis suae quod illam divina delectant nec ut alienis interest sed ut suis the Soul had that mark of divinity in it that it was most pleased with divine speculations and converâ—ed with them as with matters that did neerly concern it and when it had onâ—e viewed the dimensions of the Heavens contemnit domicilii prioris augustias it was ashamed of the Cottage it dwelt in nay were it not for these contemplations non fuerat operae pretium nasâ—i it had not been worth while for the Soul to have been in the body and as he goeth on in detrahe â—oâ— maestimabile bonum non est viâ—a tanti ut sudem aut aestuem Whence come such amazing fears such dreadful apprehensions such sinking thoughts of their future condition in minds that would fain ease themselves by beleiving that death would put a period both to Soul and body whence on the other side comes such incouraging hopes such confident
Cyril orat ad Iul. Epiph. 1. against the Targum of Ionathan The account given of Idolatry by Maimonid l. de cultu Stellarum and Proseld 3. ad synt de diis Syris And as appeares in the instances of Enoch Noah men who walked with God and God took them Sect. 2. 1. And besides that sin sooner or later makes all men as well as David and Heman have their Soules sore vexed become weary of their groaning while all the night long they make their bed to swim and water their Couch with their teares their eyes being consumed because of grief and they saying how long shall we take counsel in our Soules having sorrow in our hearts daily my God my God why hast thou forsaken me why art thou so far from helping me and from the words of my roaring Remember not the sins of my youth look upon my affliction and my pain and forgive all my sins I had fainted unless I had beleived the goodness of the Lord in the Land of the living My life is spent with greif and my years with sighing my strength failed because of mine iniquity and my bones are consumed when I kept silence my bones waxed old through my roaring all the day long for Day and Night thy hand lay heavy upon me I acknowledged my sin unto thee and mine iniquity have I not hid I said I will conâ—ess my transgressions to the Lord. For this shall every one that is godly pray unto thee Be not ye as the Horse and mule that have no understanding Many sorâ—ows shall be to the wicked What man is he that desires life and â—oveth many dayes that he may see good depart from evil and do good Thy arrows stick fast in me thy â—and presseth me sore Neither is â—here any rest in my bones by reason of my sin I have roared for the veâ—y disquietness of my heart When thou with rebukes doest chasten man for iniquity thou makest his beauty to consume away Surely every man is vanity My sin is ever before me make me to hear of joy and gladness that the bones which thou hast broken may rejoyce A broken and a contrite heart O Lord thou wilt not despise There were they in great fear where no fear was Fearfullness and trembling are come upon me and horror hath overwhelmed me and I said O that I had wings like a dove for then would I flee away and be at rest Mine eyes faiâ— while I wait upon my God My Soul refused to be comforted â— remembred God and was troubledâ— I complained and my spirit was overwhelmed My Soul is full oâ— trouble and my life draweth nigâ— to the grave I am afflicted anâ— ready to die from my youth upâ— while I suffer thy terrors I am diâ—stracted All men I say as well aâ— these in the Psalms out of which I made this collectioâ— find first or last that sin as it hath short pleasures so it hath a long sting that though men seem not to be able to live without the commission of it yet are they not able to live with the thoughts of it when committed that as when they have done well the pain is short but the pleasure lasting so when they have done ill the pleasure is short and the pain lasting Sin and sorrow are so tyed together by an Adamantine Chain and the Temptation to Evil tickleth not more than the reâ—lection upon it torments when all â—he enjoyment being spent in the acting of sin there is now nothing â—eft but naked sin and conscience Tacitâ sudant praecordia culpâ â—ur tamen hos tu â—vasisse putes quos diri conscia â—acti â—ens habet attonitos surdo verbere coedit â—â—cultum quatiente animo tortore flagellum â—oena autem vehemens multo gravior illis Quas caeditius gravis invenit â—ut Rhadamanthus Nocte diequeâ—â—um geâ—â— are in pectore testem Not to discourse to men out of books what they feel in their hearts that the things they eagerly pursue they shall sadly lament that evil it self to a rational Soul carryeth with it so much shame and horror that as many Poeâ—s Iâ—ven c. believed there were no Furia Alâ—â—tores Eumenides or whatever Names were given of old to those daughters of Nemesâ—s or the results of mens thoughtâ— after sin concerning the proceedings of the Divine justice against it like the conscience of having done evil so many wise men aâ— Cicero ad Pisonem thought there were none besides it and that helâ— is no other than conscience whereâ—fore Iudas and others ventured inâ—to that to avoid this whose worâ— that dyed not was more insupportable than the other fire that is not quenched Although this were enough to reclaim men from their frolicks that they are sure they shall be sad although there need not more be said to a man in his wits then this Sir a quiet mind is all the happiness and a troubled one is all the misery of this world you cannot enjoy the pleasure honour or profit you imagine follows your evils with a troubled mind and yet no man ever followed those courses without it all the calamities you meet with in doing well are eased much by the comforts of a good conscience And the Spirit of a good man bears his infirmities but all the pleasures we have in doing â—ll will have no relish or satisfaction when we lye under the â—errours of a bad one A woâ—nded â—pirit who can bear But to shew â—hat a strict and a serious life is not the humour of some conceited and singular persons but the opinion of all men when they are most impartiall and serious Observe 1. The wisest men that have been in the world among them 2. Instances out of Scripture 1. The one Nu. 23. 