for the same seeing as he says that Ezra the Scribe made it Capellus infers hence That some as this R. Moses c had no such esteem for the Points and did not think they were made by Ezra Resp. First But Aben Ezra is not of that mind which is the thing that is to be proved For he reproveth it in them and they want Witnesses who seek after those who are convicted of Errour therein But they might charge the Punctator with Errour and yet allow Ezra to be the Author of it by supposing as Capellus himself doth that there might be crept into the Text some Mistakes through the length of Time and humane Frailty of the Scribes who wrote the Bible from the Copies that were before them And 't is more likely that both Aben Ezra and these Persons owned Ezra to be the Author of the Points because he makes that an Argument seeing Ezra made it or if Ezra made it either way shew it was a received Principle among them and therefore goes not to prove it but improves it and infers from it as a thing acknowledged especially by those he reproves Secondly That Aben Ezra doth call the Punctator Hamaphsik and meaneth Ezra thereby appears by what he saith elsewhere as on Esther 9.27 on the words Keketabam according to their writing The sence is saith he that the Volume of Esther should be read even just as it was written without Points and that because Ezra the Scribe Hiphsick Hapesukim distinguished the Verses which was not done till many years after the writing of this Volume Therefore our Wise Man of happy memory commanded That he that reads this Volume of Esther should not stop at the end of a Verse Hence Buxtorf observes He saw the Volume of Esther Unpointed Now in this place he expressly nameth Ezra the Hammappesik or Pauser or Punctator And in other places it is manifest that the Hammappesik or maker of the Verses was also the Maker of the Points Vowels and Accents Which Elias himself alloweth saying Vpeerush hammappesik mi shesam happesikat hattaamim And the meaning of Hammappesick the Pauser the Punctator is he that placeth the Pausing of the Accents Hence Dr. Walton and Capellus are mistaken who suppose that by Hammappesik no more is intended than he that placed the two thick Strokes or divided the Text into Verses which they allow to be much more ancient than the Points Vowels and Accents For as Buxtorf observeth Aben Ezra in Tsakooth doth often use the Verb Hiphsik not only to distinguish the Verses by two Points or Strokes but also to distinguish Verses by distinguishing Accents and Pauses As he saith in Tsakooth before the words last alledged Behold saith he we see that he viz. Hammappesik the Punctator hath put the Accent in the word Sham Gen. 21.33 which joyneth that with the word Shem that followeth But in Exod. 34.5 there Hiphsiko he makes a Stop that is makes an Athnak which distinguisheth it from the following words So that Hammappesick the Accentator or Punctator is the same with Baal Hattaamim the Author of the Accents or Punctation For so Aben Ezra in his Commentary on this very place Exod. 34.5 calls him there Baal Hattaamim the Author of the Accents who is here called Hammappesik the Punctator Capellus in Vind. lib. 1. cap. 1. § 5. would suppose Hammaphsik to be he that placed the Sounds and Force but not the Shape Resp. But First Elias plainly affirms that it is he that placed the Shapes And so doth Capellus himself allow the same elsewhere viz. in his Arcanum lib. 1. cap. 2. § 5. he saith there That none may think because 't is said Maphsick in the Singular Number the Punctator therefore it was Ezra and not the Masorites that Pointed the Text Saith he Aben Ezra doth elsewhere call them Maphsikim the Punctators in the Plural in his Book Mozenaim So that here he allows Maphsik to be the Placer of the Shapes where he can but bring it to the Masorites of Tiberias Capellus objects 'T is not said Which was not done till many years after the writing of Esther but Which was done not many years after the writing of Esther Resp. First It matters not which way it be read as to the Point in debate 't is brought to prove that Ezra was the Maphsik the Punctator which it proveth plainly whether way it be read long after or not long after Ezra Pointed it after both sences allow Capellus would fain suppose the Sound might be kept by Tradition or Custom to the time of the Masorites But this we have elsewhere showed cannot be Secondly The rest of the places alledged by Elias and his Followers out of Aben Ezra for the Novelty of the Points are principally Two that commend the Skill and Fidelity of the Masorites of Tiberias about the Punctation We shall therefore First Consider the scope of the places themselves to find thereby whether he esteemed the Masorites to be the Inventors or Reformers and Correctors of the Punctation And Secondly We shall consider what Aben Ezra and Others say in Commendation of the Masorites of Tiberias wherein lyes all the strength of the Evidence that Elias or his Followers do bring for the precise Time Place and Persons when where and by whom it is supposed the Points were first invented And we shall here consider whether what is spoken in Commendation of them do belong to them as Inventors or as Restorers or Correctors of the Punctation Thirdly We shall shew that Aben Ezra doth not ascribe the Invention of the Points to the Masorites because he oft differs from them and opposeth them but always follows the Punctuation and enjoyns all others so to do First then We are to consider the places themselves and the scope and true meaning of them The First is this taken out of Aben Ezra's Book Tsakooth pag. 138. col 2. alledged by Elias Masoret Hammasoret Prefat 3. pag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 6. The words are these And this is the Custom of the wise Men of Tiberias and they are the Foundation for from them were the Men of the Masora and we have from them received all the Punctation The place more at large is this The Punctators saith Aben Ezra immediately before the words alledged are used to point Sheva under Tau in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Asit which is the Second Person Feminine that it might not be confounded with the Masculine Then he brings an Objection saying If any one objects What need was there to place Sheva there for seeing that Kamets was not under the letter Tau was it not easily understood that there was to be a quiescent Sheva because it was the last letter of the word for the last letter of every word that is without its own proper moveable Vowel Sheva belongs to them whether it be expressed or not Now the Answer to this Objection contains the words of the Quotation viz. And thus the Wise Men
that do belong to the Keri which are properly and regularly belonging to the Keri and as R. S. Arcuvolti saith the Keri lyeth hid in the Points of the Ketib and indeed this Objection is so far from hurting that it helpeth the Antiquity of the Points for if Ezra placed the Keri and Ketib or if they were fixed in his time then so must the Punctation be likewise whereby alone the Keri is distinguished from the Ketib and so preserved as Kimchi observes So that here is no Anomaly in this Punctation but it is Regular according to the Keri And this Keri and Ketib is not only owned by Jews but Christians also most Translations following some times the one and some times the other as they think best Vid. Ainsworth at the end of Deuteronomy c. § 4 So also do some from the Objection about the Musical Accents bring an Argument for the Antiquity of the Points For these Accents direct to the Modulation of the Voice for the uniform singing the Psalms which were most peculiar to the Ezraitical state of the Church For since that time the Skill and Practice hath declined till it is at length lost and thereby the Knowledge of the Musical Use of the Accents Hence 't is most likely these Accents were then placed when the Tunes they teach were sung and understood and not since by Persons who knew not what they placed them for § 5. Elias objects The Points have Chaldeè Names therefore are not from Moses Resp. 1. Yet they may be from Ezra well enough for then they were understood 2. Elias answers himself saying The Names have changed since the Masorites and Grammarians as Chirek called Shibber Holem called Malo Pum c. Pathak Katon for Segol c. And as R. S. Arcuvolti and R. Azarias observe the Names changed with the Dialect and Speech of each Age and Place but the Shapes have been always the same and the Sound and it matters not what their Names are or have been And so much for the Three Arguments used by the Jews Viz. 1. Vowels are granted to be an Essential part of Speech These are frequently expressed by the Points only in the Bible therefore the Points are an Essential part of the Text and so of Divine Authority 2. The Scripture was written very plainly but without Points 'twere more obscure and unintelligible than ever was any Writing therefore 't was written with the Points 3. The Old Testament evidenceth it self to be God's Word only by that Divine Sence of it which is expressed by the Points The Points therefore have the same Evidence of their Divine Authority as the Scripture it self hath These are the principal Argments used by the Jews for the Antiquity of the Points and the Objections against the same Which we have either Obviated or briefly Answered are the chiefest Objections that are made and such that are of greatest moment To Answer every little Cavil would swell the Discourse into a large Volume and waste the Readers time and patience CPAP. VII §. 1. The Heads of Arguments used by Christians for the Antiquity of the Points briefly mentioned §. 2. The First Argument That we are in peaceable Possession of the Punctation §. 3. The Second Argument That the Anomalies in the Punctation were before the Art and Grammar of it §. 4. The Third Argument taken from Mat. 5.18 That not a Tittle of the Law shall fail §. 5. The Conclusion of this Discourse § 1. HAving related the principal Arguments that are used by the Jews for the Antiquity of the Points in the Three foregoing Chapters and plainly proved them and the Divine Authority of the Points thereby We are in the Second and Last place to mention the Heads of Arguments that are used by Christians for the Antiquity of the Points Now these are for the most part Rational Improvements of those that are collected by the Jews Though they have much encreased their number yet some do seem to derive their Original from the Christians more particularly which we can but briefly mention having already far exceeded the Limits of this Discourse § 2. First then Among other things they plead lawful peaceable possession by Prescription under these several Circumstances 1. The Bible as 't is now Pointed is a Possession of Inestimable Value the Rule of Life from whence all Ancient and Modern Translations are taken and that whereon our Faith and Religion is founded 2. It hath been but of late called into question And that 3. Upon the most frivolous Pretences that ever any thing of such Importance was questioned about 4. The Interest and Design of many herein being to pervert us to a False Religion thereby And therefore 't would be great folly to deliver our Defensive Weapons to our Enemies only because they come to destroy us So that 't is thought but reasonable to hold our Bible till some cause be assigned why we should reject it besides the bare desire of the Papists or any Others to deprive us of it for their own Ends. § 3. Secondly Another Argument more peculiarly used by Christians for the Antiquity of the Points is taken from the Anomalous Punctation thereof from whence some raise an Objection against their Antiquity and 't is briefly this The Points are either coaevous with the Letters and a part of the Language or else they are an Art invented by Men Which if they were the Authors might and would have made them all uniform and regular there was no occasion for one Anomaly The only Reason why there are any Anomalies in Grammar is because all Grammar is made after Languages and by their Use whereas had Grammar been first all Speech and Words had been regular and uniform If then the Art of the Punctation had been first invented there had been no Anomalies in it or any occasion for the same But because there are innumerable Anomalies in the Punctation equal to what are in any Language we therefore conclude the Punctation it self was before the Art of it and as Ancient as is the Language it self What is objected Considerat Consid. c. 11. p. 251 252 253. That the Anomalies were not Consilio but Casu not Designedly made by the Masorites but by Mistake is not only without any colour of Reason or Testimony but against it For neither the Providence which attends the Preservation of Scripture nor yet supposing of common ordinary and very indifferent attendance on the Work of Pointing the Scripture by the Authors thereof will admit of such a Conceit the Anomalies being so innumerable and obvious to Any much more to the Inventors of them that they could not but observe them And whereas 't is further objected Why are not the Points that are placed to the Syriack Chaldee Arabick c. coaevous with those Languages also Resp. Had he produced the like Anomalies in the Punctation of them and their Religious Observation thereof he had said something till then he saith nothing against us
Child and Baptize him in the name of a Proselyte 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he is a Proselyte from that very moment but he assureth us of another thing elsewhere which is not so conformable to the use of Christians to wit if a Woman with Child was Baptized and received into the number of Proselytes it was thought needless to Baptize the Child As to the Pots of Cana the Water of which Iesus Christ changed into Wine Lightfoot takes occasion from thence to enumerate all the Vessels of the Hebrews whereof mention is made in Scripture and tells what they severally contain'd The third part of the Harmony of the Gospels comprehends the space of one year which passed from the first Passover that our Saviour celebrated after his Baptism to the second As to these words of Jesus Christ in St. Iohn If any man be not born a second time he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God Lightfoot makes a long digression touching the sense of these words the Kingdom of God or the Kingdom of Heaven He immediately remarks that the Jews in the Thalmud take them in a very extraordinary sense that is to say for the rigorous observation of their Ceremonies and particularly that of the Tradition of Phylacteries Rabbin Gamaliel being Married did upon the very night of his Nuptials rehearse what was written upon his Phylacteries upon which says the Thalmud his Disciples spoke thus to him Have you not taught us that a Bridegroom is not obliged to mention his Phylacteries and that he answered them far be it from me to be so complaisant to you as to quit one only hour the yoak of the Kingdom After that Lightfoot sheweth that thereby in our Saviours time was understood the State of the Jewish Church under the Messia In fine he largely sheweth the different signification these words had in the Mouth of the Carnal Jews and in our Saviours Upon Iohn 3.23 And John Baptized at Enon near Salim our Author makes sundry remarks upon Enon and Salim he believes these places were in Galilee Afterwards he examines these 2 Questions to wit what Ceremonies the Iews used in their Baptism and how far St. John the Baptist hath imitated them When a Proselyte was received he was immediately asked if it was not through some humane consideration that he would embrace Iudaism as through fear desire of Riches or love to some fair Israelitish Woman If he answered it was not then the difficulty of observing the Law was represented to him and the Punishment it inflicted upon Transgressours But for fear of discouraging him he was also told of the rewards promised in the Law they declared to him that tho Israel was seen miserable in this World yet God had prepared for it a felicity that he kept concealed and which they should enjoy in observing the Law that if God did not render Israel happy in this Life it was to the end only to keep it from Pride but that the other Nations should everlastingly perish how happy soever they for the present seemed to be They added that if he Repented that he had offered himself to be received into the number of the Proselytes he was permitted to withdraw If he still declared he was in the same Mind they Circumcised him and when he was cured he was brought to some Water wherein he presently entered up to the Neck Whilst he kept himself in this posture the three inferiour Iudges of the place rehearsed to him divers Precepts of the Law after which he plunged himself over Head and Ears and came out a very little while after If 't was a Woman that was to be baptized she was by Women put into the Water the Iudges held themselves at a sufficient distance from the place where she plunged her self and she turned her back as soon as ever she came out of the Water In expounding St. Luke 4.14 Lightfoot makes an ample digression concerning the Synagogues wherein he treateth of their antiquity and establishment of the Synagogues after the Captivity of the days in which men went to them of the conductors of the Synagogues and of their Preachers He believeth that in this the Christian Churches have imitated sundry customs of the Jews and that is it which others have evinced in whole Treatises A passage of the same Evangelist viz. C. 5.17 gives our Author an occasion to insert in his Harmony a small Treatise of the different conditions that were found amongst the Jews of the divers Orders of their Doctors of the fundaments of their Religion in the time of our Saviour of the different Sects and particularly of the Sadduces and Pharisees But all this is only an Abridgment of some parts of a greater work that our Author proposed to himself to make as may be seen in Section 1. of the Collection of the remarkable things concerning his Life For the better understanding of divers passages both of the Old and New Testaments we must of necessity have some idea of the manner of the structure of the Temple at Ierusalem and of its different parts Therefore Lightfoot hath undertaken to give us an exact description of this sumptuous Building particularly such as it was in the time of our Saviour We see a Draught of it at the beginning of this Treatise that the Author himself had traced As this Treatise had not been Printed till now but in English the Latin version made of it will appear a work altogether now to those that understand not the English Tongue This same reason besides the delight it may be to all men to know how this Temple was made whereof the Scriptures speak so advantageously engageth us to give a small description thereof according to the Ideas of our Author The Top of the Hill of Moriah whereon the Temple was Builded was at the first somewhat narrow but by little and little it was made larger partly in filling up the Valleys which were about it and in environing it with a strong Wall Under the second Temple it made a perfect square of 750 foot Diameter and of 3000 in circuit The Wall that environed it on all parts appeared to those that were in the midst of it thirty seven foot and an half high excepting over against the Eastern Gate where it was but nine foot high for a reason that Lightfoot produces On the outside this Wall was prodigiously high raising it self from the bottom of Valleys which Moriah was environed withal On the side of the Eastern Gate it was 600 foot high It was of white stones triangular of 30 foot broad and of nine high so solid a structure that this Wall remained till the destruction of the second Temple In the beginning of the side of the East to consider the exteriour circumference of this magnificent Building one might see the principal Gate of this circumference which was called the Gate of Susan The entrance was in heighth 30 foot and breadth fifteen but the Ornaments of the
manner we receive from God by Creation but only that which we receive from him by vertue of our Redemption But that is only a dispute of words St. Augustin denied moreover that men were born in any other state than in an absolute and unavoidable determination of doing ill and said it was impossible for them to do any good without an immediate assistance from God which he gave but to some men and that those who had this aid were unavoidably carried to good Thus although he admitted of free-will he gave to these words a new sense seeing liberty according to him is no other than a simple Spontaneity and includes not the power of not doing what we do The difference only that was between St. Augustin and Pelagius is that the first believed that since the sin of Adam his Posterity had been so much corrupted that they came into the World with inclinations to evil which necessitated them to it that if God had design'd them to Salvation it was necessary that in every good action he assisted them with his particular Grace that would unavoidably carry them to good and that those he was not willing to give Grace unto were damned God by a Wisdom that we comprehend not design'd that Mankind should be born in an unavoidable necessity of offending him and to be after that tormented by eternal punishments without delivering from this sad necessity but a very small number of persons to whom he gives an invincible Grace St. Augustin believed that that was rendering to God the Glory that is due to him Pelagius on the contrary thought God had not permitted the sin of Adam to make so great a disorder in the World that those who were descended from him were not in a necessity of obeying or not obeying the Law of God which hath given to them the power of avoiding evil and doing good so that it was but by their fault alone that they were damned not being compell'd to crimes and everlasting unhappinesses by an unavoidable necessity Having received of God the Free-Will it was not needful that God intervened in each action To be able to do good saith Pelagius cometh from God which hath given it to his Creature but to be willing to do good and to be Vertuous depend upon man The second Grace that Pelagius acknowledged is the remission of past sins which God granteth to those that leave them off Pelagius anathematised in the Council of Diospolis whosoever should dare to say that God had any regard on this occasion to merit St. Augustin complaining that Pelagius contenting himself to acknowledge that God forgiveth us graciously our past sins granted not that he aideth us in the non-commission for the future But Pelagius maintained that this pardon served us as well for the future to carry us to our duty because we cannot apply our selves to serve God after having offended him but in the persuasion that he will pardon us what 's past graciously He said likewise that afterwards in respect of the sins that were committed in the very time of Repentance that is to say in the state of Regeneration they were forgiven us in consideration of our good works by which we also obtain'd glory And it is in this sense that he maintain'd Grace was given according to merits that is to say according to our good actions As Children before the use of Reason commit no sin so this Grace regardeth them not The third Grace according to Pelagius is the Law by which he understands the Preaching of the Gospel and the example of Jesus Christ that those who have lived under the old institution had not He said that this Grace was altogether necessary to live conformable to Christianity The fourth sort of Grace is an interiour illumination of our mind that Pelagius expressed in this wise I maintain that Grace consisteth not only in the Law but in the assistance of God c. But God aideth us by his Doctrine and by his Revelation in opening the Eyes of our Mind in shewing us things to come to hinder the present from making too dead an impression in discovering to us the Ambushes of the Devil in illuminating us by the divers and ineffable gifts of his Celestial Grace Doth it seem to you saith Pelagius that those that speak thus deny the Grace of God Do they not acknowledge rather the Free-Will and the Grace of God altogether St. Augustin accuseth Pelagius in this not for having simply denied Grace but for denying its necessity and for having said that God gave it not but to the end that Free Will should be the easier carried to good This Grace according to Pelagius produced not infallibly and by it self the will of doing well and good works but induced only to will more easily The fifth is the Grace of Baptism by which according to him although Children receive not the pardon of sins that they have not committed being according to Pelagius altogether innocent they enter into a better condition which consisteth in that they are thereby adopted by God and become Heirs of the Kingdom of Heaven St. Augustin on the contrary affirm'd that Children being born sinners Baptism doth confer upon them the Remission of sins and sanctifieth them by a Grace that God hath applied thereto The sixth Grace finally consisteth according to Pelagius in eternal Life and in bestowing the Kingdom of Heaven He is accused of having distinguished these two things and of having said that without the Revelation of the Gospel Life Eternal could be obtained but that God did not give the Kingdom of Heaven but to those that were Baptized According to Pelagius this Grace was given as the effect of merit to wit that of a good Life It is hard to know wherein this distinction consisteth of Eternal Life and of the Kingdom of Heaven and to reconcile it with the accusation that was made against Pelagius that the Kingdom of Heaven was promised under the Old Testament St. Augustin said by this last Article was to be understood the legal covenant that it promised not Eternal Life but if that were all that was meant by the Books of the Old Testament it was true that it was promised tho' there was no mention made of the Kingdom of Heaven this phrase of the New Testament There never was a dispute more intricate than this because each of the parties finding themselves pressed by some ill consequence endeavour'd to save themselves by terms to which they gave a different sense from what they had in the mouth of the Adversaries The word Grace in that of Pelagius signifieth not the same thing as in that of the Bishop of Hippo and this latter gave the name of Liberty to a thing that was not commonly so called In short many men believe that if we take the pains to examine the principal words that have been made use of in this controversie and the Ideas that have been applied to 'em it will
d. Ch. 2. v. Let the Bishop be a Husband of one Wife ought to be explained in this Sense That a Bishop should have but one Wife only Which excludes not simply the Plurality of Women at the same time but second Weddings also 'T is thus that Lycophron calls Helena 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wife to three Husbands altho' she never had three at a time Theseus being dead when Paris took away Helen from Menelaus Afranius hath called the same Biviram a Woman that married a second time and Tertullian Vnivitam a Woman married but once The ancient Christians building upon this passage as does the present Impiety of the Romans who permitted not the High-Priest to marry a second time forbid the same thing to the Clergy It is thus that the same Apostle c 5. v. 9. would have the Widows that they chose for the service of the Church to be the Wife of one Husband only That is that they had married but one Husband for it was never permitted to Women to have more at the same time and St. Paul took no care to prohibite a thing that might never happen But as the Roman Law suffered Women to repudiate their Husbands so it came to pass that unchast Women changed them too often witness this passage of Seneca cited by our Author Illustres quaedam ac Nobiles Faeminae non Consulum numero sed Maritorum annos suos computant exeunt Matrimonii causa nubunt Repudii Sic funt octo Mariti Quinque per Autumnos As Iuvenal saith see the Letters 297.323 Peter du Puy Counsellor in Parliament demanded one day of Grotius the reason the Evangelist said nothing of what happened to our Lord before his 30 th year except one thing only that befel him at 12. years as St. Luke reports Grotius answers to that that it is by the end which is proposed in an Author that we must judge of what ought to be said and what omitted That the Evangelist had no design to write only the Life of Jesus Christ but to give the Gospel to Posterity that is a Doctrine under the Conditions of Repentance promising to men the Remission of Sins and Life Eternal That it is composed of two parts whereof the one hath a respect to the Doctrine and the other to History as much as is useful to confirm this Doctrine as the History of the Miracles Death Resurrection and Ascension of Jesus Christ That this History begins properly but at the Baptism of Jesus Christ because from that time he began to teach publickly without Intermission and that he had done Miracles So that the Evangelists have omitted all which passed in that time and if they said any thing it ought to be looked upon rather as a kind of Preamble to make known the Person of Jesus Christ than as the beginning of an exact History of his Life Letter 143. first part We may add here to the Criticks that which is in 264. Letter to Monsieur de Pegrese touching the writings and Life of Nicholas of Damascus Monsieur de Pegrese having recovered a Manuscript Copy out of the Collections of Constantine â—orphyrogennete put them into the hands of the famous Henry of Valois then but young who caused them to be printed in Greek and Latin with Notes of his own 1634. in 4. at Paris Grotius having seen this work before it was printed writ to Monsieur de Pegrese all that he knew concerning Nicholas of Damascus of which there are many fragments in this Collection He treats of the writings of this Author who was a particular Friend to Herod the Great his universal History and his Life of Caesar Augustus in 180. Books He speaks of his Stile and manner of Writing and shews that that which bears his Name in the Manuscript of Monsieur de Piersc is really this Historians He after that writ his Life in Latin and the fragments of his Works that he found in Iosephus Athenaeus Phocius c. In fine he sends to his illustrious Friend a Latin Version of a part of Nicholas's which was in the Collections of Constantine There is a remarkable place in the Discourse of Epictetus collected by Arian Book 2. c. 9. Why do you call your self a Stoick saith this Philosopher to a Jew who counterfeited a Heathen Why do you deceive the Multitude Why feign you your self a Greek since you are a Iew see you not why they call a man a Iew Syrian or Egyptian and that if any one is seen leaning on both sides we are accustomed to say that he is not a Iew but feigns himself to be so But when he comes to be of the mind as those who have been baptized and who have embraced this Sect they call him a Iew and he is so in effect And thus we who have been vainly baptized are Iews by Name but in effect another thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ruarus who proposed this passage to our Author demanded of him who Epictetus meant by those that he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baptized in vain if they are not Christians and from whence it comes to pass that Epictetus puts himself in their number Grotius answers First That we must read in these last words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which makes this sense In like manner we resemble those who have been baptized in vain we are honest men by name but in effect another thing Secondly That the Author speaks not of Christians which he else where calls Galileans but of the Jews which received none into their Religion that were not first baptized Letter 322 336. See the first Century of the Letters of Ruarus Epistle the 31. and We find also in the first page of the 673. Letter divers Corrections upon the works of Stace that Grotius sent to Gronovius who was then preparing an Addition thereof The most noble part of the Criticks if we may believe those who make a Profession of it is that which teacheth us to judge of Authors to discern their true Works from those which are Suppositions to distinguish their stile to find out the defects thereof and to remark the faults they commit For that Reason we shall place here the Judgment that Grotius hath made of divers Books both Ancient and Modern The first Epistle of â—lement to the Corinthians Grotius judgeth it to be much the same that Phocius read that there is no reason to believe that that which Phocius read is not the same that St. Ierome Clemens Alexandrinus and St. Irenaeus read who where nearer the time of the Author That the stile according to the remarks of St. Ierome is very near that of the Epistle to the Hebrews as also there are many other marks of a true Antiquity as this Quod de Christo semper loquitur non ut posteriores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed simpliciter plane ut Paulus Apostolus solet quod alia quâ—que
