down the Torrent with the rest so that neither his Reasonings or his Observations nor his Remedies have the least mixture of this weakness so common in those Times and yet common still even amongst some Physicians We don't see that his Prognosticks had any other foundation than from the pure nature of things Itâ—s true in his Book of Dreams he talks of some Sacrifices or Ceremonies which ought to be perform'd to some certain Deities according to the nature of the Dreams we dreamt But these were only Duties which Religion necessarily engag'd Men to His good sense appear'd in another place particularly when in the same Book he solves Dreams by what has been said or done in the day time from whence he draws consequences to judge of the condition of the body according as 't is charg'd with Choler Phlegm Blood c. which he brings in as the Causes on which depends the difference of Dreams and the circumstances that accompany them We 'll speak one word more of the aversion he had to superstition in what related to Remedies and the cure of Diseases when we come to the Chapter of Purgation CHAP. V. Of the sorts of Diseases that Hippocrates knew gave names to or describ'd THE particular Diseases which are mentioned in the Writings of Hippocrates may be reducâ—d to five different Classes The first is of distempers whose names have been never chang'd and that have been known ever since to the Greek Physicians by the same names and signs as they were distinguish'd by this ancient Physician This first Class is the most considerable and contains alone a much greater number of distempers than the four following put all together The second includes those which have not preserved their names altho' they have been known and distinguish'd by the accidents which Hippocrates attributed to them I put in the third Class some distempers which he gave no name to but only a simple description of And in the fourth those that tho' they are nam'd and describ'd exactly in the Works that are allow'd to be his yet notwithstanding have not been known since that time either by their names which were grown out of use or by the description the Author gives of them The fifth and last Class is of those that have names which were no longer known and that at the same time there were no descriptions of so that we can speak almost nothing of them but by conjecture CHAP. VI. A Catalogue of the Diseases of the first Class or of those whose Greek Names are preserv'd and have always continued very near the same WE 'll rank every one of these Diseases in an Alphabetical order according to their English Names which are partly deriv'd from the Greek which we 'll put at the bottom of the page A (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ABscesse or Aposthume (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alphus a cutaneous distemper (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alopecy a disease of the head when the hair falls off or is thin in several places (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These are the common names to the part and its diseases Almonds diseases of this part inflamation suppuration ulceration (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anus the falling down relaxation or invertion of it Vid. Hemorrhoids inflamation of the Anus (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ancyle or Ancylosis a contraction of the Joints (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aphony loss of voice (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apthae Ulcers of the mouth (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Those that were taken with this disease were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say struck v Thunder struck and Pleurisie Hippocrates also confounds sometimes Apoplexy with Palsie where he gives the first of these Names to both Discases Apoplexy a sudden privation of sense and motion Appetite loss of Appetite v. Loathing Appetite depravâ—d of those that eat earth and stones v Colour and the distemper of Women with Child (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Afterbirth retain'd (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Asthma a sort of difficulty of breathing v. Dispnea (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This last word signifies the action of miscarrying Abortion (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Weasels Arms. 'T is the name that Hippocrates gives to those that have such arms Arms shorter and of a less proportion than they ought to be B (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This last word signifies also Bunch back'd BOunch-back'd (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Branchus a sort of a defluxion hoarseness (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a common name to the Glands of the Groin and their Diseases Buboes swellings of the Glands in general and particularly those of the Groin Brain inflam'd v. Inflamation Brain gangren'd v. Sphacclus Brain mov'd v. commotion Brain dropsical v. Dropsie (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Blood-shot of the Eyes (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A dry Blood-shot (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baldness (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 corpulent The body torpid or languid (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Blood vomiting of blood great loss of blood by Stool in a burning Fever Loss of blood v. Haemorrhage (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 barren Women Barrenness v. Womb. k The Bladder clos'd or stopp'd v. Vrine Tubercule of the Bladder v. Tubercule Stone of the Bladder v. Stone C (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CAchexy An ill habit of the fleshy parts of the body caus'd by the corruption and aboundance of humours (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cancer a sort of a Tumour (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An outward Cancer (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An inward Cancer (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An hereditary Cancer or that 's born with one Cancer of the Throat of the Breast of the Womb and of other parts a Cancerous Ulcer (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardialgy pain of the Stomach Heart burning (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Carie. (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Carus a sort of a dead sleep and out of which there 's no raising the Patient (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cataphora another sort of extraordinary dead sleep (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Catarrh or defluxion upon some part v. Rheum (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A salt Catarrh nitrous acrid and hot (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Catarrhs that kill suddenly (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Catochus A Disease in which the Patient continues inflexible with his eyes open without knowledge or motion (nn) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Carbuncle a sort of Tumour Causus v. Fever (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cholera a sudden discharge of humours upward and downward (p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A wet Cholera a dry Cholera Chordapsus v. Ileus (q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coma a sort of a dead
a distemper of the skin that becomes white in some places Lips Ulcers of the Lips v. Apthae Lichon v. Tetter (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lientery a disease when you void by Excrement your Food the same you took it in or but a little chang'd (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Loins pain in the Back or Loins (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luxations or distortions Lungs inflam'd v. Peripneumony (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lobes of the Lungs convuls'd Dropsie of the Lungs v. Dropsie Little swellings or knobs of the Lungs v. Wart Swellings of the veins in the Lungs v. Varix M. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 MOuth the ill smell of the mouth (aa) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wry mouths Ulcers of the mouth v. Apthae (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Madness v. Folly (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Raving madness (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Melancholy or melancholy distempers (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months in too great a quantity (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months in too small a quantity (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months without colour (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months without mixture (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Months stopp'd (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Months purulent like pieces of Membrances or Spiders Web consisting of phlegm matter black grumous acrid bilious salt c. Months that ascend towards the breasts c. v Flux and Purgations (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mola a lump of flesh growing in the Womb. N. