both had sunk and gone Yet though their noble Names alike With wonder and with terror strike Caesar's though greater in Command Must give Montlnc's the better hand Who though a younger Son of Fame A greater has and better Name With equal courage but worse cause That trampled on his Country's Laws And like a bold but treacherous friend Enslaved those he should defend Whilst this by no ambition sway'd But what the love of glory made With equal bravery and more true Maintain'd the right that overthrew His Vict'ries as th' encreast his power Laid those for whom he fought still lower Abroad with their victorious Bands He conquer'd Provinces and Lands Whilst the world's conqu'ring Princess Rome Was her own Servants slave at home Thy courage brave Montluc we find To be of a more generous kind Thy spirit loyal as 't was brave Was evermore employ'd to save Or to enlarge thy Country's bounds Thine were the sweat the blood the wounds The toyl the danger and the pain But hers and only hers the gain His wars were to oppress and grieve Thine to defend or to relieve Yet each to glory had pretence Though such as shew'd the difference By their advantages and harms 'Twixt Infidel and Christian Arms. France Piedonont Tuscany and Rome Have each a Trophy for thy Tomb Sienna too that nature strain'd Only to honor thy command Proud of thy name will be content It self to be thy monument But thine own Guienne will deny Those noble Relicks elsewhere lye But there enshrin'd now thou art dead Where to its glory thou wert bred O fruitful Gascony whose fields Produce what ever Nature yields Fertile in valour as in fruit And more than fruitful in repute How do I honor thy great Name For all those glorious Sons of Fame Which from thy fair womb taking birth Have overspread the spacious Earth Yet stands the world oblig'd for none Nor all thy Heâ—oes more than one One brave Montluc had crown'd thee Queen Though all the rest had never been Past times admir'd this General The present do and future shall Nay whilst there shall be men to read The glorious actions of the dead Thy Book in Ages yet unborn The noblest Archives shall adorn And with his Annals equal be Who fought and writ the best but thee Charles Cotton On the Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc To the Worthy Translator HE that would aptly write of Warlike Men Should make his Ink of bloud a Sword his Pen At least he must Their Memories abuse Who writes with less than Maro's mighty Muse All Sir that I could say on this great Theme The brave Montluc would lessen his esteem Whose Laurels too much native Verdure have To need the praises vulgar Chaplets crave His own bold hand what it durst write durst do Grappled with Enemies and Oblivion too Hew'd its own Monument and grav'd thereon It 's deep and durable Inscription To you Sir to whom the valiant Author owes His second Life and Conquest o're his Foes Ill natur'd Foes Time and Detraction What is a Strangers Contribution Who has not such a share of Vanity To dream that one who with such Industry Obliges all the world can be oblig'd by me Thomas Flatman On the Commentaries of Montluc translated I Never yet the French Tongue understood Which may what e're their Fashions are be good Yet such as I by your industrious hand Come now them and their State to understand This and your well-translated Espernon Make those brave Histories of France our own Sir these are noble Works and such as do Name you Translator and the Author too You are our Author and our thanks to you As yours to their Historians are due Nay ev'n the French themselves must thank you too For we and we are the major part who know Nothing of them but what is noise and shew Hard names for damn'd course Stuffs stinking Meat Adulterate Wine strange Habits Legs and Faces Might justly look on France not to speak worse To be of these the Mother or the Nurse But us you undeceive and do them right By these exact Translations which you write And we who understand no French now find You are both just to them and to us kind R. Newcourt ERRATA PAge 1. line 20. r. to justifie p. 2. l. 24. r. and yet p. 4. l. 50. r. the charge and honor p. 5 1. 7. r. not for p. 8. l. 32. r. and the. p. 11. l. 51. r. in in p. 12. l. penult r. a fugitive p. 15. l. 47. r. they p. 19. l. 4. r. dine aboard p. 22. l. 6. r. not dâ—ign p. 24. l. 17. r. by burning p. 28. l. 43. r. de Montpezat p. 29. l. 22. r. at that time l. 38. r. de Tande p. 31. l. 25. r. de Montpezat p. 32. l. 29. r. de Fonterailles p. 39. l. 23. r. and me to Savillan p. 41. l. 24. r. Monsieur d' Aussun l. 50. r. knew the. p. 42. l. 14. r. could avoid p. 45. l. 16. r. Reconis p. 51. 1. 41. r. enough to do to p. 54. l. 23. r. if they were p. 56. l. 48. r. weary p. 57. l. 11. r. fought Ib 1. 14. r. fault p. 59. l. 38. r. they advance p. 6â— l. 31. for d' Aussun r. d' Anguien p. 63. l. 10. for for now r. new p. 65. l. 49. r. the Mareschal p. 66. l. 13. r. the feast p. 67. l. 46. r. when you arose p. 68. l. 11. r. took notice p. 8â— l. 57. r. we are p. 92. l. 39. r. if they p. 126. l. 39. r. to scoure p. 130. l. 29. r. and that Captain St. Auban p. 133. l. 37. r. which was a. p. 143. l. 35. r. went about to p. 150. l. 17. r. in their p. 159. l. 12. r. inconâ—iderable p. 161. l. 20. r. hateful word p. 173. 1. 59. and 60. r. a Trooper p. 174. l. 32. r. the plain p. 175. l. 40. and 41. r. had moor'd them in the Ditch p. 176. l. 15. r. and that would make p. 177. l 19. r. stop short p. 184. l. 16. r. no body else p 193. l. 6. r. Cremona p. 197. l. 36. r. du Tillet p. 209. l. 48. r. Quails p. 213. I 56. dele all p. 232. l. 5. r. Commands p. 233. l. 2. r. to p 242. l. 25. r. deliver'd to him p. 246 l. 9 r. Coral p. 281. l. 49. r. la Masquere p. 289. l. 54. r. Cabinet l. 58. r. the Children p. 290. l. 45 r. repulst p. 312. l. 40. r. best Curtall p. 313. l. 28 dele that p. 314. l. ult r. Chalosse p. 320. l. 2. r. suffering him l. 34. r. to the friendship p. 321. l. 23. r. I here p. 322. l. 2. Commaâ— after Field l. 29 r. had told p. 323. l. 19. r. l' Isle p. 325. l. 40. r. he and p. 340. l. 48. r. we should p. 344. l. 9. r. see the wife p. 345. l. 26. r. and would never p. 348. l. 13. r. Clergy would l. 32.
that the greatest shame can befal them is to have a Coward to their husband and thus Monsieur le Gouvernor you who have lost your place you will be in a marvellous happy condition when you shall be curss'd in your own bed But what shall we say of your Children people will not only reproach them that they are the sons of a Cowardly father but they will moreoever themselves see his name in Print and the mischiefs of which his Cowardize has been the cause For a Town is never lost let it be never so considerable that it does not draw a great deal of inconvenience along with it It brings so mighty an inconvenience upon your children that to extinguish your ill repute and to raise their own to some tollerable degree of esteem they must hazard their lives upon all occasions without either fear or wit and few escape being kill'd who by this means to wipe off the stain from their family would signalize themselves How many have I seen in my time who by endeavouring to repair some notorious fault have lost themselves and expos'd themselves to death upon the first occasion has presented it self being asham'd to live And though your children should escape these dangers yet will the King be afraid what great reputation soever they may have acquir'd to trust a Town to their custody left the Son should take after the Father as it ordinarily comes to pass Thus shall you not only ruine your selves but your whole Family To avoid and to break the neck of your ill fortune and of all these mishaps there is a good remedy which I have learn'd my self and am willing to â—each it you if you know it not already First you ought to consider all this that I have told you and set on the one side the shame and on the other the honor you will obtain if you bravely defend your place remaining victorious or at the least having done all that a man of Honour could do to come off Triumphant and like a Conqueror though you be overcome as you see I did in this Siege Imagine still that you see your Prince and Master before you and what countenance you ought to hope for if by your Cowardize you lose his place And seeing nothing ever had a beginning but that it had likewise an end consider from the beginning what the end is like to be and remember that your Master has not entrusted this place in your hands to deliver it up but to defend it that he has put you into it not to live there only but to dye there also bravely fighting if occasion be If you ask him at your going away to your Command Sir must I dye before I surrender the place you have given me in trust he will tell you that you are to fight to the last moment of your life for being you are his Subject your life is his The Seigneur de Iarnac one day told the King that it was the greatest craft and Policy that ever Kings found out to make their Subjects believe that their lives were theirs and that it was the greatest honor they could have to dye for their service but that it was a great simplicity in us to believe it and to keep such a clutter with this fine bed of honor It is nevertheless true that our lives and estates are the Kings our souls belong to God and our honour is our own for over my honor the King has no power at all To return to what I was saying before if in accepting the charge committed to you you have not this resolution within your selves you would do a great deal better to make an excuse There are ways enow to put it off and there will be enow who will be glad to accept of what you refuse If you accept it with a resolution to bring it to a handsome issue do one thing never think of dying ` T is for a Coxcomb to fear death till he see it within three inches of him and yet cannot he forbear representing it to his imagination though it be a hundred Leagues off On the contrary meditate how to kill your Enemy for if you once enter into an apprehension and fear of death you may assuredly give your place for lost for that is to take away your understanding and your judgement which is the best piece in your harness T is to much purpose to be valiant if this fail you at need which if you intend to preserve you must by no means enter into this fear of dying for fear is of it self and by the fraâ—lty of our own nature â—oo apt to intrude upon us without our needing to assist it with our own imagination If then it present it self before you you must reject it and have sudden recourse to the intention of the King and to what end he plac'd you there Think of the shame and dishonor you are running into Read often or cause to be read to you Books that speak of the honor of great Captains principally those of our own times as for example Langey and another who has writ in Italian I cannot think of his name who has writ to well since King Charles the eight I have often read him and he is a very good Author Would to God that all of us who bear arms would take up a custom to write the things we see and do for I am of opinion it would be better done by our own hands I mean as to feats of war than by those letter'd men for they too much disguise the truth and this relishes of the Clerk Read then these Books and meditate with your selves if I do like Antonio de Leva at Pavie the Sieur de Lude at Fontarabie the Signeur de Bouillon at Peronne the Signior de Sansac at Miranda and Montluc at Sienna what will they say of me what honor shall I carry back to my own house and on the contrary if I surrender what shame and infamy for me and mine Then apply your selves to Almighty God and beg of him that he will defend you from falling into these misfortunes resigning up all things into his hands After this assist your selves with all that he has put into the power of men as you see I did in this Siege and above all things be always diligent and vigilant evermore mindful of your charge if you do this forgetting withal death and danger you will find means to defend your place though it were but a Dove-Coat and though it should be lost you having perform'd your duty you must conclude it to be by the hand of God We must however always trie for I have seen a place lost that was never suspected to be in danger and such a one sav'd as has been given over for gone If you there die in your defence you will neither dishonor your selves nor your posterity but shall be laid in your grave with an immortal renown which is
have suspected myself to have been the occasion of his death and had he lived without an arm I should never have looked upon him but with exceeding great trouble to see him in such a condition let God therefore work his will Immediately after the two forenamed Chirurgions came to examine mine whether or no he was sufficient to undertake the cure for otherwise it was order'd that one of them should remain with me but they found him capable enough to which they also added some instructions what was to be done upon such accidents as might happen The next day which was the fourth after my hurt Monsieur de Lâ—urtreâ— caused me to be carried after him to Termes de Bresse where he left me in his own quarters to the care of the man of the house who was a Gentleman and for the further assurance of my person carryed Hostages with him two of the most considerable men of the Town whereof one was brother to the Gentleman of the house assuring them that if any the least foul play was offer'd to me those two men should infallibly be hang'd In this place I remainâ— d two months and a half lying continually upon my reins insomuch that my very back bone pierced thorough my skin which is doubtless the greatest torment that any one in the world can possibly endure and although I have written in this narrative of my life that I have been one of the most fortunate men that have born arms these many years in that I have ever been victorious wherever I commanded yet have I not been exempt from great wounds and dangerous sicknesses of which I have had as many and as great as any man ever had who outliv'd them God being still pleased to curb my pride that I might know my self and acknowledg all good and evil to depend upon his pleasure but all this notwithstanding a scurvy four morose and cholerick nature of my own which favours a little and too much of my native Soil has evermore made me play one trick or another of a Gascon which also I have no great reason to repent So soon as my arm was come to a perfect suppuration they began to raise me out of Bed having a little cushion under my arm and both that and my arm swath'd up close to my body In this posture I continued a few days longer until mounting a little Mâ—le that I had I caused my self to be carried before Naples where our Camp was already sate down having first sent away a Gentleman of mine on foot to our Lady of Lorettâ— to accomplish my vow I my self being in no condition to perform it The pain I had suffer'd was neither so insupportable nor so great as the affliction I had not to have been present at the taking of Malphe and other places nor at the defeating of the Prince of Orange who after the death of Monsiâ—ur de Bourbon slain at the Sack of Rome commanded the Imperial Army Had not this valiant Prince of deplorable memory for the foulness of his revolt from his Lord and Master dyed in the very height of his Victories I do believe he had sent us back the Popes into Avignon once again At my arrival at the Camp Monsieur de Lautrec and all the other great persons of the Army received me with great demonstrations of kindness and esteem and particularly Count Pedro de Navarre who caused a confiscation to be settled upon me of the value of twelve hundred Duckets yearly revenue call'd la Tour de la Nunciâ—de one of the fairest Castles in all the Tertitory of Labour and the first Barony of Naples belonging to a rich Spaniard callâ— d Don Ferdino I then thought my self the greatest Lord in all the Army but I found my self the poorest Rouge in the end as you shall see by the continuation of this discourse I could here dilate at full how the Kingdom of Naples was lost after it was almost wholly conquer'd a story that has been writ by many but it is great pity they would not or durst not relate the truth being that Kings and Princes might have been taught to be so wary by this Exemple as not to suffer themselves to be imposed upon and abused as they very often are but no body would have the great ones learn to be too wise for then they could not play their own Games with them so well as they commonly do I shall therefore let it alone both for that I do not pretend to record the faults of other men as also because I had no hand in these transactions and shall only write my own Fortunes to serve for instruction to such as shall follow after that the little Montlucs my sons have left me may look with some kind of Glory into the life of their Grandfather and aim at honorable things by his Exemple There were no great matters peâ—form'd after my coming to the Camp neither did they busie themselves about any thing but the City of Napleâ— which also they intended to overcome by Famine and it must suddainly have fallen into our hands had it not been for the revolt of Andrea d' Auria who sent to Count Philippin his Nephew to bring back his Gallies to Genoa with which he kept the City of Naples so close block'd up by Sea that a Cat could not have got in which he immediately did and thereupon an infinite of provision was put into the Town by Sea whilst our Galliâ—s delay'd to come God forgive him who was the cause thereof without which accident the Town had been our own and consequently the whole Kingdom This Philippin Lieutenant or Vice-Admiral to Andrea d' Auria near unto Capo-dorso obtained a famous Naval Victory over Hugo de Moncada and the Marquess de Guâ—st who came to the relief of Naples but from this Victory proceeded our ruine for Philippin having sent his prisoners to his Uncle to Genoa and the King being importunate to have them deliver'd over to him Andrea d' Auria would by no means part with them complaining that he had already delivered up the Prince of Orange to the King without any recompence upon which occasion the Marquess de Guast a man of as great dexterity and cunning as any of his time and a great Warriour knew so well how to manage Andrea d' Auria's discontent that in the end he turn'd his coat and with twelve Galliâ—s went over to the Emperor's side The King our Master was well enough informed of all his practices and might easily enough have prevented the mischief but his heart was so great and he was so higly offended with Auria that he would never seek to him whereof he repented at leisure for he has since been the cause of many losses that have befall'n the King and particularly of the Kingdom of Naples Genoa and other misfortunes It seem'd as if the Sea stood in aw of this man wherefore without a very great and more than ordinary