and of Protestants with Roman Catholicks But it appears also that when he reflected upon the difficulties of reuniting which are already and upon those w ch arise every day he look'd upon the Reunion as a thing which ought to be wished for but of which there is but little hopes Thus it is that he speaks in several places In the first part may be seen Letters 422.426.519.649.976 Where he complains particularly of the new Institution of the Scapular and of the books of the Office of the Virgin which he looks upon as obstacles to peace This is what makes him speak thus to his Brother William Grotius in a letter of the 21. of February 1625. Hoc voti magis est quà m spei praesertim cum Romae M. Antonii de Dominis damnata si◠memoria corpore exusto Et tamen sunt qui me Romam invitent Sed quae tanta precor Romam mihi causa videndi But as when we ardently desire a thing this Passion often makes the difficulties disappear which are in the obtaining thereof so Grotius hoped sometime that he should see it but rather as a simple object of his wishes than his hopes so it appears by the Letters 534. and 637. of the 2. p. that he flattered himself that in time the Roman Church might relinquish several of its Tenets and correct several abuses whereof the most understanding persons of that Communion complain every day He hoped nevertheless to see it but this Idea flattered him so pleasantly that he could not but say Amare liceat si potiri non licet What he had written in his youth was objected against him as contrary to what he maintained towards the end of his life But first he saith that if all this be examined there will no contradiction be found in it and he adds in the second place that if by a more advantage by the conversation of the Learned and by much Reading his judgment is become more solid he ought no more to be accused of inconstancy than St. Augustin who retracted in his old age several things which he had advanced in the first books he published P. 2. l. 647. Besides these matters of Divinity which respect Controversie some Questions of Morality are found in these Letters which are not of a less importance for example What rule men should keep in the estimation of things which are exchanged and sold and in the Interest which can be demanded for ones money l. 953. p. 1. As this depends on infinite circumstances the Laws have defined nothing upon these matters People have been forced to be referred to natural equity which all men ought to have for one another Ruarus demanded of Grotius if a Man can espouse two Sisters after one another because the Divine Laws say nothing on 't tho' human Laws prohibit it and if a Christian is oblig'd to follow but mans Laws Grotius answers that Princes have Right to declare null these sort of Marriages just as the other Contracts and that a Christian is oblig'd to follow the Laws unless they are altogether unsufferable Let. 327. and 336. P. 1. In the Letter 1057. Grotius expounds a place of his book de Iure belli ac Pacis and sheweth in what sense these words of Jesus Christ ought to be understood He that will take your Coat from you let him take your Cloak c. The sense of the explication which he gives in this Letter cannot be comprehended without comparing it with the book above mentioned One Nicholas de Bye of the Society of the Menonites which Grotius calls genus hominum non malum had sent him a great letter by which he endeavoured to prove that it was prohibited to Christians to make War to punish with Death Grotius answers to that several things in the Letters 545 and 546. of the 2d P. which may be added to what he hath said upon these matters in his book de Iure Pacis ac Belli An Extract of the Letters of Grotius II. Part Treating upon Law History and Politicks WE have run thro' the Criticks and Divinity in the Letters of the famous Grotius It remains that we should make an extract of the matters concerning Law History and Politicks Tho' he undertakes not to treat throughly on this subject there are nevertheless several places which may contribute much to the understanding of divers hard questions in the Law History and in the Government of States III. The famous question concerning the Domination of the Sea may be referred to Law which hath been so often agitated in the North. There was at the beginning of this Age a dispute between the English and the Dutch concerning the fishing for Whales Commissaries were named on both sides to regulate this difference Grotius was one of the Commissaries of the Province of Holland and he relates the success of the Conference which they had with the English Commissaries in his Letter 56. 1. p. He saith they silenced the English and made it appear that neither the Country of Greenland nor the Sea belonged to them and that the Dutch could not lose the liberty of their Navigation nor of fishing for Whales whereof none had any right to claim the Propriety to himself We clearly shewed saith he that the Land belonged not to them seeing before the year 1596. no body had gone to it that the Hollanders discovered it and gave it the Name which it hath yet as is evident in all the modern Geographers Spheers and Mapps They would fain have persuaded us that Hugh Willoughby discovered it in 1553. But we prove by the very Journal of this Voyager that he being parted from Finland took Anchor at the Isle of that Name which is very far from Greenland that he in fine died with Cold and Hunger with all his Companions upon the Coasts of Lapland where some Laponians found them the next Summer and whence their journals were carried into England The English could answer nothing to all this only that there had been much wrong done to their master to contest a Right with him which he had till then peaceably possess'd In the letter 15. P. 2. He treats of this question to wit Whether a Lord of Holland might yield something touching the Rights of Navigation and Commerce without the Consent of the States He maintains he cannot because the Lords of Holland were but the Guardians of the Rights of the People without being able to Alienate them as he says may be shewn easily by the Laws of the Countrey Upon this occasion he saith that Holland was a free Countrey even under its Lords and that this liberty began not when the King of Spain was declared a Receder from his Rights or when a Truce was made with him Grotius brings some reasons for this which may be read in the Original Grotius had written in 1615 to the Embassador of the States at the Court of France touching the Controversies which were in agitation at that time
at the reading of these Letters What was not the joy of the holy Men that were present In what admiration were they all in some could scarcely keep themselves from shedding tears Is it possible that you could have defamed persons of so unspotted a Faith Is there any place in their Writings where they have not spoken of the assistance and Grace of God He condemned moreover in these Letters Eros and Lazare accusers of Pelagius and Celestius as persons guilty of great crimes erubescenda factis damnationibus nomina and spoke with much contempt of others that were parties against them Notwithstanding the Bishops of Africk took no notice of these Letters but assembled themselves at Carthage to the number of ccxiv and condemned anew Pelagius and Celestius until they acknowledged the necessity of Grace in the same sense that it was maintain'd in Africk without making use of any equivocations as they had done till then This Assembly was held at the beginning of the year CCCCXVIII they sent their Constitutions with a Letter to Zozimus wherein these Bishops exhorted him to act against Pelagius conformably to them Their Letter had the effect they desired and Zozimus and all his Clergy who had admired the Writings of Pelagius where they freely declared their sentiments giving attention as St. Augustin says to what the Romans believed thereupon whose faith might be spoken of with Praise to the Lord saw that all their Opinions which were conformable to each other were very zealous for the Catholick Faith against the Opinion of Pelagius Notwithstanding Zozimus in condemning him spoke not so strongly as he had in judging in his favour as it may be seen in Vsher. The Emperors Honorius and Theodosius received also the acts of the Council of Africk and thought fit to prop them with their authority in making an edict which they sent to the three Prefects of the Praetorium for to publish it in the whole Empire by which they banished Pelagius and Celestius from Rome and likewise condemned to a perpetual banishment and confiscation of Goods all those that should maintain their Tenets where e're they were authorizing all persons to accuse them The Prefects of the Praetorium accompanied this Imperial Law with particular Edicts whereof one is still remaining and may be seen in the Centuriators of Magdebourg It is of Palladius's and in these terms If he that is fallen into the infamous Opinions of this dangerous Heresie be Laick or Ecclesiastick whosoever he be that bringeth him before the Judge without regarding the person of the accuser the accused shall have his Goodsconfiscated and depart immediately into perpetual banishment Et si sit ille plebeius ac clericus qui in caliginis hujus obscoena reciderit à quocunque tractus ad judicem sine accusatricis discretione personae facultatum publicatione nudatus irrevocabile patietur Exilium Suspicious Persons may believe that this Edict conceived in so emphatical terms came from the Pen of some Zealous Ecclesiastick but it is nothing in comparison to those of the Emperours Honorius and Theodosius that may be seen more at large in Vsher p. 151. Those that know the Style of the Preachers then will be persuaded easily that it was requisite to follow the like method for some time to begin an Imperial Edict in these Terms Ad conturbandam Catholicae simplicitatis lucem puro semper splendore radiantem dolosae artis ingenio novam subito emicuisse versutiam pervulgatâ opinione cognovimus quae fallacis scientiae obumbrata mendaciis furiato tantum debacchata luctamine stabilem quietem coelestis conatur attrectare fidei Dum novi acuminis commendata vento insignem notam plebeiae vilitatis sentire cum cunctis ac prudentiae singularis palmam fore communiter approbata destruere c. All the rest are of the same Style by which may be seen the Spiritual Excitations in Honorius time to convert Hereticks were not very different from such as have been made use of in these latter Ages Notwithstanding the same Bishops of Africk who had lately condemned Pelagius knowing nothing yet of the Emperours Edicts which were dated the last of April assembled themselves again at Carthage the next day and anathematized those that should say that the first Man was by his Nature mortal 2. That little Infants ought not to be Baptised or that they might be so tho' they were not infected with the Sin of Adam 3. That the Grace by which we are justified serveth but for the Remission of Sins and is not sufficient to make us abstain from them for the future 4. That Grace assisteth us only to know our duty and that it produceth not obedience of it self 5. That Grace is given us that we may the more easily by its means do what we should do with most difficulty without it 6. That it is only by humility that we are all obliged to say that we are Sinners 7. That every one is not obliged to say pardon us our sins for himself but for others only that are sinners 8. That the Saints are obliged to say the same words by humility only It seemeth that this Council intended not only to condemn the Opinions of Pelagius but also to anathematize aforehand those that could fall into the sentiments that should have any connection with theirs For it 's apparent according to these principles he could absolutely deny the four last propositions He believed not that Grace made us simply to know our duty nor that there had been any man that had passed his life without Sin excepting Jesus Christ. But it hath always been the custom of Councils to anathematise some supposed errors that no body held in condemning the real Opinioins of Hereticks it may be to inspire more horrour for Heresie and to hinder that none should be so bold as to protect Hereticks Thus as St. Augustin speaketh By the Vigilance of Episcopal Councils with the help of the Lord who defendeth his Church and that of the Imperial Edicts Pelagius and Celestius were condemned in all the Christian World if they did not repent Nevertheless Pelagius who was still at Ierusalem pressed by Pinianus and Melanius made a declaration of his thoughts concerning the necessity of Grace which he acknowledged to be necessary to every act and at every moment He also saith that he always was in regard to Baptism of the same sentiments he had mention'd in his profession of Faith to Pope Innocent which is that Children must be Baptized as accustomed But whatever he could say it was not believed that he understood what he spoke in the same sense with the African Church Nevertheless Iulianus Bishop of Celenes in Campania published Commentaries upon the Song of Songs a book de Constantla and four books against the first of St. Augustins de Concupiscentiae Nuptiis where he maintained the sentiments of Pelagius In the last of these Works he treated openly the Bishops of Africk as
was built and the Church of Loret and when Hercules was Canonized and Aeneas and Francis of Abisa and Ignatius Loyola all this is known But the first beginning of an Error is always impenetrable and can never be found out As for the Consent of Christians which Mr. Arnaud did alledge he was shewn that the Eastern Churches termed Schismaticks by Rome were not of her opinion touching the Lord's Supper and that if they had any Idea of a Real Presence it drew nearer the Consubstantiation of the Lutherans than the Transubstantiation of Rome It is true Mr. Arnaud produces several Attestations of Graecian Priests to shew that the Greeks were of the same opinion with Roman Catholicks but it is likewise true that he obtained the most part of them by Bribes Mr. Wheeler assures us in his Voyages of Greece that he spoke to many Pappas whom M. of Nointel Nephew to Mr. Arnaud had endeavoured to bribe for the same end The Miscellanea of Mr. Smith may also be seen to this effect One might be satisfied with this Answer yet the Superstitions of Rome being not so antient as those of Paganism the Reformed have thought that by a continual search at last that Prodigious Opinion might be discover'd which gave Birth to Transubstantiation And they have accomplisht it for they have shewn how the Energetick Expressions of the Fathers touching Transubstantiation occasioned in the ignorant Ages an obscure Idea of an Union or of an incomprehensible change and they have marked the Authors of these two Opinions differing thus about the Sense of Figure and Vertue Iohn Damascenus in the year 728 began to Preach in the East the Union of the Bread and Body of Iesus Christ and Paschase Ratbert was the first that published Transubstantiation or the change of the Substance of one into the Substance of the other in the Latin Church in the year 818. So that all that the Catholicks of France gained by Dispute was to see their Heroes worsted by a Minister who though Eloquent and Witty enough would nevertheless have yielded to M. Arnaud in many other things This Tryal made the Romish Church sensible that it ran the hazard of losing its reputation with all honest People if its Tenets came once to be examined And therefore their Advocates turned wranglers and barricading themselves with formalities prescriptions and the ends not answering they thereupon pretend that their Adversaries are condemnable without any necessity of examining into the bottom who is in the right and who is in the wrong M. Nicole took upon himself to plead this part and acquitted himself in his lawful Prejudices against the Calvinists with as much cunning and Eloquence as could be expected from a Disciple or Friend of M. Arnaud By ill luck the Iansenists came to the worst both in Rome and in France in the Famous Dispute of the Five Propositions and were forced to say That the Five Condemned Propositions were not in the Augustin of Iansenius whence it clearly followed that neither the Pope nor Councils were Infallible in what they did because they might call People as Hereticks that were not so at all in imputing to them Opinions which they never held nor were to be found in their Works The Iansenists saw this consequence and maintained it openly and did advance several Principles that destroyed the Authority of the Church and its Infallibility The French Protestants presently took notice of this contradiction of Doctrin between the Author of the Prejudices and his Friends or his Disciples and did not fail to promote it M. Pajon did it after shewing with much Wit and Acuteness that the Arguments of a prejudiced Author are more valid in a Iew 's a Pagan's or Mahometan's Mouth against Christianity than they are when used by a Roman Catholick against the Reformed About the same time M. Claude Answered M. Nicole in a direct way shewing that the excess of Corruption which the Doctrin and Worship of the Romish Church was come to made our Predecessors to examin Religion strictly and consequently to separate from a Society that would force them to receive under pain of Damnation a Faith whose practices were altogether opposite to Scripture That was enough to make the Roman Catholicks repent that they gave that turn to their Controversies and that being their last shelter there was no hopes they would leave it for they continued turning their Prejudices into so many meanings and proposing them as confidently as if they had never been refuted And these pitiful evasions pleased the Assembly of the Clergy of France so well in 82. that they made Sixteen Methods of Prescription on which the conversion of the Reformed was to be laboured for And which is yet more these Gentlemen thought them so convincing that they intreated the King that a Copy of them might be given to every Consistory imagining perhaps that some Ministers may happen to be there who might be wrought upon by these Illusions or frightned with the Threatnings of the Pastoral Advertisement The Intendant or some other of the King's Commissaries went on a Sunday accompanyed with some Clergy-men deputed by the Bishop of the Diocess and with Two Apostolick Notaries to acquaint each Consistory with this Writing and give several Copies amongst the People making several Orations to desire them from the King to enter into the Communion of the Roman Catholick Church but all to no purpose M. Pajon Minister of Orleans made presently some Remarks upon this Advertisement and Methods and addressed a Letter to the Clergy wherein there are not so many Figures of Rhetorick as in their Writing but much more Sense and Judgment Dr. Burnet who has always gloried in assisting his Afflicted Brethren seeing most of our Ministers out of a condition of defending themselves gave himself the pains to examin the little Books of the Prelats of France And at last Mr. Iurieu Answered them by way of Recrimination in his Lawful Prejudices against Papism which he proposes to the number of Nineteen which are so many whereof the least plausible has more force than all those of the Clergy We must add to these Books Two other of the same Author wherein he Refutes two of the Indirect ways which the Roman Controvertists use the First is his Apology for the Morals of the Reformed against M. Arnaud and the Second his true System of the Church against M. Nicole All these Methods were in Vogue when the Book of M. de Meaux appeared The turn he gave to the Controversies did much more surprise the Protestants than all the Subtilities which the Divines of France thought of There was a Prelat of great reputation Tutor to the Dauphin that did not intangle himself in the Disputes of Grace and that consequently was neither suspected by Iesuites nor by the Iansenists nor by the Church of Rome nor by the Gallican Church he was seen I say to publish a Book well stocked with Approbations wherein he endeavors to moderate
York and his Son being declared Caesar by the Army the Christian Religion was secure we find the Names of Three Bishops of Great Britain who Subscribed to the Council of Arles in CCCXIV The Author believes there were a great many more and that those Three were sent by the Bishops of the Three Provinces for all were never at any of the Councils which wou'd have been too numerous if every one had gone thither He believes also that there was a continual Succession of Bishops in England from the Apostles till that time Some Monks have thought that Bishops were Established in England in imitation of the Flamines and Archiflamines of the Heathens but Dr. Stillingfleet shews 't is but a Dream and that the first Pagan Hierarchy was established by Maximinus after the Model of the Christians which was much more Antient. Speaking of the Council of Arles the Author shews that its Canons were sent to the Bishop of Rome not to Confirm them as Baronius maintains but to Publish them Quae decrevimus say these Fathers in Communi Coneilio charitati tuae significare ut omnes sciant quid in futurum observare debeant To this he joyns the Canons of the Council which he reduces to certain Heads and expounds in a few words particularly the Third De his qui arma projiciunt in pace who ought to be suspended from the Communion If an Allegorical sense might be given to these words our Bishop believes they may be expounded of the Christians who in the time wherein the Persecution ceased grew more indifferent as to their manner of living and less conformable to the Discipline which they had kept before But if they are understood Literally they may refer to the Christian Soldiers who would leave the Army when there was no fear of being constrained to any Idolatrous act in serving the Emperor as they had been under the Heathen Princes Constantine offered to dismiss all the Soldiers that desired it The Fathers of the Council might fear that all the Christians wou'd abandon his Armies and that afterwards it should be supply'd with Pagans which could have been fatal to Christianity So the Bishops assembled at Arles and thought they ought to prevent this accident in suspending from the Communion such Christian Souldiers as quitted the Service III. After having shewn That there were Bishops in England before the Council of Nice the Author speaks of the State wherein the Churches of the same Island were after this Council to that of Rimini Although in the Subscriptions which we still have of the Bishops who assisted at the Council of Nice there is none of any Prelate of England it is very probable there were some of them 1. Because Constantine did all he could to assemble a great number of Bishops 2. Because there is no likelyhood this Emperor should forget the Bishops of England where he was born and proclaimed Caesar. 3. Because they having been at the Council of Arles which was held before and at those of Sardis and Rimini which followed that of Nice there was no reason to suppose that they should be forgotten in this latter This being granted Dr. Stillingfleet believes that we may learn from the Canons of the Council of Nice the Rights and Priviledges of the British Churches Therefore he relates and expounds these Canons but makes the longest stay upon three which concern Ecclesiastical Discipline The fourth is conceived in these Terms That a Bishop ought chiefly to be established by all the Bishops of the Province but if that be too difficult either because it requireth more haste or that the Proceedings of the Bishops wou'd make it too long there must at least be three present and they have the consent of the Absent to consecrate him But the Confirmation of all that is done in the Province ought to be reserved to the Metropolitan By this Canon the Rights of the Metropolitans are established after an uncontestable manner but that which creates difficulty is to know whether by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to establish which is at the beginning must be understood the Right of choosing a Bishop was devolved on the Bishops of the Province or whether the Question be only of Conservation which should be done by the Bishops upon the Election made by the Suffrages of the People Several Interpreters of the Canons understand by the Word to establish to elect and Dr. Stillingfleet sheweth That all this may be proved by a place of the Synodal Letter of the same Council to those of Alexandria where it 's said That the Meletian Bishops which the People should choose should be received and that in the time of the Council of Nice the People named the Bishops which hindered not but that they were elected by their Brothers and confirmed by the Metropolitan without which the nomination of the People signified nothing So that all that can be concluded from thence is that the People had the Right of Nomination which they have since deservedly lost by Seditions and Tumults and which they cannot recall unless it is shew'n whether it is a Divine and unalterable Right which will never be adds our Author and which even those who strive to win the favour of the People in defending it's Rights do not endeavour to prove upon the Principles of the first Ages It will not be denyed but that the People had then the Right of Opposing the chosen Persons by shewing That they were not worthy But in this case the People were heard as Witnesses and not as Judges If the Bishops who had chosen him who was opposed judged that the Accusations which were against him were just they proceeded against the Accused according to the Canons and then they came to a new nomination whereof notwithstanding the Synod of the Province was to judge The Author expounds thereby the 16 Canon of the Council of Antioch and the 12 of that of Laodicea where mention is made of the popular Election not to mark the Preferment of some one to the Episcopacy but the choosing of a Bishop already ordained to be Bishop of some Church The fifth Canon of Nice informs us That he who shall be excommunicated by one Bishop shall not be received into Communion by another If any one complained of being unjustly excommunicated the Provincial Synod judged thereof and if this Synod revoked not the Sentence of this Bishop every one was to hold him Excommunicated 'T is for that the Council of Nice orders That there should be every where held Provincial Councils twice a year at Easter and Autumn Our Author maintains that the Council of Nice doth not ordinarily acknowledge in her Procedures any other Tribunal than the Provincial Synods except in places whose ancient Customs were different as it appears by the following Canon So that all strange Jurisdiction is forbidden by the Fathers of Nice as the Churches of Africk maintained it boldly against the Popes Thence it 's concluded
Christ the Sins which were committed before his coming and which he bore by his patience and that God hath declared in the Gospel how much he loves Justice since he has pardoned Sinners after that his Son their Surety had expiated their Crimes and has even pardoned those which sinn'd before his coming It was objected to Mr. Alting that the sense he gave to the term Paresis was unknown to all Greece He answers to this it is the Custom with the Writers of the New Testament to give Hebrew Significations to Greek Words and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answers to the Hegnebbir of the Hebrews nor is it strange that St. Paul has taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Transport To confirm his Opinion the Author brings many Examples of a very extraordinary Signification of the Particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for which answering to that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chi In Hebrew is employed for although in the following passages Iohn 4.44 Two days after Iesus returned into Galilee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 altho' Iesus had testified himself that no Prophet would be well received in his own Country Rom. 5.7 One would scarce die for a just Man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 altho' for a good Man some wou'd even dare to die There are infinite Examples of these Hebraisms Thus the passage of St. Iohn 8.25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which has given so much trouble to the Interpreters is a phrase of the Rabbins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lebitchilla tascher ani omer Lachem I am really what I tell you The same Apostle doth not commonly take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a Greek sense but in a signification which the Rabbins give to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beparhesia which signifies Publickly 50 27 42 44 52. In the 45.50 Mr. Alting proves the necessity of studying the Hebrew Tongue against a Professor who durst maintain in his Publick Lessons that that Tongue was not necessary for Ministers nor for Students in Divinity because St. Augustine and all the Doctors of his time were ignorant of it except St. Ierome who drew upon himself the hatred of all his Contemporaries The same Author writing against the Jew Athias p. 4. according to the citation of Mr. Alting Libros veteris Testamenti partem Bibliorum inutilem dixit potiorem vero sanctiorem novi Testamenti libros that is the Books of the Old Testament are the unprofitable Part of the Bible but that those of the New Testament are the most holy and most considerable Mr. Perizonius designing to refute Spinosa consulted Mr. Alting upon some difficulties which our Professor resolves in his 59. and 50. The first relates to the Authors of the Canon of the Old Testament and 't is asked whether it was Esdras Mr. Alting saith That 't is commonly believed upon the Testimony of Buxtorf who assures us in his Tyberiade That the Members of the great Synagogue assembled to bring into one Body the Canonical Books and that Esdras presided in that Assembly and that the three last Prophets were there accompanied with Mordocheus But Gans David remarks that Simeon the Just who is said to have been the last of the Assembly of this great Synagogue lived eight Generations after Ioshuah Son to Iosadack Add to this that there is no likelyhood that Malachy was Contemporary with Esdras since he doth not speak of the rebuilding of the Temple nor return of the Iews and that he chiefly sticks to reprehend the Priests who corrupted the Law by their Interpretations So that this Prophet seems to have lived about the time of Hillel when the Sect of the Pharisees began to flourish and their Traditions to be in Vogue Parker has remarked that the Fathers of the Church pass'd for Apostolical Traditions customs established by long use whereof the first Author was not known and to which they had a mind to give some Authority The same Remark may be made concerning the Iews There were amongst them Institutions whereof the Authors were uncertain which they attributed to the Members of the great Synagogue and made them come from inspired Men which were but Traditions of the Pharisees The Members of the Synagogue never lived in the same time nor in the same place and that consequently there never hath been such an one It is an invention of the Sticklers for Tradition to give some likelihood to their System The second difficulty regards the numbering of Iews who returned from Babylon to Ierusalem Esdras and Nehemiah agree in a Total Sum which was 42360. but when we our selves will muster up the number of each Family there will be only found 29818 in Esdras and 31089 in Nehemiah There is yet this thing remarkable that Nehemiah mentions 1765 Persons which are not in Esdras and that Esdras has 494 whereof Nehemiah doth not all speak The Difference that seems to make it impossible to reconcile these two Authors is what makes them agree for if you add the Over-plus of Esdras to the number of Nehemiah and the Surplus of Nehemiah to that of Esdras the same Number will come of them both Which being substracted from 42360 there remains 10777. which were not mentioned perhaps because they lost their Genealogical Books being of the Posterity of the Priests Chabaja Cotzi Barzillai or of the Israelites of the Ten Tribes In the sixtieth Letter our Author makes the History of the Canon of the Old Testament Moses saith he committed the keeping of his Books to the Levites Deut. 31.25 and the following and created them as 't were Doctors of the People Deut. xxxiii 10 And it seems that Malacby alludes to this charge Ch. 2. vers 4 5 6 7. Yet these Doctors did not much increase this Bibliotheque until the time of David The Prince assisted with some Prophets divided the Priests and Levites into divers Classes who were to serve by turns But this Order was the cause of a great confusion amongst the holy Levites whereof none took care but when his turn was come Thence proceeds the disorder which is remarked in the Collection of the Psalms David gave them to the Levites who were in their Week according as he composed them each Classis kept those which had been remitted to it In fine there was a Collection made joyning together what each Classis had received without having regard to the Order or time in which they were Written The same thing sometimes hapened in regard to the Sermons of the Prophets Habac. 2.2 which having been intrusted to divers Priests were gathered according to this Method and put into the number of the Sacred Books As in the time of Malachy they began to have too much esteem for Traditions and to attribute unto them an Authority which weakned that of the Sacred Writings this Prophet discover'd the Imposition of the Levites who gave way to these Traditions because it augmented their credit He prohibited for the future that any Writing whatever should be put
that speaketh where there is nothing but Ideas only they cannot hold the place of things but where there are Ideas whereto they are conform 3. Words are of two sorts There are general Terms and Names to particular things All that Exist some will say being particular what need have we of general Terms Where are these universal Natures that these Terms signifie for the most part of Words that are imployed in common are general Terms To answer to the first of these Demands we must remark that there is such a great number of particular things that the Mind cannot retain as many Words as would be necessary to mark them all and though the Memory could retain them they would be unprofitable because particular Beings known to one Man are often absolutely unknown to another So their Names could not serve us to communicate our Thoughts because they would not be signs of Ideas common to him that speaketh and to him that heareth Moreover the progress we make in Knowledge being got by means of the general Notions we have need of general Terms As to the second Demand General Natures whereof general Terms are signs are but general Ideas and Ideas become general only by abstracting time place and other particularities which are the cause that these signs only represent individual Natures An Idea formed in this wife by Abstraction and by being disengaged from all that rendred it individual is capable to represent equally many individual things And as much as each of them hath all that remaineth in this abstracted Idea 't is in that alone that consisteth the general Nature upon which so many unprofitable Questions have been proposed and so many vain Subtilties published Ideas come thus to represent not a particular Being but a sort of Things and the Names of these Ideas signifie that which the Logicians usually call Genus and Species whereof it 's supposed each hath its particular Essence Tho' there be great Disputes touching the Genus and Species and their Essences the truth is That the Essence of each Genus and each Species is nothing else than an abstract Idea in the Mind of him that speaketh and whereof the general Term he makes use of is the sign It 's also true that each particular Thing has a real constitution by which it is what it is and it is that which properly is called Essence But this Word having changed its first signification and being applied to the Species and Genus of Schools Essences have been commonly looked upon as belonging to the different orders of Beings ranged under divers general denominations In this sense Essences are truly nothing else than abstract Ideas whereof general Terms are signs We may call the first Essences whereof we speak real and the second ones nominal sometimes they are the same and sometimes they are quite different the one from the other in the same thing 4. We shall more clearly conceive the Nature and Signification of Words if we consider the Relation they have with these three sorts of Ideas whereof I have already spoken to wit the simple Ideas the Substances and the Moods under the which I comprise the Relatives 1. The names of simple Ideas and of Substances denote some Beings really existent whence they are drawn as from their Original But the name of the mix'd Moods do terminate in the Mind and I believe it 's for that reason that they are particularly called Notions 2. The names of simple Ideas and of Moods always signifie the real Essence as well as the nominal The names of Substances seldom signifie though sometimes they have another signification any thing else but the nominal Essence 3. Of all things the names of simple Ideas are the least doubtful and uncertain 4. But what I believe to be of a great use and that no Body as I know hath remarked is that we must distinguish the Terms that can and that cannot be defined I observe therefore that we cannot define the names of the simple Ideas whereas we may those of the complex For to define being no more than to make known an Idea which is mark'd by a certain Word by means of some Terms that are not synonimous the Definition cannot have place but in the complex Ideas It 's well known how much the Peripateticks and even the modern Philosophers not knowing what Names could or could not be defined have vainly discoursed and published such Gallimauphry whilst they went about to define the Names of some few simple Ideas because for the most part they thought it not for their purpose to undertake the same thing Though they have defined Motion and Light they have nevertheless waved the definition of the greatest part of simple Ideas and the definitions of Light and Motion that they have hazarded to produce will appear if they are throughly examined to have as little sense as what may be said in expounding the terms of Red and Sweet When a Man born blind shall be made to understand what Idea the word Blew will bear we may likewise make a Man to comprehend by the means of Definition what Motion and Light signifie to a Man who till then shall not know what it is but by another way The Names of simple Ideas have but a very few subordinations in that which Logicians call Linea Praedicamentis because these Ideas being not composed nothing can be retrenched from them to render it more general and to give it more extent Therefore the word Colour which comprehendeth Red and Blew c. only maketh a simple Idea which we have by means of the Sight 5. As to the Names of mix'd Moods and of Relatives which are all general Terms we must note 1. That the Essence of their different sorts are all formed by the Intellect 2. That they are arbitrarily and with a great liberty formed the Mind not relating here to the real Existence of any Original 3. Though the Essences or the Kinds of mix'd Moods are formed without Models yet they are not formed at all Adventures and without Reason It is not only the signification of Words but also the brevity which is one of the greatest advantages of Language Therefore the end that we propose to our selves is not only to imploy the Sounds significant of signs to certain Ideas but also to make use of short Sounds to signifie many distinct Ideas which by their combinations form thereof one Complex Idea conformable hereunto Men do reunite in one only complex Idea several separated Ideas depending of one another and give it a name when they have occasion to think of proper Compositions and of discoursing thereupon together Thus it is that Men do arbitrarily from different kinds of mix'd Moods in giving names to certain Compositions of Ideas which have no more connection in themselves than others that are not united by any like denomation This evidently appeareth in the diversity of Tongues where is nothing more ordinary than to find several Words in one