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they are so nam'd that have their necks awry NEck awry (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nauseating of Victuals common to Women with Child and accompanied with an inclination to vomit (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nephritis a disease of the Kidnies accompanied with pains suppression of Urine and other symptoms v. Stone Nose more than ordinary moistness of the Nose a sort of defluxion v. Coryza (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Navil inflam'd ulcerated and open from the birth (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is so they are call'd by Hippocrates that have this distemper which he gives no name to as such Nyctalopy a distemper of those that see better in the night than in the day O. (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OIdema swellings and tumors in general v. Tumor Omentum or the Caul the falling down of it into the Groin v. Tumor (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Opthalmy or inflarnation of the eyes moist and dry (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Opisthotonos a sort of Convulsion where the body bends backward (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orthopny a sort of difficulty of breathing that the Patient canâ—t lie down in his Bed v. Dispnea Asthma P. (a) We find this case at the beginning of the fourth and sixth Pooâ— of the â—p demieâ—s PAlate Imposthumations and Ulcers corroding the Palate The falling or separation of the bone of the Palate and the Teeth from whence follows the sinking of the Nose (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Palpitation of the Heart Palpitation of the flesh in all parts of the body Palpitation between the Navel and the Cartilage thatâ—s towards the stomach (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this name in common in Hippocrates both to Apoplexy and Palsie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some part of the body that 's become Paralytiâ—n or that has lost its sense and motion You find there also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to relax in speaking of the Parts that are Paralytick become they are reâ—axâ—d and loose without sâ—ren thâ—â—â—â—upâ—â—rt thâ—â— T is from this Verb that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—derâ—v'd Palsie but I do not find it in Hippocrates He means in another place by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a species of this distemper Palsie a privation of sense and motion universal and particular (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paronychia or Panaris a Whitlow or sore under the nails that 's very painful (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he speaks also of a distemper of little Children that he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which seems to be the same and he explains this word in another place by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 swellings that rise behind the Ears as the Satyrs have or rather which makes 'em resemble Satyrs which are painted with ears standing up â—s those have that are troubled with swellings behind ' em He also calls the same swellings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because the Satyrs were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Ionians You 'll see in another place another signification of the word Satyriasmus Parotides swellings of the Glands behind the Ears (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pudenda excrescence of flesh at the entrance of the secret parts of Women the rotting and falling off of the hairs of those parts v. Eresypelas (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Peripneumony inflamation of the Lungs (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Perirrhaea a great discharge of humours particularly by Urine (i) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plague and Pestilential distempers Phagedaena v Ulcer White phlegm v. Leucophlegmaty Phlegmon v. Inflamation (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phlyctenae a sort of pimples and risings on the skin like those that come after a burn (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This word comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the name the Ancients gave to the Diaphragm and signifies also the Soul or Mind because they believ'd the Soul had its seat in the Diaphragm Phrenesis an acute Fever with a strong delirium (m) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to consume and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to melt Phthisis a disease when the body consumes away (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phthisis of the back (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phthisis nephritick or that comes from the Reins (p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phthisis from the Hips (q) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phthisis from the general habit of body that is from the flesh (r) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Prickings all over the body and in particular at the end of the tongue (rr) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pityriasis a disease when the hairs fall off and Scurf or Scales rise on the skin of the head Pleurisie a pain in the side with a continual Fever (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pleurisie moist when the Patient expectorates (u) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pleurisie dry when he does not spit at all (w) For this reason those that were in this oondition were callâ—d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say struck as well as those that fell into an Apoplexy See before Apoplexy Pleurisie in which after death the sides are black and blue like those that
other times when he intended to purge more strongly he took the flower of Copper and Hellebore after that he shook the Patient violently by the shoulders the better to loosen the Pus This Remedy which is found in (b) De morbis lib. 2 de internis affectionibus two places of the Works of Hippocrates is attributed by Galen to the Cnidien Physicians which we have spoke of in the precedent Book The Physicians of the succeeding Ages have practis'd it no more whether they had no Patients that wou'd suffer it or whether they thought it of no benefit which is most probable These ancient Physicians invented this Remedy to raise a cough upon what they observed that it was the only means by which the Pus cou'd be naturally evacuated from the Breast and be as it were pump'd out of the Lungs CHAP. XVI Whether Hippocrates made use of Purgations or Superstitious Purifications which we spoke of above WE have seen in the first Book of our History that Melampus and Polyides us'd certain Purgations or Expiations which had regard to Crimes as well as Distempers It seems Hippocrates also approv'd of this practice when he says (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. de decenti habitu That a Physician ought to have knowledge of the Purgatives or Purifications beneficial to life (b) A Modern Translator of Hippocrates Cornarius has understood it this way and in effect we cannot explain this passage or word otherwise for he does not treat here of the Purgations that we spoke of in the foregoing Chapter And the other Interpreters or Commentators on Hippocrates that have taken it in this latter sense are mistaken But we may say That seeing he meets with variations in the Original (c) Some Manuscripts read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the singular which intirely alters the sence and that signifies nothing if you don't refer it to the follewing word which is also very obscure Manuscripts in relation to the word in question and that all this passage there being compris'd in it that which immediately follows is but obscure perhaps Hippocrates meant to speak quite another thing (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A freedom from Superstition which is one of the qualities he requires in a Physician in the same place where he makes a parallel betwixt a Philosopher and one of this Profession appears contrary to it For how indeed does the necessity which he wou'd impose on a Physician to understand purifications which consisted of some superstitious ceremonies agree with the freedom from every thing that is superstitious It 's true that another translator of Hippocrates's reads this last word otherwise and takes it (e) Calvus translates as if â—e had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the contrary sense But the inclining to superstition or a superstitious fear of the Gods is not that which they have accus'd the Philosophers of no more than the Physicians between whom they say Hippocrates endeavours to make a comparison in this passage We have nothing to do besides but to read the Book intitled of the Sacred Distemper to see how Hippocrates openly laughs at all the ridiculous ceremonies they practis'd in his time to cure this distemper and in particular the expiations and purifications they perform'd on this occasion We will not relate any thing he has said above to avoid being tedious we 'll only remark that he puts those that meddled with expiations Magicians Mountebanks and impudent Boasters that promise more than they mean and have nothing to perform Weâ—ll remark I say that he puts all these sorts of fellows in the same rank ending a long discourse which he makes on this subject with these words more worthy of a Christian than a Pagan as he was It is says he the Deity that purifies us and washes us from our greatest sins and from our most enormous crimes It is the Divinity which protects us and it is only in the Temples which are the habitations of the Gods that we ought to seek to purisie ourselves of whatâ—s unclean I know this Book to be suppos'd to belong to some other Author But however it be that Hippocrates used only remedies purely natural and never proposed any superstitious ones is an Argument he was never for them We may see further how he elsewhere (f) Lib. de his quae ad virginem spectaut rallies the women of his time that were troubled with the Mother for offering to Diana rich Garments He does not stick to say that the Priests who advis'd these poor women thus abused them wretchedly CHAP. XVII Of Blood-letting and of the Application of Cupping-Glasses BLood-letting was another method of evacuating or taking away the superfluity of what was in the Vessels and parts which Hippocrates us'd Another aim he had in it was to divert or recall the course of the Blood which was going where it ought not to be A third end of bleeding was to procure a free motion of the Blood and Spirits as we may gather from the following passage (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He says elsewhere in the same sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bladder slopt When any one becomes speechless of a sudden Hippocrates says it is caus'd by the shutting of the Veins especially when it happens to a person otherwise in good health without any