occasion he was not fit to have been provoked or disgusted but perhaps the King might have some other reason In the end our Gallies arriv'd and brought with them the Prince of Navarre Brother to King Henry with some few Gentlemen only of his train who lived but three weeks after for he came in the beginning of our sickness At his landing Monsiâ—ur de Laâ—trec sent Michael Aâ—tonio Marquess of Saluzzo for his Convoy for he landed a little below la Magdaleine within half a mile of Naples and with him a great part of the Geâ—s d' Armes with the black Italian Regiments which were commanded by Count Hugues de Gennes since the death of Signior Horatio Bailâ—one and had been the Companies of Signior Giovanni de Medicis Father to the Duke of Florence that now is who had been wounded in his leg with a Harquâ—buze shot before Pavie being then in the Kings Service and was thence carried to Plaisance where he had his leg cut off and thereof soon after dyed and after his death the said Signior Horatio took upon him the command of his Companies It seem'd that God would at that time some evil to the King when he lay before Pavie For in the first place some one advis'd him to send away the Grisons secondly to send Monsieur d' Albain to Rome with another part of the Army and for the sum of all misfortunes God sent this mischance to Signior Giovanni who to speak the truth understood more of the affairs of War than all the rest who were about the King having three thousand Foot under his command the best that ever were in Italy with three Cornets of horse and I do verily believe and there are several others of the same opinion that had he been well at the Battel matters had not gone so ill as they did Signior Horatio afterwards encreas'd the number a thousand men which made up four thousand foot who carried black Ensigns for the death of the said Signior Giovanni and were moreover all put into mourning from whence they deriv'd the name of the Black Regiments and afterwards associated themselves to the Marquess of Saluzzo who temporiz'd for about two years in Italy and about Florence and afterwards join'd with our Army at Troyes or else at Nocera I am not certain which for that I lay at the same time wounded at Termes on Bresse But to return to the landing of the Prince of Navarre because there was something of Action there performed wherein I had a share I shall give an account of that business Captain Artiguelaube who was Colonel of five Gascon Ensigns which were wont to be under Monsieur de Luppée and of five others commanded by the Baron de Bearn was commanded as also was Captaâ— de Buch eldest son of the Family of Candale to draw down to that place and I also poor wretch as I was was one of the number So soon as we were got down to the shore the Marquess left all our Pikes behind a great Rampire which the Count Pedro de Navarre had caused to be cast up and that extended on the right hand and on the left for about half a mile in length Close adjoyning to this was a great Portal of Stone through which ten or twelvemen might march a breast and that I do believe had been a Gate in former times for the Arch and other marks thereof were still remaining to the checks of which Portal our Rampire was brought up both on the one side and the other Our Battaillon was drawn up about an hundred paces distant from this Portal the Black Regiments some three hundred paces behind ours and the greatest part of the Horse yet further behind them Monsieur le Marquis Monsieur le Captau the Count Hugues Captain Artiguelaube and almost all the Captains as well Italians as Gascons along with them went down as well to facilitate as to be present at the Princes Landing which said Seigneur Captâ—â— had six Ensigns three of Piedmontoise and three of Gascons They were so long about their landing that they there staid three long hours for they made the Prince to stay and dine abroad before he came out of the Galley a little delay sometimes occasions a great mischief and it had been better that both he and all the company with him had made a good sober fast but the vanity of the world is such that they think themselves undervalued if they do not move in all the formalities of State and in so doing commit very often very great errors It were more convenient to move in the Equipage of a simple Gentleman only and not to Prince it at that rate but to do well than to stand upon such frivolous punctillios and be the cause of any misadventure or disorder Captain Artiguelaubâ— in the mean time had plac'd me with threâ—score or fourscore Harqucbusiers upon the cross of a high way very near to the Magdaleine which is a great Church some hundred or two hundred paces distant from the Gates of Naples and upon another cross of the high way on the left hand of me where there stood a little Oratory two or three hundred Harquâ—busiers of the black Regiments with an Ensign of Pikes In the same place also and a little on the one side was plac'd the Company of Seignâ—ur de Candale consistâ—ng of two or three hundred Harquebusiers about two hundred paces distant from and just over against the place where I stood Being thus upon my Guard I saw both horse and foot issuing out of Naples and coming full drive to gain the Magdaleine whereupon mounting a little Mule that I had I gallop'd straight down to the water side All the Lords and Gentlemen were as yet on board caressing and complementing one another to whom by certain Skippers that were plying too and again betwixt the Gallies and the Shoar I caus'd it to be cryâ—d out that the Enemy was sallying out of the Town by whole Troops to intercept them and to recover the blind of the Magdaleine and that they should think of fighting if they so pleased an intelligence at which some were basely down in the mouth for every one that sets a good face on the matter has no great stomach to fight I presently return'd back to my men and went up straight to the Magdaleine from whence I discover'd the Enemies Horse sallying out dismounted with the bridles in the one hand and their Launces in the other stooping as much as they could to avoid being seen as also did the Foot who crept on all four behind the walls that enclosed the backside of the Church I then presently gave my Mule to a Soldier bidding him ride in all hast to acquaint Monsieur de Candale and Captain Artiguelaube therewith whom he found already got on shore and who upon my first advertisement had caus'd a Galley to put out to Sea from whence they discover'd all that I had told them which being in the
I could truly add that at the time when the Peace was concluded betwixt your most Serene Republick and the Turk the king of the Romans by the secrâ—t practices of his Agents did all that in him lay to hinder that Treaty as by the several Letters and Dispatches that have been intercepted does most manifestly appear The same Ministers of the Emperor do think also that they discharges themselves from all blame in keeping a â—lutter and farcing their Posts and Gazetts as their manner is with observations of the long abode that the Naval Army of the Grand Signior has for some months made in the Ports of France and under that pretence would by their passionate calumnies impose upon the world a new Article of Faith to wit that no Prince for his own defence either can or ought to derive succours from such as are of a Religion contrary to his own not taking notice that in condemning the King my Lord and Master they at the same time accuse David a valiant King and a holy Prophet who seeing himself persecuted by Saul fled away to Achish who was an Idolater and a profess'd Enemy to the Law of God and not only so but some time after moreover rank'd himself in the Squadrons of the Infidels even then when they went to fight with the people of his own Religion They also condemn Asa King of Juda who called into his aid the King of Syria to deliver him from the oppression of the King of Israel They moreover reproach Constantine a most Christian Prince and he who of all the Emperors has best deserved of the Christian Commonweal who in most of his expeditions carried along with him a great number of Idolatrous Goths in his Army They likewise taxe Boniface so highly commended by St. Augustine in his Epistles who for his own defence and perhaps to revenge some injury receiv'd called into Affrick the Vandals profess'd enemies to our Religion They calumniate Narses the slave of Justinian a very valiant but above all a very religious Captain as may be concluded from the testimony of Saint Gregory and also by the Churches he has built both in this illustrious City and that of Ravenna who called in the Lumbards to his aid a people at that time abborring the name of Christian. Arcadius Emperor of Constantinople allowed by all Historians for a Prince equally religious and wise having in the latter end of his days a desire to substitute some Governor and Protector that might be sufficient to preserve the Dignity and Authority of the Empire turn'd his thoughts towards the King of Persia an Idolater and entreated him in his last Will to accept the Tuition and Protection both of his Son and the Empire A choice that was singularly approved by all the Christian Princes of that time and so much the more for that the king of Persia not only accepted the charge but moreover worthily acquitted himself of his trust to the hour of his death â—efore Hâ—raclius suffer'd himself to be infected with the poyson of Heresy he served himself in an infinite number of Wars with Saracen Soldiers Basile and Constantine sons to John Emperor of Constantinople took Apulia and Calabria by the means and assistance of a great number of Saracens which themselves had first driven out of the Isle of Candie I could say as much of Frederick who by the help of the Saracens Lorded it over the greatest part of Italy I could present before you the Example of Henry and Frederick brothers to the King of Castile who in the time of pope Clement the fourth accompanied with Conradin called the Saracens both by land and sea not for the security and defence of their own Country but to drive the Frâ—nch out of Italy and with the same Army of Barbarians in a short time made themselves Masters of a great part of Sicily I could speak of Ludovico Sâ—orza who with several other Princes of Italy made use of the Forces of Bajazet What shall I say of Maximilian of the â—ouse of Austria who not to defend himself but to ruine your state most illustrious Senators tryed to nettle and incite the Turk against you to your great prejudice and ruine as it is faithfully recorded by Signiâ—r Andrâ—a Mocenigo one of your own Historians together with the remedies you were fain to oppose in that exigency and distress If yet neither natural reason nor exemples drawn from holy Scripture and Christian History wâ—re sufficient to confirm you in or to perswade you into the truth of this cause I could accompany them with several others which I am willing to omit both because I would not â—ire your â—ordships patience â—nd also for that I believe there can remain no manner of scruple in you considering that by the Exemples before alledged I have already discover'd the weak foundation of that Article of Faith lately forged by the Imperialists to serve for their own ends And which is more I do say and will maintain that the most Christian King my Lord and Soâ—eraign by the Exemple of so many renowned and religious Princes may without any prejudice to the place he holds or to the Title of most Christian which be â—ears serve himself in all affairs and nâ—cessities with the aid and assistance of the Grand Signior And if this with truth and reason may be understood of all his necessary affairs how much more ought his most Christian Majesty not only be excused but highly applauded who for no need how great soever he has to defend himself for no single revenge His Majâ—sty might desire for so many injuries done and so many wrongs received so many assassinations and slaughters executed upon his people by the Emperor or by his procurement would accept of no other succours but only thâ—se which we by experience see are to all Christiâ—ns of greater utility than disadvantage And if any one of thâ—se who adhere to the Emperor's party should demand how the Turkish Army can remain in our Ports no lâ—ss for the benefit of Italy than for our own particular convenience I could ask him by way of answer which way be can prove that Christendom has received any detriment by our having received and refresh'd this Naval Army in our Heavens To which I am certain the wisest and most affâ—ctionate of the Imperial party could return me no answer unless it were some one who delights to argue for controversies sake and takes more pleasure in hearing himself talk than that he has really a desire to enter into a serious examination of things to understand the negotiation and to be enfomed of the reasons thereof But that we may not leave any thing that may beget the least imaginable doubt in the minds of such as are not perfectly inform'd of this Affair I shall handle the point us succinctly and with as much brevity as I can So oft as your Serenity has by the Emperor's Embassadors been applyed unto for leave to pass thorough
with them by reason he would not the Town should be sackt his Wife being a Daughter of Quiers and the most part of the Gentry in the Town being by that means ally'd to him but that I may not liâ— I am not certain whether he went a third or no. Neither would the Mareschal himself by any means that any violence should be offer'd to them being this would be an exemple to the other places that were in the Enemies possession to draw them on that when they should happen to be in the like condition out of consideration of the Civility he should shew to those of Quiers they might be the more enclin'd to take part with the French The greatest difficulty that hapned betwixt our Deputies and the Governor and Inhabitants was that the said Governor it being already almost night said he could not possibly retreat to Ast and consequently should be in danger of being defeared by the way wherefore he desired that the Surrender might be deferred till the next day The Mareschal who stood upon thorns fearing lest this night they might be reliev'd from Ast demanded then to have la Roquette deliver'd up to him to put into it threescore men and that they should choose out of our Captains any one whom they would to enter in with them in the mean time making our Companies still advance nearer to the Breach which the Governor having notice of he himself came upon the wall of the Roquette where he call'd to me entreating me to make the Soldiers retire and telling me that they had concluded with the Mareschal The conclusion of which agreement was that they were to march away with Bag and Baggage their Colours furl'd up without beat of Drum the next morning and for further assurance it was agreed that la Roquette should be put into our hands The Town then sent to the Mareschal to entreat that I with the threescore men might be put into it for I had in Piedmont acquir'd the reputation of a man of good discipline to prevent all sorts of disorder in the Soldier and I order'd it so well here that not any one of the Citizens lost the worth of a straw The avarice of a little plunder does oftentimes turn the hearts of such as otherwise are enclin'd to favour ones party This business was very well consider'd by the Mareschal for that very night 400 Harquebuzeers set out from Ast to try if they could get into the Town but they met intelligence by the way that we were possest of la Roquette which made them return There was one error committed in this business for it was propounded in the Council that without doubt the Enemy would come to us at the report of this Siege and that therefore at the same time the Roquette should be deliver'd up to us we should send out a good strong party to go the patrouille on the high way towards Ast which had it been done as it ought to have been we had certainly cut off this Relief The next morning Monsieur de Bonivet who was encampt upon the road of Aâ—dezun with fifteen or twenty Gentlemen in company with him came to Quiers just at the time when the Italians were marching out of the Town who being entred in stayd at the Gate to sec them march away when so soon as they were gone Monsieur de Bonivet being under the second Gate to enter into the City and the Mareschal having commanded me not to suffer any person whatsoever to enter till he himself was first come in I heard my Liâ—utenant very loud and angry at the Breach where I had placed him to watch that none should pass in that way at which Monsieur de Bonivet said to me there is some disorder whereupon I presently ran to the place and found that they were Thieves of the very Town of Quiers it self who would have entred in to pillage the City at which going hastily down the Breach to fall upon them the ruines of the wall made my feet shp from under me so that I sell upon my left side amongst the stones with so great violence that I put my hip out of joynt I do think that all the tortures in the world are not comparable to this by reason of a little nerve we have in that joynt where the bones are all enchac'c into one another which was extended in so much that I have never walkt upright since but have ever had pain more or less notwithstanding all the Baths and other remedies I could use to remove it Monsieur de Bonivet caused me to be carried by the Soldiers into a Lodging and I before had brought in the Quartermasters who were ordering the Quarters About an hour after I was hurt the Mareschal entred the City and did me the honour to â—light at my lodging to see me expressing as much forrow for my mischance as if I had been his own Brother and indeed he heartily lov'd and had a very esteem for me During our abode there he came three times to keep his Council at my Beds head as President Birague who is yet living can witness He took great delight to hear men discourse in his presence but in few words and if any one said any thing he would presently demand his reason At the said Quiers and at Montcallier I kept my bed two moneths and a half of this unlucky fall Don Ferrand leaving the war of Parma came to Ast to draw his Forces together thereof to form the Body of an Army having left in Parmesan Signior Carles and the Marquis de Vins The King having notice thereof commanded the Admiral that he should in all hast send away six of his Companies to the Mareschal de Brissac which were conducted by Captain Ynard who at that time was Sergeant Major onely Monsieur d' Aumale who was General of the horse came also as did Monsieur de Nemours a few days after and presently after him Messieurs d' Anguien and the Prince of Conde Brothers then Monsieur de Montmorency who is now Mareschal of France and eldest Son of the Constable Monsieur le Compte de Charmy and his Brother Monsieur de la Rochefoucault having a great number of Gentlemen of very good quality in their Train insomuch that three Companies of foot being quarter'd in Quiers the Mareschal was constrain'd to dislodge them to accommodate the Princes and the Lords of their Train Certainly there is not a braver Nobility in the world than the French nor more ready to put foot in the stirrup for the service of their Prince but then you must take them in the heat Certain days after their arrival the Mareschal laid a design to go and take the Castle of Lans which Garrison very much infested the Road betwixt Suze and Turin by reason of a valley that extends it self from Lans to the high way so that the Soldiers of the said Lans were almost continually there having a
him and sent le Gritti to his Garrison and Colonel Charamond and I went to wait upon the Mareschal at Turin who was then but newly return'd from Alba and my Company went back to Montcallier If I was welcome 〈◊〉 no to the Mareschal or whether caress'd by President Birague and the whole Court of Parliament after such a service I leave every one to judge When Captains therefore from any undertaking great profit and commodity may accrue as there did from this considering that Turin had Cassal been possest by the Enemy would have suffer'd a mighty inconvenience do not stick boldly to hazard your persons for the defence of any place whatsoever And when you shall be there remember after what manner and with what diligence I carried on my work for by that means you shall make your Enemy afraid to attaque you He is more afraid to affault than you are to defend He meditates and considers who are within and that he has to do with men that know how to fortifie themselves which is no little advantage to a Soldier It is true that Caesar de Naples committed a great error in squandring away so much time about those paltry Forts and in the mean time giving us so much leisure to fortifie for had he come directly to us at first he would have put us to our Trumps but I think he was afraid My good fortune also would have it that Don Ferrand should divide his Forces who had he come to attaque us at the beginning would have been the death of a great many good men but we should have sold our skins very dear Now as Don Ferrand was at Ast in his way towards Alba he there met intelligence that Monsieur de Bonnivet was very strong within it and that lately three Compaâ—ies were entred into the Town of those that I had at Cassal together with a great number of Pioneers which made him enter into a very great debate whether or no he should go to Alba as he did before at Riverol whether or no he should go to Cassal After five or six days then he departed from Ast with all his Cavalry to go take a view of Alba where after he had spent a whole day in discovering the place he went to sit down before St. Damian having been told that the Mareschal had taken thence almost all the amunition of powder bulleâ— and match to put into Alba and had given order to some one to lay in as much more but oftentimes the sloth and negligence of men intrusted with the care of affairs occasion very signal disadvantages I never saw man that was slow about his business idle or negligent in war that ever perform'd any great matters neither indeed is there any thing in the world wherein diligence is so much required A day an hour may a minute is enough to make the bravest enterprizes vanish into air Now the Mareschal conceived that Don Ferrand was more likely to put himself into Carmagnolle to fortifie the Town and to take the Castle than to make any attempt upon any other place believing St. Damian to be replenisht with powder and therefore came himself thither to take order for the security of that Fort where Monsieur de Bassâ— who was Governor of the Marquesate of Saluzzo would undertake the defence of the place The Maâ—eschal then went to Carignan leaving me with the said Sieur de Bassé to assist him in puâ—â—â—ng provision and ammunition into the Castle which he did at the request of Monsiâ—ur de Bessé himself and the very same day that the Mareschal departed from us the had in â—â—ligence by a letter from Messieurs de Briquemaut and de Cavigâ—y that the Enâ—my was 〈◊〉 down before St. Damian and that they therefore entreated him to relieve them with powder bullet and match for the Harquebuzeers they having not received that which he had promised and taken order for at which the Mareschal was the most highly concern'd imaginable and immediately sent thither six loads of powder and four of bullet with a proportionable quantity of match sending order to the Governor of la Cisterne a Fort two little miles distant from St. Damian who had three Conpanies of Italians in Garrison with him that he should by all means venture that night to put those ammunitions into the Town Monsieur de Bassé and I had already heard that the Camp was set down before St. Damian by the same Massenger that carried the news to the Mareschal he being of necessity to pass by Carmagnolle as also did this ammunition three or four hours after which was in the close of the Evening Monsieur de Bassé and I exhorted him who had the conduct of the Ammunition to remonstrate to the Captains that the powder must of necessity he put into the Town that very night for otherwise it could not be possibly convey'd into it and that he who undertook the conduct of it was likewise to enter in himself but we found the fellow so cold in the business that we very well perceiv'd he would do no good It is very easie to discover by a mass counternance if he be afraid or no and whether he have the heart to execute what he hath undertaken and we saw so much by this fellow that we were rather afraid he should dishearten the Captains when he came to la Cisterne than any wayes encourage them to the Enterprize enjoyn'd which made me resolve to go my self to try by this relief to save the place and Monsieur de Bassé would that Monsieur de Classe his eldest Son with ten men at arms he being Lieutenant of his own Company should go along with me At one of the clock at night then we departed and by eleven the next day came to la Cistrene where I found the Governor and his Captains in a great perplexity forming a great many difficulties about the conduct of the Ammunition and which way it was possible to be convey'd into the Town and in truth they had some reason so to do For St. Damian is a little place and Don Ferrand had in his Camp 6000 Germans 6000 Italians and 4000 Spaniards 1200 Light-horse and 400 men at arms and all these were encampt close by the Town about which the Court of Guards in a manner toucht one another so that to carry it into the Town upon the horses that had brought it to la Cisterne had been impossible for it was a snow knee deep and all the wayes were full of Soldiers Huts But I presently caused a great many Sacks to be brought me and made them to be cut each Sack into three parts which by certain women who were ready for the purpose were handsomely sowed together again and into these bags I put the powder I then got together thirty Countrey fellows upon whom I caused the powder and bullet to be tyed with the match at their Girdles and gave to each of