but in the Minds of Men and for that reason are uncertain Moreover these Ideas being often very much compounded it s very difficult for them to agree exactly with one another though they all are marked by the same name Neither is it easie for a Man to keep the same precise Idea constantly applied to the same name when it 's very much compounded Where shall one find a Conjunction of all the Ideas that the word Glory signifieth at once The complex and precise Idea which the word Iustice marketh is seldom fixt or always the same Thirdly The names of Substances are very equivocal because their complex Ideas are not arbitrary Compositions but related models that are existing nevertheless it is impossible to know after any other manner even very imperfectly 1. We have shewn that sometime it was suppos'd that the names of Substances do signifie themselves in as much as they have certain real Essences Every thing having a real constitution by which it is what it is it hath been usual to call this constitution its Essence as if it were the Essence of a kind But whether that be so or not its certain that it being altogether unknown it is impossible to know what the signification is of this word in this usage or what thing it noteth 2. Sometimes those Ideas which the names of Substances denote are formed upon like Qualities which are observed in Bodies in which they solely do exist And though that be the proper usage of these names it 's notwithstanding very easie to make true remarks of their significations in that sense because the Qualities that we find in Substances and whereof we form the complex Ideas that we have thereof being for the most part Powers or Faculties they are almost infinite The one having no more right than the other to be included in our complex Ideas which are the Copies of these Originals it 's very difficult to mark justly by means of these models the signification of their names And therefore the same name of a Substance seldom denoteth in the Mouth of two Men the same complex Idea 8. Besides this natural Imperfection of Language Men do herein commit divers voluntary Abuses that are observed 1. They make use of Words to which they apply any clear and determinate Signification All Sects in Philosphy and in Religion are very often guilty hereof there being very few but by an affectation to singularity or to hide some weak place of Systems make use of some Terms to which it's visible they have applied no clear and determinate Idea Besides these Terms that have no signification and which are proper to each part there are others whereof we make use in our ordinary Language though in the Mind there be no precise Idea to which they are applied It sufficeth to have learned the Words that are in use in every one's Country and that they may be imployed in Conversation though Men take but little pains to apply thereto a clear signification If it were asked of those who have at every moment in their Mouths the words Reason and Grace what they understand thereby It should often be found that they have in their Mind no distinct Idea which may answer to these or other like Words 2. Another Abuse that is committed here is That in the same Discourse one only Word is at one time the signification of one Idea and at another time that of another There is nothing more common in Controversies wherein seldom we miss finding the same word in divers significations not only in incident matters but in places that are most essential and concerning which the Question in dispute is 3. We may add to that an affected obscurity suppose in the usage of Words received or in the invention of some new Terms There is nothing that hath so much contributed to that as the Method and Instruction of Schools where all hath been accommodated to Dispute This Method unavoidably casteth into a multiplication and strange entangling of obscure Terms This dangerous Abuse of the Language having passed for Subtilty and having obtained the reputation and recompense due to true Knowledge hath hindred Men to make true progresses in Sciences as we all sufficiently do know 4. The Language is yet abused in taking Words for things which particularly happeneth in relation to the names of Substances For Men having formed to themselves particular Ideas and without ground as they have thought it fit to invent or uphold certain Physical Systems have accommodated thereto certain Words After that these Words becoming familiar to them have been lookt upon by their Followers as signifying something real and as necessary signs of things themselves Thus substantial Forms intentional Kinds and a great many such Terms by a frequent and uncontested usage have made several People to believe that there were real Beings meant by these Terms It did not appear credible to them that their Fathers their Masters their Divines and their learned Men had made use of words which signifie nothing but meer Chimera's and which have no relation to any real Being in the World I have already spoken of the abuse that is committed in supposing that Words do signifie the real Essences of Substances 5. Another more general abuse of Words though less considerable is to suppose that their signification is so clear and constant that one cannot be mistaken in the Idea that they signifie Hence it is that Men find it strange that they should be obliged to inform themselves of the signification of Words which they make use of or that it should be asked of them though it be visible that very often the sense cannot be assuredly understood in which a Word is taken how they can tell in what precise Idea it hath been used 6. Figured Terms and all the sought for Ornaments of Rhetorick are likewise a true abuse of Language But with this it is even as it is with the fair Sex Eloquence is sustained with too powerful Charms to be endured in speaking against it In vain should we mark the defects in certain deceiving Arts by which Men delight to be deceived 7. The imperfection and abuses of Language being the principal sources of Disputes and Errors which are come into the World it would not a little contribute to the Truth and Ease of Men if they would seriously apply themselves to speak after a more exact and serious manner I shall shew here for this word some easie Precautions to those that pretend to Sincerity for I am not so vain as to imagin I can reform so rooted an Abuse and where so many would be found in the account I believe nevertheless that no Body will deny 1. But that every one ought to take care that he make not use of a Word without a signification or any sound without having some Idea in his Mind that he would express thereby 2. That the Idea that we mark by this sign should be clear and distinct
and that all the simple Ideas whereof it is composed if it is complex should be fixt and constant This is necessary in the Names of all complex Ideas but we ought to take a particular care in Words that express the Ideas of Morality which being composed of divers simple Ideas are not as they should be till we have fixed in our Mind the complex Idea which we would denote by every Word We ought to endeavour to be in a capacity of an easie Enumeration of all that entreth into this Idea and to resolve it into all the simple Ideas which compose it For want of this it happeneth that our Words become so obscure and equivocal that neither others nor our selves can tell what we would say 3. One ought to accommodate his Ideas as much as possible to the common signification that the words have in the ordinary usage The usage is that which determineth the signification of the Words and every particular Person ought not to make such change as he pleaseth therein But because the common usage hath left a great part of Words not to say the most part in a very extravagant signification and Men often are constrained to make use of a common word in a sense somewhat particular it 's often necessary to mark in what sense we make use of Words especially when they belong to the principal Subject of the Discourse or of the Question This Interpretation of our Terms if we would be correct ought to be conformable to the different kinds of the Ideas that they signifie The best and even in several occasions the only way of making known the signification of the name of a simple Idea is to present it to the Senses The only means to mark the sense of the most part of the names of mix'd Moods at least of the Words that belong to Morality is Definition and the best means to understand the names of the most part of Bodies is to shew the Bodies we discourse on and in the mean while to define the names whereof we make use because on the one side several of the Qualities which distinguish them from other Bodies are not easie to be expressed by words and on the other since many other things among them cannot without much pain and preparations be discovered by the Senses 10. I have shewn what the signification is of Words and what care we ought to take that we may not suffer our selves to be thereby deceived that being necessary before we enter into the consideration of our Notions which maketh the subject of the following Book Before I finish this I shall say only one word of the common distinction of Terms because I believe it may serve for the clearing our Ideas It is the distinction of the Terms Abstract and Concrete upon which we may mark 1. That two abstract Ideas are never affirmed at once 2. That simple Ideas and Moods have concrete Names as well as abstract but that Substances have but concretes saving some few abstract Words affected by Scholasticks which they never could bring into common use as Corporeity Animality c. The first of these two Remarks teacheth us as it seemeth to me that two distinct Ideas are two distinct Essences which cannot be affirmed both at once The second includeth a clear Assertion that Men have no Idea of the real Essences of the kinds of Substances seeing they have in their Tongues no Terms to express them BOOK IV. We have treated in the two preceeding Books of the Ideas and Words in this we treat of Knowledge 1. It 's shewn in the first Chapter That Knowledge is nothing else but the perception of Agreement or of Dis-agreement which is between two Ideas This convenience or dis-convenience may be reduced for a greater clearness to these four 1. Identity 2. Coexistence 3. Real Existence 4. Relation The first and principal act of our Intellect is to perceive the Ideas it hath to see what each of them is and in what they differ from others Without that the Mind could not either have variety of Thoughts nor Discourse nor judge nor reason upon what it thinketh It 's by this faculty that the Mind perceiveth what Idea it hath when it seeth a Violet and by which it knoweth that Blew is not Yellow Secondly our Idea of Substances consists as I have shewn in a certain mass of simple Ideas which is noted by a Specifick Name The most part of our disquisitions touching Substances tends to know what other Qualities they have which refer to this to wit what other Ideas do coexist and are found united with other our complex Ideas Thus to seek if Gold is fixed is to seek if being able to be in the fire without being consumed is an Idea that coexisteth in the same subject with the Ideas of yellow Colour of Weight of Malleability and Fusibility whereof our Idea of Gold is composed The third sort of Agreement is to know if a real existence agreeth or not to some thing whereof we have an Idea in our Mind The last sort of Agreement or Dis-agreement of the Ideas consisteth in some other Relation which may be between two Ideas Thus this Enunciation Sweetness is not Bitterness marketh a dis-convenience of Idendity Thus Iron is susceptible of the Impressions of the Loadstone signifies an agreeing of coexistence These words God existeth inlcude an agreeing of real Existence This Proposition Two Triangles whereof the Base is equal and which are betwixt two parallel Lines are equal marketh a convenience of Relation 2. According to the different manner wherewith we perceive the convenience or the dis-convenience of our Ideas the evidence wherewith we know them is different Sometimes the Mind perceiveth the convenience or dis-convenience of two Ideas immediately Thus it seeth that Red is not Yellow that a Circle is not a Triangle that three is more than two and is equal to two and one That is what may be called intuitive Knowledge or of a simple view It is upon this simple view that is founded all the certitude and all the evidences of our Notions and indeed every one findeth that this evidence is so great that he cannot imagin nor consequently require a greater one For no Body can believe himself capable of a greater certitude than to know that an Idea which he hath in his Mind is such as he perceiveth it and that two Ideas among which he seeth a difference are different and are not really the same Therefore in the following degree of our Knowledge which I call Demonstration this intuition or simple view is necessary in all the connections of middle Ideas without which we cannot come at any general Knowledge nor to any certainty 2. When the Agreement or Dis-agreement of two Ideas cannot immediately be perceived but the Mind maketh some other Idea to intervene to shew it this is that which is called Demonstration Therefore the Mind not being able to joyn three Angles of a Triangle with
by the Reason which we have heretofore mentioned to wit that this Soul never having offended God would notwithstanding be subject to all manner of miseries and that without ever expecting a recompence for the Evils which they should have suffered For again could one conceive that God imprints sentiments of grief in an innocent Creature provided it was with a design to make it deserve Eternal Felicity by it's acquiescing in the pain To this the Author adds this consideration that the Soul of Beasts being innocent would nevertheless be submitted to all the unmeasured desires of Man which is a disorder contrary to natural Light Which will be easily comprehended if we imagine two different Kinds of Men whereof the one to wit the Posterity of Adam should have reserved his Innocence and the other become criminal If the Posterity of Adam being innocent was submitted to the desires of these Criminal Men so that they should treat us as we treat Beasts that they should make us tear one another for their pleasure that they should kill us to feed their Bodies that they should seek into our Entrails during our Life to satisfie their curiosity and all this in Vertue of the Empire which they should receive from God over us who is it that does not herein easily perceive a disorder which offends all the Principles of sound Sense We must then conclude say the Cartesians that if Beasts had a Soul God would not have given to sinful Man the Empire which he hath over them Let it be denied as much as they will with a Physician of Paris named Lami a provoked Epicurean That Man hath over Beasts any other Empire but that which Industry or strength procures unto him it will be still true and this Physician hath not the considence to deny it that God hath suffered Man after the Flood to kill Beasts to feed upon them Which is to grant him an Empire great enough to preserve all the force of the Objection of the Cartesians As to what concerns the second Consequence to wit that if Beasts have a Soul the Immortality of ours can no more be proved the Author clears it very pertinently He expounds the Equivocation of the Word Immortality and sheweth that in a certain Sense Bodies partake thereof but that there is another signification according to which Immortality belongs but to the Soul It were to be wished that this Author should refute those who give an Immortal Soul to Animals for it is unto this that some of those are now reduced who embrace not the Hypothesis of Mr. Des-Cartes being Combated by the purest Ideas of Divinity and forced in their Retrenchments they say that the Souls of Beasts perish not As that enervates the greatest part of the Reasons of this Author his interest is to refute this new Hypothesis The Cartesians would willingly have Men to examin if it be just to make so much ado against their Doctrin concerning the Soul of Beasts seeing they maintain it by Reasons which reduce their Adversaries to the greatest Extremities the Publick may judge whether they have Reason or not This is what concerns the first Conference The second contains the Mechanick Explication of several actions of Animals Descartes de la Forge de Cordemoy d' Illy and Rohault in their Discourses have spoken of the same thing much finer therefore I shall omit it If there is a second Edition made of these Conferences it will be a great deal better to correct the Trials 'T is advice which the Dutch Stationers have great need of A Collection of some curious Pieces concerning the Philosophy of Mr. Descartes in 12. At Amsterdam Sold by Henry Desbordes 1684. THis Collection contains six Pieces The first is an Extract of the Acts of an Assembly of the Fathers of the Oratory which was held at Paris in the Month of September 1680. This Assembly willing to give us an undoubted proof of their Submission to the King caused a Writing to be presented unto him by which they engaged to Teach nothing which should smell of Iansenism or Cartesianism They observe in this Writing after what manner they think Grace should be taught in Seminaries Colledges and in other Houses of the Congregation And as they would have it on the one Hand permitted to every one to Teach Predestination and Efficacious Grace by it self they desire on the other that Men have a particular care to shew that the Efficacy of Grace leaves Man in his Power of Acting or not Acting and that in every state there are Graces truly sufficient As for the Professors of Philosophy the same Writing dictates unto them certain things which they ought or ought not to teach They require that in Phisick Men take great heed not to swerve from the Principles of Aristotle commonly received in Colleges and that they teach that the Essence of the Matter consists not in the extent That there is a substantial Form really distinct from the Matter in each natural Body That there are absolute Accidents That a Vacuum is not impossible c. This is what was understood by this Concordat of the Jesuits and the Fathers of the Oratory of which there hath been so much talk and whereof there were no more Printed Copies in France The second Piece contains remarks upon this Concordat The Author pretends that the Fathers of the Oratory have done great wrong to the Doctrin of St. Augustin in that which they had given for a Model to their Professors in the preceeding Assemblies He maintains that they have been taken for Fools and that they have not seen the Artifice of some Clauses inserted in their Writings He sheweth also it is dangerous to Captivate the Mind of Man in regard to natural Truths and to give an occasion to think that the Catholick Church and Aristotle are really tied together that the one cannot be overthrown without shaking the other The third Piece is Entituled An Explanation of the Book of Mr. de la Ville Mr. Bernieris the Author thereof Mr. de la Ville pretends that all new Philosophers whether Cartesians or Gassendists ruin the Mystery of Transubstantiation by maintaining that the Essence of Matter consists in the Extent As his Book dedicated to the Clergy of France made a noise and injured the Cartesians Mr. Bernier who is known to be a great follower of Gassendus was afraid himself and Composed the Explanation whereof we speak in which he endeavours to reconcile the Principles of his Philosophy with the Decisions of the Church He pretends that Real-presence may be more commodiously expounded by the Hypothesis of the new Philosophers than by the Principles of Schools and assures us that he hath made the experience thereof in the Indies For saith he when I saw some of those new Christians in trouble about the mystery of the Eucharist as not being able to conceive that upon the Altar where there seemed to be Bread with all its Extent and being no
help in the Cure of Dyssenteries Some object against this Opinion of Mr. Boyle that simple Remedies cannot prevail against Distempers that proceed from the concourse of divers Causes which produce many and differing Symptoms But it is answered first to this That it is not designed to throw away all manner of compound Medicaments And secondly That simple Remedies do not fail in the Cure of Diseases that proceed from different Causes as is seen by the Kinkina which cures tertian and quartan Agues and that the cause of the Distemper being taken away the different Symptoms cease as the different Symptoms of the Rickets cease the cause being taken away by a Remedy drawn from Vitriol which Mr. Boyle calls Eâ—s Veneris 3. That Nature it self has formed the Bodies which we call Simple of divers parts endowed with different Qualities whereof some are Refreshing others Hot some Sweet others Sour as in Rhuharb there are parts that purge and others that bind In the same Marcarito or Excrement of Metal are found an acid Salt two sorts of Sulphurous Earth some Brass and some Iron which are all composed of different parts 4. The Dissolutions of Chimistry shew that the Bodies that seem to the Eye the most Homogenial and all of the same nature are extreamly composed and this is what may be proved with an Infinite number of Experiences And it s perhaps for this Reason that Remedies thought by some to be the most simple are often proper for several Distempers Mr. Boyl brings for example Mineral Waters Bolearmeniack c. By this extract may be seen that Mr. Boyle's two Treatises concerning Specifick and simple Remedies may be very useful to all sorts of People But it would have been received better beyond Seas If the Latin Interpreter had taken more pains to express the Original better for there are not only Babarisms in the Translation but also Words taken in a Sense far from their own signification The Author says that Limon-Iuyce hinders the cutting of a Knife but the Translator tells us that a File is very contrary or injurious to the Edge of a Knife Lima cultri aciei contraria est p. 14. Elkium is according to him what others call Alce a kind of little Coal p. 95. Morbus comitialis and Morbus regius the Falling-sickness and the Yellow-Jandies are but one and the same thing in his Dictionary 121. and p. 101. he calls Cornelian Lapis Cornelianus Reflections upon Antient and Modern Philosophy and the use that may be made thereof Translated out of French To be Sold at the New Exchange London THe Inclination Princes had to make great Collections of Books made them without Distinction give great reward to all who brought them in the Books of Aristotle as Galen tells us On that account such was the Industry of Book-sellers that Quarto Volumes of Analyticks bearing the name of Aristotle were Collected though he never Composed but 4. which confusion was the Cause the Interpreters of that Philosopher were so puzled about the true Distinction of his Books The antient Philosophy is more founded on Authority and the modern on Experience the antient is simple and natural the modern artificial and elaborate the former is more modest and grave the latter more imperious and pedantic The antient is peaceable and calm for it was so far from Disputing that it would have the Minds of Youth prepared by the Mathematics that they might be accustomed to submit to Demonstration without Hesitation the modern is of a strain of Disputing every thing of training up Youth to noise and the tumult of the Schools The antient enquires into Truth only out of a sincere desire to find it the modern takes pleasure to dispute it even when it is discovered The one advances more securely in its Method because it hath always the Metaphysics for a Guide the other is unsure in its Steps when 't is once deprived of that Conduct Constancy Fidelity sound Iudgment and Stedfastness were that which Men called Philosophy in the Days of Plato and the dislike of Business Peevishness and the renouncing of Pleasures when the use of them is lost through the Conquest of the Passions I know not what Authority that is which is derived from the Gray Beard counterfeit Audacity flegmatic Sullenness moderation and all that Wisdom which springs from the weakness of Age and Constitution which is the Philosophy of a great many now-a-days The antient is universally more learned it aims at all Tho the modern confines it self to the sole consideration of Nature resting satisfied to be a mear Naturalist In fine the antient is more addicted to Study more laborious and indefatigable in what it undertakes for the primitive Philosophers spent their lives in Study The modern is less constant in its Application more superficial in its Pains and more precipitate in its Studies and the Precipitation accustoms it self by little and little to ground too easily Reasonings not very exact upon uncertain Rumours Testimonies of little credit and Experiments not well agreed upon It pronounces boldly upon Doubts and uncertainties to satisfy in some manner the eagerness that it sometimes hath to vent its imaginations and to give Vogue to Novelties So that to make a decision between both I am of the Opinion of an intelligent Philosopher of these last Ages who all things being well considered was resolved to stick to the Antients and leave the Moderns to themselves For the plain common Sense of the Primitive Philosophers is preferable to all the Art and Quaintness of the New Tho from what part soever Truth comes it ought to be esteemed Then let us not distinguish Antient Reason from New for on what side so'ere we find it and what colour soe're we give it 't is still the same For in thinking nothing Truth but what is Truth and nothing probable but what is so saith Epicurus in Cicero consists all the prudence of the wise Man Through their various Opinions Disputation became the fruits of Philosophy and 't was more made use of to try the Wit than to Cure the Mind It is greatness of Soul to speak as one thinks and think as one speaks Logic may be said to be the first Ray of evidence and the first Draught of Method that is displayed on Sciences Because its business is to form the Judgment which is the usual Instrument the Mind employs in Reasoning truly and in discerning Truth and Falshood exactly by distinguishing what is simple from what is compound and what is contingent from what is necessary And since this Art is the Source from whence flows Certainty there is little security in all the Reasonings of Men without its assistance Alcuinus who explains exactly enough the Dialectick of Plato says that that Philosopher made use of Division Definition and Induction to come back to the Fountain-head of first Truth from whence he drew his Principles to the end he might think and speak wisely of every thing and that
three orders The first such as pretend to the knowledg of Nature in general The second those who prepare Remedies The third those who apply themselves to the finding out of the Art of changing Metals by giving them Figures new Colours or new Consistence The first and second may be rational as Albertus Magnus Vanhelmont and the Distillers are The third are extravagant for to pretend to make new Creatures is to invade the Right of the Creator And as for the Cabalists and Iudicial Astrologers there is nothing more frivolous than their natural Philosophy Unhappy are the Philosophers of that Genius who subtilize on the knowledg of the Creature and stick at the belief of the Creator That was not the Character of the Ancient Philosophers who had not only higher Thoughts than we but raised themselves above themselves that they might acknowledg a Soveraign Reason which they made the rule of all their Reasonings and to which they submitted their Minds The end of Metaphysicks is the finding out of pure and abstracted Verity Thereby it perceives things in their Original that it may fully know them it enteâ—s into the Retail of all particular Species which it reduces to their Principles and that Retail is almost infinite This is the Reason that without it all the Knowledges of Men are but Superficial and Imperfect because there is not almost any true Demonstration without its Principles It is not that one must needs be a Philosopher to be a Christian nor that the Wisdom of the World is a Rule to the Wisdom of Heaven but that this Reason of Man being submitted to Faith Faith how Divine soever it be condescends to make use of humane Reasoning to bring Reason to its obedience Wherefore that we may not mistake our selves let us begin to study what is to be believed before we set our selves on Reasoning Let us regulate the use of our Faith that we may regulate the use of our Reason Let us be Christians before we be Philosophers Let our first Wisdom and our chief Philosophy be our Religion Men learn to Reason by Philosophy but they learn to submit their Minds to Reason and eternal Verity by Christianity Religion is then the first Principle according to which human Wisdom is to take its Measures So that all the different Methods of Ancient or Modern Philosophy all the new Systems of Natural and all the new Maxims of Moral Philosophy may be good if they be not contrary to it For the Gospel ought to be the Rule of our Sentiments And what 's not conform to that Rule leads to Disorder Cicero's Offices with Notes of Mr. Graevius At Amsterdam Sold by P. and J. Blaeuw 1688. in Octavo MR. Graevius Professor at Vtretcht and the Author of this Commentary is so famous amongst the Learned that our Praises would add nothing to the Opinion that the Publick have conceiv'd of his desert His Works and the Liberalities of the King which came to seek for him into the end of these Provinces bear an Illustrious Testimony of his Capacity He doth therefore continue here to give us his Corrections and his Notes upon all the Works of Cicero and truly he could not make a better use of his Ability in these Sorts of matters than in exercising it upon the Offices which are so fit to qualifie the Mind and Heart for the reception of Vertue As his Works will be put in the Rank of the Dauphin's Commentaries so it is dedicated to the Dauphin and in his Epistle he assures him that how famous soever his Ancestors have been the Beauty of his Nature and the Extraordinary Education he hath got do promise to the Universe that he will add a new Luster to the Glory of his Predecessours He represents to him that the true Happiness and most solid Glory of Kings consist in rendering their People happy and that under him is expected a Reign as that of Titus who was the love and delight of a Mankind The Author admonisheth us in this short Preface that he hath joined to the Offices of Cicero Laelius Cato the Paradoxes and the Dream of Scipio His first care was to reestablish the purity of the Text and then to Illustrate it every where by what Ancient and Modern Philosophers have Writ most fine upon this part of Philosophy For this purpose he made use of the Edition of Lange which is the most correct and he also hath consulted several Manuscripts whereof he gives here the detail He by the bye inveigheth against those who despise the pains that is taken in correcting ancient Authors and against those that entirely destroy the sense of them by too bold Corrections These are two Extremities that must equally be avoided We owe respect enough to the Ancients for not to pull asunder their Thoughts and Sentiments and not to substitute our Suspicions and Conjectures But there is Superstition scrupulously to keep all their Words or to spend our selves in finding a fine Sense in their most obscure Expressions Notwithstanding it hath been seen that Expositors were more proud for re-establishing one Word in the Text of an Ancient Author after having sweated much upon a Manuscript than if they had discovered some secret of Nature or put forth some fine Precept of Morality Mr. Graevius who perceived the Study of Scholiasts to be commonly dry and barren has intermixed with his Notes very fine Lessons for the Conduct of Life and to render the Matter more airy he adds some Tracts of Literature For Example Cicero saith That Anger ought to have no share in the correction of Superiors Upon this the Author tells us this fine saying of Plato to his Man I would beat you if I were not in Anger He teacheth us that we must look upon Person 's Faults with much Indulgence and hate the Crime without hating him that commits it Upon these Words Quae Natura occultavit eadem omnes qui sana mente sunt removent ab Oceulis He tells us Modesty is given to Man to preserve his Honour and Reputation because it includes a secret fear of Contempt and Infamy And this fear is very often a stronger Bar than love to Vertue Such is he who feareth not the Reproaches of his own Heart yet dreads the Judgments of the Publick Shame perplexeth and presseth him and this Maxim is as true as it is Ingenuous That Vertue would not go far if Vanity did not keep her Company He adds very curious things upon Nakedness which offends Decency only by Custom and that Idea that Men have of this State In fine the Reader is not wearied by perpetual Corrections and a certain variety is found here which occurs very seldom in these sorts of Works The History of PHILOSOPHY containing the Lives Opinions Actions and Discourses of the Philosophers of every Sect By Tho. Stanley Esq The second Edition at London 1687. THERE are many among the Ancients who have Writ upon the Lives of Philosophers and we have explain'd