outward violence In this case the inward vein of the right Arm must be open'd and more or less blood taken away according to the age and constitution of the Patient Those that lose their Speech thus have great flushings in the face their Eyes are stiff their Arms are distended their Teeth gnash they have palpitations of the Arteries they cannot open their Jaws the Extremities are cold (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Interceptiones Spirituum in venis and the Spirits are intercepted in the Veins If pain ensues it is by the accession of the black Bile and sharp humours For the Internal parts being vellicated or irritated by these humours suffer very much and the Veins being also irritated and dried distend themselves extraordinarily and are inflam'd and draw all that can flow to them so that the Blood corrupting and the Spirits not being able to pass through the Blood (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their natural passages by their ordinary passages the parts grow cold by reason of this Stagnation of the Spirits Hence comes giddiness loss of speech and convulsions If this disorder reaches to the Heart the Liver or to (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It ought to be observ'd that he makes no mention here of the brain nor of the nerves the great Veins From hence come also Epilepsies and Palsies if the defluxions fall upon the parties nam'd and that they dry up because the Spirits are deny'd a passage thro them In this case after Fomentation a Vein must be open'd while the Spirits and Humours are yet (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suspended
was a common practice to give Apollo the Surname of Paean Io Paean was the burthen of all the Hymns sung in his praise Servius (f) In Eneid 12. observes that Paean was a Dorick word in which Dialect it usual is to turn o into a Paean for Paeon The Scholiast upon Nicander is of another mind Paeon (g) Schol. in Nicand Theriac says he is Esculapius There is a passage likewise in the Plutus of Aristophanes where the Surname of (h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Finding favour with Esculapius Paeon or Esculapius the Physician as some translate it This â—pâ—thete might at first belong properly to Apollo but it has been bestow'd upon his Son Esculapius likewise and after him upon all famous Physicians whom they had a mind to do honour to In this sense perhaps it is that Homer says that Physicians are of the race of Paeon Hence come the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 medicabilis curable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the hand of a Physician And Servius in the place before cited says upon these words of Virgil Paeonium in Morem That Paeonius signifies Medicinalis or belonging to a Physician Paeon is given to Esculapius (i) Parere del S. Leonardo di Capoa intorno la Medicina A Learned Italian who writ some years since in refutation of the Scholiast upon Nicander alledges That Esculapius was not yet Deifyâ—d in the days of Homer but we shall see in the sequel that his Apotheosis was pass'd long before We might support the Scholiast by the authority of Virgil who attributes the raising to life Hippolitus to the power of the Herbs of Paeon thereby plainly intending Esculapius whom he presently after calls the Son of Phoebus Artemidorus likewise confounds Esculapius with Paeon (k) De Somo interprâ—â— â—ib 2. cap. 42. If you dream says he that Esculapius removes or comes to any place or into any House 't is a sign of the Plague or other distemper for 't is on these occasions Men have need of this God But if the sick dream so 't is a sign of recovery for adds he this God is call'd (l) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 PAEON So far Artemidorus but here it may be answer'd that by Paeon is meant no more than Physician Lucian on the other hand distinguishes formally between these two for he introduces Hercules threatning Esculapius to maul him so that (m) â—â—alogues of the Gods Paeon himself shou'd not be able to cure him These different Authorities shew us that the Ancients were divided upon the matter At last if Homer's PAEON who was Physician to the Gods was any other than Apollo or Esculapius he not having inform'd us what Family he was of we need perplex our selves about the matter no farther CHAP. VIII ARABUS another Inventor of Physick OF ARABVS I find nothing but these words in Pliny (a) Lib 7. cap. 18. The Aegyptians will have it that Physick was invented among them others attribute the Invention to ARABUS the Son of Babylone and Apollo CHAP. IX ESCULAPIUS the most famous or most generally known of the Inventors of Physick or of those that brought the Art to some degree of Perfection Wherein of CHIRON the CENTAUR and the HEROES his Pupils as also of MELAMPUS and POLYIDUS THE Aegyptians who attribute the invention of Med'cine to Hermes account Esculapius his Pupil The aforecited Book intituled Asclepius which is the same name with Esculapius introduces Hâ—rmes and Esculapius talking together like Master and Scholar And Julius Maternus Firmicus says upon the tradition of the Aegyptians (a) Lib. 3. cap. 1. de â—â—â—siri Nicâ—pso That the God Mercury communicated the secâ—ets of Astrology and Mathematicks to Esculapius and Anubis from whence we may infer that he did not hide from the former his Skill in Physick which was his principal Study T is the more probable that Esculapius was instructed by Mercury in that he was his Kinsman (b) Sancthoniathon 1. ap Philon. 1. Sydâ—c or Sadoc Brother of Misor Father of Hâ—rmes having first had seven Sons call'd Dâ—â—scures Cabires or Corybantes had an eighth which was Esculapius whose Mother was one of the seven Sister Titans Daughters to Saturn by his Wife Astarte The Author from whom what is here said is drawn adds That the Cabires had Children who found out wholsome Herbs and remedies for the bitings of venemous Beasts and that they made use of Enchantments This was the Tradition of the Aegyptians and Phaenicians concerning Esculapius who according to them must have been of the same Age and Family with the rest of the Inventors of Physick of whom we have spoken already Clemens Alexandrinus alone after having told us that Esculapius was of Memphis and that he improv'd Physick which Apis invented seems to make him later for he says in another place that he was Deify'd a little before the Trojan War by which he seems to have confounded Esculapius the Aegyptian with Esculapius the Greek of whom hereafter But the Greeks make him not quite so old as we shall see Cicero after them says that there were three Esculapius 's the first whom the Arcadians worship was the Son of Apollo He invented the Probe to probe wounds with and taught the use of Bandage The second was Son of the second MERCURY Thunder-struck by Jupiter and bury'd at the Cynosures (a) See the Chapter of Podalâ—rius The thiâ—d who was Son of Arsippus and Arsinoe invented Purgaâ—â—â—n and Tooth-drawing If the first Esculapius of Cicero be the same of Pausanias and Pindar speak who was Son of Apollo and Coronis he cannot be veâ—y ancient having been educated by the Centaur CHIRON who lived but just before the Trojan War and having had two Sons present at that Siege All these Esculapius's may in my opinion be reduc'd to (b) See the Chapter of the Wife and Daughters of Esculapius one so that it there ever were any Esculapius 't is probable he was a Phaenician or an Aegyptian but he has been multiplied as most of the rest before him by the slight of the Greeks with whom t was custe mary to adopt Aegyptian Fables that they might honour their own Country with the production of any extraordinary Persons Hence 't is that their Esculapius is so recent their Annals not reaching much higher than the War of Troy Yet this way shou'd there be but two Esculapius's one Aegyptian and one Greek but the same motive that prevailed upon the Country in general to naturalize this Physician induc'd several Provinces and Cities to put in their particular claim each setting up a Title apart exclusive of all the rest The Greeks have been so unsuccessful in their attempts to find an etymology for the name in their Tongue that t is alone a sufficient proof that the word is not originally Greek The Reader may in the (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab a privativo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Siccari quod
are Gripes and Faiâ—nâ—â—â— being more immediate and terrible than those of the latâ—er the obserâ—ation of their own Bodies shou'd rather have discouragâ—d the use of Purgers had they known 'em than promoted an eâ—qutry after ' em 'T is probable thâ—â— the Medical use of Pargers was not known till afâ—â—â— a series of obsâ—â—â—â—tions had introduc'd a regular diet and taught 'em in some mâ—asure to â—â—â—per it to their occasions Then perhaps in obstinate and dangeroâ—s 〈◊〉 they â—â—â—ght venture farther by degrees But when that happen'd is next to â—â—up â—â—ible to determine As for the Stâ—ries of Brutes they may all as 〈…〉 of Melampus as the rest be rejected as Fables Neither Hellebore 〈…〉 other Parging â—â—â—t that we know of being so savoury as to 〈◊〉 Brutes to eat In these latter ages at least they will starve rather than be sâ—rc'd to it For t is impossible they shouâ—d have been long without observing the mischief of being costive and the relief of evacuation either by Stool or Vomit when the Stomach was oppress'd This probably must make 'em inquisitive after means to provoke Evacuations when they were suppress'd or when they found themselves overcharg'd Or perhaps some body having without design eaten some herb that purgâ—d him and finding himself better dispos'd and more healthy after it made his use of this casual experiment and afterwards repeated it upon himself or others that he thought had occasion or after all some body observing that some diseases went off with Diarrhaeas endeavour'd to imitate and assist Nature by such means as chance had taught 'em to loosen the Belly Some such reason as this apparently started the first hint of Bloud-letting For the first men observing that loss of Blood often gave a check to violent distempers or that large