io ho manegiato non suono quindeci die uno delle nâ—â—stri facendo d'il poltrone Io non dimando sino un puoco di prudenza con prestezza And indeed he kept his promise with me and carried himself very discreetly in the action The Captains gave him whatever he desired being glad themselves to be rid of the employment I also entreated Pied-de-fou and the rest before named that since they were resolv'd to put themselves into the Town they were to do it so as to be assisting to the conservation of the place and not to lose themselves together with all those who were within it forasmuch as the preservation of the said Town consisted only in supplying it with ammunition and that therefore it would be necessary that they should divide themselves some into the Flancks and others into the rear to the end that whilst Captaâ—â— Charry should be fighting they might encourage Pedro Antonlo 's men to go on which they accordingly did All of them therefore having received their instructions from me what every one was to do as well Italians and Peasants as my own Soldiers they all in the order prescrib'd marcht out of the Town when going out at the Gate I told Captain Charry in the hearing of all my Soldiers that I would never see him more it they did not enter or die upon the place as many as were of my Company to which he made answer that he only desir'd me to go to my rest and that I should presently hear news of him In truth he was a Soldier without fear In his Company there was a Corporal of mine called le Turk a Picard by birth who said to me What do you make a question of our entring into the Town Par la mort bien we should have spent our time and our blood very well having above an hundred times fought with you and ever remain'd victorious if we should now stand suspected to you at which I leapt about his neck and said to him these words My Turk I do assure thee upon my faith I think so worthily of you all that I am confident if any men upon earth can enter you will do it and so they departed and I went to place my self again upon the Platform where I had stood the night before and the Captain of the Watch kept me company About two hours after I heard a great alarm on that side by which our people were to enter and several volleys of Harquebuzshot but they continued but a very little while which put me into some fear that our men might be repulsed or at least that that the Peasants were run away who so soon as they were come to the enainence where the Italian Captains had told them that a Cat could not get in they made a halt There the Guides shewed them the Courts of Guard from which by reason of the excessive cold and the snow the Centinels were not twenty paces distant Capatin Charry then called Messieurs de Pied de-fou Bourg St. Romain and Pedro Antonio to whom he deliver'd two Guides reserving one for himself and said to them this is the last Court of Guard of foot for the rest are all horse which can do no great matters by reason of the snow so soon therefore as you shall see me attaque this Court of Guard run on as fast as you can and stop not for any thing you shall meet in your way but make directly to the Gate of the City who thereupon all of one accord see themselves in a posture to charge through Captain Charry then drew near to the Court of Guard which he put to rout and overturn'd upon another Court of Guard and both of them betook themselves to flight which being done he past on forward straight to the Gate of the Town where he found Pedro Antonio already arrived and where they immediately delivered their Ammunition without making any longer stay than whilst Messieurs de Chavigny and Briquemant â—mbrac't Captain Charry entreating him to tell me that since I was at la Cisterne they thought themselves certain to be reliev'd with all things they should stand in need of and that it would be very necessary to send them in some more Ammunition but whilst the Enemy busied themselves about taking th 〈…〉 hers of the Guards that were run away of which a Captain was the next day hang'd Captain Charry and Pedro Antonio with their Peasants taking them in this disorder charg'd them thorough and thorough and came clear away I there lost not so much as one Soldier either French or Italian neither was there any one hurt not so much as Peasant but all arrived safe at la Cisterne it being fair broad day where they found me still upon the Platform I hereupon immediately sent away a dispatch to the Mareschal to entreat him to send me some more powder for bullet and match they had enough already which he also speedily did from Quiers to which place he was remov'd that he might be nearer to me Behold the age a Captain ought to be of to whom you should entrust the execution of a hazardous and sudden enterprize and I can affirm with truth that these hundred years there has not died a braver nor a more prudent Captain for his years than Captain Charry was and am assur'd that Monsieur de Briquemaut will say the same though he be of the Religion of those by whom he was since assassinated at Paris The manner of his death I have nothing to do to meddle withall for the King the Queen and all the Princes of the Court knew it well enough and besides it was so foul an act that I will not blot my Paper with the relation and I am sure very unworthy a Frenchman When I lost him together with Captain Montluc my Son who was slain at the Island of Madera belonging to the King of Portugal it seemed to me that my two arms were lopt offf from my body the one being my right and the other my left He had ever bred up Captain Montluc from the age of twelve or thirteen years and vvherever he vvent had this young boy evermore hung at his Girdle Neither could I have put him to a better Tutor to teach him the trade of War and in truth he had retein'd a great deal of his precept insomuch that I may vvithout shame say although he vvas my Son that had he liv'd he vvould have made a great Soldier daring and discreet but God vvas pleased to dispose otherwise of him I shall therefore leave this discourse vvhich extracts tears from mine eyes to pursue my former subject Monsieur de Briquemant sent me word by Captain Charry that they had no Engineers within nor any one that understood where a Gabion was fifty to be placed with which he desired me to acquaint the Mareschal entreating me moreover to send back to him Captain Charry and my fifty Soldiers whom he
the French Captains came also and the vvhole Farce tended to nothing but laughter for all the company the last that came vvas the Râ—intcroc and his Captains vvho seeing me in this posture laught to that excess that he sobb'd again when pulling him by the arm I said to him What Colonel do you think me to be that Montluc that goes every day dying through the streets No no you are mistaken that fellow 's dead and I am another Montluc sprung up in his room His Interpeter told him what I said which made him laugh still more and Signior Cornelio had already acquainted him with the reason why I had sent for him and that it was necessary by one means or another to disposses the Siennois of their fear Thus then we went all on horseback to the Palace where so soon as we were got up to the top of the stairs we found the great Hall full of Gentlmen and such other Burgers of the City as were of the Council Within the great Hall on the left hand there is a lesser room into which none were to enter but the Captains of the people the twelve Counsellors and the Eight of the Council of War all which are called the Magistracy Thus then I entred into the great Hall where I put off my Hat to them but was known by no body at first they all believing me to be some Gentleman sent by Monsieur de Strozzy into the City to command at the Assault by reason of my great weakness I then entred into the little Hall with all the Colonels and Captains after me who kept at distance by the door whilst I went and sat down by the Captain of the people in the place vvhere those vvho represented the person of the King vvere used to sit as I my self upon that account had often done In going up with my Hat in my hand I smil'd first upon one and then upon another they all vvondring to see me and tvvo had already deliver'd their opinions vvhen I began to speak to them in Italian to this effect Gentlemen I have been told that since the time you have been certain of the truth of the Enemies bringing up Artillery to your walls you have entred into some debates which have rather begot amongst you fear and astonishment than any noble resolution to defend your City and Liberty by Arms. Which I have thought very strange and greaâ—ly wondred at not being able to perswade my self to believe any such thing However in the end I resolv'd with the Colonels and Captains of all the three Nations the King my Master has in this City to come to you to this place and to understand from your own mouths the truth of all that has passed Now I besiech you Gentlemen weigh and consider well what you shall determine in this Council to which you are call'd for upon this Council and the resolution that shall be the issue of it depends all your honor greatness authority and the security of your State your lives and honors and the conservation of your ancient liberty and on the contrary all the shame dishonor and reproach with a perpetual infamy to your posterity and dishonor to your famous Ancestors who have left you for inheritance the Grandeur you now posses and uphold having themselves ever defended and maintain'd it by Battels with their weapons in their hands against all those who have attempted to take it from them And noâ— when you ought to have purchast the occasion that presents it self at the price of half your wealth that therein you might to all Christendom manifest and approve your selves the true legitimate Sons of those Ancient Warlike Romans and of those Noble Ancestors who have so often and so bravely fought to assert and maintaiâ— your liberty is it possible that so great and so generous hearts as those of the Siennois should enter into astonishment for hearing talk of Canon will you be afraid for this I cannot think that this proceeds from you who have given so many and so ample testimonies of your valour neither is it out of any want of friendship to the most Christian King nor out of any distrust you have in him that he will not certainly relieve you neither can it be out of any diffidence you have in one another by reason of any factions in your City for I have never observ'd the least division among you But on the contrary the greatest unanimity for the conservation of your liberty and Republick I have ever seen you resolute to dye with your swords in your hands rather than suffer it to be ravish'd from you I have ever seen all men of all conditions move with the same motion and inspir'd with the same resolution Neither can it be for want of courage for I never saw you sally out to skirmish that some of your young men did not evermore sigualize themselves above our people though much older Souldiers than they who in a longer practice of Arms have perform'd acts worthy to be prais'd and esteem'd of all I cannot then believe that men who do so well should for the noise of Canon which brings more terror than harm enter into astonishment and resolve to surrender themselves slaves to that insolent and insupportable Nation of the Spaniards or your neighbours your ancient and professed enenemies Since then this apprehension cannot proceed from any defect in your selves it must of necessity proceed from me who have the honour to be Lieutenant for the King of France your good Friend and Protector If as to what concerns me you apprehend that I shall want health and vigour to undergo that toil and labour that will be necessary and requir'd at the time when the Enemy shall assault us by reason of the weakness wherein I now am through my great sickness that consideration ought not to beget in you the least distrust arms and legs do not do all The great Captain Antonio de Leva gouty and impotent as he was has won more victories in his chair than any other of our Age has done on horseback God has ever been pleas'd to preserve my judgement to preserve you Have you ever known me fail Was I then stretch'd at ease in bed when the Enemy gave you the great Camisado and Scalado Do but mark I beseech you Gentlemen the great grace God was pleas'd to shew me on a sudden supplying me with as much strength as I had never been sick by which you may perceive that Almighty God loves us and that he will not that either you or we perish I feel my self strong enough now to wear my Arms you shall no more see me swath'd and furr'd up as before If perhaps you do it out of fear of my incapacity or little experience you do therein a great wrong to the King that being as much as to give all the world to understand that His Majesty has hither sent you a man void of all
de Porrieres arriv'd the King sent for him into his Cabinet where after he had read his letters of Credence and his other dispatches finding therein no syllable of this affair and Monsieur de Porrieres making no mention of it neither his Majesty said to him And what Monsieur de Porrieres is Montluc heard of yet he has made a pretty piece of work on 't To which he made answer that he had left me at Rome whereupon the King proceeded and said that he knew that I had lost all the Popes Cavalry and was my self run away Monsieur de Porrieres was very much astonish'd at this news and replied that if this had hapned after his departure it might be so and yet he had been no more than nine dayes in coming His Majesty then made them look how long it was since this news came which they did and found it to be four dayes at which the King said he thought it was only a lye and Banker's news enquiring of Monsieur de Porrieres what piece of folly it was I had committed who thereupon made answer as he has himself told me since Sir I will tell you and I make no doubt but your Majesty will laugh at it at much as we did after which he related to him the whole story and what I had said at my return to the Mareschal de Strozzy Cardinal Caraffa and the Duke of Paliano at which I do assure you I have been told his Majesty laughed very heartily and more than he had been seen to do of a great while before as also did the Constable and all the rest that were present insomuch that I was told the King above eight dayes after seeing Monsieur de Porrieres said to him Well Porrieres has Montluc purchased those places about Paris and never call'd the story to mind but he laughed And as to what I say in my Book that for these hundred years never any man was more fortunate in War than I have been I pray examine and see if you will not acknowledge me to be so in these three occasions which in eight or nine dayes time befell me one after another besides several others you will meet with in this life of mine to have escaped without loss three such dangers which were no little ones A few dayes after the Duke of Alva understood that Monsieur de Guise was coming into Italy to succour the Pope which made him to retire his Camp a little nearer to the sea and afterwards he came and sate down before Ostia The Mareschal then march'd out of Rome with some Ensigns of Italians two of Germans and five or six of French but the Pope would by all means that he should leave him for his defence my Son Marc Anthony and Captain Charry with their Companies The Mareschal went then and encamp'd on this side the Tyâ—er over against Ostia where he entrench'd himself The Duke of Alva before his arrival had made his bridge and erected a Fort above Ostia on the same side where the Mareschal was encamp'd I then sent to him to know if he would have me come to him with five or six Italian and French Ensigns but he would not permit me so to do for fear left the enterprize of Montalsin might not as yet be fully sifted to the bottom And because the said Mareschal with those Italian and French Companies he had with him had not been able to discover the Enemies Fort to see if there was water in the ditch or no he was in the greatest perplexity imaginable for the Duke of Alva was departed from Ostia and retir'd towards the Kingdom of Naples having left only four Italian Ensigns in the Fort and as mâ—ny in Ostia and therefore had caus'd Artillery to come from Rome to batter the said Fort and had sent to intreat the Pope that my Son and Captain Charry might come to him which the Pope also granted to my great misfortune and the ruine of my poor Son who so soon as he and Captain Charry came before the Mareschal he complain'd to them that he had not been able to discover the Fort. The next night it being mâ— Sons turn to mount the Guard he determin'd with himself to effect that wherein 〈◊〉 had faâ—l'd and communicated his design to Captain Charry and the Baron de Begnac who was also at that time upon the Guard He fail'd not accordingly to execute his resolution for the next day seeing the Enemies sally out according to their custom to fetch in Bavins he follow'd them and without fear of the Harquebuze shot puâ—sued them fighting to the very ditch of the Fort where he discovered as exactly and with as much judgement as he had been an old Captain but in his return a cursed shot hit him in the Body notwithstanding which he went upon his own feet to the said Mareschals quarters saying that before he dyed he would give an account of what he had seen The said Mareschal so soon as he arriv'd at his Tent laid him upon his own bed where the poor Boy almost expiring told him what he had seen assuring hâ—m that the ditch was dry whatever he might have been told to the contrary presently after which he gave up the Ghost The Mareschal the next day sent his body to the Cardinal of Armagnac and the Sieur de Lansac to Rome who enterr'd him as honorably â—s he had been the Son of a great Prince The Pope the Cardinals and all the people of Rome exprest great sorrow for his death Had God been pleased to have preserv'd him to me I had made him a great Souldier for besides that he was very stout I ever observ'd in him a discretion above his age Nature had done him a little wrong for he was but little but strong and well knit and as to the rest elâ—quent and desirous to learn If the Mareschal de Cosse be yet living Marc Anthony serv'd under him at Mariamburg and he if he pleases can testifie should any one contradict what I write whether I lye or no and though it does not very well become Fathers to commend their own children yet being he is dead and so many witnesses of the truth of what I deliver I shall I conceive appear excuseable and worthy to be pardon'd Now to execute the command the King had given me in Tuscany I ask'd leave of the Pope to go to Montalsin who after great importunity would permit me but for fifteen days only making me leave my great horses and all my baggage behind which Monsieur de Strozzy was fain to send out after me saying they were his own and by his own servants The Cardinal of Armagnac also sent me out my Sumpter Mules cover'd with his own Sumpter-cloths pretending to send them to the house of another Cardinal where he us'd to stay sometimes twelve or fifteen days together by which means I got all my things out of Rome During the