Knowledg is still wanting what becomes of these Vapours when they are rais'd in the Air and from whence comes that Current which always appears at the entrance of the Straits of Gibralter but Mr. Halley sends us back once more to examine it only advertises the Reader that to make the Experiment which he hath spoken of he must make use of Water which hath been Salted to the same Degree that the common Sea Water is dissolving therein one fortieth part of Salt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SEU De Punctorum Origine Antiquitate Authoritate OR A DISCOURSE Concerning the ANTIQUITY DIVINE ORIGINAL AND AUTHORITY OF THE Points Uowels and Accents That are placed to the HEBREW BIBLE In TWO PARTS By a Member of the ATHENIAN SOCIETY Quod superest de Vocalium Accentuum Antiquitate eorum sententiae subscribo qui Linguam Hebraeam tamquam c. i. e. As for the Antiquity of the Vowels and Accents I am of their Opinion who maintain the Hebrew Language as the exact Pattern of all others to have been plainly written with them from the Beginning seeing that they who are otherwise minded do not only make Doubtful the Authority of the Scriptures but in my Iudgment wholly pluck it up by the Roots for without the Vowels and Notes of Distinction it hath nothing firm and certain Anton. Rodulph Cevallerius Rudimenta Hebraicae Linguae cap. 4. pag. 16. LONDON Printed for Iohn Dunton at the Raven in the Poultrey MDCXCII 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OR A Discourse concerning the Antiquity and Original of the Points Vowels and Accents that are placed to the Hebrew Bible In Two Parts The FIRST PART WHEREIN The Opinions of Elias Levita Ludivicus Capellus Dr. Walton and Others for the Novelty of the Points are considered their Evidences for the same examined and the Improbability of their Conceit that the Masorites of Tiberias Pointed the Text is at large discovered from the Silence of the Iews about it their Testimonies against it the Unfitness of the Time Place and Persons of late assigned for the Invention of the Points from the Nature of the Masora and of the Masoretick Notes on the Verses Words Letters Points Vowels and Accents of the Old Testament Their Observations on all the Kinds of the Keri U Ketib the Words written Full or Defective the Ittur Sopherim the Tikkun Sopherim and the rest of the Parts of the Masora and from other Considerations The SECOND PART Containing the Principal Testimonies and Arguments of Iews and Christians for the Proof of the Antiquity Divine Original and Authority of the Points Vowels and Accents Wherein the chiefest Objections of Elias Capellus and Others are either Obviated or briefly Answered The Cause Occasion and Method of the ensuing Discourse is declared in the Prooemium or Introduction AMongst our Abstracts of Books that have a more particular Relation to Ecclesiasticks such as the various Editions of the Bible Iurieu's System of the Church c. we have thought fit to insert this our own following Collection which perhaps may more particularly treat of the Parts of the Masora than any Piece yet extant It will be of great Use to all Scholars that are design'd for the Study of the Original Tongues and will help to make good our Title-page The Young Students Library We have herein endeavoured to remove some Prejudices and reconcile the Differences of the Learned on this great and weighty Subject which is of no less Consequence than the receiving or rejecting the Bible it self We must not enlarge in Prefacing to any Work where the Works themselves are to be Absteacts but referr you to the Subject it self Advice to the Young Students of Divinity Recommending the Study of the Scriptures in their Original Languages together with the Writings and Commentaries of the Rabbins thereupon with Directions for the Knowledge thereof Men and Brethren YOur Work is the greatest as St. Paul saith Who is sufficient for these things Consider what Knowledge the Work you must account for at the last Tribunal doth most require and attend it Hoc age You are to have the Care of Souls and to your Trust are committed the Oracles of God Your great Concern therefore is to know the Mind of God as it is revealed in his Word that you may teach it others and defend it against all Opposers This is all you are entrusted with and shall be judged by to wit the Bible This Word or Mind of God is contained perfectly in the Hebrew Bible and Greek Testament only Translations are no further God's Word than they do express the sense thereof which in all places they cannot perfectly do without more words than are allowed to to be in a Translation These Sacred Originals are the Standard and Rule of our Life Worship and Doctrine and the Fate of all Translations depends on their Preservation If therefore the Teachers need not know nor be able to defend the Original none else need Then were the Translation of it needless and so the Scripture it self and thereby all Religion and Ministery to boot if any of these things are needful they are all so for they stand or fall together Now that we may know the Mind of God in his Word we must first know what the words themselves do signifie and properly and literally mean This we cannot do in many places without the help of the Rabbins or of those who have been taught by them which is much the same and that on several Accounts which renders their Work needful as Leusden in Philologus Hebraeo-mixtus pag. 115 c. and others do manifest As 1 st Because many words as to the Grammar and sense of them could not be known without the help of those Masters of the Hebrew Tongue as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioel 2.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ioel 2.8 c. 2. There are many words but once used in Scripture especially in such a sence and are called the Apax legomena or ein lo chober bemikr◠which we cannot know the meaning of without their help and herein they are singular though they lament the loss they have been put to about them vid. Kimchi in his Preface on Miklol Also Kimchi in his Preface on Sepher Sherashim tells a Story how they knew not the meaning of that word a Besom in the Prophet's sweeping with the Beesom of Destruction till in Arabia a Rabbin heard a Woman say to her Daughter Take the Besom and sweep the House So Ioel 2.8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Sword To conclude There are very many such words but once used which as they cannot be known by the Bible alone so neither can the sence of the place be known wherein they are till they are first known and this is in many places 3. Many Phrases and divers ways of Speech are very dubious in the Old and New Testament which are well illustrated and explained by the Rabbins as Ioel 1.20 Ionah 1.5 Iudg. 12.7 Gen. 2.2 c. And
in the New Testament Mark 9.1 Mat. 16.19 11.11 10.25 Iohn 3.5 4. Many Rites and Ceremonies Ordinances and Customs but slightly mentioned in the Scripture are fully explained by the Rabbins as Circumcision Gen. 17. 1 Cor. 7.18 becoming uncircumcised again So Anathema Maran atha 1 Cor. 16.22 So the Fronâ—leâ—s Deut. 6.8 Phylacteries Numb 15.38 Mat. 23.5 their zizith fringes So the Passover and Lord's Supper Mat. 27.34 Korban Mat. 15.5.39 Stripes 2 Cor. 11.24 So for the Manner of their Sacrifices which typifie the Grace of the Gospel and the like 5. To be able to Answer and Convince the Iews requires good skill in their Writings and thereby great advantage may be made of their own Concessions as the Apostle doth frequently practise in his Epistle to the Hebrews where he oft argues from their Concâ—ssions And they had need know the Iews Principles who would Expound that Epistle 6. Many difficult and vâ—ry obscure places of Scripture whose Explication is sought for in vain among other Commentaries are clearly explained by the Rabbinâ— as Numb 3.39 compared with ver 22 28 34 43 46 49. vid. Pref. Cartwright and Menasseh in Concil Quaest. 3. on Numbers And indeed the Books of Psalms Iob Proverbs Isaiah c. are in many places so elliptical that render them inaccessible to any that are not well acquainted with the Language And in explaining these Difficulties the Rabbins are most excellent having spent all their time therein As for Instance Numb 24.17 't is said The Star that shall arise out of Iacob shall destroy all the Children of Sheth Now Noah was of Sheth's Posterity and thereby all the World since the Flood are Sheth's Children But 't is hard to think Jesus Christ will destroy all Mankind good and bad Abarbinel in Mashmiah Ieshuah fol. 7. says the word is Vnwall not Destroy and says the sense is that the Governments of the Nations shall be unhinged that the Lord's Rule over all Nations may be established So Deut. 32.36 the Lord saith he 'll help his People when he seeth that their power is gone and there is none shut up or left Now what is meant by none shut up or left Abarbinel ibid. fol. 6 7. sheweth where he says that the word Shut up ought to be read Ruler and the word Left is to be read Helper and proves the sence of the word is That when God sees his People are brought so low that they have no Ruler to head them and no Helper to defend them then God himself will arise for their help So Mat. 27.9 Then was fulfilled that which was spoken by Ieremiah the Prophet about the thirty pieces of Silver Which was not spoken by Ieremiah but Zachariah cap. 11. ver 12. The Talmudists divide the Bible into Three Parts viz. 1. The Law 2. The Prophets 3. The Cetubim or Hagiographi vid. Masoret Hammasoret pag. lat 40. The first of the latter Prophets the Talmud makes to be Ieremiah and the Masorites Isaiah and when they alledge a thing out of any of the Prophets in that Volume as the twelve minor Prophets they say So saith Ieremiah though not Ieremiah but Zachariah saith it For so the Masorites who put Isaiah first say such a place is in Isaiah which is not in Isaiah but in some other of the Prophets that are in that Volume which begins with Isaiah As for Instance The seventh Keri u lo Ketib baim is twice said to be in Isaiah which it is not but in Ieremiah 31.38 vid. the Masora on the first word of Deuteronomy And on Lam 3.13 So Luke 24.44 All that is written in the Law the Prophets and the Psalms And why the Psalms only and no more of the Hagiography Because as Elias observes some place the Psalms first in the Hagiography and so the whole Volume is intended thereby vid. Otho Lexicon Rabbinnico-Philologicum p. 261. Lightfoot Kimchi's Preface on Ieremiah So Psal. 118.27 Bind the Sacrifice with Cords unto the Horns of the Altar As Kimchi saith 't is Bring the Lamb that is bound with Cords the Blood whereof is sprinkled on the Horns of the Altar But never is Sacrifice bound with Cords to the Hornsof the Altar So Rom. 9.3 the Apostle's wishing himself cursed from Christ for the Iews is supposed only to be the common Expression of Affection used by the Iews to Persons departed Anu Cipperoti kai Would we were an Atonement for thee Masecat Sanhedrim cap. 2. ver 1. So to bind or to loose is no more than to forbid or permit The Kingdom of Heaven the Days of the Messiah to walk with Christ in White alludeth to their searching the Persons of the Priests If they were perfect and approved for the Priesthood they were sent forth apparelled in White if not they came forth in Black vid. Masecat Middoth cap. ult So Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his Garments alluding to the Rulers of the Temple who went the Round at Night and if they found a Priest asleep on the watch they beat him and burnt his Garments vid. Middoth cap. 11. also the Good Eye and the Evil Eye alluding to those that gave bountifully or niggardly in their Offerings So Isa. 12.3 to the Feast of Booths Psal. 116.13 to the Passover and the like 7. Hence Seventhly The Commentaries of the Rabbins have been a great help to all that Translate or Expound the Text As Munster saith in his Preface on the Bible That no one can well Explain the Scripture without the Commentaries of the Rabbins And Ierom saith He therefore hired a Iew to help him in the difficult places which he durst not attempt without And the best Commentaries amongst Christians are those who have plowed with the Rabbins Heifer What were the Criticks on the Bible but Men best skill'd in the Rabbins as Munster Mercer Fagius and the rest 8. Many Parts of the History of the New-Testament are well explained by the Rabbinical Writings as 2 Tim. 3.8 Iannes and Iambres mentioned by Ionathan's Paraphrase on Exod. 7.11 and the like 9. Many Proverbial Speeches are best explained by them even of the New-Testament as Mat. 19.24 Mark 10.25 Mat. 10.25 7.2 2 Thes. 3.10 c. 10. Many Names of Places Sects Moneys Weights Measures even in the New-Testament are best explained from their Writings They have indeed many Traditions very foolish but still they know their Language best and their own Affairs 11. The Law of Moses Moral Judicial and Ceremonial is fully explained by them only as to many Laws 12. To conclude As they are helpful to explain the Text so is the Knowledge of the Rabbins very needful to defend and maintain the Purity Perspicuity and Divine Authority of the Text it self as to the true Copy the Character the Points Vowels and Accents and the like Without some knowledge of the Rabbins Persons will find themselves very unable to judge of the Arguments themselves that are used on such Subjects Nay they 'll be
between them are only about little Accents as Metheg and Makkaph and Munach and Pashta single and double And the divisions about the Points are only about Holem and Kamets Katuph and Kamets Gadol and Pathak and Sheva and Kateph Pathak and so of Dagesh and Raphah and Milhill and Milrah c. But doth Elias suppose these in whole or in part to be the Authors of the Punctation Nay he saith the quite contrary is evident in the words immediately before these of Maimonides And thus saith Elias But as to the Divisions that are between Ben Asher and Ben Naphthali being only about Points and Accents there is no doubt but that they were written after the Points and the Accents were founded And this saith he is easie to understand Masoret Hamasoret Pref. 3. pag. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. as indeed it is for the differences being about the several Parts of the Punctation both Points Vowels and Accents all those Parts must needs have been before in being or they could not have been the matter of division or difference between them Obj. What made Ben Asher so long about it if he only Corrected it Sol. The Nature and Weight of the thing to make it a Standard by which to try all Copies of their only Rule of Faith wherein it was needful to observe exactly and compare faithfully by the best Copies every Letter Point and Accent of the Scripture and after that to write it over until that there neither wanted nor yet abounded one Letter Point or Accent of all the Bible was a work wherein many Years might be taken up without supposing him to be the Author of any part of the Punctation because he was long in exact Correcting of it So that here as Elias leaveth Capellus so also the Testimony doth not help him at all and others he hath none 2. As Capellus leaves Elias about the Sence of Maimonides so they differ greatly in the Method and Order wherein they suppose the several parts of the Punctation were invented Capellus conceiteth they were 500 years in compiling after this manner 1. They distinguished the Verses by two thick strokes for Soph pasuk 2. Next to that they placed the five long Vowels a e i o u. 3. Then the Pauses or great Stops by the Accents 4. Then the lesser Stops c. But he brings no Testimony to prove it and 't is no more than his own single Conjecture Now Elias saith they were all made at one time A. D. 500. and that in another manner For Elias saith that next unto the placing of the Period they placed the Colon or Athnack and then the Sakeph And it was necessary saith Elias that they should do all this before they placed the Points because that many of the Points are changed by reason of Athnack and Soph pasuk as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And indeed on this Account Capellus his Opinion is absurd for the Vowels could not be placed before Athnack and the other Accents which change the Vowels one into another were fixed And that the Points cannot be 500 years in composing viz. from A. D. 500. until A. D. 1040. as Capellus thinks they were the Nature of the Masoretick Notes and the Time unavoidably to be allotted for the same do evince For the Masorites have made their Notes on the Anomalies of all the parts of the Punctation So that the whole of the Punctation must needs have been finished long before their time who yet must needs have been before the time of Ben Asher because the Grammarians succeeded him and take no notice of any Masorites of their time which they could not have omitted if there had been any such Criticks in Grammar-learning among them as the Masorites were And yet 't is as absurd to suppose these Masorites to be before Ben Asher as it was to suppose them since his time Because 1. They had then been Contemporary with the Authors of some part of the Punctation and before the Authors of the last part of the Punctation Which is most absurd as shall be made to appear from the Nature of the Masoretick Notes which do manifestly shew that the whole of the Punctation was long before those Observations For else we must suppose there were several sets of Masorites that did successively arise after every Set of Authors of each part of the Punctation as it was gradually invented and placed But this we cannot imagine Because 1. The First Set of Masorites must then have been so near the Authors of that part of the Punctation which was invented before their time as to have been able to know the Reasons of the Anomalies which if they had known no doubt but they would have mention'd them there being no way like it to restrain Posterity from altering of them Which was the main End of all their Observations so to keep them even as they found them And the same may be said of every Set of Masorites successively 2. Then the First Set of Masorites must have been Authors of the Punctation it self rather than bare Annnotators on it being much more fit than after Ages so to be For if they durst only observe the Anomalies of that part of the Punctation which was before them how then durst any who came after their time become Authors who had no more nor yet so much skill and ability for the same For the succeeding Authors must place the parts of the Punctation of which they were the Authors of the Shapes thereof according as they had received the knowledge of the Force Sound or Pronunciation thereof from these Masotites who were their Predecessors who yet durst not attempt any such things themselves 3. If the Masorites were of such distant and divers Ages there would then be a proportionable difference in their Style and Dialect and those who made Notes on the First Part of the Punctation would have been known by their Style Dialect or Authority from those who made their Notes on the Last Part of it But there is no Mark or Means left whereby we can disâ—ern who were first or who were last by any difference of Style Dialect or Authority in any one part of the Masoretick Notes from another part of it So that these Masorites could not be before the whole of the Punctation was finished nor yet since Ben Asher's time and therefore the Punctation must needs have been finished before Ben Asher's time Which holds good against the Third Opinion which is That they were begun and ended by Ben Asher As also doth what Elias hath said before about it And therefore no Testimony being brought by any for this Opinion and few or none at this time contending for it we need not enlarge upon it But seeing Capellus would be accounted to be for the main of Elias his Opinion though he differs from him in these Particulars as to the time taken up in Composing the Punctation and the
we shall translate a full Testimony out of his Book entituled Mozenee haleshon hakkodesh towards the beginning of it as it is delivered by Buxtorf De Punct Origine pag. 13. The words are these or to this effect viz. The words of the Lord are pure Words or Sayings preserved by the hands of holy Men one Generation after another For they were sanctified from the Womb they heard the holy words at the Mouth of him who is most excellent in Holiness and they were Interpeters between him viz. the Lord and between Iacob The holy People and these were before the building of that holy House viz. the Temple and when it stood upon its Basis or Foundation and after it until the Vision and Prophecy was sealed up But after a few years about the time of the building of the holy House the second time at that time the Spirit of the Lord the Spirit of Wisdom and Understanding rested upon the Men of that House that were called Anashee keneset haggedolah The Men of the great Synagogue or Sanhedrim to explain all that was sealed up in the Command And the words that are translated by the Mouth of the Just Men from the Mouth of the former and latter Prophets that is delivered by Oral Tradition from hand to hand Also they were rendring a Reason or restoring the Accent Meshebe taam Prov. 26.16 and taught their Posterity Chephets Colinian the sence of every word or thing al jad taamee hamikra by the hand or means of the Accents of the Scripture And the Kings and the Ministers they taught their Posterity and the closed Sections and the open Sections And what continues carries on the sence in opposition to the Pause and the Verses or Pauses that stop the sence and they were Eyes to the Blind therefore we go in their steps and follow after them and lean upon them in all the Expositions of Scripture And after the Captivity of our Fathers from the Holy City the Lord stirred up the Spirit of his Saints and the Chief of them was our holy Rabbi viz. Iudah to compose what was noted in loose Writings of the Commands of our God and that is the Mishna whereunto nothing may be added nor may any thing be taken away from it Also after them came other holy Princes and pious Hero's and they are the Men of the Talmud viz. the Gemarists and they went on in their paths viz. of the Masters of the Mishna and they took up the Stones out of the High-ways of the Testimony and they removed every Stumbling-stone out of the paths of the Lord. And after this stood up in Israel according to the good Hand of our God upon us two great Rows or Orders Neh. 12.31 the one keeping the Walls of the Sanctuary of Strength Dan. 11.31 founded by the Hand of our God that no Stranger may be able to destroy it Now this Sanctuary is the Holy Books of Scripture and the Men of this Row or Order are the Men of the Masora or the Masorites who separated all the mixed Multitude from the holy People alluding to Nehem. 13.3 and meaning what is Humane from what is Divine in Correcting the Copy And they numbred the Men of the Sanctuary from Two or Eleven to the end that no Stranger might draw near to the Gates of Righteousness Blessed be the Lord our God who hath put such a thing as this in the heart of the rest of the Kingdom of his Priests to beautifie his House which is a House of Wisdom as Solomon saith Wisdom hath built her House And the second Row that goeth over against it And I go after it Neh. 12.38 are those that are expert in War alluding unto Cant. 3.8 in the Law or about the Law and they are the Grammarians Thus far Aben Ezra In this place saith Buxtorf Aben Ezra doth elegantly and discreetly Expound in what manner and by whom the holy Word of God was preserved from the Beginning quite down to the Time of the Grammarians and what was done in every Age about the Preservation thereof and by whom it was done For First he saith The true and genuine Sence of the Word of God was preserved without Points by holy Men such as Moses and the Prophets unto the time of the Second Temple and the time wherein Vision and Prophecy were sealed up Secondly After the building of the Second House about the ending of Prophecy or the Prophetick Gift and Ministry God raised up other holy Men to wit the Men of the Great Synagogue that is to say Ezra with his Councel who preserved the Word of God which was brought to them by Oral Tradition This Holy Scripture they did by other means than Tradition with great care and study deliver down to Posterity But how they did this and what in particular it was that the Men of the Great Synagogue did about the Preservation of the Scripture this he doth teach particularly and by Parts For First he saith That this was done Al jad taamee hamikra By the means of the Accents of the Scripture Secondly By the Kings and Ministers that is the Vowels The Kings he calls afterwards seven viz. Holem Shurek Chirek Pathak Segol Kamets Tsere And the Ministers Sheva Mute Mobile and Compound And he doth not mean the Accents which the Grammarians divided into Kings and Ministers Vid. Balmes cap. 3. of the Points more of this Thirdly By the Doctrine concerning the Sections that are close open or continued Hasetumim Vpetuchim Vdebikim Fourthly By Hapesukim the Verses or the Distinction of the Scripture into Verses by these helps he saith they are like Eyes to the Blind and in their Steps we go in Reading and Expounding the Scripture at this time He saith we every where lean on their Exposition of the Scripture and therefore not of the Tiberian Masorites Thirdly In the Third place after the Men of the Great Synagogue he proceeds to the Masters of the Mishna and to them he chiefly ascribes the true Explication of the Precepts of God Fourthly He makes the Talmudists or Gemarists succeed the Masters of the Mishna and to these he ascribeth the Illustration and Explication of the Doctrine of the Mishna and their Disputations Fifthly He saith By the good Hand of God to Israel he raised up Two other Orders of Men labouring profitably for the Preservation of the Scripture The First Order he ascribeth to the Masorites but unto these he ascribeth no Invention either of the Points or of the Accents or of the Distinctions But he principally commends these for Two things First That they did separate every thing that was strange that is Foreign or Humane from the Books of Scripture if any thing had by hap crept into it Secondly That they numbred the Words and Letters of the Books of Scripture that so there might be no way left whereby the Text could be corrupted in time to come And agreeing to this is what he writes of the Masorites in his Book
of Tiberias have used or thus is their Manner or Custom And they are the Foundation for from them were the Men of the Masora and from them have we received all the Punctation He goes on further and saith Perhaps they did so that no Man might think that the Punctator had forgotten that is to Point that Tau and doubted about it that is to say how he should read it This is the place at large we are now to examine the sence and meaning of it First then he saith That there were certain Punctators that had a custom to place Sheva under Tau at the end of a word Then he tells who these were that did use so to do and they were not all the Punctators but those of Tiberias the same also who were the Masorites Ergo there were others who did not use so to do though not of the like esteem for Skill herein as the Masorites Therefore Thirdly He shews what value this Tiberian Punctation ought to be of with us which is by him expressed to be of such worth as that we ought to follow them in all things as being the most diligent of the Punctators What Capellus objects here is That Buxtorf translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There are some Punctators And thence inferrs there were other Punctators than the Masorites Resp. He doth not translate the word nor doth he inferr from that word but what he saith There are some Punctators relates to the scope of the place and from the same he draws this Inference as very well he may as might easily be plainly demonstrated were it worth while to enlarge upon the Point But to proceed Fourthly He shews the End why the Masorites did thus Which was this lest the Reader should think that here was something wanting and might stick in doubt how it should be read Lest saith he any one should think that the Punctator had forgotten something This certainly he doth not say of the same Tiberian Masorites but of some other former Punctator For if he had meant the same Masorites here he should have said Shelo jakshob Adam ki shakachu That no Man might think that they had forgotten And not Shakach That He had forgotten So that Aben Ezra did not reckon the Tiberian Masorites to be the Authors of the Punctation but the Correctors and the Preservers thereof in its Original Purity as we may perceive by the scope of the place The Second place the sence whereof is to be considered is what Aben Ezra saith in his Commentary on Exod. 25.31 on the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teaseh raiti Sepherim shebedakom Chokmee Tiberia c. I have seen saith he the Books which the Wise Men of Tiberias searched examined corrected and swore their fifteen Elders that they had thrice considered every Word and every Point and every word that is written full or defective and behold Iod is written in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teaseh but I have not found it so in the Books of Spain France or beyond the Seas c. ' Now as to the sence of this place what is more plainly spoken by these words than this That they had three times searched or examined the Pointed Copies Therefore the Pointed Copies must be in being before their time which they took and examined others by and not their own invented Shapes of the Points examined as Dr. Walton supposeth For Aben Ezra saith he saw the Book which the Tiberian Masorites Badaku searched or examined He doth not say which they made or invented Of these Books he saith they swore the fifteen Elders that they had thrice considered every Word and every Point and every Word that was written full or defective Here we see their Consideration was as much on the Words as the Points and of the words written full or defective as either and they can be no more thought hereby to be the Authors of the Punctation than of the Letters and Words and of the Words full and defective for as much is said of the one as of the other If therefore they only searched examined or tried the one they did no more to the other Again What is it that Aben Ezra found in these Books thus examined by the Masorites of Tiberias Why it is this That the letter Jod is there written in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teaseh which he did not find in other Copies in Spain France or beyond Sea Can we hence suppose that Aben Ezra did reckon that the Masorites were the Inventors or Authors of the letter Iod Or of the placing it to the word No one will say we can No more can we suppose it of the Points not yet so much seeing the Instance alledged is a Letter and not a Point So that the only thing that appears by his words is That he accounted the Books or Copies which they had examined by the best they had to be the most exactly corrected and therefore fittest to be the Standard And on this account he might well say of them they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Foundation or Standard for we still keep to their Copy and all our Bibles now have Iod in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Teaseh as the Masorites have without supposing them to be the Authors of any part of the Scripture CHAP. V. What Aben Ezra and other Iews do say of the Masorites Skill That they did not suppose them to be the Authors of the Points is proved WE come now to the Second thing to be discussed And that is what Aben Ezra and the rest of the Rabbins do say of the Masorites of Tiberias in Commendation of their Skill and Accuracy in the Pronunciation of their Tongue and about the Punctation And here we are to enquire Whether what they speak concerning them doth belong to the Masorites as Authors or Correctors and Restorers only of the Punctation The Testimonies which Buxtorf collects in Commendation of the Masorites Accuracy are these First Aben Ezra saith in his Book Tsakooth fol. 136. col 1. where speaking of long Kamets he saith The Men of Tiberias also the Wise Men of Egypt and Africa knew how to read Kamets Gadol And fol. 135. col 1. and saith that wise Man before-mentioned viz. R. Iudah Chiâ—g the first Hebrew Grammarian That the Men of Tiberias read Sheva Mobile if Iod follow after it with the Vowel Chirek as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iichesiahu Iermiahu And if Kamets Gadol follow Sheva as in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is read as Pathak short as Barakah Shamarim c. In his Book Mozenaiim fol. 221. col 2. Rabbi Iudah the Grammarian whose rest saith he be in Eden saith That Daleth in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deu is read as if with Shurek because it hath after it a Guttural letter with Shurek and so is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deeh or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dei and so are all like unto it And they say that so the Men of
also Deut. 2.16 with a Comma the sence not making a Period About which matter he saith It is to be admired that the Orderer of the Parasha's should here divide into two Verses that which by the sence seems to be but one And the like is done Deut. 2.16 We know not why 't is done but saith he 't is like Baal Hahapesakoth the Punctator did know the reason why he did so for his Knowledge is larger than ours Hence he adviseth us to follow the Punctator always as in his Book Mosenaim fol. 19. b. And before I expound unto thee all these things already mentioned saith he I must admonish thee that thou dost go after Baal Hataamim the Punctator And whatsoever Exposition is not according to the Exposition of the Accents do not agree to it nor hearken to it and do not mind the words concerning the Ten Verses that one of the Geonim saith do belong to the Verses following or coming after them for they are all right and they are distinguished or divided according as the sence requireth And pag. 198. col 1. disputing against some he saith And moreover if their words were true Lo hajah baal hateamim maphsik beathnak besoph bemillath vejiphol c. the Baal Hateamim who is Hammappesik the Punctator would not have made the Stop or Pause with Athnak in the end in the word Vejiphol Gen. 45.14 So pag. 200. b. He knoweth saith he the Secret of Baal Hateamim the Punctator And elsewhere saith Buxtorf He saith 't is of great moment to keep the way of the Accents Now that Aben Ezra doth not suppose the Punctator or Punctators to be the Masorites appears by this That he treats the Masorites quite otherwise than he hath done the Punctator For First When he speaks of the Masorites he doth not call them Baal hateamim and hammappesik the Punctator but he calls them The Wise Men of the Masora The Men of the Masora and Baal Hammasoret the Author of the Masora And Secondly He often differeth from and opposeth the Masorites but he never opposeth the Punctator And that he oft differs from the Masorites appears by these Instances In Tsakooth 149. concerning the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vehinnehhu Jer. 18.3 which the Keri reads divided into two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vehinneh hu with Aleph added As he reckons by the Masorites he saith This is not defective of Aleph that is wanting Aleph for it is one word though the Men of the Masora do say it is defective And fol. 150. col 2. Ve taam anishee hammasoret eno taam And the Reason of the Men of the Masora is no Reason So fol. 190. he saith concerning a Masoretick Observation Ein tserik There is not need of it And so of others fol. 191.2 fol 192.1 and elsewhere In the end of the Preface prefixed to the great Bibles thus he saith speaking of the Fifth way of Expounding Scripture which he followeth himself And I will not saith he mention the Reasons of the Men of the Masora why this word is written full and why the other word is written defective for all their Reasons are allegorical their Reasons are only good for Children for sometimes the Writer writeth a word full which he doth to make it plain and sometimes he writeth a word more obscurely by the defect of a letter for brevity sake c. but their Reasons are only good for Children So that we see he contemneth and oft opposeth the Masorites but we shewed before he honoureth and always followeth the Punctator Therefore we conclude that Aben Ezra doth not suppose the Masorites to be the Punctator or Authors of the Punctation Capellus Vind. lib. 1. cap. 1. sect 10. objecteth There might be two sorts of Masorites First the Tiberian Punctators and long after them those that numbred the Letters and counted the Keri Uketib Resp. 1. Neither Aben Ezra nor any other Iew make any such distinction 2. A posse ad esse non valet consequentia 3. 'T would injure the former Masorites for he opposeth and despiseth the Masorites in General and if the Punctators whom he reverenceth so much were Masorites also he would no doubt have excepted them particularly 4. Capellus hath hereby lost his Cause by supposing the Authors of the Punctation or Shapes of the Points were long before those that numbred the Letters seeing the Talmuds made before A. D. 500. do call those that numbred the Letters the Ancients as being long before their time whereas Capellus his Opinion is That the Authors of the Points were not till after the Talmuds Capellus Vind. cap. 1. sect 12. saith If the Masorites restored and corrected the Punctation our Faith is humane if built thereon as much as if they invented it Resp. Not so For no more is required to preserve the Text uncorrupt from Age to Age than humane Care and Industry under the conduct of Divine Providence but the giving forth of the Scripture and the ascertaining the Sence of Scripture requires Divine Assistance and Evidence of Divine Authority Capellus objects sect 13. ibid. Vind. The Masorites had few Pointed Copies to correct by or many If few how came they to differ And if many they were either about great Matters or small If about great Matters then we stand on Humane Authority if about small then 't was not worth their labour Resp. 1. Themselves say nothing can be certainly spoken of those Times by reason of the darkness of the History thereof and therefore they should not press us in this Point 2. How many Pointed Copies were then we matter not but that there were very great and many differences in the Copies we deny the Providence of God watching over his Word to preserve it to the end of Time The Superstitious care of the Jews and the Religious Care of the Christians would not consist with it but some small difference might be suffered to quicken the diligence of those whose duty and concern it was to preserve it which might be well worth their time to Correct and justly deserve the Praise of Posterity for the same Capellus objecteth They must destroy all other Copies besides that which they corrected and this was impossible to be done Resp. No more need for this than for to burn Hereticks and destroy all that differ from us No Truth is Light the shining whereof dispelleth Darkness and so is their Copy universally embraced as the Standard Capellus Vind. cap. 1. sect 17. saith How know we that the Masorites did correct the Copies seeing there is no History of it And if they did correct them 2. It might be fallacious and stuffed with many things in favour of their own Nation 3. Who can believe that these Men chose the best and most genuine sence always and never mistook either by Errour Negligence or Design 4. Who can believe that our present Copies are the same as those which the Masorites corrected Resp. They most need to Answer these Questions