Hemorrhages at the Nose reliev'd pains in the Head and that Women were out of order when they wanted those evacuations attempted by Art to open a way for that Bloud which cou'd not make any for itself But tho some evacuations of Bloud be frequently necessary and of benefit in distempers it does not fellow that men shou'd as readily venture to imitate Nature in this case as in that of Purging This latter voiding only excrements by the natural way whereas Bleeding takes away a liquor that appears so necessary to the support of life that we scarce part from it without some horror and that too is let out by an unusual way besides that Purgers were found out by chance and taken into the bodies of the first men as their Food which canâ—t be said for Blood-Letting 'T is certain therefore that Purging is much more naturally indicated than Blood Letting and that more reasoning was requisite to induce Men to open a Vein than to give a Purge and for that reason I believe Purgation to be the eldest Pliny I know tells us that we are oblig'd to the Hippopotamus or Sea-horse who being by over-feeding grown too fat and heavy pricks a certain Vein in his Leg upon the most pointed thorn he can find and when he has drawn Bloud enough stops the wound with Mud whence Men had a precedent for Bloud-letting We may tack this relation to another the same Author gives us in his next Chapter that the Ibis taught Men the use of Clysters by putting his bill full of Sea-Water into his Fundament Not but that Brutes might possibly teach men the use of divers Remedies But 't was in them as well as men an accidental experiment So (b) Vide Chap. 11. Mclampus's Goats having eaten Hellebore more by chance than by what we call Instinct and their Master taking notice of it help'd him to the discovery of a great Medcine * A more plausible story than any of these Virgil tells us of his Goats Aencid xii Dictamnum genetrix Cretea carpit ab Idâ Puberibus caulem Solus Flore comantem Puâ—puâ—eo non illa seres incognita caâ—ris Gramina cum stigo volucres haesere sagittâ—e Whether this story be more admirable for the Sagacity ascrib'd to those Brutes or the power of the Herbs I leave those to dispute who have more leisure but it has a great many Naturalistâ—â—or Vouchers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They say that the Goats in Crete when they are struck with an Arrow eat Dittany and the Arrow immediateâ—â—â—â—ops from ' em Aristâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. Hist anim lib. 9. Elian. Hist Var. l 〈…〉 Dâ—osâ—or l. 3. c. 37. Val. Max. l. 1. c. 8. Plutarch de Solert Aniâ—â—◠〈…〉 Grylâ—o Cic de Divin 3. Issdor c. Notwithstanding 〈…〉 great names the Reader is left to believe as he pleases of the â—ct The same may be said of what some (c) Galen Introduct Authors report that the way of Couching Cataracts was learnt by observing that Goats that were troubled with 'em recoverâ—d their sight by having prickt their Eyes with rushes or thorns as they brush'd thro' the Woods If this be not as very a Fable as those of the Hippopotamus or Ibis 't is at most but a lucky accident of which good use has been made Perhaps likewise even without the aid of chance the first Men might designedly try upon Brutes the effects of Simples unknown before they ventur'd on 'em themselves This way too Brutes might teach the use of 'em but not in the Sense of the Naturalists No body ventures to say that â—â—utes taught men the use of poisons drawn from the Bowels of the Earth of which nevertheless there are but too many CHAP. XXI Epione Wife to ESCULAPIUS Hygiaea Aegle Panacaea and Jaso his Daughter THe Etymology of these names shews 'em to be meer creatures of a wanton (a) Pausan in Achaic Fancy and a continuation only of the Sun 's being the Author of Physick under the name of Apollo Esculapius is also taken for the Air. Hygiaea that is Health is call'd his Daughter because our health depends chiefly upon the Air. Aegle Light or Sunshine signifies that Air illuminated and purified by the Sun is the best Jaso and Panacaea which signify Healing and an universal Remedy insinuate to us that a good air cures all distempers These four Sisters are feign'd to be daughters of the Air to shew that we are beholding to the Air for Health and all the blessings we are to hope from Medâ—cine this Air is suppos'd to be Son of the Sun because to dispose it for the advantage of Health it must be as it were animated by that Star from which it receives all its good qualities To carry on the Allegory Esculapius's Wife is named (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lenifying Hepione as if she shar'd with her Husband the faculty of asswaging Pain This sham Esculapius and his Fantastick Family confirm what we advanc'd before that there never was any Esculapius of Greece As for Podalirius and Machaon who might perhaps be Men really present at the Siege of Troy in quality of Physitians or Surgeons
that was possible who pretended to so much more Study and Practice of Physick or receive by tradition from their Predecessors without any such occasion for the Devil's assistance (a) Observations sur les fievres as the late Monsieur Spon fancies they had Those that fancy that all the Heathen Oracles were nothing but meer tricks and roguery of their Priests will be in no pain upon this subject It seems to have been very easie for these Priests to make the sick believe as they listed And whereas these wretches were usually lodg'd for some days together and their imaginations being entirely possest with the reports of the Counsels and Cures of Esculapius they did not fail to dream at night of what their minds were so absolutely taken up with all the day and to take their dreams for the immediate inspiration of the God It was not impossible but that following his pretended advice * As sanciful men are naturally most suporstitious so I doubt not but the greatest and best part of Escalapius's Customers were of that number whose distempers being altogether imaginary 't was no hard matter to fit 'em with a cure as chimeâ—ical For even yet the number of those that labour under painful conceits and are daily reliev'd by the application of superstitious insignificant remedies in which they have a strong faith is very great Of these I knew one a person otherwise of very good sense that was cur'd as he thought of the Sciatica by wearing about his neck a piece of blank Paper in which he was told there was a powerful charm written but was forbidden to break the Seal which his curiâ—sity tempting him to do after his sancy had had three weeks respite immediately upon the disappointment he relaps'd into the old complaint But among the Heathens whose Credulity was back'd and encourag'd by their Religion 't was no wonder to meet with shouls of easie Gulls that crouded to be cheated Not to mention that many of these Cures were effected by confederacy where the God or his Priest and the Patient had a right understanding beforehand like some mâ—dern Miracle-mongers As to the cure of real distempers by sancy I shall suspend my opinion till I am satisfied of the truth of the fact which yet I declare I am not the force of Imagination and the confidence they plac'd in the Oracle contributed very much to their cure when it was naturally possible They were so obedient and so exact in the execution of the orders they receiv'd whether by dream or otherwise that some have forborn to drink for fifteen days together being so enjoynâ—d Galen who makes this observation complains that his Patients were not by far so observant of his directions There is no doubt but this Spirit of Bigottry that reign'd among those that had recourse to Esculapius contributed very much to his establishment how little vertue soevâ—r his remedies or rather those of his Priests had Suidas mentions a prescription of Esculapius of Athens which is very odd An Athenian nam'd Plutarch and one Domninus a Syrian Philosopher contemporary to Proclus both consulted him upon different case and were both ordered to eat Pork The first wou'd not comply but in raillery asking the God what he wou'd have prescribâ—d to a Jew in his case obligâ—d him to prescribe something elseâ— Domninus who as the Story tells us was really a Jew notwithstanding the Law of his Nation against the eating of Swines-flesh conformâ—d to the direction and found himself so well after it that he eat it all the rest of his Life And found himself the worse for a single days abstinence from it His disease was a Spitting of Blood This remedy appears extraordinary but we shall see in the sequel some Prescriptions of the same sort in the same case by Physicians Galen tells us also of some particular cures of his Esculapius (b) De subfigurat Empirâ—c De simp Medicam facult lib. A certain rich man having been brought by a dream from the middle of Thrace to Pergamus he was advis'd by Esculapius to take a Med'cine whereof Vipers were an ingredient and to rub his Body externally with it Shortly after this Man becoming Leprous his disease turning to a Leprosy he was perfectly cur'd by the use of the Med'cine the God had taught him This man perhaps had the Leprosy before he came to Pergamus but it being a disease no one cares to publish he chose rather to put it upon the God as sent by him that he might signalize himself by the cure We may see by this sample that the Priests of Pergamus were not unskill'd in Physick this being a Med'cine much esteem'd by the Physicians in all ages in cases of this Nature But 't is something surprizing that Esculapius who was so fond of Serpents that he often took their Shape shou'd order 'em to be kill'd to make Medâ—cines unless we suppose that Vipers are very different from the Snakes of Epidaurus which were harmless and were peculiarly sacred to him These cunning Priests undertook no one that wouâ—d not be exactly regular as well in their Diet as Physick witness the (c) Philostrat Vita Apollon Tyanaet young Assyrian who in a Dropsy wouâ—d eat and drink to excess He supplicated and consulted the God yet cou'd not get so much as a Dream At length being very much incens'd against Esculapius he fell asleep and dreamt that he sent him to Apollonius Tyanaeus Being come to this Prophet or Cheat he complain'd grievously of Esculapius to him who answer'd that the God gave Health to those only that were desirous of it and not to those that liv'd like him as if their disease were a Pleasure Galen says likewise that one (d) De different Morbor Nicomachus of Smyrna being grown so big that he cou'd not stir was curâ—d by Esculapius but he tells neither time nor manner Hither we may bring the Miracle which as Tacitus relates was done in the temple of Serapis at Alexandria Serapis and Esculapius being according to him the same (c) Histor l. 4. Vespasian being at Alexandria a man by the direction of Serapis threw himself at his feet and begg'd that he wou'd anoint his cheeks and round his â—yes with his Spittle Another that had lost the use of his hand begg'd by the same direction that he wouâ—d set his foot upon his hand Vespasian at first laught at 'em as banters but being unwilling to be taken for a credulous man yet betwixt the importunity of some and the slattery of others he began to entertain some hopes that the thing might succeed and remitted 'em both to the examination of Physicians who sinding that the one had not absolutely lost his sight and that the other 's all was but a simple dislocation which might be reducâ—d made their report adding that perhaps the Gods had taken this matter into their care as they had done the Prince himself who was chosen by their