9 10. The most knowing man in the East Balaaâ— the Prophet so much courted by Balak the Prince reckoned the same in Mesopotamia that Trismegistuâ— was in Egypt or Zoroaster in Persiaâ— who against his own interest theâ— and his opinion with that wholâ— Countries at all times from thâ— high place wherein he was to deâ—fie all the religion that was theâ— in â—the world to please Balaâ— owned it though he displeaseâ— him and he took up this paâ—rable and said Balak the Kinâ— of Mâ—ab hath brought me fro◠〈◊〉 out of the Mountains of thâ— East saying curse me Jacob anâ— come defie Israel how shall I curse whom God hath not cursed or how shall I defie whom the Lord hath not defied For from the top of the Rocks I see him who can count the dust of Jacob and the number of the fourth part of Israel let me dye the death of the righteous and my last end be like his 2. The second 1 Kings 4. 29. â—o 34. The most knowing man in â—he world Solomon to whom God gave wisdom and understanding â—xceeding much and largeness of â—eart even as the sand that is on â—he Seaâ—shore And Solomons wisâ—om excelled the wisdom of all the
to their Fathers they are gathered to a future state 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Procopius interprets that phrase Mundum Animarum the World of Soules as the Iews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nay where Religion hath been much corrupted people have been affraid to speak or doe any unhansom thing near the dead before they were buried because they thought their Souls fluttred about the bodies till they were laid in their graves and would tell all they saw or heard as soon as they came into the invisible state Bar. Nachomi in Beresheth Rabb c. 22. Talm. sandedrin c. 4. misdrain de anim Nadab Abihu Naboth Homerâ— Il. A late learned man of our own observing a new notion of Sheâ— in Maimonides D. Dub. lâ— 2. of which he saith we had haâ— a greater account if learning haâ— not lost 12000. excellent Jewiâ— books at Cremona and otheâ— parts of Italy hath this remarâ—â—able passage out of R. Sam. Ebâ—â— Tibbor an old man dying said 〈◊〉 those about him that he had beâ—â— asleep all his life and that he wâ—â— now awake and there was 〈◊〉 sloath ease and folly but in thâ— world whose words the Authâ—â— concludeth in these words ◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. but â— you throughly weigh these thing and what did he see when awaked even an eternal state of which Hippocrates saith Dediâ—eta that which the common people think is born comes only out of the invisible state 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are his words and what they think is dead goeth only into that state whence they came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the eternal circle of things returning to one as they came from one as Musaeus writes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Pythagoras and the Rota in aeternum â—ircum-voluta in R. Ionas his Porta poenit fol. 42. Nay that great man among the Heathens whom Hierocles makes a paralel to Christ among the Christians Apollonius Tyaneus perswaded Valerian in a letter to him to be seen in Cujacius his pretended latine version that the dead were not to be lamented for they exchanged not company but place Plato calleth death somewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by going to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first being whom he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the God to be feared by all Clemens Strom. 3. p. 433. brings in an old man out of Pindar giving this reason of his cheerful death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c happy is he who having seen the common course of this upper world goeth into the lowerâ— where he may understand the enâ— of Life and see the beginning oâ— it Another sick man is mentioneâ— by Salmasius somewhere whâ— could not quietly dye till he unâ—derstood what the meaning wâ—â— of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Homer Dâ—â—mus porta Lethi the house anâ— gate of Hell in Lucretius Virgâ— and Ennius and that some knowâ—ing men of that time being bâ— answered him that he could noâ— know it because he had not puâ—â—ged his Soul this being one of thâ— misteries that were not to be uâ—â—derstood by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men that had not made it their business to purge their Souls vid. Casaub. excerp ex codice Caesar the pure among the Jews and Greeks understanding the two everlasting Seats of the Vertuous and the Vitious R. Eliaz in Pirk. c. 3. Gaulman not ad vit mosis the one North and the other South where the Souls of good men after three tryals being freed from all their bonds leap for joy and are carried on high Diodorus Siculus placeth the judgement of the unjust and the enjoyment of the just in the invisible state whereof Rabban Iochanan Ben. Saccai in Gemar Berachoth fol. 27. 2. as he was a dying said he had before his eyes two ways the one leading to Paradise and the other to Hell the last of which places is represented by all the world as full of tortures furies called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Plut. de defect Orac. See the same notions in the Talmud or heap of disputations like those of our School-men upon the Jewish Law Tract Rosh Hashannah c. 1. fol. 16. p. 2. See Maymon well skilled in both Talmuds in cap. 10. Sanderim See R. Abdias Spharnus the great Physitian in or Hashem p. 91. Nobly describing the bliss of good men after death The book of Moses his life fol. 23â— p. 2. brings in God encouraging Moses to dye by the same description of Heaven and the everlasting happiness of good men in it thaâ— Pindar hath in the 2. Ode of hiâ— Olympiads concerning the blessed and that is the same with Sainâ— Iohn Revel 21. 21. 