what do you find but a sort of Men being mad with or above the Pharisees bewitching and bewitched with Traditions Blind Crafty Raging Pardon me if I say Magical and Monstrous What Fools what Sots as to such a Divine Work Read over the Talmud of Ierusalem Consider how R. Iudah R. Chanina R. Chajia Bar Ba R. Iochanan R. Ionathan and the rest of the great Doctors among the Tiberians do behave themselves How seriously they do of nothing How childish they are in serious things How much Deceitfulness Froth Venom Smoak nothing in their Disputations c. If you can believe the Points of the Bible to proceed from such a School believe also all their Talmuds The Pointing of the Bible savours of the Work of the Holy Spirit not of Wicked Blind and Mad Men. Thus far Dr. Lightfoot This Account is full and sufficient at present we shall only consider the Exceptions to this Argument Object T is said They do not ascribe the Punctation to the Masorites but only suppose they placed the Shapes of the Points c according as they had received the true Sound of all the Punctation by Tradition Vse and Custom by which they might have been able to Point it truly Vid. Considerator Considered pag. 200 206 207 210 211 212. Resp. 1. We have briefly shewed already in our PROEMIVM that this was impossible to be done for multitudes of the Shapes are not distinguished by the Sounds at all 2. No memory of Man can once receive or take up so much as the very Anomalies of the Punctation How much less all the Pauses and the whole Punctation And how could all this be kept from Age to Age without Points when now we have Points no one is able to Point the Bible without a Copy The Rabbins acknowledge they have lost the knowledge of the sence and meaning of many words in the Bible in that time and how was it possible they could preserve the true Sound of every Point in the Bible when they had so lost their Tongue and the true Sence and Meaning of many words in it 2 dly We Answer them out of their own Objections For they say First The LXX and Chaldee Paraphrase read otherwise than we or the Masorites do read which they do not as to the Shape but the Sound of the Points c. and hence conclude the Points were not in their time Now we may better conclude from hence that the Sounds which the Masorites expressed by the Punctation were not in the time of the LXX or the Chaldee Paraphrase but since their time they are very greatly altered Again When Buxtorf says as to the Chaldee Paraphrase That that on the Law agrees well with our Punctation but those on the Prophets go off most from the present Punctation Capellus replyes The Reason of that might be because First They were more used to read the Law and it was written plainer but it was more difficult to understand and so rightly to sound the words of the Prophets being more dark Resp. But if the true Sound had been kept there had been no difference and yet we see the present Punctation does all alike true but if through such difficulty in the Prophets they had missed the right Pronunciation and lost it in many places by that time it was then impossible it should be preserved to the time of the Masorites so pure and entire as it is pretended In vain therefore is the Succession of their Learned Men alledged and that the Bible was constantly read by them For 't is known the Language had ceased to be vulgarly spoken or understood for a Thousand Years the LXX c. as themselves say had lost the Pronunciation long before The Learned Men of each Countrey differed from each other in the Sound of Vowels and Letters too as those of Galilee c. in Christ's time And we see where a Language is vulgar the Pronunciation and Sound used in one Age and County differs from that of another as here in England c. And so in Scotland though the Scots do read our English Bible yet they give it a very different Tone or Sound than we do how much more when a Language is lost the first part of it that departs is the Tone or Sound It is fabulous therefore to imagine that that part should continue longest which always is gone first and to suppose that a few Priests that esteemed the Mishna above the Bible should or could preserve the true Sound of the Text for a Thousand Years when nothing is more unconstant in all Nations than the sameness of sounding their Vowels and wherein every Age and County makes an Alteration So that after all these Evasions if the Masorites invented the Shapes of the Points c. the Sounds could have no better Original than the Shapes have or their variable Custom which is equivalent and the Punctation it self on that account could have no better Foundation than their Reputation Which how unfit they were for such a Work and how unsuitable the Work it self to wit the Punctation is to such Workmen let all Men judge CHAP. IX The Improbability of those Persons Pointing the Text to whom the Invention thereof is assigned further manifested from the Nature of the Masora and the Design of their Masoretick Observations in General And in Particular from the Nature of their Notes on the Verses of the Bible HAving discovered the Improbability of the Opinion of the Novelty of the Points from the Insufficiency of the Evidence that is brought for the same from the Silenâ—e of the Jews about the Matter and from the Improbability of the Time and Place assigned by this Opinion for their Invention as also of the Persons compared with the Nature of the Punctation it self We are now to consider the Improbability of the Persons to whom the Invention of the Points is ascribed they being supposed to be the Masorites from the Nature of the Masora and their Notes on it Now these Masorites are the Authors of the Masora or the Masoretick Notes and Observations on the Text of the Old Testament which is their Work and all that is left concerning them whereby they may be known so that such as this their Work is such are they themselves and no otherwise can we conjecture of or concerning them but only according to and by this their Work the Masora Our Second Reason therefore for the Improbability of the Persons to whom the Invention of the Points is assigned is taken from the Consideration of the Nature of the Masora which is their Work and the Design of their Masoretick Observations on the Text of the Old Testament compared with the Punctation and the attempt of intruding the same upon the Scripture and this in General we say and shall prove by an Induction of particular Instances throughout all the Parts of the Masora That the Masora and all the Parts of it consists only of Critical Notes or Observations about
Scribes have taken away And from the Tikkun Sopherim seu correctio scribarum or the eighteen places amended by the Scribes And from other Masoretick Notes on the words of the Bible and their Sibbirin or Conjectures THE Second sort of Masoretick Observations upon the words of the Text is about the words that are written Full or Defective the Original whereof Elias himself in Pref. 3. with the rest of the Jews owneth to the Divine and thereby as ancient as Ezra The Nature of these words Elias describes in Masoret Hammasoret Dibbur Haroshon 1. As also doth Buxtorf in his Tiberias from him which is this Know saith Elias that the chief and most of those words which the Masorites observe concerning them that they are Defective or Full they are most commonly such words that have Vau or Iod quiescent in the middle of a word that is Vau after Holem or Shurek and Iod after Chirek or Tsere and 't is but a few that they observe defective with Aleph or He And saith Elias I will begin with those that are defective or wanting Vau with Holem which are many Now know saith he that most of the Holems in Scripture want Vau but yet they do not observe of every Holem in Scripture that is without Vau that it is defective nor yet of every Holem that is with Vau do they say it is full Only those words whose manner is to have Holem with Vau most commonly when they come at any time without Vau then they observe concerning them that such a word is defective And so likewise those words whose manner is to have Holem come most commonly without Vau then whenever such a word cometh with Vau they observe concerning such a word that it is written full So that saith Elias this is a Rule That only those words which are for the most part written full they only are said by them to be defective when they are written defective And on the other hand Only those words that for the most part are written defective when they are written full concerning them only it is That the Masorites observe that such a word is written full Now of these Meleim ve Chaserim or words written ful or defective the Masorites make innumerable Observations for they note them where-ever they meet them which is almost every where Now what had it been for them to have made them all full or defective had they Pointed the Text But they religiously note every place where a word that is usually written full that is where the Vowel Letter is added to the Point most commonly if that word be ever written without the Vowel Letter they observe concerning it that it is defective but dare not make it full by adding to it the Vowel Letter though they know it is so written most commonly Now can any one imagine that these Men did venture to place the whole Punctation who durst neither add nor yet omit one single Vowel Letter where the Use of the word shews it should be added or omitted Thirdly The Third sort of Masoretick Observations upon the words of the Text is about the words that are called Ittur sopherim seu ablatio scribarum or What the Scribes have taken away the Antiquity whereof the Talmud it self owneth to be of Divine Original and Elias doth not deny it so to be Now these Ittur Sopherim are five words that might seem as to the sence to have required the letter Vau to signifie And at the beginning of them but being written without them are to be read without them Of these the final Masora on Ittur under Ain mention four and direct to Psal. 36.6 where they are reckoned up viz. 1 Gen. 18.5 2 Gen. 24.55 3 Numb 12.14 4 Psal. 36.6 5 Psal. 68.26 Vid. R. Chaim in Pref. on the Bible Now can any think that these are the Men who made so bold with the Text as to Point all the Scripture of the Old Testament and yet did not venture to put a Vau one Vowel Letter where the sence seemed to require it and observed these places that none might presume to add or alter a Vowel Letter upon their own Judgment even there where they thought the sence did require it so to be Fourthly The Fourth sort of Masoretick Observations upon the words of the Text is about the Eighteen places Transposed called Tikkun sopherim seu correctio scribarum or The Amendments of the Scribes otherwise called by Aben Ezra Tikkun Ezra The Amendments made by Ezra For Elias the Talmud and the Iews generally own their Divine Original only Aben Ezra Iarchi c. sometimes say there was no Tikkun but the Text always was as now it is and the Masorites curse any that dare alter these places which they reckon up round the beginning of Numbers 1 Gen. 18.22 2 Numb 11.15 3 Numb 12.12 4 Ier. 2.11 5 1 Sam. 3.13 6 2 Sam. 16.12 7 Hos. 4.7 8 2 Chron. 10.16 1 King 12.16 2 Sam. 20.1 9 Ezek. 8.17 10 Hab. 1.12 11 Mal. 1.13 12 Zech. 2.8 13 Iob 7.20 14 Iob 32.3 15 Lam. 3.20 16 Psal. 106.20 Of these the Masorites say on Numbers cap. 1. A Curse shall come upon every one that writes an Accusation against these Tikkum Sopherim And if so what must they have expected would have befallen themselves had they intruded the whole Punctation who esteemed the least part of Scripture to be so compleat and sacred Fifthly There are other sorts of Masoretick Observations upon the words of the Text which manifest likewise that the Authors of such Notes were very unlikely to be the Inventors of the Points and Verses Such as these 1. They note the Place or Position of words as they are found in the beginning or end of a Verse As in Gen. 1. 2. they say Vehaarets and the Earth is eight times at the beginning of a Verse and the eight places are there collected But if they had made the Verses they 'd never have made such Notes on their own Invention for they had other work to do and 't was their own Fancy to have them eight times at the beginning if they made the Verses 2. They observe also when a Verb is used with one certain Noun or Preposition and how often as how often Amar said is joyned with the words El Elohim unto God which they found to be nine times so the Verb Iareh to fear is seven times joyned with Eth Elohim the Lord as they observe on Gen. 42.18 Certainly the Authors of the Punctation had somewhat else to do than make such Notes 3. They observe the signification of the ambiguity of a word as to its various sences on Gen. 6.11 Gnaleh a Leaf the Masora there saith it is six times used to signifie a Leaf And why might it not have been six score times in that sence had they so Pointed it For it is fixed by the Points to the several sences wherein it is used for Gnaleh in other places so
Pointed signifieth to Ascend and if in six places they found it so pointed and yet signified a Leaf certainly the Text must be pointed before such Notes could be made or they would have made some difference in the Points of Gnaleh to Ascend and Gnaleh a Leaf had they Pointed the Text. So Gen. 19.8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Haâ—l in eight places signifieth these and not the Name of God which in all other places it signifieth as it is so pointed This they could not observe before the word was Pointed Sixthly The Masorites make many Conjectures about the truest Forms of words that seem to be irregular which they call Sibbirim or Conjectures that is about words that do seem at first view that they might more conveniently be written otherwise than they are as to the sence of the place or usual form of the words as on Gen. 19.23 the Masorites say there are three places where they think Iatsa is used in the Masculine Gender when by Grammar-rule it should have been used in the Feminine being joyned with a word Feminine and of this kind are many such to restrain Persons from altering the least letter of the Text upon never so great appearance of its being more agreeing to the Nature or Manner of the Language so to be or Use of the words in Construction with it Now if notwithstanding their admirable Skill in the Nature and Use of the Language they did not dare to alter one Letter or Point where they thought the Nature and Use of the Language required they should who can imagine they would venture to place all the Punctation And so much for the Masoretick Notes on the words of the Text. CHAP. XII The Improbability of the Masorites Pointing the Text further shewed from the Nature of their Observations on the Letters of the Bible that are found Greater or Lesser than ordinary or that are Inverted or Suspended or that are Open or Shut or extraordinarily Pointed AS the Masorites consider the Text with respect unto the Verses and Words of it so they do in the next place consider it with respect unto the Letters of it Which that not one Letter might be lost they have counted how oft each letter is found in the Bible Now as to the Letters their Observations respect either 1. The Quality Or 2. The Quantity or Number of them First As to their Quality They consider their different Figure or Shape where-ever they are found in an unusual manner And these are either 1. Greater than ordinarily they are Or 2. Lesser than ordinary Or 3. Inverted Or 4. Suspended 5. Open or Shut Or 6. Extraordinarily Pointed First As to the Letters that are Greater than ordinary they only observe that so they are written that none may bring them into their ordinary form but they dare not alter them Whence we may conclude that these are not the Men that intruded the Punctation upon the Text. Now the Masorites have collected these great Letters both at the beginning of Genesis and of the First Book of Chronicles but with some difference The Great Letters are in these places following 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the word Adam 1 Chron. 1.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Bereshit Gen. 1.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hit Galak Lev. 13.33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in achaD Deut. 6.4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Halejovah Deut. 32.6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in gihOn Lev. 11.42 And so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mal. 3.32 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esther 1.6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iob 9.34 Eccles. 7.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Numb 14.17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 8.16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deut. 29.8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prov. 1.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 34.7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eccles. 12.13 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deut. 6.4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 6.20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Isa. 56.10 Deut. 32.4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 84.4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 34.14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cant. 1.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deut. 18.13 Secondly The Lesser Letters are those that are lesser than the common Form And of these there are Thirty three collected Alphabetically by the Masorites in the beginning of Leviticus and in the beginning of the final Masora but a little different the one from the other Now of these Little and Great Letters both the Talmuds make mention of them as being before their time and therefore can be no late Innovation And they are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the word VEIIKRa Lev. 1.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in HAb Prov. 30.15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iob 7.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prov. 28.17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 2.4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Numb 25.12 Psal. 24.4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esther 9.9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iob 33.9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lam. 2.9 Numb 31.24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deut. 32.18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 23.2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lam. 1.12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Deut. 31.27 Lev. 6.2 final Neh. 13.30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lam. 4.14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 final three times Isai. 44.14 Ier. 39.13 Prov. 16.28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nahum 1.3 Psal. 27.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lam. 3.36 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 6.20 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ier. 14.2 final Iob 16.14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 32.25 Gen. 27.47 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as some Exod. 23.19 34.26 say the final Masora but that on Levit. say 2 Sam. 21.19 Esth. 9.9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esth. 9.7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Esth. 9. The Name of one of Haman's Sons also Now what a small matter had it been for them to have made a letter that was too little to be as big as his fellows But this they durst not do but took this care to prevent any others doing of it after their time And therefore these are not likely to be the Men that placed the Punctation seeing they did not dare to mend a letter The like may be said of the Letters Inverted Suspended Open or Shut which do follow As The Masorites on Num. 10.35 do say there are Nine Verses wherein this Mark 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nun is found inverted but they dare not alter them and they there collect them as 1 The letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Numb 10.35 2 Numb 11.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The other seven are in Psal. 107. as ver 23 24 25 26 27 28 ver 40. In our Bible Nun is not found inverted in some of these places But as Buxtorf saith we should seek for them in Masoretick Manuscripts of the Bible How is it likely the Masorites intruded the Points who durst not put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the right way Fourthly They observe that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is final in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
now see accordingly The Scriptures were always delivered in the Vulgar Tongue of the People of God in Hebrew when they understood Hebrew in Chaldee when they understood Chaldee as parts of Ezra Daniel c. and in Greek when that was understood by them as is the New Testament All sorts are commanded to read and know the Scriptures Wise and Simple Men and Children it being their Rule by which they shall be Judged It was therefore required to be written very plainly as apears in the place mentioned Deut. 27.8 So also Hab. 2.2 And the Lord said Write the Vision and make it PLAIN upon Tables that he may run that readeth it Now it is granted us by most of our Adversaries That the present Hebrew Bible as to the Words and Letters of it are for the main the same which God gave at first These were required to be written very plain and were accordingly so written and kept but without Points they are most dubious most obscure and uncertain therefore they were at first written with Points § 2. The Obscurity of the Text without Points as it hath been evidenced in the Prooemium so also at large it 's demonstrated by Buxtorf de Punct Orig. par 2. cap. 8. Cooper Domus Mosaicae and Wasmuth's Vindiciae where many Instances are produced which evidence its Obscurity without Points As for Example Vau is defective in Verbs Plur. Third Pers. and in the Pronoun Third Pers. which renders the word very dubious as in Gen. 1.28 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Iosh. 11.8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Deut. 2.21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 19.16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Gen. 26.7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Zech. 11.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Sam. 14.15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 King 22.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and innumerable such like 2. Vau is oft defective where in the Conjugation Hiphil it should be put to supply Iod the first Radical and also 't is wanting as the mark of the Conjugation as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ier. 32.21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 King 17.6 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezra 16.2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 King 24.7 3. Vau is often omitted where Vau is the second Radical Letter where it ought not to be did not the Points supply it as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the like 4. So in Nouns Femin Plur. as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 1.14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 5.4 and Gen. 3.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 3.7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. So in others as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lev. 5.12 5. So Iod is oft omitted as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 6. He is defective in the end as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ruth 1.9 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ver 12. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ver 20. 7. He is oft very ambiguously put for Vau to signifie Shurck or Holem First for Holem as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hab. 3.3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 13.3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezek. 12.14 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 42.9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iosh. 11.16 So for Shurck as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. Buxt de Orig. Punct par 2. cap. 8. These words may be read with Points but without they cannot I never saith he saw any so writing without Points And saith he I can easier read all other Rabbinical Books without Points than the Bible though I never saw them before and yet have read the Bible often If we give up the Points we have little left of the Old Testament worth contending for Grant the Text to be a Nose of Wax of dubious and uncertain Sence and then prove it to be a Rule of Faith and Worship if you can The Old Serpent doth breath deadlier Poyson saith Dr. Broughton against the Authority of God's Word by teaching that the Vowels are not from God Vid. Positions touching the Hebrew Tongue pag. 669. The Law is called a Light and a Lamp but without Points 't would be Darkness it self It must needs therefore have had Points from the first for it was plainly written but this it could not be without either Points or Vowel Letters And yet none pretend to imagine that there ever were any other Vowel Letters in the Bible than there are now and it is now so obscure for want of Vowel Letters or Points that none can understand it in very many places If therefore it were written plainly at first it was written with Points As for Instance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is plainly expressed by the Points only thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Moon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Brick or Pavement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Frankincence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Poplar-tree So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Days 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mules 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seas So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he praised 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was mad And so of Dabar which as it is Pointed hath Eight several Significations As he spake a Pestilence a Bee a Word a Thing and the like innumerable which without Points are most dubious and render the Scripture so as Isa. 24. ult 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And the Moon shall be Confounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Sun Ashamed Which the LXX read The Brick shall be confounded and the Wall ashamed by the change of a Point So Exod. 32.18 't is not the Voice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them that Cry but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them that Sing where the same word expresseth two contrary sences as it is Pointed § 3. Capellus Vind. lib. 2. cap. 8. confesseth the Rabbins are easier read without Points than the Bible but yet the Mishna and Talmuds and Cabalistical Writings are very difficult though understood by some Persons and though the Bible be more difficult yet 't is not altogether impossible to every one Resp. The Mishna c. was written on purpose in such a style as that none but the Jewish Rabbins might understand it but the Law was written that all Men might understand and keep it 2. The Matter being oft purely Divine where there is left no humane help to find the sense as often falls out in Iob Psalms Proverbs Isaiah c. where the Words are Elyptical no where else used without Antecedents and Consequents c. there 't is plainly impossible to understand the Text without Points or immediate inspiration Obj. The same difficulties are in Expounding the Pointed Text as in reading the unpointed but the Ministry serves for one and may so do for the
Condemning through Passion or Prejudice those who are not of his Religion for he takes the part of the Jews against the number of Ancient and Modern Christian Doctors who have accus'd him of corrupting the Texts of the Bible A List of these Accusers may be seen in the Exercitationes Biblicae of Father Morin cap. 2 3 And in the Treatise Leon de Castre a Spanish Divine upon the Translations of the Bible which he hath placed before his Commentaries on the Bible Mr. Vossius is of this Opinion I mean he speaks very much against the Jews as if they had maliciously altered the Hebrew Text through a hatred to the Christian Religion But the Author thinks himself oblig'd to do them more Justice he maintains that the Fathers of the Church complain not so much of the Alterations of the Text as of the bad Interpretations that the Jews give to the Words of the Scripture or of the Version of Aquilla of Theodocian and Semachus that the Jews were accustom'd to oppose to that of the Seventy Interpreters He proves his Pretension by the same Passages of the Fathers as Leon de Castre and Father Morin have cited in this he hath almost copied the other word for word He adds That in Matter of Criticisms the Authority of the Fathers is nothing near of so great a consequence as in Matters of Faith And says very plainly That many among them did not understand the Hebrew Tongue enough to be able to judge whether the Jews had falsified the Original of the Old Testament or not He answers to the Passages of Origin and St. Ierom and tells us we should judge of their Genius and manner of Writing He also refutes the Reasons of Mr. Vossius and shews among other things that the Testimony of Iustin Martyr is not very considerable in this Point both because he did not understand Hebrew and because he was often abused in Matter of Fact which destroys the Proof which they would bring for his Testimony after this manner That he would have been sacrific'd to publick Ridicule if he had accus'd the Iews of a Crime whereof they were not guilty The Author believes therefore that the Jews did not alter the Scripture upon any Deliberation or through Malice to the Christians but that the Defects which were found in their Copies ought to be imputed to the same Causes which have produc'd so much difference between the Manuscripts of the Greek and Roman Authors He referrs to the Treatise of Scioppius de Arte Critica and shows by a passage of the Book that Leo Allatius compos'd against the pretended Antiquities of the Hetruria of Inghiramimus how easie it was for the Copiests to take one Letter for another and by this means alter the sence of an Author such an Instance there is in a Book where if they had put Orbis instead of Vrbis it wou'd have been the Cause of many New Opinions or many Learned Dissertations and of many Difficulties that would have made the Learned Doctors sweat There are some Copiests who not taking sufficient Care of any one Letter create a thousand Disputes to the succeeding Ages of whom it may be properly said They prepar'd Scourges for Posterity The Author relates an Example of some Errors that Copiests have Committed It was believed for many Ages that Dagobert King of France forc'd a Nun from her Cloyster to marry him but Father Sermon and young Mounsieur Vellois and some others having found in the old Manuscripts of Fredigair Nantechildem unam ex puellis DE MINISTERIO accipiens Reginam sublimavit whereas these words were ill quoted by Aimoion Nanthildem unam ex puellis DE MONASTERIO in matrimonium accipiens sublimavit have sav'd the Reputation of this Prince upon a Fact sufficiently scandalous which was much spoken of by Authors As to the rest the Author maintains those cannot be accus'd of a malicious deprivation which take a Passage in the sence that is most favourable to 'em when the words are equivocal We owe to our selves this Justice as we are Christians of not accusing our selves of falsifying the Scriptures when we explain it to our advantage in places where what precedes and what follows does not necessarily determine us to the sense which is against us What the Author says afterwards about the Samaritan Bible which only comprehended the five Books of Moses because when they separated themselves from the Jews they had then only publish'd this part of the Scriprure that I say and what he adds of the Learning of the same Samaritans and of the Paraphrases of the Bible is very Curious they had Paraphrases in Chaldaick Greek and Arabick according as those Languages became common among 'em for as in the Synagogues the Law was alwayes read in Hebrew both among the Samaritans as well as among the Iews so it was necessary to have a Paraphrase of the Scripture in another Language when the Hebrew was only among the Learned from whence he concludes contrary to the Paradoxes of Mr. Mallet that Moses compos'd the Scripture in a vulgar Tongue and makes the same remarks upon the Paraphrases of the Jews to wit that they were a remedy against the Ignorance of the Hebrew Tongues the most ancient of the Chaldaicks among whom he principally esteems those of Ionathan and Avonculus there are others in Arabick Persian in the modern Greek and in Spanish this was first Printed at Ferrara in the Year 1553. and elsewhere in the Year 1630. The Author believes that the Jews of Alexandria made use of the LXX for the same reason that produc'd the Paraphrases to wit because they did not understand Hebrew and because the Greek Tongue was become their proper Language He nevertheless speaks of this Version but in treating of that which is made use of by the Christians He remarks that the Fathers have said almost nothing of this Version which was borrow'd from a Roman falsly a Tributary to Aristeus and he imagines that the Reasons why they call'd it the Version of the LXX was because 't was undertaken by the Order of the great Sanhedrim and approv'd by the seventy two Senators which Compos'd it or because the Jews being willing to reconcile it with greater Authority they attributed it to this Honourable Senate as they did many other things which is no impediment adds he but that a Version as ancient as that and as much honoured by the Apostles ought to be considerable We are only to shun the excess of those who by the Example of Mr. Vossius acknowledge not the other to be authentick or such as prefer it to the Hebrew Text Masius and Eugubinus are not of this Number for they have spoken of this Work with much Contempt Eugubinus observes many Faults in it but sometimes his Censures are not over just St. Ierom is as much deceiv'd sometimes in Criticizing upon the LXX as Piersorius hath show'd in the Preface to the Version Printed at Cambridge An. Dom.