the husâ—ing answers Don Arbro sent me in very high disdain and to mend the matter had almost every day news brought me that he almost starv'd his Prisoners to death whilst I on the contrary treated his exceedingly well In this indignation I resolv'd upon an Enterprize which was to go and give a Scalado to Piance for I had been advertiz'd that the King of Spain had given Sienna to the Duke of Florence together with the other places he held in Tuscany and that the said Duke was sending three Companies of Foot and a Troop of Horse to Piance I very well foresaw that after he had once taken possession there we could not possibly recover it without breaking with the Duke of Florence which I would by no means do that the Duke of Guise might not be necessitated to weaken his Camp to relieve me and moreover I had ever been upon very good terms with the Duke of Florence without creating any thing of a Quarrel In affairs of this tickle nature we must go warily and discreetly to work for a little thing will serve to break the Alliance of Princes which once broken is not so easily piec'd again and several rash young people have by their indiscretion set their Princes together by the ears contrary to their own desire Captain Faâ—stin de Peyrouse who had been in Piance had told me that there was a hole in the wall on that side toward Montalsin by which the filth of the Town was evacuated and that in this place where there were two walls the outer wall was above the reach of a Ladder and that within some fourteen or fifteen staves high and that so soon as one should be past thorough the hole which must be upon his belly and in the dirt he should find himself betwixt these two walls Upon this information I had caus'd a Ladder to be made of the height requir'd for the inner wall but it was so very weak and slender that it might pass thorough this hole that a man could very uneasily support himself upon it In this part of the wall there was a Bastion at the corner of the Town that Don Arbro had caus'd to be perfected which was of a sufficient height and betwixt the hole and the Bastion was a gate the enemy had wall'd up with brick and clay only not caring to make it of better matter forasmuch as they had cast up a Rampier of earth within I order'd that Captain Blacon with his own Company and another of Italians that I had caus'd to come from Grossette and the Baron de Clermont my Nephew with my Company and about twenty Launces of that of the Count de Petillano together with thirty or forty Gentlemen of Sienna should go put themselves betwixt Piance and Monte-Pulsiano to fight the Duke of Florence his people who came to take possession of the Town I had also caus'd three hundred men to come from Chusi that the Duke of Somme had sent me who was return'd from the Duke of Guise his Camp upon some words that had past betwixt Cardinal Carassa and him and those were to storm by a corner of the Town on that side by which they came Captain Bartolomeo de ' Pesero was to fall on by the Gate that on his side look'd towards Montizel which the Enemy kept open for their going in and out and to which they were to set fire if they could and I with the Laddeâ—s was to assault the Bastion the ditches of which were not yet made The top of the Gate that was wall'd up flanck'd the Bastion and I had with me the two Companies of Abanson and Andre Casteaux that is to say the half of each for the rest I had left at Montalsin and the half of that of Captain Lussâ—n who lying at Castetlotie and by that means having the furthest to march had so heaâ—ed himself with his diligence that he fell so extreamly sick by the way as constrain'd him to stay at the little Hospital but he sent me his Son who was his Lieutenant and five or six days after dyed of that sickness he sent me also the half of Captain Charry's Company whom to his great grief I had left behind me in Mentalsin I having no body also to leave there Signior Mariâ—ul being gone to Rome and the Prior his Brother upon some business of his own to their own house To be short I might have on my side four hundred men in all three hundred that came from Chusi and an hundred men that Captain Bartolomeo had which was all the Forces I had at this assault We had altogether concluded that the Duke of Somma's Italians should be of the party who also himself very much desir'd to be there But I would not send for him forasmuch as Chusi of which he was Governor was a place of very great importance and should I chance to be kill'd I would not that the Garrisons should be left without some good Chief to provide for their defence till Monsieur de Guise could send some sufficient person to command the Countrey We must provide for all adventures as well in case we be beaten as if we overcome by which means in going to execute an Enterprize we shall do nothing unadvisedly and for which we may reasonably be condemn'd We had appointed to be every one of us two hours before day at the place where he was to fall on where those of the Duke of Somma and Captain Bartolomeo were to fall on first to the end they might divert the Enemies Forces from that side by which I was to attaque the place that side I was to undertake being by much the strongest by reason of the Bastion and the Flankers over the Gate the wall where the hole was making a part of the corner I gave the charge of carrying the Ladder to the Gentlemen of my Train who were paid by the King entreating them to enter the hole those were Captain Trappe who is now with the Admiral Ausillons Nephews to my late Wife Captain Cosseâ—l who now carries my Ensign Captain la Motte Castet Sagret Captain Bidonnet Captain Bourg who is yet living and has a foot Company and two or three others and after them twenty Italians that Captain Fauâ—tin de Peyrouse the same who had been broken at the going out of Piance had brought with him all chosen men who were to mount the Ladder after mine should be gotten up The said Captain and another of his own Company were first to pass thorough the hole and draw in the Ladder because they knevv the place vvhich none of my people did I arriv'd then vvithin a quarter of a mile of the Tovvn vvhere I made a halt vvhilst the Baron de Clermont and Blacon march'd forvvards and vvent to plant themselves about a mile from the Tovvn upon a road that leads tovvards Monte-Pulsiano and vvhen I had staid about an hour vvithout longer expecting vvhen the Italians
mischiefs it has since produc'd which rightly to comprehend let us consider the happiness wherewith God was pleas'd to bless this Kingdom in giving it â—o brave and magnanimous a King his Kingdom rich and his people so affectionately obedient that they would deny him nothing to assist him in his Conquests together with so many great and brave Captains most of which had been yet alive had they not devour'd one another in these late civil Wars Oh had this good King but liv'd or this unlucky peace never been made he would have sent the Lutherans packing into Germany with a vengeance As to the rest our good Master had four Sons all Princes of great hope and singular expectation and such as from whom his Majesty in his declining years might expect the repose and comfort of his old Age and consider them â— proper instruments for the execution of his high and generous designs The other Kings his neighbours could not boast of this for the King of Spain had one Son only of which never any one conceiv'd any great hopes and he prov'd accordingly the Kingdom of England was in the Government of a Woman the Kingdom of Scotland neighbour to â—â— stood for us and was ours France having a Dolphin King by all which any one may judge that had not this unlucky peace been concluded the Father or his Sons had sway'd all Europe Piedmont the Nursery of brave men had been ours by which we had a door into Italy and perhaps a good step into it and we had seen all things turn'd topsie â—urvy Then those who have so brav'd and harassed this Kingdom durst not have shew'd their heads have stirr'd nor so much as projected or thought of what they have executed since But 't is done and past without any possible remedy and nothing remains to us but sorrow and affliction for the loss of so good and so valiant a King and to me of so gracious and liberal a Master with the mishaps that have since befallen this miserable Kingdom well may we call it so in comparison of what it was before when we stil'd it the most great and opulent Kingdom in Arms good Captains the obedience of the people and in riches that was in the whole world After this unhappy and unfortunate peace the King retir'd himself to Beauvais but Monsieur de Guise still remain'd in the Camp to dismiss the Army Before his Majesties departure I surrendred up the Commission he had made me to accept by force Neither ought it to appear strange that I disputed it so long before I would take that employment upon me for I doubted well that would befal me which afterwards did which was to incur the perpetual disgrace of the House of Montmorency more than that of Chastillon which was more nearly concern'd in the affair than the other But there is no remedy a man cannot live in this world without contracting some Enemies unless he were a God I accompanied Monsieur de Guise as far as Beauvais and from thence retir'd to Paris he having first promis'd to obtain me leave to go into Gascony and moreover to cause money to be given me to defray my journey thither for he knew very well I had not one peny Both which I am confident he would have perform'd but so soon as he came to Beauvais he found a new face of affairs others having slept in betwixt him and home and undermined him in his credit with the King Thus goes the world but it was a very sudden change and much wondred at by those who had follow'd him in the Conquests he had made he having repair'd all the disasters of others and manifested to the King of Spain that neither the loss of the Battel of S. Quintine nor that of Graveline had reduc'd the King to such a condition but that he had yet one or two Armies stronger than those having as to the rest taken almost impregnable places But let them deal it out These are things that very often fall out in the Courts of Princes and I wonder not that I have had my share since far greater than I have run the same fortune and will do for the time to come Now the King of Navarre had been driving on some enterprize or another in Bisâ—ay which in the end prov'd double and entreated the King to give me leave to go along with him for that he was resolv'd to execute it in his own person having an opinion that Monsieur de Bâ—ry had fail'd through his own default and so I went along with him without any other advantages from Court than bare promises only and the good will of the King my Master but he was diverâ—ed from his liberalities both to me and to others who deserv'd it as well and perhaps better than I. We went then to Bayonne where we found that he who was entrusted to carry on this affair and whose name was Gamure plaid double and intended to have caused the King of Navarre himself to be taken whereupon he sent back Monsieur de Duras with the Legionnaries and also the Bearnois he had caus'd to advance thither in order to his design I had brought with me three force and five Gentlemen all arm'd and bravely mounted who were come thither for the love they bore to me and being return'd home to my own house within a very few days after came the gift the King had been pleas'd to give me of the Company of Gens d' armes become vacant by the death of Monsieur de la Guiche wherein his Majesty had no little to do to be as good as his word and to disengage himself from the several Traverses and obstacles my Enemies strew'd in his way to hinder me from having that command nevertheless the King carried it against them all more by anger than otherwise he being in the end constrained to tell them that he had made me a promise of the first vacancy and would be as good as his word and that therefore no man was to speak a word more to the contrary I made my first muster at Beaumont de Loumaigne one la Peyrie being Muster-Master At this time those unhappy Marriages were solemniz'd and those unfortunate Triumphs and Tiltings held at Court The joy whereof was very short and lasted but a very little space the death of the King ensuing upon it running against that accursed Montgomery who I would to God had never been born for his whole life was nothing but mischief and he made as miserable an end Being one day at Nerac the King of Nâ—varre shew'd me a Letter that Monsieur de Guise had writ him wherein he gave him notice of the days of Tilting in which the King himself was to be in person his Majesty with the Dukes de Guise de Ferrara and de Nemours being Challengers I shall never forget a word I said to the King of Navarre which also I had often heard spoken before
and his Crown and yet some have not been asham'd to accuse me of polling from the Kings Treasury and of imposing taxes upon the Country to enrich my self God and the truth are on my side and the testimony of the Estates of Guienne who will make it known to all those who have made all these false reports of me to their Majesties that I have never done any such thing But letting this alone I will return to the Justice Monsieur de Burie and I did with our vertuous Commissioners Compain and Gerard who remain'd a long time without appearing in any place or it being so much as known where they were Which made me solicite Monsieur de Burie to let us speedily fall to our business and that since our Commissioners did not come we would make use of the Counsellors of Agen. Yet still we linger'd away the time in delays whilst I had intelligence daily brought me that the Hugonots continued their damnable Conspiracies There was at this time a Lieutenant of the Tribunal of Condom call'd du Franc a very honest man and a good servant of the Kings who was once half in mind to have gone over to this new Religion for he was not the Son of a good Mother that was not one of them this man was one day call'd to a Council in which there were some persons of very great quality and where he heard an accursed and execrable Proposition which being once propos'd he durst not when it came to his turn to deliver his opinion say 〈◊〉 than the rest had done fearing should he contradict it they would put him 〈…〉 lest he should discover their Council and was therefore constrain'd to go thorouâ—◠〈◊〉 as the rest had done I shall not say where this Council was kept much less name th◠〈◊〉 who were present at it for the Council and the Proposition signifie nothing now and there were some in the Company who are since become very honest men He sent to 〈…〉 that he might have some private conference with me betwixt Sampâ—y and Condâ—â— and appointed an hour I took no more company with me but one Footman only and he another for so we had agreed and we met in a meadow that lay under the Hâ—use of Monsieur de Sainctorens where he told me all that had been said in the Council and what had there been concluded which was such a Conspiracy as so God shall help me made my hair stand an end to hear it After he had ended his story he made me the Remonstrance of an honest man telling me that now an occasion presented it self wherein I might acquire honor to my self and those who should descend from me for ever which was with a couragious and magnanimous heart to take arms and to expose my life to all dangers for the safeguard of those poor children who were the sons of so good a King and as yet in no better an age to defend themselves that if they were in their cradles and that God would assist me seeing me take arms to protect the innocent and those who were no way able to defend themselves To this this good man added so many and so powerful Remonstrances that as I shall be sav'd the tears came into my eyes entreating me withal not to discover him for if I should he was a dead man He told me further that as to what concern'd my self they had consulted about me and determin'd to surprize me in one place or another and that if they could get me into their hands they would deal worse by me than they had done by Monsieur de Fumel Nothing of all their Conspiracies was conceal'd from the said Lieutenant because they thought him sure of their side so dexterously did he behave himself amongst them but he afterwards shew'd them the contrary several times exposing his life in the City of Condom with his Sword in his hand in defence of the Kings Authority But however it came to pass he was afterward either by poyson or some other violent means dispatch'd out of the world for this very business I thought he had never discover'd himself but to me only but I found that he had told the same thing to Monsieur de Gondrin who was a very intimate friend of his and to Monsieur de Maillac Receiver of Guienne for they were both as it were Brothers For my part I never open'd my lips concerning it to any one living but to the Queen at Tholouze by the chimney of her Chamber at which her Majesty was very much astonish'd as she had very good reason to be for more horried and Diabolical designs were never heard of and yet very great persons were of the Conspiracy Having heard all these abominable designs I retir'd to my own house at Sampoy where I concluded with my self to lay aside all manner of fear resolving to sell my skin as deaâ— as I could as knowing very well that if I once fell into their hands and was left to their mercy the greatest piece of my body would be no bigger than my little finger Moreover determining to execute all the cruelty I could and especially against those who spoke against the Royal Majesty for I saw very well that gentle ways would never reclaim those canker'd and inveâ—erate Rascals Monsieur de Burie departed from Bourdeaux sending me word of the day he intended to be at Clairac that we might there together resolve where we ought to begin our Circuit He sent me also Letters the Commissioners had writ to him wherein they appointed us to come to Cahors there to begin against the Catholicks in answer to which I writ to him back again that he should well consider the Patent and that there he wâ—uld find the Queen had commanded us to go and begin at Fumel The Letters of these two honorable Gentlemen were of so audacious and impudent a stile as that by them they gave us to understand that they were the principal Commissioners and that we had no authority saving to justifie their proceedings and to be assisting in the execution of their Decrees Now there was a Village two Leagues from Estillac call'd S. Mezard the greatest part whereof belong'd to the Sieur de Rouillac a Gentleman of eight or ten thousand Livers a year Four or five days before I came thither the Hugonots his Tenants were risen up against him because he offer'd to hinder them from breaking open the Church and taking away the Chalices and kept him four and twenty hours besieg'd in his own house so that had it not been for a Brother of his call'd Monsieur de S. Aignan and some other Gentlemen his neighbours who came in to his relief they had certainly cut his throat as also those of Ostfort would have done to the Sieurs de Cuq and de la Montjoye so that already there began to be open War against the Gentry I privately got two Hangmen which they have since
prepare his party without giving any notice to those of the Town in all haste to be gone so that in the close of the Evening they began to quit the Barricadoes they had made at the corners of the streets and to steal away which our Captains perceiving began to charge them from street to street but they were hindred by the night from seeing their issue out of the Gates so that in rout and confusion they recover'd the Vines and got away but lost five of their Ensigus Now we had concluded to fight after this manner to wit that Messieurs de Terride and de Gondrin should march on without staying in the Town taking my Company and the Gentlemen Volunteers along with them and plant themselves before the Gates the Enemy were possessed of without the City and that I should alight and with Monsieur de Terâ—es his Company whom I would also cause to alight our own foot and those of the Town â—o fight on foot resolving to enter and fight by day In the morning as we began to march an hour before day there came to us a Capitoul of Tholouse called Maistre Dourdes who brought me a letter from the President and Monsieur de Bellegarde wherein they sent me word of the departure and slight of the Enemy for which I was very sorry for had they staid my coming not a Rascal of them all should have escapt and God knows whâ—ther I had not a mind to have made clean work and if I would have spared ever a mothers son Those who were come from Foix return'd towards their said Country of Foix in route and disorder for the very Peasants kill'd a great many of them and the rest â—led every one to the place from whence they came Thus was the City reliev'd where the fight â—ountiâ—ued for three days and three nights together during which above fifty houses were burnt one after another and many people on both sides slain and amongst others two Brothers of Monsieur de Saüignac de Comenge At our â—rrival we went and alighted before the Palace all arm'd as we were my Ensign and Guidon displayd and indeed for a hundred and fifty or two hundred Gentlemen there might be of us together with my Company it was a handsome appearance and a very fine sight We found all the Court assembled and any one may judge whether or no we were welcome I there in a short speech told them That although I was not the Kings Lieutenant nevertheless the service I had of old devoted to their City and particularly to that honourable Assembly was the cause that after the advertisements I had received of the danger they were in I had gathered together all the friends I could for the conservation of their City the second of France and had my self immediately come away in pâ—rson â—o their rescue but Gentlemen said I in the long time that I have born arms I have learnt that in affaiâ—s of this nature 't is better to keep without and send in continual succours knowing that such a rabble were not likely so soon to force your City who had they staid my coming should have been as well handled as ever rascals were It now remains that since God has been pleased to deliver you you do your parts and make your Cantons stink with the Carcasses of these accursed Traytors to God their King and their Counâ—â—y So soon as I had done speaking the President Mansencal made me a very honorable Remonstrance concluding with great thanks both to me and to all the Gentlemen The Capitouls thâ—n accâ—mmodated us with very handsome Lodgings and at the very same instant began to fall in hand with those of the Mutineers who remain'd in the Town and who had been taken at their going ouâ— and the next day proceeded to execution where I saw more heads â—ly than ever in one day before I in the mean time was elsewhere sufficiently employd for it fail'd but liâ—tle that the City was not sackt by our own people so asmuch as so soon as ever the neighbouring Inhabitants heard that the City was reliev'd they all came running both Peasants and others to the spoil neither would they be satisfied with plundering the houses of the Hugonots only but began to fall on upon those of the Catholicks also insomuch that the very house of President Paulo himself had like to have been sackt through a rumour that within it there was a Student a Kinsman of his who was a Hugonot though nevertheless there was no such person found so that I was forc't to run thither and to remedy the disorder to cause Monsieur de Termes his Company and my own to mount to horse the half of which continually from six hours to six hours marcht arm'd and mounted by six and six together up and down the streets of the City The third day I had word brought me that Monsieur de St. Paul of the County of Foix was upon arrival being come from the said Foix with three or four thousand men and Monsieur de Lamezan of Comenge with seven or eight hundred more who had they entred it had been impossible both for me and all the rest of us who were within to have saved the City from being sackt to prevent which I sent in all haste to the Capitoâ—ls to shut their Gates and all night long we kept continually on horse-back in the streets and had the foot Companies upon Guard at the Gates together with the whole City in arms after the same manner as before when they had been in continual fight All this while Captain Charry and Monsieur de Terrides Company never stirred from the two Villages betwixt Fronton and Tholouze Monsieur de St. Paul quarter'd himself and his people in the Suburbs and Monsieur de Lamezan also very much displeased that they might not be permitted to enter the City threatning that another time they would not come to relieve them though their relief now did more harm then good considering that they came not when they ought to have come The next day I sent out Monsieur de Bellegarde to tell them that they did but lose time in staying there for they should not enter whereupon Monsieur de St. Paul return'd with his people and Monsieur de Lamezan sent away his entring himself and his servants only After this the Capitouls and I concluded together to drive out all those who were come in from the neighbouring places and accordingly with the Trumpets of the City and our Drums Proclamation was made for all strangers to depart so that in the end we were absolute Masters of the City Nevertheless it was not possible so to govern our own people but that there was still some disorder which made me send all the horse and foot out of the City surrendring the whole power into the hands of the Magistrates I gave a Company to Captain Masses the younger to remain in the