25 7. ult 21â— And Moses chiding his Soul foâ— its delay in going into the Societâ— of Cherubims and Seraphims uâ—â—der the throne of the Divine Mâ—â—jesty of which Ioseph Ben Perat R. Mekir in Aukath Rochel R. Ephodi in D. Dub. c. 70. R. Shem. Tobh Eben Esdra R. D. kimchi that King of Gram deadly enemy of Christianity in Psal. 110. R sal Ben. Gabirol the famous Jewish Poet in Kether Malcuth whose words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. the seating of just Souls under the throne of glory in the bundle of life with a state of perfection is the futurum aevum the future state into which R. Ionah ben Levi in his Tikune Sockar fol. 63. Col. 1. et 2. affirmeth that most of the Rabbies said they were to go when dying as do most of the Talmudists as we may find in Constant L. Emperour who made a key to them yea and Mahomet himself in his Alcoran that Oglio Iudaisme Groecism and Neorianism surat 2. ver 22. as in his Dialogue with Sinan discourseth of a blessed state of good men begun in the inward pleasures of good men here and perfected in their everlasting pleasures hereafter It is a great argument to all men to live as if they believed a future state that these men who had so little knowledge of it by reason of their corrupt reason as to describe it foolishly yet had so much knowledge of it by natural reason as to own it and that so far as to believe thaâ— all the poetical descriptions of Paradise and Elizium in the Hebrew and Arabian Authors in the Greek and Latine Poets are Allegories of a more Spiritual state and so the Persian Ali and his faction understands Mahomet and divine Platâ— in many places understands the Hellenists expressing in Phaedro the feast of the Soul in contemplating the first and real being as divinely as the Jews do the happiness of it in the beholding the Shecinah or the light of the countenance of the King of life or the Christians in the beatifick vision and concluding that all good men have a share in that as confidently as the Jews affirm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that every Israelite hath a part in the world to come all men with Socrates
expectations such comfortable prepossessions of their future state in the souls of good men when their bodies are nearest to the grave An dubium est habitare deum sub pectore nostro an caelumque redire animas coeloque venire And while the Soul is here in its cage it is continually fluttering up and down and delighteth to look out now at this part and then at another to take a view by degrees of the whole universe as Manilius Seneca's contemporary expresseth â—t Quid mirum noscere mundum â—i possunt homines quibus est munâ—us in ipsâ—s To these notions of â—he future state it was that Caesar owed that his opinion of death that it was better to dye once than to lose his life in continual expectations Being troubled with that unhappiness of men mentioned in Atheneus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That he had done his work as if it had been his play and his play as if it had been his work 14. Aug. Cesar consulting the Oracle about his successor received thiâ— answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An Hebrew child hath bid me leave these shrin which Oracle Augustus having received erected an Altar with this inscription Ara primogeniti dei the Altar of the first born of God and when Tiberius by Pilates Letters qui prâ—â— conscientia Christanus himself heard of the wonderful death of Chrisâ— at which there was a voice hearâ— saying that the great God Paâ—â— is dead and at the ecclipse it waâ— said that either nature was dead or the God of Nâ—ture and his more wonderful resurrection he would have had him made a God See Phlegon de temp in orig cont Celsum l. 2. Fol. 21. Pliny l. 2. c. 25. 15. That Deity which Tiberius owned he feared securing his head with Laurel against the Thunderer and running to his grave as Caâ—igula did afterwards under his â—ed for fear of a God That God which the great Scipio had at last â—uch a reverence for that before â—e went about any business into â—he Senate he went to prayers inâ—o the Capitol looking for no good success from the Counsells â—nd indeavours of men without â—he blessing of God who he â—hought made and was sure â—overned the World and indeed â—here was no man ever went â—eriously about any great matter but at last he was glad to take in the assistance of a God as Numa consult with Egeria Zamolcus the Thraciaâ— with AEgis Lucurgus Solon Minâ— with Iove Mahomet with the Angel Gabriel Gods messenger Caâ—ligula with Castor and Polâ—ux 16. And as we have made â— clear that all men have near theiâ— latter end a sence of Religion So Plutarch in his Book of Livâ— concludes most of his Heroâ— Histories with discourse of Religâ—â—on how divine doth he treat â— Immortality anâ— the happiness of a future stat◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. wheâ— the body lyeth under pale deatâ— the Soul remains carrying upon the image of eternity for that is tâ—â— only thing that came from the God must return thither not with bâ— without the body altogether puâ— and spiritual nothing followinâ— it but vertues which place it among the Heroes and the Gods How rationally doth he discourse of the Divine Nature and the being of a God towards the close of Pericles his life how seriously doth he bring in Fabius Maximus that great commander in the emminent danger of the Common-wealth not training his men but â—â—rching in the Sybills books and â—â—lling his Countrey-men that they â—ere overthrown not by the â—eakness or rashness of the Souldiers but by their neglect and contempt of the Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beginning his great enterprize for the saving of â—is Country bravely with the â—ervice of the Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—s Plutarch goeth on p. 176. not â—esigning to ensnare mens minds with superstition but to confirm â—heir valour with piety and to ease their fears with the hope of Divine assistance