there are some Places whereof I could never come to an end for reasons which I shall mark hereafter I do not believe that after this one can imagine that these Rhimes were found by chance in the Poesies of the ancient Hebrews It would be impossible for them not to take Notice thereof and if they did not perceive it why did they rhime every where if it was not for the sake of their Poesie We shall give an Example of it at the end of this Essay 2. Indeed it is remarked in several places that the same words are repeated without necessity to Rhime with themselves as hatelouhou in Psal. 150. and a great Number which cannot be related here 3. Besides this there are many words which rhime together without having a particular connexion with the sense So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 abad he is perished rhimes in divers places with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad alwayes This sheweth clearly that it is not chance nor the necessity of expression which have placed these words near one another but the design of making them to rhime otherwise they would not be found to rhime so often together 4. There is scarcely any place seen where a rhime hath not produced such another and often times two or three the Phrase not necessarily requiring them as the Rhime MO in Psal. 2. whereof I shall put here seven Verses in Latin Characters tho' they are but three in the Psalm Eth mosrothe MO Venaschliche mimmennou abothe MO Ioscheb baschamajim jisch AK Adonei jila AG La MO Az jedabber ele MO Bappho oubacharono jebahale MO. I believe it cannot be doubted that the Author of this Psalm hath affected these Rhimes in MO for the third was in no wise necessary it sufficed to say jilAG vajedabber eleMO and if it was not even in that the Poesie consisted these Rhimes must have been shunned which without this would extreamly offend the Ears in making use of the suffix HEM Besides this we shall find plain Examples of this Truth in Psal. 118. 4. There are places where no Rhime is in the Hebrew Text and where also the sence is very difficult and the order of the words contrary to the genius of the Hebrew Tongue But in putting these words again in their Natural Order according to the construction where they ought to be the sence of them becomes not only fine and clear but also the Rhime very good whence we have reason to conclude that these words had been transposed and that since the rhime agrees with the sense it is an Argument that it was sought after Here is word for word the sense of the 5 th and 6 th Verses of Psal. 9. according to the Order they are in this day Thou hast destroyed the wicked thou hast blotted out THEIR Names for ever O thou Enemy desolations are come so a perpetual end and thou hast demolished the Cities their memory is perished with them they a Feminine or they a Masculine All the World may see the difficulty of this Construction but those who understand Hebrew may yet much better be assured thereof in reading the Original Neither can the Rhime be found in this place but in making some slight Changes which may be supported by other paralel Passages and in re-establishing the Rhime these words form a sense clear and easie and are found in a regular construction Thou hast destroyed the wicked thou hast blotted out their Name for ever the Enemy is perished the Streets and the Cities are ruined for ever thou hast destroyed them and their memory In these words is a clear sense which is but darkly represented in the preceding ones Indeed it hath been constantly remarked that in the most obscure places it is the hardest to find the Rhime which makes us reasonably to believe that the obscurity comes from some transposition or from some word forgotten or a letter omitted without which the Rhime cannot be found On the contrary the sense is easie almost every where where the Rhimes are easily found If the brevity which I am to keep here admitted me I could give a sufficient Number of Examples but we shall only bring one at the beginning of the 16 th Psalm which the Version of Geneva hath rendered thus in supplying the words which are in Roman Characters Keep me O mighty God for I have trusted in thee O my Soul thou hast said to God thou art the Lord my goodness extendeth not to thee but to the Saints who are on the Earth and to the excellent in whom I take all my delight The sorrows of those who run after another God shall be multiplyed c. The sense is obscure enough and the words are very difficult in spite of the Supplements which Interpreters have made herein but the difficulty is yet more sensible in the Hebrew by reason of the Punctuation of some words and of some letters which must be ncessarily changed or added And this Passage hath given a very great labour to Interpreters tho'we have seen none of them who hath happily gone through it It is thought it should be translated thus after having made the necessary changes in it Keep me O God for I have hoped in thee I have said to God thou art the Lord my whole trust is in thee Men have gone in multitudes to the Effeminate Cynaedi who are in thy Countrey great Persons put all their delight in them they have eagerly multiplyed their Idols with another God c. We shall not undertake to give an account of this Version for fear of being too long it is enough for the present that in the supposition that this Version is just People do know that the Rhime is excellent and that it is not otherwise to be found therein 5. Those who have some knowledge in the Criticks of the Old Testament know that in divers places there are found words in the Version of the LXX which are not in the Hebrew There are some in the Psalms as well as in the other Books but what is remarkable is that in some of these places the Hebrew Text transmitteth not necessary Rhimes and that if the words be added which are in the Greek Version the Rhime is found there By this we see there these words had been omitted by the Copyers in the Hebrew and that they ought to be put there again So in Psal. 1.4 the LXX have twice put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is not so whereas this Phrase is but once in our present Originals But it hath been discovered by means of the Rhime that it ought to be twice there Here is yet another more remarkable place which in Psal. 7.12 where there is according to the Hebrew God is a just Iudge and a God who is angry every day There can be no Rhime found in this place and this description of Divine Justice is not in the ordinary Terms of Sacred Authors who describe God not only extreamly patient but also
Rabbins represent the Musick of the Temple in the same manner upon which Lightfoot may be consulted in his Book of the Service of the Temple ch 7. sect 2. they say that Voices were added to these Instruments and mark the Psalms which were sung each day of the Week and on the principal Festivals But we cannot much confide in what they say as several Learned Men have shewn All that we would conclude from hence is that though it should be said that the Musick of the Hebrews was very confused to judge of it by ours nothing would be said but what may be maintained by the very Authority of the Jews 3. Thus tho' it were agreed that the singing of the Hebrew Verses such as they are conceived would not be very pleasing to our Ears if it were possible to revive their Musick there would be nothing which wou'd appear surprizing in it But suppose their Musick was better than it appears by the Descriptions which we have of it who should have hindered them to give Tunes to their irregular Verses like unto those which we give to ours It will be granted undoubtedly that their Musick had been pretty pleasing if it had equalled the Musick of our Opera's which are all composed of irregular Verses Tho' the Musick of the Greeks hath been so much boasted of and the Tunes of their Lyrick Poesie which is almost all composed of Verses or equal Couplets or of Strophes or of regulated Antistrophes a Cadence which alwayes returneth and a Tune which we hear twenty times successively does not please as much as a varied Cadence and a change of Verses almost perpetual such as ought to be in irregular Verses 4. An excellent Musician in reading an Opera whose Musick he should not have seen could perhaps sometimes by the Matter and Cadence of the Verses find out very near what sort of Tune should be given in looking for that which would be most proper unto them It might also be very well that in some Composures the Cadence of the Hebrew Verses which is pretty sensible by reason of their smallness and unequality could make one guess at the Tune they had or at least draw near it in some manner So if we read Psal. 10â— as it ought so that its Cadence may be rendered sensible there are few Persons who have their Ear good who judge not that the words of this Psalm are extreamly proper for that which is called a Tune of Fanfare i. e. the sound of Trumpets hence arose the Thought of Translating the Hebrew Verses into irregular French Verses which have just the same Number of Syllables and to put thereto a Tune of this Nature Not that it is believed it had with the Hebrews that same Tune which will be found here but we may conjecture with a great likelihood that it had a like one because the Hebrew words are very proper for a Tune of Fanfare and could hardly suffer another If the Instruments were well known which the Hebrews used there might perhaps be said something more exact upon their Musick but as we have but a very small knowledge in 't we are obliged to hold to these general Idea's which are sufficient for us on this occasion where we have no other design but to shew that they would easily sing irregular Verses such as are those which we have attributed to them VI. There remains no more but some only difficulties which may be objected upon the manner whereby this Poesie was discovered It may at first be said that it seems strange that so many ancient and modern learned Persons who have sought with Care the Secrecy of the Hebrew Poesie could not think of a thing so easie as Rhimes But this is but a difficulty of Metaphysick which proves nothing but that these Learned Men did bring hereupon the attention which they ought It hath been observ'd several times that by too much seeking for a Mystery in a thing easie of it self hath rendered it difficult It would suffice thus to answer this difficulty and to oppose thereto the thing it self in producing the whole Book of Psalms disposed into Rhimed Verses as it may be easily done and as perhaps it may be done some time or other But now this difficulty may be resolved by the following Remarks 1. It is not absolutely true that all the Learned have not at all perceived the Rhimes of the Hebrew Poesie Buxtorf hath remarked something thereof as it may be seen in the beginning of his Prosodie but he thought that chance had formed them because he hath remarked but some and where the Verses are equal There hath been besides an Author cited named Theodorus Herbert de Poetica Hebraica who hath remarked more of them but we have not seen his Book and it is judged by the Citation which we read on 't that he hath not drawn from these Rhimes the consequence this Essay hath done Augustin Steuchus of Engubio in his Preface upon the Psalms had remarked before him in terms much more express That the Poesie of the Hebrews is not the same as that of the Grecians and Latins as the Italian Poesie is not the same with the Latin The Latins do observe after the imitation of the Greeks the quantity of the Syllables the Hebrews do not so but take heed only of their Number and Cadence We see not nevertheless that Steuchus hath undertaken to reduce Poetical Books of the Hebrews into rhimed Verses no more than Lewis Cappel who hath not disapproved of the Thought of this learned Man Some have also believed that St. Ierom had observed Rhimes in the Hebrew Poesies because he hath said in his Preface upon Iob Interdum quoque Rythmus ipse dulcis tinnulus fertur numeris pedum solutis Buxtorf hath thought that Rythmus signified what we now call Rhime but he might learn of all those who have treated of Prosodie that this word doth not only signifie Cadence Ioseph Scaliger also made use of this same word in this Sence in the place which hath been cited of him Quantum sententia postulat rythmus nunc longior nunc brevior est He means that the Verses are more or less long and consequently that the Cadence hath more or less extent according as the sence demands more or less words Yet Mr. Ferrand censures him in his Preface upon the Psalms as if he had understood Rhimes thereby Scaliger was too good a Grecian to commit such a Fault as that Mr. Ferrand then was mistaken in the sence he gave to the words of Scaliger as he is also mistaken in what he adds after Buxtorf that if there are Rhimes in the Poesies of the Hebrews it is but by chance What hath been said sheweth sufficiently the contrary and this Remark is made but upon the occasion of the Term Rythmus whereof we thought we should say a word fearing that some being mistaken in the sence which is given it in the modern Languages should without reason think
that we were obliged to cite St. Ierom and Scaliger But we have undertaken to refute no body because then there should be made a Book on purpose for that which would be very unusefull after the direct Proofs which have been related 2. When the Psalms shall be seen disposed in form of Rhimed Verses it will perhaps be imagined that there was nothing so easie as to find these Rhimes But that which appears easie after it hath been expounded was often very difficult before the Exposition Enigma's are clear as the day when we see the mystery of them and we often wonder that we could not understand them at first sight when we learn what they signifie It is the same with the Poesie of the Hebrews on this occasion the difficulties which hindered its discovery being taken away nothing will appear so easie but this is what rendered the discovery The Verses are not distinguished in the Books of the Hebrews but written all after one another even as Prose which was the Cause that tho' we knew that certain Books are Poesies yet it hath been insensibly forgotten in what these Verses consisted and how they could be distinguished Two things besides have much contributed to this The one is that several of these Verses are extreamly short and the other is that their Rhimes are not always very happy If one writ at length irregular Spanish Verses composed of assonant Rhimes there are very few People who could guess them to be Verses if the Style did not make it known and without a good knowledge in Spanish Poesie it would scarcely be possible to distinguish between the beginning and end of these Verses It is the same with the Italian irregular Verses which rhime sometimes and sometimes the rhime is neglected as is thought fit We are well assured that very few Vltromontans could in the form of Verses write again this Period of a famous Italian Poesie Tempesto so furor non fù mai Pira in magnanimo petto ma un fiato sol di generoso affetto che spirando ne l'alma quando é piu con la ragione unita la desta e rende á le bell opre ardita As in this would appear but four Rhimes amongst so many words it would be suspected either that some of them were lost or that those which are in it came by chance Yet these are six Verses which may be read in Scene V. of the V. Act. of Pastor Fido. To this must be added that to find out the beginning and ending of Verses thus written one must know how to pronounce them which is not easie for Strangers as all those who have some knowleege in Italian Poesie are sensible And it is a thing which is yet more difficult as to the Hebrew Tongue whose Pronunciation is as rude as that of the Italian Tongue is sweet So the manner of writing Poesies without distinction of Verses their inequality the smallness of some the neglected Rhimes or omitted and the difficulty of the Pronunciation were Obstacles great enough to hinder the easie disentangling the Hebrew Verses 3. Hereby we see that though Copiers should have Committed never a Fault it would be still hard to find out these Verses But we ought to Judge that the Copyers might have sometimes without thinking on 't transpose the Order of words not knowing the measure of the Verses they did Copy So we see that the ancient Manuscripts not only of the Greek and Latin Authors who have written in Prose but also Poets whose Verses have no very sensible Cadence vary extreamly amongst themselves in the disposition of the words Hereupon may be consulted the Lyrick and Dramatick Poets of the Greeks and Latins where the Learned have often remarked some Transpositions If there have happened such changes in the Books of the Grecians and Latins which have been carefully enough Copied and by Copiers who understood well those two Tongues it may be easily judged that the Hebrew Tongue being lost in the Captivity and the Books of the Hebrews having been Transcribed by Copyers who understood them but by halves there wou'd some slight changes have slipped thereinto which though they did nothing to the sense would yet disorder the Verse We think we can shew that there are in effect some transpositions of words in the Psalms which do quite disorder the Rhime and which render the sense more difficult an Example on 't hath been related heretofore drawn from Psal. 9. Thus in Psal. 71. ver 6 and following the rhimes are disturbed and the sense less clear The Version of Geneva hath thus Translated this place I shall speak of thy Iustice only O God thou hast taught me from my Youth and hitherto have I declared thy wonders Now also when I am old and grey-headed O God forsake me not c. It 's easily observ'd that these words are entangled but it will be yet easier if the Original is read where one will hardly find out as much as disjecti membra Poetae On the contrary in disposing them so that the Rhime may be found they are Translated thus Lord thou art the only God I will celebrate thy Iustice I will declare thy wonders O God thou hast instructed me from my Childhood until now O God for sake me not until Old Age c. Not that there was frequent need of transposing the words to find the Rhimes it hath almost always presented it self without that but a transposition as that which offers it self by chance to one who seeks whether the Psalms are composed of rhimed Verses is sufficient to make him believe that if there be rhimes in them the Hebrew Poets made them without taking any heed thereto 4. Besides the Transpositions which may happen in the Psalms there may also be some places where the Copyers have taken one word for another or have even forgotten some Those who have a little understanding in Criticks or who have sometimes examined the Varieties of reading of the New Testament which are in the Editions of Courcelles or in that of Oxford will easily agree hereunto and those who would deny the possibility of these kinds of oversights should shew how that which is happened in respect of the New Testament transcribed by Christian Copyers whose Mother Tongue was the Greek was impossible in respect to the Psalms which have been Copyed since the Captivity by Copyers who only knew the Hebrew by Study But it is not only very possible that the Copyers have committed some Faults that indeed happened as Cappel and several others have shewn To be convinced hereof we only need to compare Psal. 14. with 53. which certainly are the same and it will be found that the 14 th is the less correct that there are some words missing in it and that the Copyers have been mistaken in some others which hath wholly alter'd the sense and the rhime Besides we need but to compare Psal. 18. such as it is in the Collection of the
22.10 It appears by this History that the Copy which was kept in the Temple was not to be found and that it was not read as it should have been whence it may easily be concluded that the Jews had no great Care for their Books in that time Secondly Though several Ancients have said that Esdras re-established the Sacred Books which had been neglected during the Captivity of Babylon and formed thereof a Volume which was preserved from that time in the state wherein it is yet if the Genealogies be examined carefully which are in the Book of Esdras there will be Omissions found in it which can only come from the Negligence of the Copyers as that of Ch. 7.3 where there are three generations omitted in the Genealogy of Esdras There is moreover so great a diversity of Calculation betwixt the Books of Esdras and Nehemiah touching the Number of those who returned from the Captivity that there is no means of resolving this difficulty but in saying that the Copyers have not been so exact as they should in describing these Books Thirdly We ought to remark that since that time Hebrew was no more spoken but Chaldean amongst the Jews so that the Hebrew Tongue could not be known but is Studying it In those Ages they had not opportunity to Study a dead Tongue by those assistances which have been invented since seeing there were neither Dictionaries nor Grammars and it was but by an Oral Tradition that the Knowledge thereof was preserved as the Jews have also done several Ages It is manifest that it was impossible to acquire by this means an exact Knowledge of the Hebrew Tongue for without a fixed Grammar one is mistaken at every moment in the Construction of words and without a Dictionary one necessarily forgets the signification of an infinity of terms and chiefly of those which are but once in Scripture or whose sense is not clearly determined by the sequel Fourthly It must be acknowledged that the Hebrews had not at that time the Use of Points so that retaining the Pronunciation of the words of the old Hebrew Tongue but by heart it was impossible but a great deal of Changes should happen therein Lewis Cappel hath clearly proved the one and the other in his Treatise of the Points of the Hebrews and in his Sacred Criticks Fifthly If some Books of the Hebrew Text be compared with the Version of the LXX it will be found that these Interpreters have Translated an infinity of places by guessing without knowing well the meaning of the terms which they Translated that they went ill enough through the hard places where they have made in their Version nothing but pure gallimaâ—fry that they have not often understood the Construction of the words that finally either they had a Copy written very neglectfully or that they have unseasonably taken some words for other some in a very great Number of places I know full well that Learned Men have endeavour'd to excuse some of their Faults and that they have even shewn that they were often censur'd unreasonably but its certain there is an infinity of unexcusable Faults and its what may be clearly seen in the Critical Notes of Lewis Cappel which are now in the Press where he hath compared the Version of the LXX with the Hebrew As he acknowledgeth justly that much light may be drawn from this Version that its manner of reading is sometimes the best and that the Copyers have done it much wrong he remarks so great a Number of absurdities in it that it is impossible but to doubt that the Copy whereof they made use was not of the best nor they very skilfull in the Hebrew Tongue Notwithstanding the Jews used this Version before the coming of Jesus Christ and the respect they had for it sheweth clearly that they had extreamly neglected the Study of the Holy Tongue Sixthly The Study of the Jews of that time and in the following Ages consisted only in the Ceremonial Law Tradition and Allegories nothing being remarked in their Writings which may make one suspect that they were skilfull in Grammatical Knowledge and Criticks if it be lawfull to speak thus of the Hebrew Tongue It is seen even in the time of St. Ierom they had no exact Grammar because in his Version he often offends against the common and undoubted Rules and commits the same Faults which have been remarked in the LXX particularly in the difficult places he hath commonly no regard to any Construction and draweth himself out of trouble by some obscure Phrase The Admirers of St. Ierom and the LXX will find perhaps these Terms somewhat bold but in facts as clear as the day why should not things be called by their Names It 's needless to extend further upon this matter because what we have said sufficeth to make it understood why the secrecy of the Hebrew Poesie hath been so long hidden If any one should draw any ill consequence from the Principles we have set down we declare we acknowledge none of these consequences and those who may believe these consequencâ—s are well drawn are desired to consult the two Works of Cappel who hath been already cited several times where he hath shewn that Religion can only draw great advantages from the Disquisitions of Criticks which some Persons either malicious or unskilfull have unseasonably endeavour'd to decry In matters of Fact as those are History ought to be consulted as also ancient Monuments and we ought to build thereupon and not continually to reason and then to contradict History because it is not conformable to these Arguments VII That the Reader might see an Essay of the Poesie of the Hebrews we have chosen Psal. CL. which is short and which is visibly in rhime and it hath been put into a Tune proper to the words as we have already Noted As to what concerns the Version in French Verses the Author was satisfied to keep the sense in general and the Number of Syllables without sticking too much to the words because he would but give an example of a Poesie like to that of the Hebrews So the Names of the Instruments which are in the French Verses answer not to those of the Hebrew Verses but they agree better amongst themselves and are chosen according to the Rules of our Musick It only remains to join some remarks here upon the Hebrew Verses of this Psalm and upon the French Version in Prose we shall show thereby both the Truth of what hath been said of the Hebrew Poesie and what could be done upon the Psalms if we undertook to make Notes upon this Book PSALM CL. Disposed according to the Rhimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Version of the CL. Psalm HALLELOUJAH 1. Praise the Holiness of God 2. Praise the extent of his Power 3. Praise his Might 4. Praise his extream greatness 5. Praise him in sounding the Trumpet 6. Praise him upon the Lute and Violin 7. Praise him 8. Vpon the Drum and Flute Praise him 9. Vpon stringed Instruments and upon the Organ Praise him 10. Vpon sounding Cymbals Praise him 11. Vpon the unequal sounding Timbrel 12. Let every thing that breaths 13. Praise the Lord 14. Praise the Lord. Remarks upon the CL. Psalm HALLELOVIAH This word seems to be taken from this Psalm as of some others which solely contain the Praises of God see Psal. 111.1 therefore the LXX have retained it in their Version 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence the Christian Church hath taken it It cannot notwithstanding be concluded from thence that the true Pronunciation of this word is JA and not JO or JAO because the LXX may have read this word otherwise than they ought out of design to conceal its Pronunciation from the Pagans as they did in regard to the whole word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iahvoh whereof this is but an Abridgment It s known that instead of Translating 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they have put every where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord by a Judaick Superstition which made them believe that this Name which the Hebrews call the proper Name of God should be only pronounced by the High Priest Drusius and Amama may be seen thereupon This word IOH hath been printed because it was known by the Rhime that it should be thus punctuated and because we ought to pronounce IAHVO All the Schevas of this Psalm have been also looked upon as quiescent excepting those which are under the first Lamed of the Verb Halal and under the Thau of the word Thealtel because of the following He. 1. Praise the Holiness of God Here are seen six Verses which begin by Halelouhou and four which end by this same Word which is extreamly proper for a Tune of Fanfare The LXX have Translated the word bkodscho 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his most holy place for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Holy of Holies as as may be seen by ch 9. of Epistle to the Hebrews True it is that the Hebrew word signifies that often but as it signifies also Holiness this sense hath been preferred by reason of the following Verses the last words whereof mark not a place but a Propriety of God But it hath not been thought fit to take the turn of the Hebrew Praise God in his Holiness because its visible that it signifies nothing else but what hath been said and it may even be that the Author hath taken it but for the Rhime At least the ordinary turn of the Hebrew Tongue would have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 halelou eth kodesch jahvoh Praise the Holiness of the Lord. 2. Praise the extent of his Power The LXX have translated in the firmament of his power to wit in Heaven which his power hath made huzzo and kodscho are but assonant Rhimes to speak as the Spaniards but they are joined in other places of the Psalms as Psal. 105. 3 4. 3. Praise his might The Hebrew word is in the plural his mights because this Number is more emphatick than the singular in this Tongue 4. Praise his extream greatness Word for Word in the multitude of his greatness for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gudlo his greatness is read here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gedoulothaw his greatnesses because of the Rhime This word may be seen in the plural joined to that of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gebouroth Psal. 145.4 5 6. 5. Praise him in sounding the Trumpet The Rabbins say that when the Trumpet was sounded on at first it made a long and equal sound which they call thekouha 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 afterwards a varied sound which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therouha and finally an equal sound Some such thing is remarked in the same sound of our Trumpets and we see there was a difference betwixt these two sounds by the 10 th chap. of Numbers Indeed the root 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rouah signifies sometimes to break and it may be they had in Hebrew a Phrase like that of the Latins who say frangere sonitum speaking of the Trumpet as in this Verse of Virgil Fractus sonitus imitata tubarum 6. Praise him upon the Lute and Violin They are such like Instruments The Nebel was according to the Relation of Iosephus Ant. Iud. l. 7. c. 10. an Instrument of ten touches whereupon they play'd with their Fingers There are some properly of ten sounds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which seems to mark nothing else but touches If these Instruments of the Hebrews were made as the Lyre of the Greeks with ten Cords there may be a Figure on 't seen in the Book of M. Vossius de Poematum Cantu p. 97. The Chinnor was an Instrument with ten Cords and which was touched with an Archet or a Bow They make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to rhime because we read Schophor The same rhime is found Psal. 98.5 6. 7 8. Praise him upon the Drum and the Flute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Toph seems to be a kind of Drum as that of the Basques is which the very Women beat with their hand Exod. 15 20. Ier. 31.3 in singing and dancing It 's what made the LXX translate the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 machol dance which others translate Flute but this latter sense hath seemed better because we speak here of Instruments of Musick 9. Vpon stringed Instruments and upon the Organ The LXX have been followed who have translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but it cannot be assured whether this Version is just or not 10. Vpon sounding Cymbals The Hebrews have two sorts of Tsiltsel which were both of Brass the one was round and seems to have had bottoms as our Kettle-Drums are excepting that these bottoms were of Brass The other was in an Oval Form after the shape of a Racket without a bottom with holes on the sides whereinto Brass barrs passed longer than the Oval was broad and which freely moving in these holes made a noise when they were moved This latter Instrument was called a Timbrel and its Figure may be seen in divers Engravings and Reliefs of the ancient Egyptians and in p. 214. of the first part of the Gemme antiche of Leonard Agostino It may be it is what ought to be understood by Tsiltsele therouha from the following Verse to wit of the Timbrel whose sounds are unequal see Bochart in his Phaleg l. 4. ch 2. This is what we had to say upon the Poesie of the Hebrews and upon Psal. 150. We shall still advertise the Reader of two important things The first is that tho' we have cited but a few