means that if the matter succeeded the glory wou'd be Caesar 's and the scorn woud fall upon the wretches themselves if it miscarried Hereupon Vespasian set a good face upon the matter â—ncouraging the spectators to put in execution the orders of Serapis Whereupon the lame man recover'd the use of his hand and the blind man his sight Those says Tacitus that were assistant at both these events affirm yet the truth of 'em * The man that has once solemnly vouch'd a lye upon whatever motive he does it tho that showd cease is oblig'd afterwards to maintain it for his own honour if he has any and if he has not he is not an Evidence to be regarded when a lye is no longer of service to ' em The Reader is at liberty to to make what reflections hereupon he pleases We shall only take notice in the close of this Article that tho the Multitude were grosly bigotted to this Superstition yet there wanted not those among the Pagans that saw thro the cheat and knew it to be an artifice by which the Priests subsisted This apparently was the sense of Philemon in Philostratus who dreaming that Esculapius told him that he must forbear drinking water if he wou'd be cur'd of the Gout cried out as he wak'd as if he had spoke to the God and what wou'd you have prescrib'd if you had had an Ox in cure We need but observe how Aristophanes ridicules these Priests and even their God himself In his first Comedy he introduces a Servant saying The Priest of Esculapius haâ—ing put out the lights bid us all go to sleep saying that if aâ—y one heard a rustling that he should not stir for 't was a sign of the approach of the God so we all laid our selves quietly down I for my part says the Slave couâ—d not sleep a with for the smell of a Mess of Soup which an old Fellow had near me and which assaulted my Nose most furiously Being therefore very desâ—rous to remove the offence I listed my head softly up and perceiv'd the Priest clearing the Sacred Table of the Cakes and Figs and making the tour about the several Altars to see that nothing was left and stuffing whatever he found into a Wallet I fancy'd it a very pious action and began in imitation to draw towards the Soup-dish Then he to whom the Slave made the relation asking if being about such an action he was not afraid of the God He Answers that he was really in some fear but it was lest he shou'd get at the dish before him for says he I found already by the Priest what game he 'd be at Presently after he salutes Esculapius by a very (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Merdivorus homely name But it will perhaps be objected that Aristophanes was an Atheist as well as he whom Cicero makes to say that the sick were more beholding to Hippocrates than Esculapius In the same rank they wou'd put the (g) Dionysius Tyrant of Syracuse (*) He robb'd the same God of a golden Table at Syracuse drinking first to him the Poculum boni Daemonis then ordering the Table to be taken away jesting upon the ancient custom of removing the Table Prince that cut off Esculapius of Epidaurus his golden beard saying that 't was an absurd thing that the Son shouâ—d have such a long beard and the Father viz. Apollo who was always represented as a young man shou'd have none CHAP. XXIV Japis Linus Orpheus Musaeus and Homer Inventors of Physick or some of the ancientest Physicians THis may suffice on this subject Let us now return to the time wherein Esculapius liv'd and see what pass'd then or presently after in relation to Physick We have already spoken of the Heroes his contemporaries the disciples of Chiron as likewise of his Sons The next we meet with after them is Japis whom Virgil introduces dressing Eneas â—s wounds and says of him that being very much belov'd by Apollo he offer'd to teach him Augury to play on the Harp and to draw the Bow well * Scire potestates herbarum uâ—umque medzudi Maluit mutas agitare inglâ—â—us artes Aeneid lib. xii Notwithstanding the several conjectures advanc'd by the Commentators this passage seems yet sufficiently obseure De la Cerda thinks the words Mutas artes to be directly meant of the sect of Physicians that distinguish themselves by the name of Empericks who putting themselves only upon Fact and Experience had no oâ—casion to talk in their Profession and that Japix is callâ—d inglorious because those of that Sect rejecting all reasoning in their art became scandalously igâ—want of Letters or because the Physicians at Rome in Virgil's time were generally Slaves But neither of these conjectures can be good First because the Sect of the Empericks had no being till several ages after the time of Japix Secondly because in the time of Japix who by Virgil â—s accounâ— of him must have been coâ—vous at least to the Sons of Esculapms Physick was no contemptible or inglorieus art sence it procur'd to it Professors while living the highest veneration and after death divine honours See the preceeding part of this History What our Author here advances seems better grounded but the sune objection lies against that likewise it not beiâ—g an aâ—t of sâ—ell same or reputation since it made those that had any skill in it to pass for somewhat above humane condition I suppose this word mutas to be oppos'd to Citharam the Harp which Apollo gave him by which the Poet not only meant Musick but Poetry also for which it is frequently put and that by the word inglorius he means no more than unambitious as one that for the practice of Physick neglected those other Gifts which the Poet as such was oblig'd to prefer before it For this reason he calls Physick Ars Muta in opposition to Poetry and Masick which were properly Vocales but that he rather chose to be able to prolong his dying Father's Life to learn the vertues of herbs and to cure distempers which Virgil calls a mute Art tho less glorious for him The Commentators upon him have been very much perplext to know why he calls Physick so Had Physick been in the time of Eneas or even of Virgil upon the foot it now is it had been a very improper Epithet But we may see by the method Esculapius and his Sons took that they left their cures to speak for ' em In Virgil â—s time the case was alterâ—d and they reason'd too much I suppose the word mutas to relate rather to inglorius and that Virgil wou'd thereby insinuate that Physick was an Art that made no great noise in the world and brought its Professor's no great glory especially compar'd with Musick and those other Arts that qualified 'em for entring the Lists and being crown'd in their Publick Games which was the highest honour they cou'd antiently aspire to The
upon this subject Herodicus who was Master of one of these Academies having observ'd that the young People that were under his conduct and learnt their exercises were very healthful for the most part imputed this immediately to the continual use of them and afterwards carrying this first reflection farther which was natural enough he came to be of the opinion that mighty advantages might be drawn from exercise if instead of the above mention'd ends the principal aim a man proposed to himself by it was the acquiring or preserving of his health so that he need have recourse to no other Physick than this Having foreseen that Gymnastic might be divided into three sorts (c) The military Gymnastick was that which the youth practic'd to harden instruct and fâ—t themselves for the Art Military The Athletick lookt upon as vitious because thereby they propos'd no other end but to win the prize aâ— the Publick Games without making themselves serviceable any other way to the Publick and took care only of their Bodies totally neglecting their Minds Quod corpora in faginâ aniâ—â—â—n marie veterno erant says Seneca the Military the Athletick and the Medicinal he left the two first to apply himself to the latter and prescribe rules to be observ'd in it according to the difference of persons Temperaments Ages Climates Seasons Distempers c. setting down exactly the diet the sorts of habits and the particular exercises that wou'd best suit with them according to the respective circumstances above-mentionâ—d I don't know whether he succeeded so happily in this project as the experiment made upon himself of which History makes mention wou'd induce us to believe Hippocrates who had been his Disciple does not give him an advantageous character upon this account where he says that Herodicus kill'd several that were ill of Fevers with too much walking and wrestling and fomentations nothing being so prejudicial to persons in such cases as hunger wrestling running rubbing c. Herodicus adds Hippocrates pretending to overcome the fatigue occasion'd by sickness with another fatigue drew upon his Patients sometimes inflamations sometimes pains on their side c. and made them pale livid and wholly out of order However this censure of Hippocrates did