Town and to Monsieur de Grepiâ—t Son to President Mansencal another who already had it almost full and so I cleans'd the City leaving no body in it but the Inhabitants and two Companies of foot Captains my Companions consider I beseech you how narrowly this great and opulent City the second in France escap'd being ruin'd and destroy'd for ever There lives a Gentleman at the Gates of Montauban called Monsieur de la Serre whose house was burnt by the Hugonots who told me that he had been present at a Synod where it was determin'd that could they bring about their Enterprize upon Tholouze they would totally raze it to the ground and take such of the ruins as were of any use to Montaâ—ban to enlarge their own City greater than it was intending to comprehend their Suburbs within the Walls and to draw a River thorough it that turn'd a Mâ—ll belonging to the said Sieur de la Serre that there might be no more memory of Tholouze for ever Besides the testimony of this Gentleman a hundred others have confirm'd the same which must be the discourse of their little Ministers only for the great ones who had the Government of affairs would have been better â—dvis'd than to have destroyed such a City which would have been to gâ—eat a loss both to the King and the whole Kingdom You may then take notice of the great and extraordinary diligence I used beginning from the advertisement I had of the Capitouls promise to the Prince of Conde to put the City into his hands and next the haste I made the Captains to make in compleating their Companies which were not half full to put themselves into the City then the diligence of Monsieur de Bellâ—garde and Captain Masses with his Company and on the other side the diligence wherewith I caus'd notice to be given to Captain Charry and my foresight in sending another Mâ—ssenger after the former to bid Monsieur de Terrides Company cross the River at Borret besides my diligence wherewith I advertiz'd Monsieur de Gondrin and others all which was done in three dayes and three nights Wherefore if you will take notice of this exâ—mple and retein it it will serve you to so good use that you will never lose an hours time and although I have writ in the beginning of my Book and as some may think with vanity enough that my diligences and ready foresights have procur'd me the reputation God has given me in point of a Soldier as great as other men yet it is evidently true in this as well as upon other occasions for had I fail'd but a minute the City had been absolutely lost You ought not then disdain to learn of me who am at this day the oldest Capâ—ain in France and whom God has blest with as many successes as any man whatever of my time but you ought to avoid learning of those who have been continually beaten and have eternally run away where ever they have been engag'd for if you go to school to such Masters you will hardly ever come to be any great Doctors in Arms. If I had stood long considering and consum'd the time in consultations to be satisfied whether before I intermeddled with these affairs I should not first send to Monsieur de Burie who was the Kings Lieutenant I leave you to judge whether or no the Hugonots had not had sâ—fficient leisure wherein to do their work But whenever they heard of me they presently fancied the Hangman at their Breech as also they ordinarily call'd me the Tyrant When ever you shall be in place to do a notable piece of service never stay for a command if the occasion be pressing for in the mean time you lose your opportunity therefore fall back fall edge try your fortune it will afterwards be well interpreted I know there are some who think it strange that the City of Tholouze had so great a respect and kindness for me but should they have other they would degenerate from all good nature for they will confess that I sav'd the City together with their lives and estates and the honor of their wives which without my resolute and speedy succour had all been lost Upon which account I hope they will never be ungrateful to me for the good office I did them upon this occasion and if any one will say that what I did was all for the service of the King I shall answer to that that at that time I had no Employment from his Majesty excepting the command of my own Company of Gens d'armes for Monsieur de Burie was the Kings Lieutenant in Guienne and the Constable in Languedoc Yet shall I not deny but that I was prompted to it out of an honest desire I have ever had to do my King service and that not only out of respect to the obligation I have to my Countreys preservation but also out of a natural affection I have ever had for his Majesties service and moreover out of the love and friendship I have ever born and do still bear to this famous City For the dispair I was in to see it in danger to be ruin'd made me take the pains I did It is not then to be wondred at if this City have an animosity against those of this new Religion for there is not a City in France who has run so great a hazaâ—d as this City has done nor that has ever manifested it self more affectionate to the King and his service or stood sharper brunts to maintain themselves in his Majesties obedience Rouen suffer'd it self to be taken without striking a blow Lyons Bourges and Poictiâ—rs did the same Paris was never reduc'd to that extremity being also another kind of thing than the rest Bourdeaux made no defence at all that being no other than a surprize they would make upon Chasteau Trompette which they also made themselves sure of forasmuch as Monsieur de Duras was at the same time at the Gates of Bourdeaux We may all therefore confess with truth that no City whatever has fought so well and run so great a hazard as this having bravely repuls'd the Hugonots after they had seiz'd of the Magazine and were possest of the gates by which they might introduce succours from Montauban I was then advis'd to go before Montauban but it was more to draw the Souldiers from about Tholouzâ— and out of the City and to live upon the Enemies Country than out of any hopes I had to take it for I knew very well there were a great many men within it that were there assembled for the enterprize of Tholouze I then march'd thither having no more than six Ensigns of Foot which were those of Monsieur de Sainctorens de Bazordan the Baron of Clermont Arne and Charry to which those of Tholouze gave me two pieces of Canon and one Culverine bestowing moreover a civility upon the Souldiers they gave them one pay So soon
times come to it by Sea The King has set but two little value upon it 't is well if he do not one day repent it But provided these fine talking Gentlemen who prate at their ease may have their own arms at liberty they care not for any body else and when one comes to demand of them assistance of money for of every thing else we have but too much they cry let them raise it upon the Country and so the Soldier not being paid is necessitated to plunder and rob and the King's Lieutenant to endure it 'T is all one say they a Country spoiled is not lost O lewd expression and unworthy of a Counsellor of the Kings who has the management of affairs of State He has not the trouble of it nor does he bear the reproach but he who has the charge of the Province and whom the people load with continual exercations Behold then our Guienne thus lost and recover'd and since maintain'd in peace for the good of the people and to my particular and great misfortune for my Son Captain Montluc being no more able to live at rest than his Father seeing himself useless in France as being no Courtier and knowing of no forreign War wherein to employ his arms design'd an Enterprize by Sea to go to make his fortune in Affrick and to this end followed by a brave number of Gentlemen Volunteers for he had above three hundred with him and by a great many of the best Officers and Soldiers he could cull out he embarkt at Bourdeaux in a Fleet of six Men of War as well equipt as Vessels could possibly be I shall not insist upon the design of this unfortunate Expedition wherein he lost his life being slain with a Musket shot in the Island of Maderas going ashore to water and where being the Islanders would not peaceably permit him to refresh his Ships he was constrain'd to have recourse to violence to their loss and ruine but much more to mine who there lost my right hand Had it pleased God to have preserv'd him to me they had not done me those charitable Offices at Court they have since done In short I lost him in the flower of his age and then when I expected he should have been both the prop of mine and the support of his Country which has very much miss't him since I had lost the brave Mark Anthony my eldest Son at the Port of Ostia but this that died at the Maderas was of such value that there is not a Gentleman in Guienne who did not judge he would surpass his Father But I leave it to those who knew him to give an account of his valour and prudence He could not have fail'd of being a good Captain had God been pleased to preserve him but he disposes of us all as seems best to his own wisdom I think this little Montluc that he has left me will endeavour to imitate him both in valour and loyalty to his Prince which all the Montluc's have ever been eminent for and if he prove not such I disclaim him Every one knows and the Queen more than any other that I was never the Author of this unfortunate Voyage and the Admiral knows very well how much I endeavour'd to break the design not that I had a mind to keep him â—dle by the fire but out of the apprehension I had it might occasion a Breach betwixt the two Crowns of France and Spain which though I might perhaps in my own bosom desire to remove the War from our own doors I would also have wisht that some other might have been the occasion of the rupture My sons design was not to break any Truce with the Spaniard but I saw very well that it was impossible but he must do it there either with him or the King of Portugal For to hear these people talk a man would think that the Sea was their own The Admiral lov'd and esteem'd this poor Son of mine but too much having told the King that never a Prince nor Lord in France upon his own single account and without his Majesties assissâ—ance could in so short a time have made ready so great an Equipage And he said true for he won the hearts of all that knew him and that were enamour'd of the practice of arms and I was so wise as to think that fortune was oblig'd to be as favourable to him as she had been to me For an old Soldier as I am I confess I committed a great error that I did not discover the design to some other considering that the Vicount d'Vza and de Pampadour and my young Son were of the party who might have tried their fortune and pursued the Enterprize projected which nevertheless I shall not here discover because the Queen may peradventure another day again set it on foot The End of the Fifth Book THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc MARESCHAL of FRANCE The Sixth Book FOr the space of five years France enjoyed this tranquility and repose with the two Religions that divided the Kingdom nevertheless I still doubted there was some Snake lurking in the grass though for what concern'd the Province of Guyenne I was in no great apprehension for I had evermore an eye to all things sending the Queen notice of every thing I heard with all the fidelity and care wherewith any man living could give an account of his trust The King at this time went a Progress to visit the several Provinces of his Kingdom and being come to Tholouze I went to kiss his Majesties hand who gave me a more honorable reception than I deserv'd The Hugonots faild not upon this occasion to make use of their wonted artifices and practices and made me false fire under hand for openly they durst not do it but I did not much regard their malice The Queen did me the honor to tell me all wherein she manifested the confidence she repos'd in me and I by that very well that she did not love the Hugonots One day being in her Chamber with Messieurs the Cardinalâ— of Bourbon and Guise she repeated to me all her fortune and the perplexity she had been in And amongst other things that the night news was brought her of the loss of the Battel of Dreux for some brave fellow who had not leisure to stay to see what Monsieur de Guise did after the Constable was routed and taken had given her this false Alarm she was all night in Council with the said Cardinals to consult what course she should take to save the King where in the end it was resolv'd that if in the morning the news should be confirm'd she should try to retire into Guienne though the Journey was very long accounting that she should be safer there than in any other part of the Kingdom May God for ever refuse to assist me if hearing this sad story the tears did not start into my eyes saying
many brave Captains only to gain still more favour and esteem with their Majesties to the end they might grant him his demands which came so thick that the King never fill'd him one hand but that at the same time he pâ—t out the other to beg something more And this I dare be bâ—ld to aâ—â—iâ—m that never any King of France conferr'd so many benefits upon any one Gentleman of Guienne as the King had bestowed upon him for he gave him two Bishopricks two Abbies and above a hundred thousand Francs in money at one time and yet notwithstanding he was never content And I will be bold to say another thing that alâ—hough upon this debate all the Captains had concluded to go to Monsieur de Montpensâ—r the Devil a one of them would have gone along with him as they afterwards made it sufficiently appear for no body would follow him when he was with the Monsieur but chose to follow Monsieur de la Vallette who was not half so much a Favourite as he but he was by much a better Soldier Yet will I not say but that the Sieur de Monsâ—les was a very brave Gentleman in his own person but a man ought to take measure of his own abilities to moderate his ambition and to sweat a long while under his arms before he take upon him to play the great Captain and to Lord it in Command After this Consultation held at Gourdon the said Sieur de Monsales being departed from us there came news from the Bishop of Cahors his Uncle who sent us word that the Provençals Camp was come within three or fours leagues of Cahors and that therefore he conjur'd us for the honor of God to come speedily and relieve the City for they expected the Enemy the next morning and before we departed from Souillac there past by one whom I will forbear to name lest should he be yet living it might cause him to be kill'd who brought a Letter from the Queen to Monsieur d' Escars wherein she writ to him to let the bearer pass with all the secrecy he could for that she had sent him to the Provençals Camp to discover what number they might be Monsieur d' Escars thereupon came to acquaint me with the business and carried me to his Lodging and there into a Cabinet where he had conceal'd this man who so soon as I came in to him acquainted me with the Command he had from the Queen telling me that if I would give him a man in whom I durst confide and that was good at the numbring of men he would undertake to shew him all the Army for he himself was not to stand upon computing of men being to play another kind of person but that he would nevertheless order it so that the man I shouâ—d send should view the whole Army at his ease Whereupon I deliver'd a Soldier to him whom I knew I might trust who also was to counterfeit himself a Hugonot and so they went away together Now to return to the advertisement vve had from the Bishop of Cahors upon his Letter we immediately turn'd that vvay to go fight vvith the Enemy Monsieur de la Vallette vvent before vvith his ovvn Company and took Monsieur de Fontenilles along vvith him vvho at that time vvas my Lieutenant vvith the one half of mine I every day expected an ansvver from the King to a request I had made to him to give the one half of my Company to the said Monsieur de Fontenilles and the other half to the Knight my Son believing I should not live long both by reason of the long sickness I had had of vvhich I vvas not yet recover'd and also by reason of the violence vvherevvith I daily forc'd my self to do more than I vvas able Monsieur de la Valette made so long a march to go to discover these people that of tvvo dayes vve could not meet again their horses being almost all unshod He vvas as diligent a Captain as any I ever knevv but by this means he vvas constrain'd to stay a day at Cahors to get his horses nevv shoos for the vvay they had gone vvas so stony as had left half his party barefoot and Monsieur d' Escars having heard that the Enemy took the vvay tovvards Limosin vvould needs go to defend his ovvn Government but he vvas not long before he repented his so doing for the Enemy marcht towards Aciâ—r and Gramat which the said Sieur d' Escars having understood and that they were got before him he return'd back to us in all diligence and we rallied at Gourdon a Town belonging to Monsieur de Saint Supplice I then dispatcht away in all haste to my Son who was advanc'd a great way towards Câ—hâ—rs that he should immediately face about towards us and to Monsieur de la Vallette to advance with all possible speed and not fail to come the next day to Gramat that we might fight that day or however the next morning Monsieur d' Escars and I Monsieur de Gondrin Messieurs le Vâ—compâ—e de Lemivil and du Mâ—sses so soon as ever we had baited immediately departed and marcht straight towards Gramat sending Monsieur du Mâ—sses and the Vicount de Limevil with the Company of Light-horse and the Mareschal de Camp before directly to Gramat when being advanc'd as far as the Gallows of Gramat within betwixt three and four Harquebuz shot of the Town we there made a halt to sâ—ay for Monsieur de la Valâ—ette and his Party in which he had Monsieur de Saint Colombe and the râ—st before-nam'd and also for our Foot I divided our thirty Ensigns into three Regiments although the Chevalier my Son commanded them all of which Monsieur de Lebâ—ron commanded ten and Captain Sendat other ten besides the third ten which was immediately to be commanded by my Son himself Which because the Country thereabout was very barren we were constrain'd to quarter at some distance from one another by which means what by reason of the long way they had to return back as also that the Quarters of the thirty Ensigns were separated and that Monsieur de la Vallette could not come up to Gramat that day we there stayd till it was so late that the Sun was almost going down where still from hour to hour Monsieur du Masses sent continually word that the Enemy still marcht towards the Dordogne and intended to take up their Quarters in certain Villages betwixit Gramat and the Dordogne Monsieur d' Acier very well knew whereabouts we lay insomuch that it was put to the question whether or no they should come to attaque us and their intelligence was so good that they knew how many we were almost to fifty men All his Captains were of opinion that he ought to do it but he shewed them a Letter from the Prince of Condé wheâ—ein the Prince conjur'd him by no means to engage if he couâ—d