Detericus Iohn Gerrard Calixtus and many Authors but Mr. Gronovius does not at all approve of it and shows first that the term which St. Matthew makes use of viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies rather to be Hang'd than to Hang himself he proves it after such a manner as denotes his great Knowledge in the Greek Tongue and he inferrs from this proof that 't is false that St. Matthew did not express the kind of Death which made a full end of destroying Iudas at once He refutes in the second place the Observation that Causabon made upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and says in general that all the suppositions of this great Critick upon the breaking of the Cord the falling with his Belly upon a Stone from the Posture of a Hang'd Person don't at all agree He refutes after this the Opinion of Daniel Heinsius who says that St. Matthew did not say that Iudas put a Rope about his Neck and Hang'd himself but that the meer Power of his Despair took away his respiration and Choak'd him to Death Now if the Rage that posess'd him was capable of Suffocating or Choaking him we may also suppose that it was able to burst his Belly as inclos'd Vapours in a Vessel being rarify'd make it burst asunder He pretends to Authorities to prove that the Term which St. Matthew makes use of signifies in general that he was Strangled whether by a Cord or by something that he had swallowed or by an Effort of sadness a Passage in Tobit cap. 3.10 seems to make for this sence since 't is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 She conceiv'd such a displeasure that a Suffocation strangled her He forgets not to cite the Words of Virgil rumpantur ut ilia Codro and many other Passages of ancient Authors but Mr. Gronovius is not of his Opinion but shows clearly that the Book of Tobit does not at all favour the Opinion of Heinsius seeing that immediately before the Words alledg'd 't is plain that Sarah spoke and pray'd fervently to God which shows that 't was not Grief that strangled her that because she made a reflection which visibly denotes that her sadness had inspir'd the thought of Hanging her self I am the only Daughter says she and if I do this it will reproach my Father and I shall dye in grief These Words wou'd be Nonsense if the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify'd that a Suffocation strangled her for this wou'd not dishonour her Family As for the Quotation out of Virgil it 's plain they don't signifie a true rupture or at least that they signify'd not an external rending no more than when we say Let him burst himself if he will he can bear it We don't precisely mean a true Laceration of the Skin and Flesh which cover the Intestines but 't is a vehement manner of speaking If we exclude this kind of Death which is properly call'd Bursting asunder then we have no longer an express Idea of any thing else This Author makes many Learned Remarks upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by the by Censures Pool's Synopsis Criticorum because in relating the Opinion of Heinsius he has so mangled it that having omitted a Passage of Aristophanes which Heinsius made use of he left out the true Application the Passage of Synopsis Critica is this Quod desperatus pastor apud Theocritum dâ—scit mori me denique cogis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virgilius reddidit mori me denique togis ex cursu enim nimio summa Spiritus angustia He apprehends nothing in these last words because he knew not how to apply them to the Passage of Theocritus or that of Virgil which Heinsius also did not apply them but to another Passage of Aristophanes which the Compilers have retrench'd viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sence whereof is that he ran away to Hang himself and not that he was Choak'd for want of Breath thro' the vehemency of his running as Heinsius understands it The Opinion of Grotius comes next under his Examination but he stays not long upon it there being scarce any difference betwixt it and that of Heinsius which he refuted before Next he attacks Saumasius but with a great deal more mildness giving him a very Honourable Encomium he does not reprehend him for having said that the Text of St. Luke signifies that Iudas fell down headlong and that the two Evangelists have given different Relations of this matter because they are accommodated to two manners of speaking He abuses Priceus who believed that Iudas fell down headlong and that the Text of St. Matthew only signifies a Resolution of dying He flatters not Lightfoot whose Opinion was that the Devil lifted up Iudas into the Air strangled him there and then cast him down with such a force that his Entrails burst out he is certain the Narration of St. Matthew can't suffer that sense since it marks very clearly that Iudas strangled himself tho' he forgets what he said before viz. that the Original rather signified to be strangled than to strangle After having examin'd the Thoughts of all these great Men he built upon their ruines his own Opinion and having carefully consider'd the Words of St. Matthew he says 1. That Iudas made haste to his Death after he had given the Price of his Crime to the High Priests 2. That the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the Observation of Saumasius was never used but to express that a Man was strangled with a Halter the Greeks having other terms as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie all other manner of stranglings whether by Hand a Handkerchief or something swallow'd He proves this very learnedly by many Passages and concludeth that Iudas strangled himself with a Cord. 3. That the Vulgate hath very well translated the Words of St. Luke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by suspensus hanging 4. That St. Luke had no design to show the Death of Iudas but only what hapned to his Carkass after his Death which was thrown upon a Dunghill where he supposes there might be sharp Stones which tore the Body that was cast upon them He confirms this Conjecture by many Learned Observations Besides he declares upon the Subject of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that those who are well acquainted with this Language may not only say that such a Word signifies this or that but also that it was never taken otherwise and he believed that if he was always oblig'd to speak with this moderation it seems that this word hath a like signification this wou'd ill recompense the Labour that is given to the Studyer of Languages Absit enim says he ut tot laborum qui ad illustrandas linguas impensi sunt non alius sit fructus nisi ut tantum dici possit hujus illius vocis hanc videri significationem esse non vero certo possumus affirmare hanc non illam
further see in the Expressions of our Bishop a remarkable Effect of the Dispute It is when we fear that our Adversaries should draw some Advantage from certain ways of speaking we avoid with care the use thereof lest we should give them some Prize although these Expressions are otherwise most proper to express the Doctrin we maintain It is visible that to make himself be understood Gregory ought to have answered to the Arians Yet it 's true we adore three Gods seeing we acknowledge three Eternal Spirits whose Essences are distinct but these Gods are perfectly equal and as perfectly united as distinct Beings can be having the same Thoughts and the same Will which makes us say commonly That we acknowledge but one God But if he had spoken thus the Arians who boasted to study and follow Scripture would have replied That all the Scripture represents the Unity of the Supream God as a Numerical Unity and not as an Unity of Species and Consent They would have said as they did before but with much more appearance of Truth That the Homoousians introduced a new Paganism in establishing three Collateral Gods Thus they were obliged that they might keep themselves from these Reproaches to maintain strongly that there is but one God according to the Sentiment of Nice The Platonicks who had a like Thought but were not restrained in their Expressions fortified themselves thereupon and said That the Principle of all things were three Gods I cannot but relate on this Subject these remarkable words of St. Augustine which admirably confirms what I have said Liberis verbis loquuntur Philosophi nec in rebus ad intelligendum difficilimis offensionem Religiosarum aurium pertimescunt Nobis autem ad certam regulam loqui fas est ne verborum licentia Etiam in rebus quae in his Significantur impiam gignat opinionem Nos autem non dicimus duo vel tria principia cum de Deo loquimur sicuti nec duos Deos vel tres nobis licitum est dicere quamvis de unoquoque loquentes vel de Filio vel de Spiritu Sancto etiam singulum quemque Deum esse fateamur Philosophers freely use what words soever they will and fear not to offend Pious Ears in Subjects most hard to be understood For our part it is not lawful for us to speak but according to a certain Rule lest words imployed with too much Liberty should beget an Impious Opinion to understand them according to what they signifie When we speak of God we do not say two nor three Principles as it is not permitted us no more than that there are two or three Gods though in speaking of each one or of the Son or of the Holy Ghost we grant that each of them is God This Custom hath made Men insensibly swerve from the Ancient Idea's because the word Unity was taken in the ordinary Sense that it used to be taken in without supposing that the Ancients understood it in a particular Sense This is what happened in divers other Doctrins as it hath been observed in the History of Iansenism It 's now time to return to the History of our Bishop after having brought so many proofs of his Sentiments upon those Tenets that then divided Christians The Council whereof we have already spoken assembled at Constantinople in May CCCLXXXI There were at it an Hundred and fifty Orthodox Bishops and Thirty six Macedonians who it was hoped would be brought to the Orthodox Faith Besides some Canons that were made there concerning Discipline whereof we shall not speak the Affair of Gregory and Maximus was treated on they also made a Symbol The Ordination of Maximus and all those that he could ever have were judged void after which Gregory was declared Bishop of Constantinople though he endeavoured to discharge himself from it They obtained of him that he would stay there because he was perswaded that he could the more easily in this â—ost reconcile the different Parties which then rent Christianity It was brought against the Promotion of Gregory that being Bishop of Sasime and Nazianze he could not be transferred to Constantinople without violating the Canon of the Council of Nice which is express thereupon But Melece Bishop of Antioch replied to that that the design of this Canon was to bridle Pride and Ambition which had no share in this business Moreover it seemeth that this Canon was not observed in the East since Gregory saith That they opposed to him Laws that were repealed long before besides that he had perform'd no part of the Episcopal Function at Sasime and as for Nazianzen he was but Coadjutor to his Father This Affair being cleared they entred on the principal Subject for which they were assembled which was the Sentiment of Macedonius who had been Bishop of Constantinople and believed that the Holy Ghost was but a Creature though all the Disciples of this Bishop were not of the same mind upon the nature of this Divine Person as appears by a passage of Gregory which hath been related Immediately in the Council was confirmed the Nicene Creed and they thought it convenient to augment it particularly with what respected the Holy Ghost This addition is in these terms We believe in the Holy Ghost the Lord of Life and he that giveth it who proceeds from the Father who with the Father and the Son is glorified and who spoke by the Prophets The Council also anathematized the Sentiments of Sabellius Marcellus Phâ—tinus Eunomius Apollinarius and Macedonius but we shall not stand to relate these Errors because they have no Connexion with the Life of Gregory the same reason makes us omit what concerneth Discipline All passed with Tranquility enough in regard to Gregory until a Tempest arose that made him lose the Episcopal See of Constantinople when he least expected it It was the Spirit of Revenge in a Party which he opposed that caused this Difference from which Gregory who was not so Couragious as to maintain the Brunt against his Adversaries could not free himself but by flying There was some time after a sad Schism in the Church of Antioch where two Orthodox Bishops were at the same time Melece being dead at Constantinople before the Council was separated they spoke of giving him a Successor Gregory thereupon proposed an Expedient to end this Schism which was that Paulinus who was the other Orthodox Bishop and who had been ordained by Lucifer de Cagliari alone governed the Church of Antioch during the rest of his Life and that after those of the Party of Melece being reunited with those of Paulinus's would choose a Bishop by common Votes For fear it should be thought that he had some Interest to favour Paulinus and that he would form a Party he offered the Council to quit the Episcopal Throne of Constantinople in which he had been established But the Ambitious and Incendiaries as Gregory calls them who had begun to give
to Dr. Cave in his English Life of Clement Alexandrinus which hath been very useful to us in the making this Clement in the Passage which hath been related concerning the Philosophy he approved if as Socrates who in his Phoedon applies to Philosophers this Proverb which they made use of in their Mysteries There are many who bear the Thyrse but few who are truly filled with the Spirit of Bacchus Socrates adds immediately after These are I believe only those who applied themselves as they ought to Philosophy of the number of whom I have endeavoured to be as much as I could c. As the whole Passage is in Roman Character Dr. Cave thought that these words Of the number of whom c. were Clement's whereas they are Socrates as appears in Plato and even at the bottom of the Page where Clement Cites them If all this Passage had been in Italick Dr. Cave would not have been deceived in it which ought in no wise to appear strange to those who know that to write the Life of an Author collected out of divers places Attention must be given to so many things all at a time that it is very difficult to avoid confounding ones self Besides in distinguishing the Subjects by a Line and the Citations by different Characters more Facility is given to those who have read an Author in finding such places again as they may have occasion for which is not of little use As to this Edition there are three Indexes one of the Passages cited by St. Clement the second of the Subjects and the third of the Words and Greek Phrases either worthy of Remark or such as this Author applieth to a particular Sense If these Indexes were complete and correct they would be without doubt very useful but they are neither There is an infinite sigâ—t of Faults in the Numbers and often conâ—rary to what is in Clement The Passage of Iob There is no one that is clean is related in Chap. 25. of his Books whereas it is in the 14 th There is in the Index Peccato originali infectae omnium animae corpora 488. d. On contrary Clement refutes this Opinion in this place but Sylburge or some other who hath made this Index had apparently in his mind what Clement ought to have said according to him rather than what he effectually did say There is besides a fourth Index at the beginning of the Work which contains a List of the Authors cited by Clement but the Pages where he cites them being not marked it is altogether useless It were a thing to be desired for the Republick of Letters not only that Kings were Philosophers or that Philosophers were Kings but also that Booksellers were learned or that the Learned Men were Booksellers and that they brought back the Age of the Manuces and Stephens for to give us good Editions of the Writings of the Ancients and to level the way for a Study which of it self is hard enough without making difficulties by our own Negligence Chap. 1. Our Author begins the Defini-nition of the word Church as used in the Primitive Times which since it agrees so much with the present general Definition we shall pass it over to remark what is more uncommon Afterwards he comes to treat of its Members which he distinguishes into the Clergy and Laity in which he considers these three Particulars 1. Peculiar Acts of the Clergy 2. Peculiar Acts of the Laity 3. Joint Acts of both The Clergy he considers in these three Offices Bishops Priests and Deacons He begins at Ierusalem where the Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles and Disciples induing them with the Gift of Tongues working Miracles and fitting them to Preach the Gospel to all the World He assigns St. Andrew to Scythia St. Bartholomew to India St. Matthew to Parthia St. Iohn to Asia the less telling us also that the rest of the Apostles had every one their Commission and Allotment according to Clemens Romanus The Apostles went forth Preaching both in City and Country appointing the first Fruits of their Ministry for Bishops and Deacons which they left behind them whilst they planted the other Churches Thus Clemens was ordained Bishop of Rome by St. Peter and Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna by St. John as says Tertullian Our Author reconciles what the Scripture and St. Clemens Romanus says Ep. ad Cor. p. 2. about the Plurality of Bishops in one Church with the Negation of Ignatius Tertullian and St. Cyprian who affirm that there ought to be but one Bishop in a Church He says the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the Bishop by way of Eminency and Propriety tho' there might be others such as St. Cyprian reckons Bishop Pastor President Governor Superintendent and Priest 2. Our Author shews in the Second Chap. that these Bishops Jurisdiction or Ancient Diocesses appeared to him to be but one Congregation for which he brings the Authority of several of the Fathers He also shews that the word Parish is as old as Irenaeus who in his Synodical Epistle to Pope Victor calls the Bishopricks of Asia Parishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Euseb. l. 5. c. 24. p. 193. He brings eight more Instances of the word and gives us some Examples of matter of Fact parallel hereunto which cou'd not be otherwise as to meeting all together receiving the Eucharist from the Bishop alone were Baptized only by the Bishop who was the Common Almoner all the People met at a Church Censure and when the Bishop was dead all met to choose another publick Letters were read before the whole Diocess or Parish all the Diocess met to manage Affairs c. Our Author all along cites his Authorities very plentifully in the Margent to maintain his Assertion 3. In the Third Chap. he considers the Bishops Office which he says was Preaching the Word Praying with his People Administring the two Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper taking care of the Poor Ordaining of Ministry Governing his Flock Excommunicating Offenders and Absolving Penitents for every one of these Offices our Author Cites a Father He proceeds a little after to shew the manner of his Electing Bishops which he shews was by the Choice of all the People who knew his Life and Conversation before-hand but the Voice of the People was not sufficient by it self for after they had Elected one they presented him to the neighbouring Bishops for their Approbation for without that the Election was not valid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Euseb. Lib. Cap. 11. Pag. 212. After a Bishop's Election he was install'd by Imposition of Hands by other Bishops he cites all along his Authorities 4. He treats of Presbyters and gives this Definition That a Presbyter is a Person in holy Orders having thereby an inherent Right to perform the whole Office of a Bishop but being possessed of no Place or Parish nor actually discharging it without the Permission and Consent
this Demand of the Court of Rome and particularly the just cause they had to distrust him for his Covetousness after having been deceived so often under the same pretext 3. After that there is the Life of Gregory the 7th by Cardinal Bennon the reasons for which Henry IV. Emperor chose Guibert instead of Gregory are drawn from d' Othon de Frisinge the manner how Silvester the Second was accus'd of giving himself to the Devil with an Account of his Death taken out of Iohn Stella a Venetian the Judgment that Peter Crinitus made of Boniface the 8th the Life of the Emperor Henry the 4th Written by Otbert Bishop of Liege in the year 1106 with some Letters of the same Emperor to the Pope and to divers Princes the cruel manner wherewith Henry was treated by Gregory is sufficiently known and may be seen in their Lives what Princes ought to expect from the Pope if they are so vain to promise an Establishment of those Opinions in their States which the Court of Rome hath endeavoured to spread every where about her Soveraign Authority in all matters Spiritual and Temporal 4. How Popes have to the utmost endeavour'd to render the Election of the Emperor dependent upon the Court of Rome The Princes of Germany have not fail'd to oppose it and one of the principal Ramparts against the Enterprizes of Italy is the Golden Bull given by Charles the 4th in the year 1365 and the 10th of Ianuary 'T was this that oblig'd Orthuinus Gratius to publish this Bull in a Collection wherein he design'd to advertise the Princes of dangerous Abuses that ought to be corrected which was daily put in practice by the Court of Rome 5. One of the Fictions which hath been the worse founded and which was forg'd to establish the temporal Greatness of the Pope is the pretended gift of Constantine where he says that he gave all the West to Pope Silvester and his Successors Now there is none who hath Learning or Sincerity amongst the Roman Catholicks that will not acknowledge this to be meerly Supposititious and that this is not the same that was 200 years since And he is wanting in the serious Refutation of a piece which he dares not now make mention of wherefore we ought not to regard as forreign to our purpose the Refutation of Laurentius Valla here brought against this Gift of Constantine which is throughly examin'd by the Collection of divers Learn'd men who either doubt it to be Authentick or wholly reject it If all these pieces were lost we shou'd not want to object to those Men who look upon this Gift as ridiculous the novelty of their Opinion which opposes the consent of many Ages Thus we must abolish all Writings which prove it with those that condemn it Or in keeping the first we must preserve the second 6. The Vaudois are in the number of those who have complained of the Abuses of the Roman Church and who have endeavour'd to Correct them as may be seen in the Confession of Faith which some of 'em sent formerly to Uladislaus King of Hungary with their Answer to one Augustine Dr. of Divinity addressd to the same Prince This Answer is Dated 6 days after Epiphany The Confession and Answer are much better Translated than most of the Pieces in the Ages past and contain Opinions very conformable to those of the Reformed on the Sacraments Invocation of Saints Purgatory Holy Scripture and some other Articles those who desire to know in what those who have written these Epistles differ'd from the Reform'd at this day may have recourse to the Original tho 't is not to be found only in this Book but also in the Collections of the Historians of Bohemia by Freber 7. After this of the Vaudois are some Pieces concerning the Doctrin of Wickliff and the manner how they were condemn'd viz. in a Book of one William Woodward who lived at the end of the 14th Age against the Opinions of Wickliff in 18′ Articles which are at the beginning of this Treatise and with a much greater number of Articles which were attributed to Wickliff whether true or false and condemn'd in the Council of Constance with the Censure and Refutation of 44 in particular Without doubt several of these Treatises are attributed to Wickliff as some Learn'd Protestants have made appear Some seem to be ill understood as the last Omnes Religiones indifferenter introductae sunt à Diabolo If Wickliff had said he understood by Religions the Order of the Monks against whom he was much Incensed as it appears by the Articles of Page 277. against the Religions Nevertheless the censure of this Proposition supposes that we must take the word Religions in the most common sense of the different manners of serving God as are the Iudaick and Christian Religions But when they will condemn any one or take all that he says in the worst sense it ought to render their Explications extreamly suspected who has given us his Opinion of the Ancient Hereticks as well as the Orthodox Fathers hurried away by their Zeal ordinarily render'd 'em as worthy to be condemn'd as possible There are Remarks also upon this ill Custom and the manner whereby Aeneas Silvius exposes the Opinions of Wickliff which he says pass'd from England to Bohemia and in the Sentence of the Council of Constance against him who declared him to be a Heretick after his Death commanded to take up his Bones if it was possible to distinguish 'em from those of the Faithful who were buried near him and cast them out of the Church-yard 8. Aeneas Silvius saith in his History of the Bohemians That the Opinions of Wickliff were transferr'd from England into Bohemia by a Bohemian Gentleman who Studied at Oxford and returning into his own Country carried some of Wickliff's Books with him However the Council of Constance after they had condemn'd him also condemn'd Iohn Hus and Ierom of Prague and their Disciples as may be seen at large by divers Pieces which are here inserted touching the affairs of the Bohemians It is shewn there also what pass'd in the Council of Basil the Demands that were made to 'em and their Answers thereon Orthuinus Gratius has not forgot on this occasion the celebrated Letter of Poggius to Leonard Arretin upon the Death of Ierom of Prague but he endeavours to be beforehand with the Reader against Poggius that he may not believe all he says to the honour of Ierom of Prague This is apparent that this History has too much effect upon the mind of the Reader and makes him suspect Ierom of Prague of Hypocrisie and the same Author hath put after the Letter of Poggius a Discourse of Leonard Arretin against Hypocrites where Gratius having easily apply'd the Truths that Leonard Arretin advances to the Fathers of the Councel which is not to be believed altho' the Application was but too just 9. This Piece that follows