not hinder him from making use of some Gymnastick on some occasions altho he did not look upon it to be good in the cases above-mention'd and most of the Physicians that came after Herodicus took so great a fancy to this sort of Physick that they have always consider'd it as an essential part of their profession We have lost the writings which Diocles Praxagoras Philotimus Erasistratus Herophilus Asclepiades Theon Diotimus and several others compos'd upon that subject but by the fragments that are still remaining in Galen or other Authors that have cited them we may easily know in what esteem Gymnastick was among the Antients The Physicians were not the only persons that recommended it The generality of men were so fully convinc'd of the great advantages and also the pleasure that accompany'd it that abundance of people spent the greatest part of their lives in places appointed on purpose to exercise in that were afterwards erected in all the Cities of Greece 'T is true these Buildings that went under the name of Gymnasia were not solely apply'd to Gymnastick Physick for at the same time they were put to several other uses They containâ—d several Apartments for several purposes large Squares and great Portico's or coverâ—d Allies of a vast length fit for to walk or run in There was a particular place for the Philosophers the Rhetoricians and men of Learning where they assembled and disputed Thus the Academy and Lyceum two places of exercise in Athens became famous one of them being chosen by Plato and the other by Aristotle to teach Philosophy in This separate place for the Philosophers was call'd Exedra which in Greek signifies a Seat because there are benches in it for this purpose There were other Apartments set aside for the young men that came to exercise themselves under Masters call'd Gymnastae who had some Servants under them that were call'd Paedotribae The Wrestlers likewise met there The exercises perform'd were chiefly playing at quoits throwing the dart or certain heavy machines that were call'd balteres shooting out of a bow playing at ball wrestling cuffing leaping dancing running riding c. Part of these exercises were also practic'd indifferently by all sorts of persons for their health but the Apartments that were more peculiarly applied to this last use were the bathing rooms those where they were undress'd or where they order'd themselves to be rubbâ—d anointed c. Every one used these exercises as he thought convenient Some went no farther than one while others applied themselves successively to more Men of learning began with hearing the Philosophers and other Virtuosi after this they play'd at Ball or employ'd themselves in any other exercise and at last went to the Bath One may wonder and reasonably enough how Plato comes to inveigh so furiously against Gymnastic and the inventor of it Nothing appears to be more natural than this sort of Physick which every man of good sense ought to prefer to the use of Medicaments that are infinitely more troublesom and dangerous But we must know that when this Philosopher declaim'd so powerfully against Gymnastic he had his head full of the Ideaâ—s of his Republick wherein laying it down for a rule that every man shouâ—d contribute to the publick Good he look'd upon those that minded nothing but their health to be a sort of unprofitable persons that were only good to themselves And altho he has recommended exercise in general yet he blamâ—d Gymnastic considerâ—d as an Art and particularly as it comprehended the Dietetic or that part of Physick which regulates our food because it was too long and tedious a course and those persons that wou'd exactly follow the rules of it were obliged to live in too confined and strict a manner and indeed to practise a sort of continual Physick which almost wholly turn'd them aside from those occupations for which they were design'd Plato has another observation about Herodicus or his Maxims as they relate to Gymnastic which is very particular He tells us then that this Phâ—sician advised some (d) Plat. Phaed. in princip to walk from Athens to Megara which is twenty five miles and as soon as they had touched the Walls of that City to come back the same way without stopping a moment In all appearance this is a calumny upon him and perhaps such stories as these were told at Athens to ridicule the Physicians that followâ—d the rules of Gymnastic The Romans did not begin to build those places of exercise till long after the Greeks but when they once took a fancy for them they infinitely surpass'd them both in the number and magnificence of these buildings as we may judge by the noble ruines that are yet remaining Nay they doted
place where the Meat it putrified or is concocted We find both these expressions in Hippocrates He calls the Stomach in the passage we have cited the putrifying Belly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (b) Lib. de Aliment He uses elsewhere the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is which begins to putrifie speaking of the nourishment or food in the stomach But we find much oftner the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coction and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Concoct This digestion according to him is made by the heat of the Stomach which he calls a part all Nervous which joins to the Liver on the Concave-side We must further take notice that the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie the same thing in our Author The latter signifies often in Hippocrates the Orifice or mouth of any Vessel or part whatsoever as of the Bladder of Gall the Matrix c. (c) Lib. de Anatom Hippocrates seems not to distinguish more than two Guts one which is straight about the length of a dozen Cubits being afterwards full of folds some says he call it Colon. And he observes in another place (d) De Morb. Epidem This Gut in a Man is like that of a Dog but that in a Man it is bigger This Gut is suspended by or fasten'd to a part which he calls Mesocolon that is the middle of the Colon and that part it self is fasten'd to the Nerves which come from the spine of the back and pass under the belly The second named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is furnished with abundance of flesh all round and ends in the Anus Elsewhere he says This latter Gut is Porous and adds some particulars concerning the Intestines which shall be remembred when we come to the Reins Of the LIVER Hippocrates says of the Liver that it abounds more with blood than the rest of the Bowels and that there are in it two eminencies which they call Ports He says further That the Liver has five Lobes or is divided into five Parts We have seen before that he has made in another place the Origin of the Veins He observes that several Bronchiae pass from the Heart to the Liver and with these Bronchiae the great vein by which the whole body is nourished He elsewhere calls this vein (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Liver-vein he assigns to the Liver the Office of separating the Bile which it does by the means of its veins which draw whatever is Bilious or proper to make Bile in the Aliment Of the SPLEEN The Spleen beginning from the last of the short Ribs on the Left-side stretches its self out like the print of a Manâ—s foot it receives one vein that divides it self into an infinite number of strings like the threads of a Spiders web which are full of blood and diffused through its whole substance It is fasten'd or hangs to the Omentum which it furnishes with blood by divers small veins Hippocrates says in one place that the Spleen is (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fibrous He says also that it is soft and spungy and by that means draws from the Ventricle which it is near to part of the moisture which comes from the drink the rest being afterwards suckâ—d up by the Bladder of Urine Of the LUNGS The Lungs have according to Hippocrates five Lobes like the Liver they are cavernous rare and pierced with divers holes like Spunges (a) De prise Med. For this reason it draws from the neighbouring parts the moistures they contain Of the Membrane which separates the Belly from the Breast The name which Hippocrates gives to this Membrane which separates the Belly from the Breast is the same by which the Greeks signify'd (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Mind or Vnderstanding The most ancient Physicians called it so out of a perswasion that it was the Seat of the Understanding making it to divide the function attributed as we have seen before to the Heart which is near it Not that this was the generally received opinion it was believed false even in the time of Hippocrates If the book of the Falling Sickness be his the Author of this book expresses himself thus The Part which is called Phrenes is falsly so callâ—d and at random This name is grounded upon an b opinion and not upon any thing real for I sce not how this part contributes to Prudence or Understanding All that it does is that when any one is surprized with any great and sudden joy or grief it beats and causes thereby a sort of uneasiness or pain for it is sine and more strongly upon the stretch than any other part of the body having no belly or cavity to receive what is good or what is bad but being alike encumbred with one or t'other This part says he perceives or has sense but it is not the Seat of Wisdom no more than the Heart wherefore the name of this is as improper as that of the Ears of the Heart which have no hearing In another place Hippocrates says of this Membrane That it has its Origin near the Back-bone behind the Liver and in one that it is nervous and strong He says yet in another place That this Membrane causes madness and folly when the blood stagnates there or moves too slowly Of the Reins the Ureters and Bladder of Urine Our Author speaking of (a) De Off. Nat. the Reins numbers them amongst the Glands or at least he seems to think that they have Glands and those more gross than the rest of the body but it seems more probable that he meant the Glands near them whatever they were than those of this part He had said a little before to the same purpose That the Intestines had the biggest of all which drew the moisture therein contained He believed That the Reins drew likewise the moisture from the nearest Glands and sent it to the Bladder He supposed in another place That this moisture came from the drink and that the Reins by a faculty peculiar to themselves having suck'd a part from the veins near which they are situated it filtred or run through the substance of â—em like water and descended into the bladder by the veins which lead thither while the rest of the drink soak'd immediately thro' the Intestines into the same bladder the Intestines or Intestine being very spungy and porous in the part contiguous to it Of the Organs and manner of Generation We find in Hippocrates the names of the principal parts distinguishing the bâ—xes but he says nothing of their structure He has this only concerning the Vesiculae Seminales That there are on either side the Bladder little bodies like â—oney combs in which the seed is contained He believed that it came from all parts of the body but particularly from the Head descending by the veins behind the Ears down the spinal Marrow and into the Reins As for the manner