raising the desponding peoples minds by Religion to better hopes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it was a common principle amongst them that the Gods gave success to vertue and prudence upon which Fabius advised them not to fear their enemies but to worship the Gods and speakinâ— of his successes he hath thesâ— words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But these you must ascribe tâ— the goodness of the Gods It waâ— the same man who when he waâ— asked what he should do with thâ— Gods of Tarentum answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let us leave to the Tarentines thâ— Gods that are angry with them How easily doth the same Aâ—â—ther dispute of the influence Goâ— hath upon the will of man by veâ—â—tue and on the frame of nature bâ— miracles and prodigies in Coriolanus Camillus and Dion how gravely doth he assert in Marius that the neglecting of the study of true wisdom will revenge it self the despisers of it as he saith not being able to do well in their greatest prosperity and the lovers of it not doing ill in their lowest adversities How seriously doth Themistocles promise the Persian King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to honour the â—ing and to worship the God that â—reserveth all things How deâ—outly doth Camillus p. 131. apâ—eal to the Gods as Judges of â—ight and Wrong Confessing â—fter all his great exploits that â—e owed his greatness not to his â—wn actions but the Gods favour 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—ho was upon all occasions preâ—â—t with him by many and great â—â—nifestations of himself of which Plutarch hath this grave discourse To believe these manifestations or disbelieve them is a matter of great uncertainty somâ— by too easy a Faith falling to superstition and vanity others by too obstinate an unbelief into â— neglect of the Gods and loosnes◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 waâ—â—ness and a mean are best Hoâ— resolvedly doth Cato minor whâ—â— he would not yield to Caesar â—â— whom the world submitteâ— choosing rather that Caesar shouâ—â— envie his death than save hâ—â— life First read over Plato discourse of the Soul which wâ—â— found over his beds head anâ— then he dispatched himself wiâ—â— assurance of enjoying what hâ—â— read As Empedocles having pâ—â—â—â—sed a discourse of the eternâ—â— state of Souls threw himself inâ— AEtna and Pliny into Vesâ—vius tâ—â— emblemâ— if not the real sâ—at â—hat state And there was nothing made Artaxarxes so afraid of death when the Assassines broke â—nto his Chamber as the uncertainâ—y of his state after he was dead â—he reason why he wept when he â—ooked upon his vast Army to â—onsider that of 300000 men there â—ould not in sixty yeares be two â—en in the land of the Living â—he vanity indeed and shortness â—â— life was so much upon Augustus â—â—sars spirit that when he was â—â—ying he spoke to his friends â—bout him to clap their â—â—nds intimating to them that â—â—s life was only a short stage and â—â— dying a going off from it Of â—is Titus Vespasian the
Divinity of the Argument and thâ— Majesty and Authority of thâ— Writing did exceedingly exceâ— all the Eloquence of Humanâ— Writings My Body trembled mâ— Mind was astonished and was sâ— affected all that day that I kneâ— not where and what I was Thâ— wast mindful of me O my God aâ—â—cording to the multitude of tâ—â— Mercies and calledst home thy lost Sheep into thy Fold And as Iustin Martyr of old so he of late professed that the power of godliness in a plain simple Christian wrought so upon him that he could not but take up a strict and a serious Life The Earl of Leicester in Queen Elizabeths days though allowing himself in some things very inconsistent with Religion came at â—ast to this Resolution that Man differed not from Beasts so much â—n Reason as in Religion and that Religion was the highest Reason nothing being more Rational than â—or the supream Truth to be beâ—ieved the highest good to be emâ—raced the first Cause and Almighty Maker of all things to be â—wned and feared and for those who were made by God and live â—holly upon him to improve al for â—im live wholly to him Agreeâ—ble to the Apostle give up your Souls and Bodies unto him whieh is your reasonable Service Galeacius Caracciolus Marquesâ— of Vico a Noble Personage of â— great estate powerful Relationsâ— both in the Emperoursâ— and in the Popes Court the latter of which waâ— his near Relation notwithstanding the greaâ— Overtures of his Master Pathetick letteâ— of his Uncle bitteâ— Cryes and Tears of hiâ— Parents his Wife and Childreâ— the loss both of his Honouâ— and Estate forsook his Country and all that was dear to him tâ— come to Geneva and embraceâ— reproached despised and perseâ—cuted truth with Moses to whoâ— he is compared choosing â—ather â— suffer afflictiâ—n with the people 〈◊〉 God than to enjoy the pleasurâ— of sin for a sâ—asâ—n esteeming thâ— reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures of the world because he had a respect to the recompence of reward And endured as seeing him who is invisibe where he used to say that he would not look upon himself as worthy to see the Face of God if he prefered not one hours communion with Christ before all the riches and pleasures of the world Saith a great man speaking of this Marquess Non celandum est hominem primariâ familiâ natum honore opibus florentem nobilissimâ castissimâ â—uxore numerosa prole domestica quiete concordia totoque vitae statu beatum ultro ut in Christi Castra migraret patria cessisse â—ditionem fertilem amâ—nam lautum patrimonium commodaâ— non minus quam voluptuosam habitationem neglexisse splendorem domesticum patre conjuge liberis cognatis ex affinibus sese privasse c. Galen who should have been mentioned before in his excellent book de usu partium which Gassendus supposeth he writ with a kind of enthusiasm upon him adeo totum opus videtur conscriptum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so that to use the words of a learned man all those seventeen books of his upon that subject are a kind of 119â— Psalm in Phylosophy or a perpetual Hymn upon the praise of the great Creator a just commentary upon those words of the Psalmistâ— Psal. 139. 