suspected places viz. the Roman Libraries in quorum MSS. certum est pleraque eorum quae Curiae Romanae placitis adversabantur esse erasa aut omissa It is certain that almost every thing which was contrary to the Maxims of the Roman Court was either taken away or omitted in the Manuscripts of their Libraries I shall speak more fully to the last Dissertation of Mr. Du Pin where he pretends to prove that neither Pope nor Church have any power either direct or indirect over the Temporalties of Kings 1. Because our Lord exercised no Temporal Jurisdiction 2. That all the power that he gave to his Apostles was only to publish the Gospel'Baptize to Bind and Unbind Sinners to Celebrate the Eucharist to separate the Wicked from the Church and Establish a Discipline 3. Because Christ and his Apostles forbid the Church to exercise any Temporal Authority 4. That according to the opinions of the Ancient Popes and Holy Fathers the power of the Church extended no farther than Spiritual Affairs 5. Because the Primitive Church exercised over its Members only the pain of Deposition and Excommunication for when She desired to put an end to her Rebellions by Penalties and Exiles She had recourse to a Secular power Mr. Du Pin adds that if in the following Ages the Church had the power of Condemning to Temporal punishments it was by the Concession of Princes To prove this first he shews that Jesus Christ suffered not his Apostles to make use of the Sword or to wish for fire from Heaven upon those that resisted them Secondly he relates a hundred fine passages of the Fathers who say very positively that Religion ought to constrain no one These are the same passages that the Refugees alledge to the French Converters to shew them the great difference between the Maxims of the first Ages and these Dragooning Missioners who compell'd the Protestants to Sign another Confession of Faith But what use wou'd Mr. Du Pin make of this Does not he see that M. Schelstrate will answer him 't is a mocking of the World to refer 'em to such Maxims as the Fathers themselves laughed at when instead of suffering Persecution they were in a Condition of making others suffer Does not he see that if these Maxims were good the Clergy of France cou'd not justify the Approbation which he has given of the Conduct he maintains In a word these Maxims are perfect Burlesk if the Church can have recourse to a Secular power forcibly to constrain Hereticks to enter into its Communion Common sense plainly says that if Jesus Christ forbid his Church to use Violence he has also forbidden their desiring such Assistance from Kings and if he had permitted them to compel Persons by the Intervening of Kings he has not command them in case of Necessity to make use of all the power they can furnish themselves with I mean by the credit they may have with the Multitude But all this is inconclusive Thus Mr. Schelstrate ruins his Adversaries if we come to Arguments ad hominem But it s true the proofs of Mr. Du Pin considered abstractedly are very solid I mean those which I have already spoken of and those that he founds upon the Nature of the Royal Power for he plainly shews by Scripture and the Fathers that it depends upon God Almighty that its only justifiable in him and that the Church is only obliged to suffer with patience where Princes abuse their Power These Maxims were so evident to the Holy Fathers that St. Ambrose who durst not abandon them in retaining a Church contrary to the Orders of the Emperour nevertheless he set a great value upon himself because he practised no other Resistance than that of Sighs and Tears See how Witty Men are mistaken if they are not Orthodox in their Actions they are at least so in their Words The Answering these Objections it seems Mr. Du Pin has found much difficulty in for altho' he proves very evidently the opinion that he wou'd refute is New yet he cannot Demonstrate it to his Antagonists because they may maintain that they are Truths that have continued a long time undiscovered and now are made manifest to the Church The Mystery of Transubstantiation is of this Number since M. Allix has shewn us that before the Council of Trent it was strongly rejected This is therefore indeed what was never revealed as an Article of Faith till the 16 th Age. Why may not they also say that the Power of the Church over the Temporalties of Kings is another Truth that lay undiscovered till Gregory the Seventh This is a little perplexing but the Council of Constance the Terrible Shield of the French Church is yet more difficult I shall only speak a little to that of all the Learned Disputes of the Author against Cardinal Bellarmin who to prove that the Temporalties of Moriarchs ought to submit to the Tribunals of the Church has Collected in one Piece all matter of Fact that he has found in Ecclesiastick History and the Old Testament with all the Reasons that his great Wit and Learning cou'd furnish him with From whence it appears that we may learn a thousand curious things in the answer of Mr. Du Pin to this Famous Cardinal We find many places in the Acts of the Council of Constance where it attributes to the Church the Right of Deposing Princes but we shall content our selves with relating the words of the 14 th Session where 't is Decreed that all those who observe not its determinations shall be eternally Infamous and deprived of all Dignity Estate Honour Charge and Benefice Ecclesiastical and Civil altho it should even be a King an Emperor a Cardinal or a Pope The Council of Basil Decreed the same thing Mr. Du Pin answers to that 1. That 't is a Menace without effect 2. That we may understand it shou'd be done only with the consent of Princes and by their Voluntary Submission 3. That as it was done in a time when the general Opinion attributed to the Church any power over Kings so these Decrees were rash 4. That these Councils determined it not in Form since they did not examin it but spoke only according to the General Style of the Prelates of that time so that this cannot be a Decision made Conciliariter It wou'd be needless to tell the Reader that these Answers neither taken together nor separately can any way injure this Decree from whence it follows either that the Church has a Right to depose Soveraigns or that it has made a very false Decision I say Decision fâ—r 't is as impossible to make a Decree without defining the the Doctrin which is the Insparable foundation of this Decree as it is to declare this particular Proposition for an Article of Faith We ought to believe St. Peter because he was inspired of God without declaring this General Proâ—osition as an Article of Faith we must believe all those that speak by the
Understanding wherefore to enlighten the Understanding its sufficient to encline the Passions and the Will That is to say before all things we must perswade the Understanding because a Man can't will or consent where he is not convinc'd whence it follows that the Understanding inclines the Will when it is perswaded there must not be an immediate Action of the Mind upon the Will because there must be only a Predication to enlighten and convince the Understanding by the Evidence of Truth Mr. Iurieu who hath studied much the heart of Man and knew all its foldings tells us quite contrary viz. That 't is the Passions and not the Understanding which determins the Will They prevent deliberation the violent Motions which they cause leave not the Understanding time to judge Video Mcliora Proboque Deteriora sequor This is the condition of all Men. They raise up an Eternal War in themselves and after much strugling they are carry'd away to sensible Objects and Charms in spight of the Light of the Understanding Man believes a thousand things only because he wou'd believe 'em and his Passions plead for an Interest even the Air of a Mans Face changes according to the Nature of the Passions so much is Passion the Mistress of the Judgment In fine according to Mr. Iurieu the Understanding is so little Master of the Will that we ought to look upon it as a Passive Faculty which receives Ideas as they are imprest upon it 't is an Ice which receives Images and reflects 'em more or less distinctly now as it acquiesces it determines not the Will ceases not to revolt and follow the Motions of the Passions If the Understanding resists it is only in those things wherein it hath not acquir'd a habitude of Sinning without remorse and which stay upon the brink of the Precipice being at a loss how to free themselves The Understanding is almost always subject to the Will which disposes of all its Reasonings whence we may conclude that 't is not necessary to pass through the Understanding in order to penetrate the Will and as it is this which determines so 't is this by which the Holy Ghost also Acts immediately upon the Mind Thus the Joy that the Souls of the Faithful possess is not a Reason'd Motion nor does it arise from reflection 't is inward Grace which gives it birth In fine it must be an immediate Action of the Holy Ghost upon the Will to overcome its inclination to Evil and draw it back from sensible things The other Proposition we have chosen is this That the Word of God contains Moral Demonstrations capable of themselves only to produce a full and intire certainty of the truth of it That is to say the Scripture has such Evident Characters of the Divinity of its Author that they are sufficient to form this certain perswasion viz. The Scripture is Divine I know not says Mr. Iurieu that ever man yet durst advance what these Gentlemen have done without having a design to lessen the Power and Light of these Holy Characters I dare affirm that there 's not one which can't be avoided by the profane not one that will amount to a proof or to which nothing can be objected But say these Gentlemen It is true there 's nothing which the Mind of Man can't turn into Darkness nevertheless if these Characters of Scripture are not sufficiently evident to produce this certainty will it be a fault in the Wisdom of God to make use of means which are incapable of producing the Effect which he proposed And will it be a lawful excuse for those who are chain'd in the Darkness of Paganism God will only reprove the malâ—ce of their heart and the source of their incredulity since he hath hid his Word under so great obscurity that the Characters of Divinity which it bears along with it cannot make one proof They add that if by the Assistance of the Holy Spirit there are not found in Scripture sufficient proofs to produce a certainty which excludes the fear that the Contrary can't be true as Mr. Iurieu says himself then there will be an eternal restlesness For a man can't be fully assur'd that the Scripture is Divine by the Scripture it self doubtless Grace can form a confidence which excludes all doubts that the Scripture is Divine But as Grace is not so prevalent that one can't sometimes be perswaded by the prejudices and darkness of Reason instead of that of Grace So that one shall be at a loss to be so much assured of the Divinity of the Scripture that there won't rest some doubt and some fear that the contrary will be true In fine can't the Scripture be said at least to produce a certain and humane Faith without the Assistance of the Holy Spirit and can't we convince a Heathen that it is Divine by the Light of Reason only Mr. Iurieu confesses that there is nothing appears more contrary to Reason than that these Character of themselves shou'd be able to produce an intire certainty For Man is full of Errors and prejudices which blind his Understanding and hinder him from discovering the Truth Besides the subtilty of Mysteries and their disproportion with the powers of the Soul distract the Reason and cause Insurrections in it Thus he pretends we can have only that certainty of the Divinity of the Scripture that he calls Adhesion which is produced from the Importance and not Evidence of the thing For Example I believe that such a one is my Father I have no demonstration of it says he but the importance of this Truth upon which the Obedience I owe him is founded and the right to his Succession makes my Will adhere thereto Thus as Sensible Advantages recur from this great Truth the Scripture is Divine so it is the visible interest of man to believe whatsover that Commands and that his Will shou'd be absolutely determined by it In a Word the Holy Spirit which acts in us produces with these Characters a greater certainty than naturally could be produced and creates an inward sense of the sweet Efficacy of the Word Without the Operation of Grace the Scripture wou'd continue like an unfruitful Seed upon the heart for it is that which strengthens and encourages the Mind against all its doubts and diffidence The last Proposition that we shall examine is that the Word of God Preacht under Proper External Circumstances manag'd by Providence may cause an Irresistible Grace and overcome all the wickedness of Mans Heart This is the Foundation of the Controversy in Question Mr. Iurieu makes no scruple of saying that this is a Pelagian Opinion and that it wou'd be to make use of the Hereticks Arms which have disturb'd the Church God said Pelagiuâ— works in us the Will to do what is Holy and Good by Inflaming us with the Prospect and Recompence of future Glory to draw us back from Earthly Concupisence in which we are overwhelm'd Now the Scripture is
watch what is the cause of it v. 2. n. 16 q. 2 Dying persons why they fold the Sheets v. 2. n. 16 q 8 Debauchery and ruine of youth how prevented v. 2. n. 16. q 19 Dream why of things we never thought of v. 2. n. 17. q. 3 Delightful what is most so to any Man v. 2. n. 17. q. 4. Debt whether a Man may Marry then v. 2. n. 20. q. 3. Deceive the Deceiver is it a sin v. 2. n. 20. q. 10 Die of Conceit whether possible v. 2. n. 21. q. 1 Dancing-master or School-master which preferable v. 2. n. 24. q. 13. Divine Idea's the Notion of Omniformity c. v. 2. n. 26. q. 1 Devil of Mascon v. 2. n. 26. q. 3 Deity acknowledg'd and prov'd v. 2. n. 26. q. 9 Devil does he know our thoughts v. 2. n. 26. q. 11 Democritus or Heraclitus which in the right v. 2. n. 27. q. 13 Die why must in the Night your reason v. 2. n. 29. q. 1 Duelling how far lawful v. 3 n. 2. q. 1 Dream whether obliging to Marry v. 3. n. 4. q. 17 Drunken Man whether capable of Marriage v. 3. n. 5. q. 2 Discourses vain and absurd v. 3 n. 12. q. 8 Drunken man how far obnoxious to the Law v. 3. n. 14. q. 2 Despair caused by unkindress of Relations v. 3. n. 14. q. 9 Drunken man how brought to his Senses v. 3. n. 15. q. 9 Divines whether Preaching against all vice v. 3. n. 18 q. 3 Dew of Hermon how it descends on Mount Sion v. 3. n. 18. q. 6 Die than live is it not better v. 3. n. 19. q. 2 Dreams of commit a grievous sin v. 3. n 20. q. 7 Dreams do we think then v. 3. n. 21. q. 3 Devotion how hinder'd by Ignor. v. 3 n. 21. q 10 Drown'd Bodies why they float v. 3. n. 22. q. Devils can they generate v. 3. n. 24. q. 12 Defrauding whether pardon'd without restitution v 3. n. 24 q 14 Devotion what Book you advise me to v. 3. n. 25 q 4 Dan. 5.23 Why Daniel leaves out a word v. 3. n. 25. q. 9 David's heart why it smote him for Saul's garment v. 3. n. 26. q. 1. David's Sin in numbring the People where consists v. 3. n. 27. q. 6 David's speaking in Scripture is it the word of God v. 3. n. 30. q. 4 Debtor and Creditors what a brother must do v. 4. n. 1. q. 3 Dissenters are they Schismaticks v. 4. n. 2. q. 2 Discourse to cry out O God is it sins v. 4. n. 2. q. 9. Dragon is there any such creature v 4. n. 6. q. 5 Dissenters that freely communicate with the Ch. of England v. 4. n. 7. q 4 Delivery of a Gate c. Town of Lymerick c. v. 4. n. 8. q. 1 Dizziness in the Head v. 4. n. 8 q. 8 Dreaming of a Text Preach't on v. 4. n. 16. q 3. Dealing with a secret reserve whether sinful v. 4. n. 16. q. 5 Divines why they begin their Prayers so low v 4. n 19 q. 11 Death if the cause be in the Body onely v. 4. n. 25. q. 2 Death is the cause of it in the Soul or in the Body v. 4. n. 28. q. 7 Dramatique Writers who the best v. 5. n 1 q. 3 Dramatique Professor who the best v 5. n. 2 q. 1 Disciples how come they to know Moses and Elias v. 5. n 4. q. 3 Devils generating a relation of one v. 5. n. 9. q. 3. Defrauding and over-reaching our Brother v. 5. n. 10 q. 1. Different Colours in Clouds the reason for it v. 5. n. 11 q 5 ‖ DIssertation on a State of Virginity 1 Suppl p. 18 Dispute about the Grandeur of Great Britain 1 Suppl p. 21. Description of the City of Rome 2 Suppl p. 3 Dine or to sup whether better 2 Suppl p. 30 †DIssertations of Mr. Burman p. 107 Darmonseus Philosophical Conferences p. 179 Dodwell's Dissertations on St. Irenaeus p. 356 Du Pin's new Bibliotheque of Ecclesiastical Authors containing the History of their Lives the Catalogue Crisis and Chronology of their Works the sum of what they contain a Iudgment upon their Stile and Doctrine with an Enumeration of the different Editions of their Works Tom. 1. of the Authors of the 3 First Ages p. 445. Tom. 2. Of the Authors of the Fourth Age of the Church p. 391. Dury's Treatise of Church Discipline p. 454 Discourses upon the Sciences in which beside the Method of Studying it is taught how we ought to make use of Sciences for the good of the Church with Advice to such as live in Holy Orders p. 411 Discourse of the French Academy p. 420 E. * EArth its Circumference and Thickness v. 1. n. 2. q. 10 Earth whether destroy'd or refin'd v. 1. n. 3. q 4 Earthquakes their causes v. 1. n. 10. q. 5 Experiment about perpetual motion v. 1. n. 10. q. 7 Eels how produced v. 1. n. 17. q. 9 England be happy v. 1. n. 22. q. 9 Essence be really distinguish'd from Existence v. 1. n. 22. q. 13 Estates whether an ensuring office for 'em v. 1. n. 26. q. 4 Exodus 7.33 comp with Ver. 20 v. 1. n. 29. q. 7 Egyptian Magicians Miracles whether real v. 2. n. 1. q. 16 Earth or Sun which moves v. 2. n. 6. q. 9 Eye-sight how best preserved v. 2. n. 14. q. 1 Eunuchs why never troubled with the Gout v. 2. n. 20. q. 7. East-India and African Company one who has a stock v. 2. n. 24. q. 3 Eve did she lose her Beauty by the Fall v. 2. n. 26. q. 13 Eyes shut under water v. 3. n. 9. q. 8 English Nation why the Finest People and yet Ill Singers v. 3. n. 13. q. 12 Earth are its Foundations to continue for ever v. 3. n. 18. q. 5 Experiment about finding out a Thief whether lawful v. 3. n. 22. q. 1 Errors whether they will be tolerated at Iudgment v. 3. n. 24. q. 13 England the most devout why delight no more in singing Psalms v. 3. n. 29 q. 5 English what Language is it v. 3. n. 30 q 3 Empyreal Heaven had it no Begin v. 3. n. 30. q. 11 Eccho its nature v. 4. n. 17. q. 5 Experiment about artificial wind v. 4. n. 22. q. 7 English Satyrist who is the best v. 5. n. 1. q. 2 Eve what she spun v. 5. n. 5. q. 4 Egyptian Talisman their Force and Vertue v. 5. n. 7. q. 1 Epithalamium on a Wedding v. 5. n. 11. q. 7 Eyes of Beans in the Kid why grow downward some years v. 5. n. 14. q. 6 Ephes. 6.12.5 Whether these words are referr'd to all Christians v. 5. n. 17. q. 1 Evil Spirits in what sence do we wrestle with 'em v. 5. n. 17. q. 2. Evil Spirits in what sence the Rulers of darkness v. 5. n. 17. q. 3 Evil Spirits in what sence they are in High Places v. 5. n. 17. q. 4 Evil Spirits how reconcile some Phrases about ' em v.
doth it dance on Easter-day v. 1. n. 16. q. 2. Superstition the meaning of the Word v. 1. n. 16. q. 8. Sound no Substance v. 1. n. 20. q. 15. Straight Stick in Water appears crooked v. 1. n. 20. q. 19. Storks never found but in Common-wealths v. 1. n. 21. q. 2. Small-pox why so many marked with 'em v. 1. n. 21. q. 3. Solomons Temple why not reckon'd among the wonders of the World v. 1. n. 21. q. 5. Satyrs or Sermons most successful v. 1. n. 22. q. 12. Sexes whether ever chang'd v. 1. n. 23. q. 2. Sherlock whether Dean of St. Pauls v. 1. n. 24. q. 2. Saints Bodies which arose with our Saviour v. 1. n. 25. q. 4. Salvation of Cain Eli and Sampson v. 1. n. 25. q. 5. Sin of felo de se it 's Nature v. 1. n. 25. q. 6. Snail the cause of it's Shell v. 1. n. 25. q. 9. Salamander whether it lives in the Fire v. 1. n. 26. q. 1. Soul whether knows all things v. 1. n. 26. q. 11. Samuel whether he or the Devil c. v. 1. n. 27. q. 1. Sabbath how chang'd v. 1. n. 27. q. 2. Souls of good Men where immediately after death v. 1. n. 28. q. 3. Souls when separate can they assume a Body v. 1. n. 28. q. 4. Shuterkin whence it proceeds v. 1. n. 29. q. 2. Scriptures how know we'em to be the Word of God v. 1. n. 30. q. 7. Sence of the Words when we differ v. 1. n. 30. q. 8. Serpents whether they were real c. v. 2. n. 1. q. 9. Soul in what part of the Body it is v. 2. n. 1. q. 13. Sight from whence proceeds v. 2. n. 1. q. 17. Sun how it comes to shine on the Wall v. 2. n. 2. q. 5. Substance Corporeal and spiritual how act v. 2. n. 2. q. 9. Spirits by what means do they speak v. 2. n. 2. q. 9. Saul went into the Cave c. the meaning v. 2. n. 5. q. 7. Scripture why it forbids Linsy Woolsey v. 2. n. 5. q. 12. Senses which of 'em can we best spare v. 2. n. 5. q. 16. Soul immortal whether breath'd into Adam c. v. 2. n. 5. q. 17. Small Pox the Cause of ' em v. 2. n. 5. q. 18. Spell what is it and whether Lawful v. 2 n. 6. q. 2. Sleep how to make one Wakeful v. 2. n. 6. q. 4. Soul how is it in the Body v. 2. n. 7 q. 2. Souls going out of our Bodies whether c. v. 2. n. 7. q. 3. Soul seeing 't is immaterial whether c. v. 2. n. 7. q. 4. Souls when separation do they knows the affairs of earth v. 2. n. 7. q. 5. Souls separate how do they know one another v. 2. n. 7. q. 6. Souls departed have they present Ioy or Torment v. 2. n. 7. q. 7. Souls departed where go they v. 2. n. 7. q. 8. Souls has a man three viz. the Supream c. v. 2. n. 7. q. 9. Souls where remain till the last day v. 2. n. 7. q. 10. Souls what have the Philosophers said of ' em v. 2. n. 7. q 11. Soul how it's Vnion with the Body v. 2. n. 7. q. 12. Stone in a Toads-head Swan sings at Death v. 2. n. 7. q. 13. Snow whether white or black v. 2. n. 8. q. 3. Sun why looking on it causes sneezing v. 2. n. 8. q. 6. Skeleton a strange Relation of it v. 2. n. 9. q. 1. Sin whether it might be ordain'd v. 2. n. 10. q. 1. Sin whether not ordain'd v. 2. n. 10. q 2. Saviour how did he eat the Passover v. 2. n 11. q. 3. Spirits Astral what is it v. 2. n. 12. q. 3. Sensitive Plants why emit their Operations v. 2. n. 15. q. 5. Salamander whether any such Creature v. 2. n. 15. q. 9. Soul of Man whether by Tradâ—ction or Infusion v. 2. n. 16. q. 5. Smoke what becomes of it v. 2. n. 17. q. 6. Sounds why ascend v. 2. n. 17. q. 8. Sun what matter is it made of v. 2. n. 18. q. 3. Speech and Voice from whence proceeds v. 2. n. 18. q 10. Saturn whether he be Noah v. 2. n. 18. q. 12. Step if Persons can walk far in it v. 2. n. 20. q. 2. Sure to one three years and now sure to v. 2. n. 20. q. 9. Several Questions about the Soul all answer'd in one v. 2. n. 22. q. 1. Sciences whether the Practick or Theory preferable v. 2. n. 22. q. 3. Smoke and Fire a Wager Lâ—id about it v. 2. n. 23. q. 1. Solomons Bounty to the Queen of Sheba v. 2. n. 23. q. 12. Stone cast into the Waters its figures why such v. 2. n. 24. q. 8. Scripture whether retrieved by Esdras v. 2 n. 25. q. 2. Synod of Dort had they Truth on their side v. 2. n. 26. q. 2. Sermon any reason for the clamour against it v. 2. n. 26. q. 6. Soul when it leaves the Body where goes it v. 2. n. 26. q. 7. Saviour and the Thief on the Cross v. 2. n. 27. q. 5. Sodom's overthrow v. 2. n. 27. q. 6. Saviour his Humane and Divine Nature v. 2. n. 27. q. 9. Snake when cut into Pieces v. 2. n. 27. q. 16. State of the Sun Moon c. at the last day v. 2. n. 28. q. 1. Sea how comes it not to overflow the World v. 2. n. 28. q. 6. Silk-worm how it lives v. 2. n. 28. q. 7. Spiritual Substance whether distinct parts v. 2. n. 29. q. 4. Soul it 's seat v. 2. n 29. q. 5. Souldiers who has most v. 2. n. 29. q. 12. Serpent how could he speak with mans Voice v. 2. n. 29. q. 15. Scripture and prophane History why they differ v. 2. n. 30. q. 7. Superstition of abstaining from Flesh v. 2. n. 30. q. 12. Sun where does it set v. 3. n. 1. q. 4. Spider how does it Poison a fly v. 3. n. 1. q. 5. Singing Psalms why not used v. 3. n. 6. q. 4. Sea Water why Salt v. 3. n. 6. q. 7. Souls whether all equally happy v. 3. n. 8. q. 5. Soul of a Child quick in the Womb v. 3 n. 8. q. 6. Shooting at Sea why heard at a distance v. 3. n. 9. q. 6. Soul after what manner it enters into the Body v. 3. n. 9. q. 7. Shell fish why the shell apply'd to the Ear v. 3. n. 9. q. 11. Sermon of one hour why seems longer than two v. 3. n. 11. q. 8. Shoot right why they wink with one Eye v. 3. n. 12. q. 5. Self-dislike whether Wisdom v. 3. n. 12. q. 7. Sences which can we best spare v. 3. n. 14. q. 1. Self-Murther for a Mistress whether Lawful v. 3. n. 16. q. 2. Socinian Heresie when broach't v. 3. n. 18. q. 4. Spring how visible v. 3. n. 19. q 5. Stones on Salisbury Plain v. 3. n. 19. q. 6. Sky is it of any Colour v. 3. n. 22. q. 5. Sacrament
Volume of those that he hath written to many Learned Men of France which were Printed in Holland and Germany contain two hundred and four and we find no more than sixty nine in the Volume of the Epistles intituled Praestaentium ac Eruditorum Virorum Epistolae Ecclesiasticae Theologicae which he hath written to some other of his Friends in Holland and elsewhere Besides all those which have appear'd abroad until now one may see in this Edition a great number that have been drawn from his Papers and the Publick without doubt will receive 'em with the same satisfaction In these he hath excepted against some Divine Pieces Printed for Monsieur Bleau in the year 1679. This Volume is compos'd of more than two thousand five hundred Letters that are placed according to the order of the time in which they were written The first whereof was directed to Monsieur Thou and dated the first of April 1590. and the last which was to William Grotius bore date the 18th of Iuly 1645. just a month before the death of the Author which happened the 18th of August following It 's true there 's about 750 Letters at the end which cou'd not be put in the same order with the former because they were receiv'd too late notwithstanding they were mixt together in this same Method These Letters treat of an Infinite Number of Subjects but without stopping at those which contain nothing very important as are the Letters of pure Civility or those which speak of Domestick Affairs I shall relate here what I find most curious on Criticks Divinity Law History and Politicks These are the five Heads to which one may reduce all that is remarkable in the Epistles of Grotius 1. To begin with Criticks we find in the 54th Letter of the first part Advice to Monsieur de Maurier touching the manner whereby he ought to regulate his Studies But as this Advice is fitted to the Age Charge and Imploy of this French Embassador in Holland it shall not be related in particulars He gives also to his Brother in the third Letter of the second part that which he judges the most proper Method for the first Studies of those who are design'd for the Law Grotius being at Paris after he was escaped from the Prison of Louvestein receiv'd Visits there from many Learned Men and amongst others from Monsieur Peires◠who hath done so much honour to the Ingenious of his time and who hath also receiv'd from them the praises that he merited In these Visits they often discours'd of Science as it appears in the first page of the 107th Letter where Grotius proves something that he had before advanc'd in a Conversation 'T is this that the Latine Tongue hath very few words that come from the Phrygians from whence the Latines drew their Original or from the Hetrurians which was the most Antient Tongue of Italy from which we may believe the Romans had theirs He shews that the Original of the Latine must be sought in a Dialect of the Greek Tongue because that the Greeks inhabited a part of Italy as well as the Neighbouring Isles from whence 't is called Magna Graecia very near that which he calls the Kingdom of Naples They formerly divided all the People that spoke Greek into Ionians and Dorians which were the two Principal Dialects The Attick Idiom according to Grotius is but a Branch of that of the Ionians and differs only in certain Proprieties The Aeolian Dialect is also but a part of the Dorians which they used in Sicily as appears by the Eclogues of Theocritus which are pure Dorick whereas they spoke Aeolian in the Isles of that name 'T is this last Dialect that Grotius maintains comes from the Latine Tongue as he proves by many Examples The other Dorians changed into A long the common termination of the Feminins in Η but the Aeolians changed it into A short and for example 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nympha 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fama The 6th Letter in the Antient Greek Alphabet was formerly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is called Vau in the Phenician Alphabet from whence the Greeks have derived theirs Others call it the Aeolian Digamma and altho' it s not seen in the late Alphabets it ceases not to retain its place in the Greek numbers for F or ς make six The Aeolians used to place it before words which begin with a Vowel As for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they used to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Priscian The Latines followed their Example and instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they said Vesperus instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vinum c. The Aeolians put their Bau before those words which begin with R as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 frango for the Dorick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is out of use for which they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is apparent from the Aeolick frago comes the Latine frango since there is no difference at all only an N more in the last which sometimes was omitted as appears by the Latine word frago and confrages The Aeolians also used an S before the Vowels as well as the Latine who for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 say serpo for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 say sus c. Thence it comes that one finds in the Aeolian Dialect only divers Latine words whereof no foot-steps are to be seen in the others as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nuncius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nepos c. The same matter is treated on more at length in Vossius his Etymologicon and in some of Salmatius Letters Grotius having consulted the last to know if C or S was not taken for six with the Greeks answers yes and gives some proofs of it which Grotius confirms by others in the 2 d. page of 480. Letter Our Author makes use of these remarks to prove that Trajan is the same whereof St. Iohn speaks in the 13. of Revelations and 18. v. because in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the Name of that Emperour The number 666. is found in taking C for six and not for two hundred according to the general acceptation of the Σ. In matters belonging to the Criticks there is also some Explications of divers passages of Scripture and of prophane Authors He shews for example in the 91. Letter 1. p. that this passage of the Proverbs and the 4. v. which is translated God hath made all things for Himself and the Wicked for the day of Calamity ought to be translated thus God hath disposed all things so that they answer one another and the Wicked in the day of Adversity that is that God hath ordered it so that even by the course of Nature the Wicked should be punished A passage very like to this in the 33. of Ecclesiasticus 14. v. He maintains also that these Words of the 1. of Timothy 3