Flatib all that incommodes Man but this is too general He thought that the blood in good condition nourished and that it was the fountain of the vital heat that it caus'd a fresh colour and good health That the yellow Bile preserv'd the body in its natural state hindering the small Vessels and secret Passages from being stopp'd and keeping open the Drain of the Excrements He thought it actuated the Senses and help'd to the concoction of the Aliment The black Bile was a sort of Ground which serv'd as a support and foundation for other humours The Flegm servâ—d to supple and facilitate the motion of the Nerves Membranes Cartilages Joints and Tongue and other Parts Besides the four first qualities which Hippocrates attributed to the Humours as moisture driness heat and cold it is apparent that he believed they had or might have abundance of others which all had their use and were never hurtful but when one prevailed over the rest or was separated from them Take his own words (e) De prisâ— Med. lib. 2. in the Chapter of Alcmaeon The Ancients says he did not believe that the dry the cold the hot or the moist nor any other like quality incommoded a Man but that whatever exceeded or prevailed of any of these qualities and which Nature cou'd not overcome was that which incommoded the Man and that which they endeavoured to take away or correct so of the sweet the most sweet was the strongest as of the bitter or sowre that which was most bitter and most sowre in short the highest degree of every thing These are says Hippocrates the latest discoveries of the Ancients in the body of Man and which were hurtful There are really in our bodies bitter sweet sowre salt rough and insipid and abundance of others which have different faculties according to their quantity or quality These different qualities are insensible and do not hurt so long as they are in due mixture but if these humours separate and lodge apart then their qualities become at once both sensible and inconvenient From what Hippocrates has here said we may gather that he did not suppose the Matters we have spoken of to act only by what the Philosophers callâ—d first qualities so far from that that he says a little after That 't is not the hot that is of any mighty power but the sowre the insipid c. whether within a Man or without a Man whether in regard of what he cats or what he drinks or what he applies outwardly in what manner soever concluding that of all the faculties there are none less active than heat and cold What we have said of the separation of the humours from one another relate to what Hippocrates says in divers places that the humours move This motion which is the cause of several distempers expresses sometimes by a term it signifies (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impeâ—◠〈◊〉 â—â—â—dine incenli a Fury like that of some Animals that grow Lustful at certain times There are other passages by which Hippocrates seems to impute Diseases (g) Lib. de affectâ— nib lib 〈◊〉 de Morb. to two of these humours only the Bile and Pituita as they offer'd either in quantity or quality or place But as he speaks elsewhere of two sorts of Bile these two humours may be split into three and with the blood make four (h) Lib. 4. de Morb. In some other passages he adds a fifth which is Water of which he supposes the Spleen to be the Spring as the Liver and the Brain are of the Blood the Bile and the Pituita Some of his Commentators make this Water the same with the Melancholy to which Hippocrates seems to substitute it I cannot see how to reconcile their opinion with the Idea he had of that humour he look'd upon 't as we have said before as a sort of Lee of the rest of the humours which will by no means agree with water Nor are they nearer their point for making two sorts of Melancholy one of which we have been speaking and another which ought rather to be call'd black Bile which is only the yellow Bile turn'd black as he supposed by being over-heated and burnt this having nothing in common with water The only support of the opinion in question is that he says in the same passage that this water is the heaviest of all the humours I see no reason why we shou'd not object that this is another System (i) It is ascrib'd to Polyblus his Son-iâ—-â—aw See Book 4. Ch. 1. since it has been always suspected that Hippocrates was not the Author of that Book This water might be something like what Hippocrates elsewhere calls Ichor by which he meant any sort of clear thin Liquor form'd in the body of a Man whether sound or unsound So he calls by this name what runs from a malignant Vlcer and speaks in several places of sharp and bilious Ichors and burning Ichors (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We find yet a third System of the Causes of Diseases in another book Intituled Of Winds or Spirits which is mixâ—d with the Works of Hippocrates but most suppose it not to be his The Author of this book uses sometimes the word Wind sometimes Spirit with this difference That the latter signifies the Spirits or Air and Wind inclosed in the body but the former the Wind without from whence nevertheless he derives that within by means of the Air drawn by respiration and the Air contain'd in the Food we take This book upon reading seems to be one of the most rational and coherent of all Hippocrates's Works He looks upon the Air and the Spirits to be the true Causes of health and of diseases even in preference to the humours which here are only collateral Causes as the Spirits mix with ' em But this later opinion may be reconcil'd with that which we have before allow'd to be Hippocrates's concerning the effects of the humours only alledging that all that has been attributed to them in relation to health or sickness supposes an impulse of the Spirits as the first movers and that therefore Hippocrates nam'd them as we have said before that which gives the motion There is according to Hippocrates as great a variety of external Causes of health and diseases as there is of things without the body of Man which may act upon him as there is of diversity in his Conduct and of accidents in the course of his Life From this Hypothesis it is plain that Health and Sickness in general depend upon the following Causes On the Air which surrounds us what we eat and drink sleep watching exercise what goes out of our bodies and what is kept in and upon the Passions In this number likewise are rank'd those foreign bodies which occur and are sometimes useful yet may often dissolve cut or break the union of the Parts of ours Poisons and venemous
ill especially the last The Fat or Oil that swims sometimes upon Urine and appears in a form something like a Spiders web is a sign of a consumption of the flesh and solid parts The making of a great quantity of Urine is a sign of a Crisis and sometimes the quality of it shews particularly how the Bladder stands affected In fine we ought to observe that Hippocrates compared the disposition of the Tongue with that of Urine That is to say when the Tongue was yellow and chargâ—d with choler the Urine of course must be of the same colour And on the contrary when it was red and moist the Urine was accordingly of its natural colour The Excrements by Stool that are soft yellowish of some consistence and not of an extraordinary ill smell that answers to the quantity of what 's taken inwardly and that are voided at the usual hours are the best sort of all They ought also to be of a thicker consistence when the distemper is near the Crisis and it ought to be taken for a good prognostick when some Worms round and long are evacuated at the same time with ' em But tho' the Matter excreted be thin and liquid yet notwithstanding it may give some comfortable hopes provided it makes not too much noise in coming out and the evacuation be not in a small quantity nor too often nor in so great abundance nor so often that the Patient is faint with it All Matter that 's watry white of a pale green or red or frothy and viscous is bad That that 's black like grease and that that 's livid like the colour of Verd-de-gris are the most pernicious That that 's pure black and is nothing else but a discharge of Choler adust or black Bile always prognosticates very ill this humour from what part soever it comes never appearing but it shews at the same time the ill disposition of the Intestines The Matter that 's of several different colours denotes the length of a distemper and at the same time that it may be of dangerous consequence Hippocrates places in the same Class the Matter that is bilious or yellow and mix'd with blood or green and black or like the dregs or scrapings of the Guts The Stools that consisted of pure Bile or of all Phlegm he also look'd upon as bad Matter cast up by Vomiting ought to be mix'd with choler and phlegm where you see but one of these humours alone 't is worse That that 's black livid green or of the colour of a Leek is of dismal consequence That that smells very ill is so likewise and if at the same time it be livid death is not far off The vomiting of blood is very often