14. I am fearfully anâ— wonderfully made marvellous arâ— thy works and that my Soul knoweth right well I say Galen observing the beautiful and useful contexture oâ— mans body which Lactantius calls Commentum Mirabile could not choose but break out into the praise of him that made it handling this argument for the Divine providence wisdom in ordering the several parts of animals and adapting them to their several uses against Epicurus then with as much zeal exactness as any Christian can do now against Atheists So that that whole book contains in it a most full and pregnant Demonstration of a deity which every man carryeth about him in the â—rame of his body on which acâ—ount men need not goe out of â—hemselves to find proof of a deity â—hether they consider their minds â—r their bodys those Domesticos â—stes of which all men that have â—â—nsidered them have said as Heraclitus said in another case etiam hû dii sunt This instance makes good aâ— learned mans observation that however men may for a time offer violence to their reason and conscience subduing their understanding to their wills and appetites yet when these facultieâ— get but a little Liberty to examine themselves or view the world or are alarumed with Thunder Earthâ—quake or violent sickness theâ— feel a sense of a deity broughâ— back upon them with greateâ— force and power than before theâ— shook it off with These and somâ— other considerations of this natuâ—â— wrought upon Funcius the learneâ— Chronologer that reflecting upoâ— his deserting the calling of a Dâ—â—vine to advance to the honour 〈◊〉 a Privi-counsellor he left thâ— warning to posterity Disce mei exemplo mandato mâ— nere fungi fuge ceu pestem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which you may understand by the admonition Iustus Ionas Son of a Divine of that name bequeathed next year to all that came after him Quid juvat innâ—meros scire atque evolvere casus si facienda fugis si fugienda facis 9. Sir Philip Sidney a Subject indeed of England but they say chosen King of Poland whom the Queen of England called her Philip the Prince of Orange his Master whose friendship the Lord Brooks was so proud of that he would have it to be part of his Epitaph here lyeth Sir Philip Sidâ—eys friend whose death was laâ—ented in verse by the then â—ings of France and Scotland and â—he two Universities of England â—epented so much at his death of â—hat innocent vanity of his life his â—rcadia that to prevent the unlawful kindling of heats in others he would have committed it to the flames himself and left this farewel among his friends Love my memory cherish my friends their faith to me may assure you that they are honest but above all govern your will and affections by the will and word of your Creator in me behold the end of this world and all its vanities 10. The late famous Frencâ— Philosopher De Cartes who shoulâ— have been thought on sooner though no Atheist because sâ— zealously asserting the existencâ— of God and the immortality oâ— the Soul yet because he is mucâ— in vogue with men Atheisticall disposed as if his Hypotheâ—â—â— ascribing so much to the power oâ— matter served theirs that thinâ— there is nothing left to do for thâ— providence of a God and as he thought he could clear up the account of the worlds beginning without a God is a great evidence of the power of Religion when after his long discourse of the power and notion of matter this great improver and discoverer of the Mechanical power of matter doth ingeniously confess the necessity not only of Gods giving motion in
order to the Orgine of â—he universe but of his conserving motion in it for the upholdâ—ng of it considero Materiam they are his own words in his â—nswer to the third letter of H. M. p. 104 Sibi libere permissam nullum aliunde impulsum susciâ—ientem ut plane quiescentem illa autem impellitur a deo tantundeâ— motus sive translationis in ea coâ—â—servante quantuw ab initio posuiâ—â— And therefore it s no wonder thaâ— it is reported of one of the greatesâ— unbelievers now among us thaâ— he trembleth at the thought oâ— death because though in an hâ—â—mour he speaks strangely 〈◊〉 God yet in his study aâ—â— thoughts he cannot but trembâ—â— before him and whatever his peâ—â—vishness hath spoken of the eteâ—â—â— Spirit his Phylosophy owns aâ—â— fears him without whom he mâ—â— wrangle but he cannot sleep yeâ—â— he that talketh so peremptory â— of the great God in publicâ— looketh not so in private Theâ— may be some Atheists in compâ—pany but there is none alone aâ—certainly he would not be so â— fraid in the night to put out tâ—â— light on the beds head but that confesseth it impossible to extâ—â—guish the candle of the Lord in his bosome for we may say of those that are commonly called Athiests as Plato de rep l. 9. doth of Tyâ—ants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. If any â—erson could but see â—hroughly into their Souls he should find â—hem all their lives â—ull of fear grief and torments â—ectus inustâ—e deformant maculae â—itâ—isque inolevit imago And I do not wonder at it since â—trabo reckoneth this among the â—pophthegms of the Indians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there are judgements in â—he invisible state and that the â—rachmans esteemed â—his life but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—ut the state of a new â—orn Infant and death â—as a new birth to a â—etter and a more â—â—essed life to them â—â—at followed wisdom whereof the Gaules and the Brittains were in Câ—esars time so confident that he saith 1 de bel Gal. that the reason why they fought so obstinately was because they were taught by the Druids not to feaâ— death because they knew it waâ— but passage to a better life thâ— Soul in their opinion not