not to stir from thence of eight or ten dayes but there to lie in expectation of the return of a Messenger he had sent to the Prince and the Admiral to tell them that he would go no farther and that they all humbly entreated the Prince to come and make Guienne the Scean of the War which they were confidently assur'd they should make their own before the King could draw sufficient Forces together to fight them that to this end they would march before him towards Libourne and would try to carry Bourdeaux for they fear'd nothing but our Horse and therefore it was that they had made choice of those Quarters it being a stony Country and the stones so sharp that they cut like knives insomuch that a horse dares not gallop or indeed almost tread upon them and moreover all the Country and all High-wayes are enclosed with dry stone walls of the height of a man and the lowest as high as a mans girdle under favour of which they made account to enclose all their Harquebuzeers and the Horse in their Rear so that we could not possibly go to fight them without exposing our selves to the mercy of their shot All these things consider'd as also the situation of the place and the number of men made us matuâ—ely to deliberate of the condition we were in and with the best discretion we had to provide against the odds against us and to supply the weakness of our Forces with the best resolutions founded upon the best rules of War Upon which consultation it was in the end agreed that Monsieur d' Escars should send a Gens-d'arme of his an intelligent person to found the Pass of the Dordogne leading to Figeac wherein if the Foaâ—d should prove to be good we should then encamp our selves there and cause our provisions to bâ— brought in to us from the said Figeac for that there we should be out of the stones where the Cavalâ—y could not come to fight and that finding the Foards such as we believ'd they were we might at any time pass over either to â—ight the fiâ—st that should attempt the Foaâ—d from the other side or the last that were to pass we being no more than a little league from one another With this resolution we dispatcht away the said Gens-d'arms to go sound the Foard and the Commissaries to make ready the provisions concluding to depart the day following and not before because we would give the Commissaries time to prepare the provisions and the Gentlemen leasure to sound the Foard The next day about ten of the clock in the morning there arriv'd the Brother of Monsieur de Villagâ—ie who had been no more than six or seven dayes at most in posting too and again frâ—m Court bringing a Letter from the King wherein his Majesty commanded us that whether we had already fought or were upon the point of fighting immediately upon â—ight thereof leaving all things in order or disorder as to the affairs of the place we should march away to Mâ—nsieur de Montpensier We very well understood by the stile that these Letters were of Monsieur de Monsales his contriving forasmuch as he had told us at his coming to call us away that the King and Queen did not care though Guienne was lâ—st provided we fought with the Prince of Condé for he being once defeated all the rest would be recover'd of course at which time I remember there were some who in my presence reproacht him that he talk'd at his â—ase for although his house should be burnt he was very well assur'd the King and Queen would give him three times as much as he could possibly lose and that hitherto it had never been known that ever the King had conferr'd so many benâ—fits upon all the Captains of Guienne put them all together as upon him alone and this was the thing that made us believe he had sent this Letter ready drawn to the King that his Majesty might write to us after that manner For in the Cabinets of Princes such tricks have been usually playd and such extraordinary favours granted with much less difficulty than men of our trade can obtein the leaâ—t justice The above-named Captains who were present at the Consultation are able to testifie what a dispute there was amongst us before we began to march as seeing the apparent loss and ruine of the Country should the Prince transfer the Scean of the War into Guienne as we did confidently believe he would seeing these people refuse to advance any further and also knowing Monsieur d' Acier to be of that opinion and that the Queen of Navarre being with the Prince would eternally solicite him so to do if but to secure her own estate for having once Guienne at her devotion she might very well assure the State of her Son and moreover pretend to a great deal more But after all the disputes that have been concerning that affair I call all the Captains to witness whether I did not propose to obey the Kings pleasure and to march away to Monsieur de Montpensier in what paâ—t soever he might be telling them withal that indeed by reason of my indisposition I could not engage my self in field service in the beginning of a turbulent winter as being altogether useless in an Army but that they might boldly proceed without fearing their houses should be burnt for that with the Gentlemen and the Common people who would be left in the Country I did not doubt to secure them or at least to cut out so much work for the Enemy that they should pay dear for what they got There was then a debate about marching the Infantry all the Captains saying that it was to send them to the slaughter they being no way able to match the Enemies Foot and were therefore generally of opinion that I ought to place them in Garrison towards St. Foy Libourne and Bergerac along the River Dordogne and that in the mean time they should see which way the Enemy would take who should they march into Xaintonge the Chevalier my Son might afterwards go thorough Limousin and joyn himself with the King Thus then I return'd towards Cahors and to Castelnau de Monrartier expecting news of the Enemies march where at the said Castelnau I was surpriz'd with a Dissentery that put my Physitian almost to the end of his lesson and me of my life and seeing there are some who to do me a good office have said that I might have fought the Enemy if I would and others that seeing I would not fight them I ought speedily to have sent away the Forces to Monsieur de Montpensier I have here to a syllable set down the truth of the story from the beginning to the end and all upon the testimony of the Captains who were present excepting those who are since dead and I think they are all saving Monsieur du Masses yet alive so that if there was a fault any
be done but when I came I still found them put me off with so many delayes that I was forc'd to return as wise as I came I think they had a mind to have had me done it at my own expence and that the advantage and the profit should only have accru'd to them and in truth by the offers I made any one might plainly see I was willing to advance something of my own for I defray'd all the Gentlemen that did me the honor to go along with me at my own charge without putting the City to the expence of a Hen. This in truth was the reason why the Enterprize upon Blâ—y was not put into execution I am very sure there was nothing in Guienne could have hindred me from effecting my design At the time when Des Rois besieg'd it I had taken an exact survey of the place and it is no such choak-pear as they make it Besides at that time the Hugonots scarce shew'd their heads and Guienne was quiet enough for all those who were able to bear arms went into the main body to the Admiral who after the death of the Prince of Condé caus'd himself to be declar'd Head of the Faction the Prince serving him only for a shadow It was that nevertheless that so much upheld the said Admiral and his Party for a Prince of the Blood can do much and the Son of the said Prince of Condé though he was very young was a great support to him also for without them and their authority he had never been able to have maintain'd the War so long The End of the Sixth Book THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc MARESCHAL of FRANCE The Seventh Book SEeing I have taken in hand to leave to posterity an account of my life and to give a true relation whether good or bad of all that ever I have done in so many years that I have born arms for the Kings my Masters I am unwilling to omit any thing of action how little and inconsiderable soever and although the last little Victories I gave an account of were neither the Conquests of Naples nor Millan I have not however thought it â—it to leave them wholly out for inconsiderable as they are such may read them as they may be useful to and Captains and Soldiers may begin their Prentice-age with such little feats of arms as those it being by such that they first take Lesson and even those who have the Government of Provinces committed to their charge may by what I have perform'd take exemple of what was well if there be any such thing and avoid the evil I had so â—lipt the wings of the Hugonots that they were capable of doing no great matters in Guienne nor of attempting any other than very slight Enterprizes neither consequently was I in any capacity of performing any notable exploits both because there was not much of that nature in the Province left to do and also by reason I had on the other side sent away most of the Forces to the Monsieurs Army and did reserve all the money for his use I have moreover another reason why I am thus particular in my writing which is to the end that if the King shall vouchsafe the pains to read my Book and I think he reads some worse his Majesty may then see how much they have spoken against the truth who have said that I had now no other care nor meditated on any other thing but how to live quietly and at ease in my own house God knows these people understood me very ill Had I had the means I desir'd and that some might have supply'd me withall and that I might have had my own swing without being curb'd by those perâ—icious Edicts I should have prevented the Hugonots from reigning in Guienne and perhaps have rooted out the whole Race But to pursue the thread of my discourse and give a trâ—e account of what has been the ruine of this poor Province I shall proceed to tell you that some time after the execution of these Enterprizes the Monsieur sent me a Letter containing these words Monsieur de Montluc Monsieur the Mareschal d' Anville has been here and is going into his Government to put some designs he has thâ—re into execution if therefore â—e shall stand in need of any thing in your Government let me entreat you to assist him the best you can This letter was delâ—ver'd to me at St. Foy and with it there came another to Monsieur de Sainctâ—rens wherein he was commanded to come and bring his Company along with him to the Army which was because his Highness had given Monsieur de Fontenilles leave to return home to refresh himself and to recruit his Company his said Highness sending me word not long after that I should keep Monsieur de Fontenilles with me without suffering them to stir out of the Country and that I should have a special regard to Bourdeaux assisting Monsieur de Terride with what I could in order to his Conquest of Bearn and that as to himself he was going down into Poictou This was heavy news to me although I was very glad of the coming of the Mareschal d'Anville and may I perish if I was not really as glad of it as if almost the Monsieur himself had come for I fancied that the Hugonots in Langutdoc and Guienne would not be able to stand two moneths before us The said Mareschal staid some dayes by the way and being arriv'd in Avergne dispatcht a Courrier to me to give me notice he was come and to tell me that he was glad of his Commission to come to make war in those parts as well for the satisfaction he should have in seeing me as out of the hopes he had we should do something to the purpose in these Countries of Languedoc and Guienne and that he was going through Albigeois directly to Tholouze I sent him back his Messenger in all haste desiring him by no means to go that way but that he would come to Rhodes and into Quercy and that I would come to meet him at Cahors for the Court de Montgomery was arriv'd about Castres where he was drawing a Party together so that he could not pass that way but he must be in danger of falling into the midst of the Enemy I had no answer from him till he came to Tholouze from whence he dispatcht a Courrier to me to advertize me of his arrival sending me word that he had past in the very beard of the Enemy but that none of them had presented themselves to oppose his way I was very glad to hear of his safe arrival and in his letter he entreaâ—ed me that we might meet and see one another to the end that being together we might take a good resolution to do the King some signal piece of service and that he would do nothing without my advice I had at that time a dâ—â—luxion fall'n
and moreover do engage such is the hope and confidence I have in his Divine aid that I will secure your Town from the Two Armies of the Enemy for in my life thorough Gods assistance I have done greater miracles than this As therefore you see my Countenance full of resolution to defend you I desire also to see the same in yours that I may know you will accomplish these three things I request at you hands I know there will be some who will grumble at the charge and expence they must necessarily be at but let such consider what will become of them if the Enemy make themselves masters of the Town as doubâ—less they will if you put-not-to you utmost force and endeavour to prevent them What will then becâ—me of your Goods your Estates your Houses and your Wives and Children if they fâ—ll once into their hands who ruine all that they subdue All things will be turn'd topsiâ—-â—urvy 't is for this you fight and also and principally for the honour of Gâ—d and the conservation of your Churches which in the fiâ—st Tâ—ouâ—les were sâ—ratcht only by these people your Enemies but if they enter now will be raz'd and levell'd with the foundations as you see they have done at Condom Since I am with you believe me Gentlemen they will think on'â— thrice before they will come to attaque us and if they come though this City be none of the strongest I will make them know that I know both how to assault and to defend Grant me then this that I request of you which is in your power to do and believe that I will lay down my life for your preservation If you are not resolv'd to employ the wet and the dry that is to say to do what good Citizens ought to do never engage your selves and me too but rather let such as aâ—e afraid retire in good time and let me deal it with the rest who 〈◊〉 ready and willing to die for their Country The Sieuâ—s de Blazimond then and de la Lande speaking for all the Clergy told me in few words That all the Clergy will lay down their lives and fortunes in the common defence would sâ—â—ve me in what ever I would demand of them and every one take arms and be as ready 〈…〉 as the Soldiers themselves The Lawyers promis'd the same after whom the good old man de Nort spake in the behalf of the whole City that they would do the same that the Clergy and those of the Long Robe had engag'd to do nay more for it was not fit for them to be at continual labour but that all those of the City both Rich and Poor Women and Children without exempting any one should put their hands to the work Now before I would suffer Messieurs de Blazimond and de la Lande to speak I entreated them that all those who should answer would speak so loud that every one might hear them which they also did and when all the three Orders had made an end of speaking I strain'd my voice and said Have you all heard what these Gentlemen have propos'd who have spoken in the behalf of the whole City to which they cried out that they had whereupon as I had held up my hand I made them hold up theirs and take the same Oath I had taken which being done I desir'd them every one to withdraw to provide all sorts of Instruments and that I would retire to my Lodging with the principal men of the City to make election of the eight who were to govern over them but being it was already almost night they entreated me that seeing they were all together I would give them leave to make election of the eight that I would please in the mean time to retire to warm my self and to get my Boots off and that the next morning they would bring me a List of their Burgers names of them to make election which eight I should think fit And so I withdrew to my Lodging where after supper there came to me Mâ—ssieurs de Blazimond and de la Lande the good man de Nort and his Sons with so great joy as more could not be exprest telling me that the Merchants who had pack'd up their Merchandize and a good many of them already loaded them in Waggons had unloaded all and that they thought never City was overjoy'd as theirs was and that so much as to the very Women and Children there was no other talk but of fighting knowing the resolution that I had taken to tarry amongst them Companions you who shall take the pains to read my life you may take fair exemples by me This people who were all their wits end and ready to over-run the City immediately at my word only reassum'd such courage that I will be bold to say with truth no man ever after discover'd the least apprehension in them though to say the truth they had no great reason to be so secure the Town being of two great a circuit well to be defended commanded moreover by a Mountain and too Armies ready to fall upon us at once Believe me Companions when I tell you that upon your resolution depends that of all the people who take courage as they see you do And how great a good shall you do besides the honour you acquire to your selves to save a poor City from the Sack so many Families stand eternally oblig'd to you and not only the City it self but the whole Country also for the taking of the Capital City of a Province ordinarily draws after it the loss of a whole Seneschalsie I but you will say a man must then shut himself up in a place where he can acquire honour and where will you have that to be in a Castle of Millan it cannot be there for there it is the strength of the walls that defends you but it must be in a place that you see to be of publick concern let it be never so weak A good heart is a good Fortress I could have stayd at Lectoure and have hearkned how the squares went I had nothing to lose at Agen and could justly have laid all the blame upon the Mareschal who had shoulders broad enough to bear it but this good City being taken I saw all the Country was lost In a time of need and danger therefore shew that you have a heart to drive fear out of others and in so doing you will alwayes appear to be what you are and assure your selves that the Enemy seeing such a man engag'd in a place will think on 't thrice before he will once come to attaque you I have as you may have observ'd before ever had that good fortune the Spaniards Italians Germans and French Hugonots have been afraid either to abide or to attaque me Get then this priviledge over you Enemy as you will do in doing well and giving testimony of a good heart and an undaunted courage Three or four dayes
after I writ to the Gentlemen who had the charge of Lectoure and principally to the Chevalier de Romegas and the Chevalier my Son exhorting them to employ all they had learnt at the Siege of Malta and to do as well as they had done there for that their honour would be without comparison much greater in serving their own Prince and Country than in a forreign Soyl. I also conjuâ—'d every one to obey them considering that there was not a man in the Town that had ever been in a Siege but they two for as for my part I was resolv'd not to stir from Agen but would die in the defence thereof They were very much astonisht when they read my I 〈◊〉 which they communicated to one another and immediately return'd me another back subscrib'd by the Sieurs de Gondrin de Pangas de la Mothe Gondrin de Romegas de Maigâ—as and the Chevalier my Son wherein they writ me word That they did all very much wonder that I would so far forget my self as to engage my person in so weak a Town as Agen and so commanded by Mountains as it was That for certain the Artillery was set out from Navarreins and that the five pieces which were at Noguarol had not stirâ—'d from thence but had stayd for the coming of the rest that therefore they did beg of me to come to Lectoure and that the Chevalier de Româ—gas and my Son would go put themselves into Agen who being young and resolute if they should miscarry the loss would not be so great and that on the other side should I abandon the field all the rest of the Country would be ruin'd and lost I return'd them answer That I gave them many thanks for the admonitions they had given me which though I did acknowledge to be rational and true yet I knew very well also that they gave them out of compassion and fear I should lose my self but that I did assure them before they should hear I was lost the Enemy should have payd very dear for the taking of Agen. That if the Mareschal would come to fight them he would have a good match of it that I was determin'd not to budg from thence but let them do their duty in case the Enemy should sit down before them for as for my part I was resolute to do mine and never to let the Enemy enter but over my belly At the same time there arrived Monsieur de la Bruille Steward of the Mareschal d' Anville's Household whom the said Mareschal sent to me to know if Monsieur de Montferran was come with the thousand Harquebuzeers as I had sent him word and also with what Forces I on my part could assist him I then reckon'd to him that what from Villenufue Lectoure Agen and Florence I could make a thousand Harquebuzeers and the thousand of Monsieur de Montferran shewing him the Letters that the said Sieur de Montferran had sent me from St. Macaire He could not find in his heart to lose so much time as to bait his horses before he return'd to carry back this news to the Mareschal when being just about to take horse to return there came a letter from Monsieur de Montferran dated from Marmande conteining these words Monsieur At this instant I am setting out with my Troops which are a thousand Harquebuzeers and threescore Light-horse and shall this day pass part of my men over the River at Aguillon the rest must stay till to morrow morning but to morrow night they shall all be at Port St. Marie The said de la Bruille took a Copy of the Letter saying to me these words I am going to carry the Marâ—schal the best news can possibly be brought him and assure your self upon my life and honor that so soon as ever I shall be return'd he will begin to march and so ran to his horse At the end of three dayes the Troops being at Port St. Marie and Aguillon I had word sent me from Lectoure that the Mareschal was return'd from Grenade to Tholouze out of despite at the Letter the Gentlemen of Armagnac had written to him which I have made mention of before and that for one clause that was in it which ran thus That in case he should not please to march to come to help to re-establish thâ—m in their houses they should be constrain'd to go apply themselves to the King in their own persons humbly to beg assistance from him This was the ground of all his discontent and he discharg'd his anger upon me accusing me that I had caused the said Letter to be writ I will not deny but that the first draught was read to me as I was mounting to horse but so God help me I could not have repeated six words of it for my affection hurried me away to Agen to take care that the Town should not be forsaken and took horse that very minute it was read to me as I have said before However I leave it to any man of understanding to judg if these words were of such importance that the said Mareschal ought reasonably to have taken such offence at them It was at the King that he took offence and not at us He is the Kings Subject as well as we O! would I have taken pet after this manner how many times have I had occasion given me to quit all I have perhaps been but too passiâ—nate not as to what concern'd my self but for the Country and the People who have missed me since I quitted my Government Now when Monsieur de Montferran who staid with me threâ— dayes at Agen his men in the mean time lying at Port St. Marâ—e heard that the Mareschal was return'd in discontent to Tholouze and that he would hardly be prevail'd upon to come he told me that he would return to Bourdeaux forasmuch as he did not know but that the Princes might turn their designs that way hearing there was no body in it Which he accordingly did as there was good reason by which means I was left naked without hope of being reliev'd by any person whatsoever Thus for tâ—e misconstruction of a word for one insignificant picque the whole Country ran a dangerous fortune You Princes Mareschals and Lieutenants of Provinces who command Armies never sacrifice the publick interest to a private distaste The Mareschal ought to have consider'd that these were Gascons exil'd from their own houses who writ in passion he ought neither to have been offended at me nor them but to have excus'd their sensibility and not for such a trifle to have abandoned the Country Our Proverb says Qui perd le sien perd le sâ—ns I have often askt advice of and been my self assisting to those that I knew had no great kindness for me Never suffer your private picques and particular animosities to endanger the publick concern I have often observ'd some and those no little ones who could have eaten one
withal put me into such a passion that I was once resolv'd not to go but to write to the King to send some other that had formerly serv'd him better than I and that might do his business as Monsieur de Terride had done Nevertheless I at last thought better on 't and determin'd not to do it knowing very well that these Letters proceeded not from his Majesties nature neither from the Queens nor the Monsieurs for they had all three writ to me in the same stile I knew very well that this came from the counsel of my Enemies at Court and that neither the King the Queen nor the Monsieur ever writ so tart Letters as those were to the greatest Enemies they had I shewed them to none but Monsieur de Valence my Brother for fear lest by my Exemple every one should be frighted from their duty for all of them generally of what condition soever very well knew the contrary of what was laid to my charge and that I had done very well with the little money I had left me And then it was that I evidently perceiv'd they intended to lay all the miscarriages that had happen'd in those parts at my door having no friends at Court to take my part or defend me I now see that the greatest Error I committed in my whole life was that I would have no dependance upon any other after the decease of my old Master but the King and the Queen and find that a man in command is much more secure in depending upon a Monsieur a Madam a Cardinal or a Mareschal of France than either upon the King the Queen or the Monsieur for they will evermore disguise affairs to their Majesties as they themselves are enclin'd or think fit and shall certainly be believ'd by them all for they only hear and see with others ears and eyes 'T is an ill thing but it is impossible to help it and he that has done best shall by this means be left behind for which reason if I could return to my former Age I would never care to depend upon the King or the Queen but upon those who are in greatest favour with them for though I should behave my self as ill as a man could do they would cover and conceal my faults seeing that I onely depended upon them for 't is their chiefest good and principal honour to have servants about them whom they may call their Creatures If the King would himself only distribute his benefits he would pair their nails but whoever has a mind to be taken notice of and rewarded let him address himself to Monsieur or Madam for the King gives them all and knows not others but by their report I am sorry I cannot return to my vigorous age for I should better know how to govern my self than I have hitherto done and should no more so much build my hopes upon the King as others that are about him But I am now grown old and cannot be young again and must therefore be content to follow my old humour for should I now go about to take up another I should be to seek at which end to begin 'T is too late for me to mend it may serve others though that I leave behind me but if the King would be truly a King and confer no benefits but at the recommendation of his own judgment oh how many would be dor'd in their designs and frustrated in their expectation I also committed another oversight in not having one of my Sons alwayes about the King they were well enough born to be receiv'd and well enough qualified to win their Majesties esteem But God took from me my Mark Anthony too soon and since Captain Montluc who was slain at the Maderes either of which would quickly have stopt the mouths of those that durst have censur'd or calumniated my Actions Their lyes so far off could do me no harm but were we within a Pikes length one of another old as I am I would make their hearts quake in their bellies Neither did I keep my Sons about me to be idle but to learn my trade for the first follow'd arms wherein he bravely signaliz'd himself and follow'd me in all my Voyages and Expeditions the second had acquir'd so great a reputation in Guienne that it was not my interest to part with him during the War the third since his return from Malta has follow'd me in these late Wars and the youngest also But I shall leave this discourse which puts me into passion to return to the Expedition of Bearn Monsieur de Valence then went to Bordeaux to see if there was any money to be got out the Treasury there from wence he sent me word that not so much as a single Liard was to be had from thence that nevertheless he had prevaâ—â—'â— so far as to take up fourteen thousand Livers which he payd into a certain Commissary that was appointed to attend me and that in ten dayes time he would procure as much more but that I was not in any wise to expect a penny more and that the Receiver had been fain to borrow this Monsieur de Fontenilles went also to Tholouze with my Letter of Attoâ—ney to bind us both to restore and pay back the Ammunitioâ—s in case the King should refuse to do it and upon these terms they lent me a Canon a Culverine and some Ammunition I then dispatcht away Messieurs de Montespan and de Madaillan with a hundred Horse cull'd out of my own Company of Gens-d'armes and that of Monsieur de Gondrin directly to Bayonne to Convoy the Artillery that the Vicount d'Orthe was to send me from thence and sent Monsieur de Gondrin to Noguarol to begin to form the Army and with him Monsieur de Sainctorens to whom I had given the Command of Mareschal de Camp and I my self stayd four or five dayes behind to set forwards the Foot and Horse and to give time to the Commissaries of provisions to go thorough the Provinces to execute the Orders I had given them for the advance of victual for the Army to which end I delay'd the time but six dayes only after which I went in two dayes to Nâ—guarol So soon as I came thither we immediately fell to Counsel to deliberate with what places we should first begin In which Consultation some were of advice that it would be best to begin with St. Sâ—ver others said it would be the best course to march directly to Pau but I was of opinion that I ought in the first place to fall upon Rabasteins and for these reasons First because that beginning with that I should leave the best Country of Gascony open and free behind me from thence to be supply'd with victual for the Army and secondly that Rabasteins being the stâ—ongest Castle the Queen of Navarre had in her possession if I should take it by force which I foresaw I must do as being confident
to raise them I dare be bold to affirm with truth that we were not above a quarter of an hour about this work and so soon as ever the Canon was cover'd Tibauville and the other Canoneers return'd into the Battery where they began to shoot with greater fury than of all the dayes before every clap almost overtaking another every one assisting them with great cheerfulness If Captains you shall do the same and your selves first put your hands to the work you will make every one follow your exemple very shame will push and force them on and when the service is hot in any place if the Chief do not go in person or at least some eminent man the rest will go very lamely on and murmur when a man sends them to slaughter And if you covet honor you must sometimes tempt danger as much as the meanest Soldier under your Command I will deprive no man of his due honor for I think I have assisted at as many Batteries as any man this day alive and must needs say this that I never saw Commissaries of the Artillery more diligent and adventurous than both Fredeville and Tibauville shew'd themselves during the whole five dayes that the Battery continued in my whole life for they themselves both levell'd and fir'd though they had as good Canoneers as ever I saw handle Linstock in my dayes and I dare be bold to say that of a thousand Canon shot we made against this place not ten fail'd of their effect or were spent in vain In the morning I sent for Monsieur de Gohas who was at Vic-Bigorre and the Captains who were set to have an eye to Montamat and the Succours expected by him writing to him to come away that he might be with me at the Assault by reason that Captain Paulliac Colonel of the Infantry was so dangerously wounded that we had no hopes of his life He receiv'd his shot at the time when I went over-night to carry Messieurs de Leberon and de Montaut to cut off the great Counterscarp which shot went quite through his Body My Son Fabian was also shot in the chin and two Soldiers close by my side I there committed a very great error for I went in the evening before it was dark and I believe they were aware that we intended to cut the Counterscarp for all their Harquebuzeers were run together to that place and the reason why I committed this error was that having computed with my self how many hours the night was long I found that it was not above seven hours or thereabouts and on the other side I saw that in half an hour I should lose all that I had done if the Counterscarp was not pulled down by break of day and in that case I should think fit to give an assault that day they would be so strongly rampir'd and fortified that with as many more Canon shot as I had made against the place it would be a matter of very great difficulty to enter This was the reason why I made so much haste to go and begin the work that I might have it perfected by break of day where I recommended the care of it to Messieurs de Lâ—beron and de Montaut and the two Captains upon the Guard by telling them that in their diligence our victory wholly consisted And in truth they slept not as I have already said for by break of day the Artillery began to play and the Counterscarp was wholly pulled down O Camrades you who shall go to besiege places you cannot but confess that both here and in several other places my Enterprizes and Victories have succeeded more from my vigilancy and prompt execution than my valour and I on my part am willing to confess that there was in the Camp braver men than I. But no one can be a Coward that has these three things for from these three all the Combats and Victories proceed and all valiant men choose to follow Captains that are provided with these three qualities And on the other side he cannot be call'd hardy let his heart be never so good if he be tardy backward and slow in execution for before he has fixt his resolution he has been so long deliberating about it that the Enemy is advertiz'd of what he intends to do and consequently is provided to prevent his design but if he be quick he shall even surprize himself So that there is no great confidence to be repos'd in a Chief that is not â—ndu'd with these three qualities vigilancy promptitude and valour If a man examine all the great Warriours that have ever been he will find that they had all those qualities Alexander did not in vain bear the Device I have mentioned before Examine Caesar's Commentaries and all the Authors that have writ of him you will find that in his life he fought two and fifty Battels without ever losing any saving that of Dirachium but within thirty dayes he had a sufficient revenge against Pompey for he won a great Battel and defeated him You will not find that in these two and fifty Battels he ever fought three times in his own person that is with his own hand though he was alwayes present there by which you will understand that all his Victories were the effects of his conduct for being diligent vigilant and a prompt executer of his designs But for all this these qualities are rarely found and I believe we Gascons are better provided of them than any other people of France or perhaps of Europe and many good and great Captains have gone out of it within these fifty years I shall not compare my self to them but this I will say of my self because it is true that my Master never lost any thing by my sloth or remissness The Enemy thought me a league off when I came to beat up his Quarters And if diligence be requir'd in all exploits of war it is much more in a Siege for a very little thing will serve to overthrow a great design If you press your Enemy you redouble his fear he will not know where he is nor have leisure to recollect himself Be sure to wake whilst others sleep and never leave your Enemy without something to do I shall now return to the Assault our Order being set down I went and placed my self at the Gate of the Town near unto the Breach where I had all the Gentlemen with me of which there might be six or seven score and still more came up to us for Monsieur de la Chappelle Lauzieres who came from Querâ—y brought a great Troop of Gentlemen along with him I shall here relate one thing of my own presage which is perfectly true That it was impossible for all the friends I had to dispossess me of an opinion I had that I should in this Assault be kill'd or wounded by a shot in some part of my head and out of that conceipt was once half in a
set down but I leave those to the Historians who are able to give a better account of them than I and will now present your Majesty with some of my own Kâ—ng Francis your Grandfather laid Siege to Pavie where I was he found within it Aâ—tonio de Levâ— a Spaniard and a man that by a long practice in arms had gain'd as great expâ—rience as any other Captain that has been these hundred years He had within but three Ensigns of Italians and three thousand German Foot His Majesty hâ—ld him above seven months beâ—ieg'd in which time he had given several assaulâ—s though the place was not very strong but this Captain by his industrie and valour supply'd all other deâ—â—â—â—s and defended it so long that he gave Monsieur de Bourbon time to go fetch relief 〈◊〉 of Germâ—ny and come and sight a Battel with the King which he won and took the King prisoner and had the said Sieur de Bourbon in the heat of this victory turn'd his Forces towards France I know not how matters would have gone and all these successes beâ—el the Emperor for havâ—ng made choice of this old Warriour who put a stop to our Kings fortune Of recent memory the valiant Duke of Guise put a shameful baffle upon the Emperor Charles at Metz whom he constrain'd ignominiously to raise his Siege whereupâ—n his grâ—at Army vanâ—sht into nothing through the sole virtue of the Chief that oppos'd him And again in these late Commotions his Son the Duke of Guise that nâ—w is has preserv'd Poictieres a great City without a Fortress which had it been taken by the Admiral he had commanded all Poictau and Xaintonge to the very Gates of Bordeaâ—â— wherein the virtue of this young Prince very much reliev'd your Majesties affairs and was signally serviceable to the whole Kingdom In like manner your Majestiâ—s Victory at Moncontoâ—r was demurr'd by the choice your Enemies made of Captain Pilles left in St. Iean where the valour of this Chief who very well understood how to defend his Post set the Plugonot affairs again on foot who by that means had leisure to steal away and to come to fall upon us in Guienne I have been told that he was well assisted by a Captain a very brave Soldier call'd la Mote Puiols but had they let me alone at the Battel of Vâ—r I had taken order with him for ever making war against you more for I had my sword at his throat when some body I know not who pull'd him away from me and sav'd him If the Admiral was upon his confession he would not dâ—ny but that my sole person hindred him from attacquing Agen which is no tenable place doubt not then Sir but that the valour of one single man is able to give a stop to a torrent of success Your Kingdom is the best peopled of any Kingdom in the world and you are rich in great and faithful Captains if you please to employ them and not take in such as are incapable of command Charles the Emperor as I have oft been told made his boasts that he had better Commanders than the late King Francis and in truth he had very good ones but ours were nothing inferior to them You have choice enough Sir to put into your Frontier places Do but consider of how great moment was the loss of Fontarabie through the little experience of Captain Franget and how dear the loss of Bullen cost your Father through the little experience of the Siâ—ur de Vervins who was Governor there And on the contrary you may Sir please to remember for I am certain you have heard it what honour and advantage acâ—râ—'d from the election your Royal Father my good Master made of that old Cavalier Monsieur de Sansac who so long sustein'd the Siege at Miranda and the choice he was pleased to make of my poor person for the defence of Sienna which was honourable to the French name The security of a place Sir depends upon the Chief who may make every one to fight so much as the very Children which will make an Enemy very unwilling to attacque him Behold then Sir how much it imports your State your People and your own Honour for it will evermore be said and recorded to posterity that it was Charles the Ninth who lost such and such a place from which Fame God defend you It shall live in history for ever and all the good and evil that befals you in your Reign shall be recorded and the evil rather than the good Be then Sir circumspect and consider of it thrice before you deliver to any one the defence of a place and do not think it sufficient that the man is valiant he must also be a man of experience As to what concerns a Captain of Gens-d'arms you make no more of creating him at the request of the first that recommends him to you than you would do of a Searjeant of the Chasteler of Paris who afterwards coming to be present at a Battel you shall give him such a Post to make good where the poor man not knowing how to take his advantage either through want of courage or conduct shall make you lose this Post and by that means not only encourage the Enemy to save the day but shall moreover discourage your own people for four running Cowards are sufficient to draw all the rest after them even the Leaders themselves And although they be bâ—ave enough in their own persons and would maâ—e head yet if they know not how to command nor understand which way to play the â—â—st of their Game all will run into confusion for that it at that moment depends whâ—lly upon him and not upon the General who cannot have his eye in all places at once and in the noise and confusion of a Battel it is impossible he should provide for all things â—e then who has the Charge of a Post or the Command of a Wing if he want experience and have never before been engag'd in such affairs how is it possible to be expected that he should either command or execute And here 's a Battel lost and your own pâ—rsâ—n if you are there either kill'd or taken for I have never heard of any King of France that ever ran away Neither is any better to be expected in any other Enterprize that shall be committed to the execution of such a man Take heed then Sir to whom you give your Companies of Gens-d'arms 't is â—it that the young ones should be Apprentiâ—â—s and lâ—arn of the old I know very well that Princes are to be excepted from this Rule who have ordinarily brave Lieutenants who in effect are the Chiefs for the said young Princes in their own persons are not usually there Your Majestie has also Mareschaux de Camp and Camp-Masters both of Horse and Foot both of them employments of great importance for they are to discover