perishingâ— but passing from one to another â— which Lucan hath expressed in hiâ— ranting way thus Longae Canitisâ— cognita vitae mors media est cerâ—â— populi quos despicitarctos Faelices erâ—rore suo quos illetimorum maximâ— haud urget lethi metus inde ruâ—â— di in ferrum mens prona viriâ—â— animoeque capaces mortis igâ—â—vum est rediturae parcere vitae Gregentius Arch-bishop of Tâ—â—phra in the Kingdom of the Hoâ—â—rites in the Empire of AEthiopiâ— many hundred years agoe upâ— the request of the Godly King that place undertook a Disputaâ—â—â—on with the Jews about the truth of Christian Religion the dispuâ—ation is at large Printed out of an â—ncient M. S. procured by Abbat Noall his Christian Majesties Envoy to Constantinople and the East in the first volume of the Bibliotheca patrum p. 194. pubâ—ished at Paris 1624. Lent being over and the Jews â—omming to give an account of â—hemselves before the King and â—ll the Nobility of the Kingdom â—oly Gregentius the Arch-bishop â—ndertook for the Christians and â—erbanus a learned man in the â—ewish Laws and Prophets underâ—ook for the Jews in a solemn â—isputation before the most â—â—lemn assembly in the world â—â—veral dayes until Herbanus beâ—â—â—g astonished to hear so many plaâ—â—s of the Law and Prophets alâ—â—dged for Christ was so ingeniâ—s as to confess that since Mosâ—s came from God the Iews should hear him and since Christ came from God the Christians should hear him and to offer that if Chrisâ— were come already as he believed he was to come in Person and end the controversie with mankind an offer which all the Jews asseâ—â—ted to with a loud voyce to Godâ— the King and the Archbishop sayâ—ing shew us Christ and we wiâ—â— believe in him whereupon thâ— Archbishop leaving the assemblâ— went aside to pray and as thâ— King and the assembly said Ameâ— to the close of his prayers ther wâ— an Earthquake about them anâ— in the East the heaven opene with a great brightness aboâ—â— them from whence the Loâ—â— Jesus appears in glory befoâ—â— them and after each side waâ— little recovered of its Extasies tâ— the one of joy the other of feâ— bespeaks them thus with a Ioâ— voyce upon the prayer of the Archbishop and the Faithful I â—ppear before your eyes who was â—â—â—cifyed by your Fathers at â—hich voyce the astonished Jews â—ere struck blind and upon enâ—â—uiry finding that the Christians â—ere not so Herbanus being led â—the Archbishop desired that he â—ould pray Christ to open their â—â—es as he had shut them and â—â—ey would believe when they 〈◊〉 that he could do good as well â—evil adding that if he did 〈◊〉 he should answer it in the 〈◊〉 of Judgement The Archbishop answered that â—â—on condition they would be â—â—ptized they should receive â—â—eir sight what if we should Baptized and continue blind 〈◊〉 Herbanus let one of you be â—â—ptized answered the Archâ—â—â—hop they consented and the man no sooner had his head sprinkled but he had his eyes opened and cryed out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christ is true God and I believe in him whereupon all the rest were Christened to the number of 505000. menâ— Moses appearing likewise to Herbanus for whom the King stood who made him a Senator in â— vision submitting himself 〈◊〉 Christ in whose Religion thâ—â— whole Country was instructed becomming as strict Christianâ— after many days praying for paâ—â—don as they had been obstinatâ— Jews Sophronius Bishop of Ierusaleâ— delivereth the foâ—â—lowing History as most certain and iâ—â—fallible Truth to Pâ—â—sterity That Leontius Apiamensâ— a most faithful and Religious man that lived many years at Cyrene assured them that Synesius who of a Philosopher became a Bishop found at Cyrene one Evagrius a Philosopher who had been his old acquaintance fellow-student and intimate friend but â—n obstinate Heathen with whom â—ynesius was earnest but in vain to become a Christian following with arguments for Christian Reliâ—ion so close that the Heathen â—hough he persisted a great while â—n discourses to this purpose that to him it seemed but a meer fable and deceit that the Christian Religion teacheth men that this world shall have an end and that all men shall rise again in these bodies and their flesh be made immortal and incorruptible and that they shall so live for ever and shall receive the reward of all that they have done in the body and that he that hath pitty on the poor lendeth to the Lord and he that giveth to the poor and needy shall have treasure in Heaven and shall receive an hundred fold from Christ together with eternal life Yet being convinced by Synesiâ—â— his close arguments that they werâ— certain truths he and his familâ— was
whosoâ—â—ver turnâ— Religion into Raillerâ—â— and abuseth it with two or three â—old jests rendreth not Religioâ— but himself ridiculous in the opinion of all considerate men â—ecause he sports with his oâ—â—â—â—fe for a good man saith If the principles of Religion were doubtful yet they concern us 〈◊〉 neerly that we ought to be serious in the examination oâ— them I shall never forget a traditioâ— of the Jews related by Masiâ—â— upon Ioshua viz. that Noah iâ—â—he universal deluge instead oâ— Gold Silver and all sorts of treasure carryed the bones of Adam into the Ark and distributing them among his Sons said take â—hildren behold the most preâ—ious inheritance your Father â—an leave you you shall share â—ands and Seas of God shall apâ—oint but suffer not your selves to â—e intangled in these Vanities my â—hildren all glideth away here â—elow and there is nothing which â—ernally subsisteth learn this â—esson from these dumb Doctors â—he reliques of your Grandfather â—hich will serve you for a refuge â—n your adversities a bridle in â—our prosperity and a Mirrour at â—ll times provide for your Souls â—he opinion of whose immortaliâ—y you will find got every where â—here you sind men so true is that â—f Plotinus that never was there a man of understanding that strove not for the immortality of the Soul Animam inde