same stile make afterwards no great account of the favour If my Lords you shall not please to do as I advise you see what will follow When the Captain sees that you make no account of him nor have him not in your remembrance he will think you are satisfied with the fortune God has already bestowed upon you and that therefore he is no more to hope that you shall have any ambition to be greater than you are but that every man must think of retiring to his own house without caring any more for Arms. And after a Soldier let him have never so little a Competencie to live upon has once begun to rellish the pleasure of his own House his Wife his Hawks or his Hounds and that he is once suffer'd to take that bent it is a very hard matter to draw him out of the Chimney-corner to go again to the Wars and to perswade him to forsake his soft and warm feathers to lye abroad upon the hard and cold Turf and if you get him out with much ado it will be with a very ill will and he will be alwaies hankering homewards to see his Wife and Children He shall never hear the report of a Musket but like a Frank-Archer he will think himself slain In all these things custome is all Canon and Harquebuze-shot astonish such as are not used to them but after a man has once or twice heard them rattle about his ears he cares not so much There is nothing so prejudicial to War as to let Soldiers and Officers lye idle and rust Hang up your Headpiece or your Cuirasse against a wall and in a little space iâ— will be all rust and cobwebs it is the same with men of war if they be suffer'd to lye still and do nothing Wherefore your Highness ought to have a special care of this for keeping your Captains waking with your Letters and some little benefits from the King you will hold every one in expectation and ready to march so soon as his Majesties Summons or your Command shall be brought to them To this end give your Secretaries order to put you in mind for otherwise the Ladies or the delights of the Court will put it out of your head You are young and 't is sit you should taste the pleasures of the world it is but reasonable you should know what they are we have done it before you and those who are to follow after will do the same But go soberly to work By this Alarm you shall give your Soldiers with your Letters you will discover to all the world that you will not forget the facultie that God has given you nor suffer your Talent to lye idle and every one who has an inclination to arms will resolve to attend you to the utmost stretch of your fortune You will make it appear that since God has alreay laid his hand upon your shoulder you will trie if he will not lay it upon your head also you ought to have an opinion that he will be pleased to do it and to take the verse in the Psalm for your Motto Coelum Coeli Domino Terram autem dedit filâ—is hominum which is to say that God has reserv'd the Heavens for himself and has left the Earth for us to conquer This Verse was not made for such little Companions as I am but for Kings and such Princes as you are and yet give me leave to tell you that although I am a poor Gentleman and have not the spirit of a King yet had God pleased to preserve my Sons and have granted me a little better health I should have thought with the help of my friends provided we had been at peace at home to have got some corner of the world or another to my own share and if I could not have got a great 〈◊〉 I should at least have had a Gobbet or at the worst I should only have lost my labour and my life both which I should have thought well laid out for the purchase of honor Had my Son liv'd I do verily believe he would have brought about the design that the Admiral knows he had in his head and that he may acquaint your Highness withal You are young your Brother has the great piece you are to go seek your fortune elsewhere and instead of being a Subject make others Subjects to you Since then such a poor fellow as I am have the courage to foar so high and that the Sons of Labourers and Forge-men as I have heard have by their virtue arriv'd at Empire what are you to hope for who are the Son and Brother to the greatest King in Europe you ought to look for no less when occasion shall present it self and that you shall see your time A magnanimous Prince is never to rest contented but still to push on his fortune the world is so wide there is enough to conquer and the King your Brother has power enough to assist you You are in your age of undertaking and you are fortunate I am sorry that you have laid aside the great and brave name of Alexander who if I mistake not was the most valiant Warriour that ever bore arms His Majestie will help to set some foreign Crown upon your head If then God shall do you the grace to put an end to these miserable domestick Broils set your designs on foot and trie to immortalize your Name Employ those many Servants you have in conquering something and seeing my age and the wounds I have receiv'd will not permit me to serve you in so brave an Enterprize I shall at least humbly advise you never to stop the Career of your Arms but still to attempt greater and more difficult undertakings taking the device of the Emperor Charles who cut out so much work for your famous Ancestors In case you cannot arrive at the utmost aim of your Ambition you shall at least advance the better half way to your desires I have no hopes being a maim'd Valetudinary as I am my self to serve you in these honorable designs but I leave you three little Montlucs which I hope will not degenerate from their Grandfather and their Fathers More I have not to trouble your Highness withal and also it is time to put an end to my Book Behold here fellows in Arms you who shall read my life the end of the Wars in which I have serv'd five and fifty years together that I had the honor to be in Command for the Kings my Masters From which services that I might not forget them I brought away seven Harquebuze-shots for a Memorandum and several other wounds besides there being not a limb in all my body that has escaped my right arm only excepted But I have by those wounds purchased a renown throughout Europe and my name is known in the remotest Kingdoms which I esteem more than all the riches in the world and by the Grace of God who has
Extraction than the Sons of poor labouring men who have liv'd and died in a reputation as great and high as they had been the Sons of Lords through their own virtue and the esteem the Kings and their Lieutenants had of them When my Son Marc Anthony was carried dead to Rome the Pope and all the Cardinals the Senate and all the People of Rome payd as much honor to his Hearse as if he had been a Prince of the blood And what was the cause of all this but only his own Valour my Reputation and my King who had made me what I was So that the name of Marc Anthony is again to be found in the Roman Annals When I first entred into Arms out of my Page-ship in the House of Lorrain there was no other discourse but of the great Gonsalvo call'd the great Captain How great an honor was it to him which also will last for ever to be crown'd with so many Victories I have heard it told that King Lewis and King Ferdinand being together I know not at what place but it was somewhere where they had appointed an Interview these two great Princes being sat at Table together our King entreated the King of Spain to give leave that Gonsalvo might dine with them which he accordingly did whilst men of far greater quality than he stood waiting by So considerable had the King his Masters favour and his own valour made him This was the honor he receiv'd from the King of France who in recompence for his having depriv'd him of the Kingdom of Naples put a weighty Chain of Gold about his neck I have heard Monsieur de Lautrec say that he never took so much delight in looking upon any man as upon that same O how fair an Exemple is this for those who intend to advance themselves by Arms When I went the second time into Italy as I passed through the Streets of Rome every one ran to the windows to see him that had defended Sienna which was a greater satisfaction to me than all the Riches of the Earth I could produce several Exemples of French men of very mean Extraction who have by Arms arriv'd at very great Preferments but out of respect to their Posteritie I shall forbear but it was the bounty of their Kings that so advanc'd them for the recompence of their brave services It is then just that we confess we could be nothing without their bountie and favour if we serve them 't is out of obedience to the Commandment of God and we ought not to try to obtein rewards by importunities and reproaches and if any one be ill rewarded the fault is not in our Kings but in them who are about them that do not acquaint them who have serv'd well or ill for there are many of both sorts to the end that his Majesties largess should be rightly placed And there is nothing that goes so much to the heart of a brave and loyal Subject as to see the King heap honors and rewards upon such as have serv'd him ill I am sure it is that that has vext me more than any disappointment of my own I have often heard some men say the King or the Queen have done this and that for such a one why should they not do as much for me The King has pardoned such a one such an offence why does he not also pardon me I know also that their Majesties have said They will no more commit such over-sights we must wink at this one fault but it was the next day to begin the same again However a man ought never to stomack any thing from his Prince The honor of such men lies in a very contemptible place since they more value a reward or a benefit than their own reputation or renown and are so ready to take snuff if they fail of their expectation And moreover as I have already said they are commonly men that have never strook three strokes with sword and yet will vapour what dangers they have passed and what hardships they have endur'd If a man should strip them naked one might see many a proper fellow that has not so much as one fear in all his body Such men if they have born arms any while are very fortunate and at the day of Judgment if they go into Paradise will carry all their blood along with them without having lost one dram of their own or having shed one drop of any others here upon earth Others I have heard and of all sorts of men even to the meanest complain that they have serv'd the King four five or six years and notwithstanding have not been able to get above three or four thousand Livers yearly Rent poor men they are sore hurt I speak not of the Soldiers only but of all other conditions of men his Majestie makes use of I have heard my Father who was an old man and others older than he report that it was a common saying at Court and throughout the whole Kingdom in the Reign of Lewis the Twelfth Chastillon Bourdillon Galliot Bonneval Governent le sang Royal. and yet I dare be bold to say that all these four Lords who govern'd two Kings put them all together never got ten thousand Livers yearly Revenue I have formerly said as much to the Mareschal de Bourdillon who thereupon return'd me answer that his Predecessor was so far from getting 3000 Livers a year that he sold 1500 and left his Family very necessitous Should any one ask the Admiral to shew what his Predecessor who govern'd all got by his favour I durst lay a good wager he could not produce 2000 Livers yearly Revenue As for Galliot he liv'd a great while after the others and he peradventure might in that long time take together three or four thousand Livers a year For what concerns Bonneval Monsieur de Bonneval that now is and Monsieur de Biron are his Heirs and I believe they can boast of no great Estates O happy Kings that had such Servants 'T is easie to discern that these men serv'd their Masters out of the love and affection they bore to their persons and the Crown and not upon the account of reward and I have heard that they evermore rather begg'd for the King 's own Domestick Servants than for themselves They are gone down to their Graves with honor and their Successors are not nevertheless in want Since I have spoken of others I will now say something of my felf Some perhaps after I am dead will talk of me as I talk of others I confess that I am very much oblig'd to the Kings I have serv'd especially to Henry my good Master as I have often said before and I had now been no more than a private Gentleman had it not been for their bounty and the opportunities they gave me to acquire that reputation I have in the world which I value above all the treasure the Earth contains having
Monâ—luc falâ—â— sick The Queen of Navaâ—re departeth out of 〈◊〉 The Queen of Navarre departs from Nerac The Sieur de Montluc again dangerously sick Monsieur de Ioyeâ—se sends the Sieur de Montluc intelligence of the coming of the Provenâ—als Number of the Catholicâ— Forces The Sieur de Montluc's discourse touching the coming of the Provenâ—aux Consulâ—ation concerning the Commission of the Sieuâ— de Monsales The Sieur d' Acier's Mareschal de Camp taken prisoner The number of the Provençals Captain Moreau's answer The Spy's report A second command from the King Resolution Divisions 〈◊〉 Bourdeaux The Sieur de Montluc's Speech to the Parliament of Bourdeaux Commendation of the two Parliaments of Tholouze and Bourdeaux The inconveniences insuing the Edict in favour of the Hugâ—nots who liv'd peaceably at home Oversights in the King Complaints of the Catholicks The Sieur de Montluc's diligencâ— to fight with Monsieur de Pilles Four Cornets of Horse of de Pilles defeated The Retreat of Monsieur de Pilles A saying of Monsieur de Bellegarde Monsieur de Pilles his Forces Why the Sieur de Montluc is so particular and has writ an account at length of this Action Monsieur de Terride sent the King's Lieutenant into Bearn The Battel of Iarnac and the death of the Prince of Conde The Sieur de Montluc's advice to the King A command to dismantle Bergerac â—alse intelligence sent to the Monsieur The Monsieurs words to the Sieur de Montluc Commendation of Monsieur de la Nâ—â—e Levignac taken by assault Enterprize of la Roche-Chalais The Castle of la Roche-Chalais surrenders to diâ—cretion Great and bloody cruelty of a Hugonot Soldier The Sieur de Montluâ— offers to attaque Blaye The Admiral declar'd Head of the Hugâ—nots Why the Author writes these particularities The Monsieurs letter to the Sieur de Moâ—â—luc The Mareschal d' Anville coms to prosecuâ—e the War in Guien Considerations upon the coming of the Count de Montgommery A fault in the French Gentry Monsieur de Terride despises his Enemy The Count de Montgommery 〈◊〉 over into Bearn The Sâ—euâ— de Montluc gives Mâ—nsieur de Terride notice of his coming The Sieur de Montluc sends to the Mareschal d'Anville * A River so called The Sieur de Terride retires to Orthâ—z Dispute betwixt the Sieurs de Montluc and de Terride Monsieur de Terâ—ide surpriz'd Montgommery's Forces The fault of Monsieur de Terride The importance of Montgommery's victory The Mareschâ—l d'â—â—ville's answer to the Sieur de Montluc Conâ—ention among the Chiefs about the War of Guiâ—nne Succours going to joyn with Monâ—gommery Libourn in expectation of a Siege The Mareschal d' â—â—ville's Forces Division among the Chiefs Thâ— Enterprise of Mont de Marsan Jealousie betwixt the Chieâ—s Captain Favas Mont de Marsan discover'd The Sieur de Tilladet mortally wounded The courage of the Catholicks The Town â—aken Monsieur de Montluc's words to the Chevalier de Romegas The Sieur de Montluc causes them to be all slain Captain Favas â—aved Monsieur d' Anville's resolution to return The Sieur de Montluc's advice to the Mareschal The Sieur de Montluc offers to lay down his Government of Guiennâ— The Kiing dissatisfied with the Sieur de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc threatned with a stab Fear the concomitant of old age Mont de Marsan the Granary of Gascoâ—y A discourse upon the retreat of the Mareschal d'Anville The Siege of Mazeres Law of Bearn The inconvenience of making war with Soldiers Natives of the same Country where the Scene of war lies Monsieur de Montespan in Euse. Captain Arne flain The Count de Montgommery at Condom The Victory of Moncontour Division betwixt the Mareschal d' Anville and the Sieur de Montluc The Princes move towards Montgommery Soldiers use to spin out a war The Commendation of the Chevaâ—iâ—r de Romegas The City of Agen in fear The Gentlemen of Gascony send an Envoy to the Mareschal d' Anville Monsieur de Montferran's oâ—fer The Princes at Montauban The Sieur de Montluc's Harangue to those of Agen. The â—nhabitants of Agen take 〈◊〉 Resolution of the Sieur de Monâ—luc The Sieur de Montâ—erran come with Succours * Who loses his substance loses his understanding Aguillon taken Monsieur de Laugâ—ac at Peymirol Commendation of the Reiters The Princes summon Villeneufue Ville-neufue The Chevaliet de Montluc at Ville-neufue A Bridge of Boats made by the Admiral The Mareschal d'Anville's design to break the Bridg. The Bridg broken The importance of the Bridg. The Admirals Design The situation of Bordeaux A Country rich in Coâ—n The importance of Guienne The importance of bâ—eaking the Bridg. The Admiral'â— opinion The Admiral 's design against the Tholouzians The Retreat of the Army of the Princes The Sieur de Montluc sends the King intelligence Monsieur de Durfort sent to the King The King diâ—satisfied with Monsieur de Montluc The Sieur de Montluc's Sons * A Liard is a brass Coin containing â— Deniers the fourth part of a Sol. A Consultation touching the War of Bearn The Siege of Rabasteins concluded The Sieur de Montluc goes to discover Rabasteins Monsieur de Montamat's Letters taken * A rude kind of Alarm given to a whole Country by ringing and â—inking of Pots Keeâ—les and Basons Order to hinder the relief of Rabastâ—ins Design for the Conquest of Bearn 1562. Order for the Assault The Canon abandoned The words of the Sieur de Montluc playing the Pioneer Captain Paulliac â—â—â—ot Fabiaâ— de Montluc â—hot Monsieur de Montluc's Speech to the Gentlemen going on to the Assault The Assault The Sieur de Montluc shot Rabasteins taken by storm The Fortress of Rabasieins Monsieur de Montluc's Harangue to his Officers after his being hurt Liberality a quality necessary in a Chief The State of Monsieur de Montluc's Army after his hurt The Sieur de Montluc layes down his Government The Marquis de Villars the Kings Lieutenant in Guienne The Sieur de Montluc's Letter to the King which contains an abstract of his whole life The King stiles the Sâ—cur de Monâ—luc the Conservator of Guiâ—â—â—e The Battel of Vâ—r. Relief sent to the King Taking of the Isles A Gascon Gentleman 's answer to the King The miserable condition of such as revolt from their Princes The Army disbanded The Peace published Disorders in the Kingdom of France through the defect of inexperienced Officers The diligence requir'd in a Chief That the valour of a Governor withholds an Enemy from coming to attacque him The Duke of Burgundy defeated before Nancy The loss of Pampelona 〈◊〉 Leva a gâ—eaâ— Câ—â—taâ—n The Dâ—ke of 〈…〉 His Sâ—n at Pâ—â—ctiâ—râ—s Captain Pilles at St. Iâ—â—n Frangâ—t at Fontarabi The Sieur de Verviâ—â— at Bullen Sansac at Mira dâ— and Montâ—â—c at Siâ—nna Of Captains of Gens d'arms Of Mareschaâ—â— and Camp-Masters Captains of Foot A pleasant story of the Siâ—uâ— de Montâ—uc The Character of a little Monsieur of the Court. That a Gâ—neral ought to write frequently to his Captains * A Frank Archer is one of the Traind-Band oâ— a Pâ—rish that seldom â—ees service but upon extraordinary occasion and by bâ—ing upon the List is exempted from all Taxes * For he was Christned Edouard Alexander which he afterwards chang'd for Henry and was Henry the third of France The Sieur de Montluc's wounds Miserable condition of a Soldier The Sieur de Montluc's nâ—ture The Sieur de Montluc's acknowledgment The death of the Sieur de Montluc's Son The King 's â— Letter to the Sieur de Montluc Honor done to Marc Anthony de Montluc Honor done to the great Captain Gonsalvo A pleasant story of the Bayliff of Espâ—ron a A Moge is a Measure containing about six Bushels b Mâ—id de bled mesure de Paris contains twelve Septiers the Septier two Mines the Mine 6 Bâ—isseaux the Bâ—isseau 4 Quarts which amount to about five Quarters a Coomb and a Bushel of London measure The fertility of Guienne Negligence of Historians The Sieur de Montluâ—s Prayer when he went to â—ight * A brave death illustrates a man's whole life Thâ— Execution upon St. 〈◊〉 Eve at 〈◊〉 The Naval Army bâ—fore Rochelle Charles the IX at Meaux Rochelle the Refuge of the Hugonots The importance of Rochelle The Siâ—ur de Montluc goes to the Siege of Rochelle The Monsieur elected King of Poland Fabian de Montluc â—lain The death of Charles the 9 th of Franâ—e The Sieur de Montluc attends the Queen to Lyons Henry the 3d. of France and King of Polâ—nd returns into France The Sieuâ— de Montluc created Mareschal of France Monsieur de Monferran sâ—ain * Or Cooper The Gentlemen discontented The Sieur de Montluc's Harangue to the Gentlemen in mutiny