venire unde rerum omnium authorem parentem spiritum ducimus Quint. That which we call death being in Max. Tyrius but the beginning of immortality Therefore Philostratus mentioneth a young man much troubled about the state of Souls in the other life to whom Apollonius appeared assuring him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it was immortal and bidding him not be troubled at it since it was the Divine providence it should be so Nay Phlegon a Heathen hath written of a Maid in Trayls of Phrygia Philenion by Name who burned both with lust and a feavour to death appeared to her Father and Mother to tell them if they took not that course of life the gods designed men for and which they are to blame they did not instruct her in they would find another state they little thought of where there was grief and no reâ—medy and he addeth moreover that he sent this history whereof he was an eye witness by a particular messenger to the Emperour Adrian Curopalates relateth how the excellent Painter Methodius drawing the last day heaven black the Earth on fire the Sea in bloud the Throne of God environed with Angels in the clouds wrought upon Bogoris the Barbarous King of Bulgaria so as that in a short â—ime he yielded himself to God by a happy conversion for he dreaming on the whole proceedings of that day among other things saw the sins he had made so light of bespeaking him thus I am the pleasure thou hast obeyed I am the ambition whose slave thou wast I am the avarice which was the aim of all thy actions behold so many sins which are thy children thou begatst them thou â—ovedst them so much as to prefer them before thy Saviour These conâ—iderations made weeping Heraclitus wipe his eyes and look cheerfully saying that his eyes were never dry till he had settled his thoughts about his eternal state and had a dry Soul not steeped in lust capable of the notions of immortality the only support of Bellisarius when having been the Thunderbolt of War made the East West and South to tremble the mighty Powers of the Earth crawling in dust before him he that drew the whole world in throngs after him was forsaken and walked through the streets of Constantinople with two or three servants as a man that had out-lived his Funerals to serve as a spectacle of pity at last loosing his eyes and crying in the Streets dateabolum Bellisario This example and others of the sad uncertainty of humane affairs and the necessity of yielding to religious thoughts sooner or later made Charlemain at the Coronation of his Son utter these serious words My dear Son it is to day that I die in the Empires of the world and that Heaven makes me born again in your person if you will raign happy fear God who is the force of Empires and Soveraign Father of all Dominions keep his commandements and cause them to be observed with unviolable fidelity serve first of all for an example to all the world aâ—d lead before God and man a life irreproachable What Steph. Gardiner said of justification by Faith a branch of our Religion is true of all of it viz. that though it be not looked upon as a good breakfast for men to live up to in the heat of their youth yet is it a good supper for men to live upon in their reduced years The Persian messenger in AEschiles the Tragedian could not but observe the worth of Piety in time of extremity when the Grecian Forces hotly pursued us said he and we must venture over the great watâ—r Strymon frozen then but beginning to thaw when a hundred to one we had all dyed for it with mine eyes I saw many of those Gallants whom I heard before so boldly maintain there was no God every one upon their knees with eyes and hands lifted up begging hard for help and mercy and entreating that the Ice might hold till they got over Those Gallants saith a good man in the application of this story who now proscribe godliness out of their hearts and houses as if it were only an humour taken up by some precise person and Galba like scorn at them who feâ—r and think of death when they themselves come to enter the lists with the King of terrors and perceive in earnest that away they must into another world and be saved or tormented in flames for ever as they have walked after the flesh or after the spirit here without question they will say as dying Theophilus did of devout Arsenius thou art blessed O Arsenius Who hadst alwayes this hour before thine eyes or as the young Gallant that visited St. Ambrose lying on his death bed and said to his comrade O â—hat I might live with thee and dye with Saint Ambrose And it is observed among the Papists that many Cardinals and other greâ—t â—nes who would think their â—owle and Religious habit ill â—â—came them in their health yet â—â—e very ambitious to dye and be â—uried in them as commonly they â—re They who live wickedly and loosly yet like a Religious habit very well when they goe into another world Cardinal Woolsey one of the greatest Ministers of State that ever was who gave Law for many years to England and for some to all Europe poured forth his Soul in those sad words a sufficient argument that Politicians know nothing of that Secret whispered up and down that Religion is a meer Court-cheat an arcanum imperij a secret of Government had I been as diligent to serve my God as I have been to please my King he would not have forsaken me now in my gray
the Sceptick begins his book of the gods in this doubtful manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. As for the gods I know not whether they be or be not yet he and Pyrrhon the Master of the Scepticks being asked why they walked alone so much answered that it was to meditate how they might be good and being urged again what necessity there was of being good since it was not certain â—hat there was a God they used â—o reply it cannot be certain â—here is not and it being an even â—ay between the serious and good â—nd the vain and bad man that â—here is a God though upon woâ—ull odds the good man hazzardâ—ng only the loss of his lusts which â—t is his interest to be without or â—t furthest some little advantage â—eing in this world at more rest â—nd inward serenity more healthfull reâ—pected befriended secure and free and in the other if there be not a God as happy as the badâ— but if there be infinitely as much happier as an unspeakâ—able and eternal blessedness is beyond extream and endlesâ— Torments So that as an excellent persoâ— saith if the Arguments for anâ— against a God were equal and 〈◊〉 were an even Question whetheâ— there were one or not yet thâ— hazzard and danger is so infiniteâ—ly unequal that in point of pruâ—dence every man is bound to sticâ— to the safest side of the Questioâ—â—nd make that his Hypothesis 〈◊〉 to live by For he that acts wisâ—â—ly and is a thorowly-prudeâ— man will be provided in omneâ—â—â—â—â—tum and will take care to sâ—â—cure the main chance whatevâ—â— happeneth But the Atheist in case things should fall out contrary to his belief and expectation he hath made no provision in this case If contrary to his confidence it should prove in the issue that there is a God the man is lost and undone for ever If the Atheist when he dyeth finds that his soul hath only quitted its lodging and remains after the body â—hat a sad surprise will it be to find â—imself among a world of spirits â—ntred on an everlasting and an â—nchangeable state Yea Pyrrhon himself would â—ften repeat that of Euripides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. who knoweth â—ut to dye is to live and to live â—s to dye and therefore Epicurusâ—imself â—imself in his letter to Meneceus â—aith he observeth him a fool who â—s vain at death wherein because of â—he consequence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—aith he there is no jesting it being 〈◊〉 infinite concernment to be serious in fine it appears from 〈◊〉 Bergâ—â—ius Theolâ—genâ—iumâ—â—â—ym de sâ—bud Theol. Nat◠〈◊〉 Eâ—gusb Perenni Philos. and others that all the learned men in the world found as Ciâ—â— dâ— Nat. deor l. 1. et de leg 2. that thâ—â— notion of God and Religion iâ— the first notion that is engraven inâ— and the last that is defaced out oâ— the minds of men and that takâ— away the being and providence 〈◊〉 Godâ— out of the World you take â—â—way all reason faith vertue peacâ— yâ—a humane society yea all men though never so barbarous an◠〈◊〉 have been Religious anâ— though they had neither Artâ— nor Laws nor Letters yet hâ—â— Gods See Benzon Hist. deâ— occiâ— Indi a Acostas both Eman. anâ— Ioseph Hist. Noâ— orbis Chr. Acoâ—â— epâ— de Reb. Ind. So authenticâ— Tuâ—â— quest is that of Tully nulla geâ—â— tam barbara nemo omnium est tam immanis cujus mentem non imbuerit deorum opinio multi de dijs pravà sentiunt id enim vitioso more effici solet omnes tamen esse vim naturam divinam arbitrantur Nec vero id collocutio hominum aut consensus efficit non institutis opinio est conâ—irmata non logibus omni autem re consensâ—o omnium gentium lex naturae puâ—anda est and elsewhere Gentes licet qualem deum haberent ignorant tamen habendum sciunt There is no Nation so Barbarous that hath not some sense of a deity many have odd imaginations of â—he diety from ill habits but all â—ind there is a Divine power by â—ure reason c. Thinking it unâ—easonable as the same Heathen â—oeth on that all mâ—n should beâ—ieve there is a mind and reason â—n themselves and none in the â—orld and that there should be such a glorious order of things and none to be reverenced for it See Iust. in serm ad Gent. quoting Orpheus the Sybils Sophocles Hom. c. to this very purpose So that we see there was never any man that to enjoy his pleasures stifled his Religion but at last after thoughts of Religion stifled his pleasures this being one argument of the Divinity of the Soul which is another argument of the being of God that it can and doth correct sooner or later loose mens imaginations concerning this world and the next And that reason doth at last form apprehenâ—ions of things quite different from those conveighed at first by sense But how can any man live securely upon the principles of Atheismâ— when those commonly thought Athiests as Heraclides Ponticus Antisthenes Democritus Protagoras c. have written books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of those in the invisible state nay the punishments which wicked men must look for in another World though never so secure and the rewards good men may expect though never so much discouraged were so inwoven into the first thoughts of men and looked upon as of so great concernment to common life and society that the Jews who have kept the tradition of religion the best of â—ny doe say that Heaven and Hell were one of the seaven things created before the World See Talmud Tract Nedarim Pesaeâ—him Pirt. R. Eleas c. 3. Chalde-Paraph in Gen. 2. and the knowledge of the eternal in the other World was of so much â—onsequence that Eris and Pamâ—hylus are by Plato Rep. Antillus and Timarchus Thespesius by Plutarch de sera dei vindicta Aristaeus in Herodotus in Melpomene The Woman in Heraclides his Noble Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Pliny calleth it Hist. Nat. 7. c. 52. all grave Authors not to mention instances of the like nature in their Poets Orpheus whom Homer Plato as little as he loved them called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are brought in coming from the dead to declare their state there which they would not beleive while they were living it seems as most men when dying endeavourâ— so all when dead would return if they might to perswade those to be religious that are alive And the words of the rich man in the 16th of St. Luke I pray thee therefore that thou would send him to my Fathers house For I have five brethren that he may testifie unto them and they come not to this condemnation are not the words of any one man but the words of all men in the eternal State who could wish men did beleive what they feel which if they had beleived they had not felt and that when they are gathered