mortal The spittings that give ease in diseases of the Lungs and in Pleurisies are those that come up readily and without difficulty and 't is good if they are mix'd at the first beginning with a great deal of yellow but if they appear of the same colour or are red a great while after the beginning of the distemper and are salt and acrimonious and cause violent Coughings they are not good Spittings purely yellow are bad and those that are white viscous and frothy give no ease Whiteness is a tolerable good sign of concoction in regard to Spittings but they ought not at all to be viscous nor too thick nor too clear One may make the same judgment of the Excrements of the Nose according to their concoction and crudity Spittings that are black green or red are of very sad consequence In inflamations of the Lungs those that are mix'd with choler and blood presage well if they appear at the beginning but are bad if they arise not till about the seventh day But the worst of all the signs in these distempers is when there is no expectoration at all and the too great quantity of Matter that is ready to be discharg'd this way makes a rattling in the throat or breast After spitting blood next follows the discharge of purulent Matter which is the cause of a Consumption and at the end death A kind good sweat is that which arises in the day of the Crisis and is discharg'd in abundance all over the body and at the same time from all the parts of the body and carries off the Fever A cold sweat is bad especially in acute Fevers for in others itâ—s only a sign of long continuance When the Patient sweats no where but in the head and neck it 's a sign the disease will be long and dangerous A gentle sweat or moistness of some Part for example of the head or breast gives no relief but denotes the seat of the distemper or the weakness of the part Hippocrates callâ—d this sort of sweat Ephidrosis As long as there is a collection of purulent Matter in some part of the body the Patient is in pain and the Fever abates not but when the Pus is concocted both Pain and Fever goes off The qualities of good and bad purulent Matter you have seen describ'd before when we spoke of those that related to Urine The (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say the Parts under the short-ribs These Parts are chiefly the Liver the Spleen the Stomach the Gut callâ—d Duodenum and part of the Colon. Hypochondria or the Abdomen in general ought always to be soft and even as well on the right side as the left When there is any hardness or unevenness in those Parts or heat or swelling or when one cannot endure to have it touch'd itâ—s a sign the Intestines are indispos'd Hippocrates also inquir'd into the state of the Pulse or the beating of the Arteries He is according to Galen's observation the first of all Physicians we have knowledge of that made use of the word (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gal. de differ gener puls Pulse in the sense it 's now commonly taken that is to say for the natural and ordinary beating of the Arteries For you must know that the most ancient Physicians and Hippocrates himself for a great while understood by this word the extraordinary pulsation or the violent beating that 's felt in a Part inflam'd without putting your â—â—ngers there to feel it too But the same Galen that gives this account of Hippocrates fails not to observe in another place that the business of the Pulse is the only thing in all Physick that this Physician has so slightly touch'd upon Some Greek (a) Theophil Protospathar lib. de Urin. Puls Authors more modern than Galen have also made the same remark nevertheless one may collect from the Writings of Hippocrates several Instructions upon this subject As when he says That in (b) Epidem lib. 4. Fevers very acute the pulse is very fast and very great and when he makes mention in the same place of trembling pulses and those that beat slowly and when he observes in speaking of the white flowings of Women
that the pulse that strikes the fingers faintly and in a languishing manner is a sign of approaching death He remarks also in the Coacae praenotiones that Lethargick persons have their Pulse languid and slow He says also in another place (c) Epidem lib. 6. That he whose vein that is to say Artery of the Elbow beats is just going to run mad or else that the person is in a very great passion of anger These Quotations make it appear that Hippocrates was not wholly ignorant of the signs taken from pulses But it must be ownâ—d if he has given us some Instructions on this subject that it did not appear that he made any use of them himself or reduc'd them to practise We find little or nothing of it in his Books of Epidemical Diseases except the two passages we have quoted tho' these Books are a sort of a Journal where he mentions a great number of Histories of Diseases that he has managâ—d It 's surprising that in other respects he shou'd be so exact in his Observations even to the most minute signs and circumstances of a disease yet say nothing of the pulse of the Patients How cou'd one judge that he knew whether they had a Fever or not Or that he distinguish'd the different degrees of it when he spoke nothing of the pulse It 's probable he did not depend much on this sign I 'll tell you what I think furnish'd him with the knowledge of the pulse Perhaps the different degrees of heat or cold which the Patients endured in their Fevers the greater or less want of rest and particularly their manner of breathing which he commonly observed with care was what he thought of greater importance to be taken notice of or at least what inform'd him whether they had a Fever or not and whether this Fever requir'd consideration or was of little consequence We might add a great many remarks to the precedent ones if one wouâ—d exhaust all the matter relating to signs Those we have touch'd upon have relation chiefly to Prognosticks Weâ—ll speak of others that serve to distinguish and give us knowledge of distempers when we make an enquiry into each particular If Hippocrates hit right in his Prognosticks 't was the effect of his judgment his exactness and the particular attendance he gave in every case that presented it self which was the occasion of whatâ—s justly said in Galen That (a) Dedifficult respir lib. 2. Hippocrates of all Physicians was the most diligent and industrious Application to observe every thing that happen'd to a Patient seemâ—d to be so proper to his Character that you never see so great a Philosopher as he was that he was near so much taken up with reasoning on the accidents of Diseases as in faithfully reporting them He was content to observe well what these accidents were to distinguish Diseases by them and to judge of the event of those that he had actually in hand by comparing them with the like which he had had before in his management and he did not commonly give himself the trouble to give a reason why such a thing happening such other wou'd necessarily follow The Empiricks which were a Sect of Physicians that arose after him and of whom we shall speak in the following discourse for this reason disputed with the Dogmatical or Reasoning Physicians maintaining they had the advantage to have this Father of Physick on their side pretending that his method was not different from that of his Predecessors the Asclepiades which was also the same these Empiricks followed and looking upon Hippocrates as one of the Authors of their side Galen had some reason to exclaim against them in this point and there is no doubt but that Hippocrates reason'd and also sometimes philosophis'd in his profession as you have seen before But the Empiricks had not been altogether in the wrong if they had plainly said that Hippocrate's Philosophy was none of the best and that they preferr'd the descriptions all naked as they are which he gives of Diseases and their Accidents and his Instructions or Remarks on the manner of managing them to all the Reasonings they can find any where in his Works on the Causes of the same distempers It 's certain at least that 't is chiefly on this account I wou'd say on that which the Empiricks look'd upon as the most advantageous that Hippocrates has recommended Physick to posterity and gain'd admiration even from those that otherwise did not consent with him to his principles as we have already observ'd and as youâ—ll afterwards see We may also add That the Books of Hippocrates that consist most of Reasoning or that contain most Philosophy are those which are attributed to other Authors as the Book of the Nature of Man that of the Nature of an Infant that of Winds the first of Diet and some others As to what remains we ought to make this Remark That the Skill of Hippocrates and of all the Physicians that came after him and that imitated him in relation to Prognosticks made the people that knew not how far their knowledge cou'd extend in this matter look upon them as Prophets and require of them things that were above their power Some of them were glad to amuse the Vulgar and keep them in this opinion for the profit they hop'd to gain from it saying Since the People are willing to be deceiv'd so let them be That that puts several of our Physicians now upon the pursuit of this uncharitable and dishonorable Maxim is their observation That in effect the World will be deceiv'd and that they often see Physicians that thinking themselves other ways qualified enough to satisfie reasonable Patients will not become Conjurers and Mountebanks are those that have the least business or that quit it And what do they quit it for To insinuate themselves amongst a wretched sort of People that sometimes can neither write nor read and that some may come seeking for them a great way off to know of them upon the sight of a glass of Urine what distemper they discover which if the Patient was present they cou'd know nothing at all of When I talk here of the People I wou'd not have it meant simply what they call the Mob or Dregs of the People the Vulgar or People which I mean meet equally in all conditions and always makes the greatest number in all Societies It happens also I know not how that some Men that in other things have good Sense and Knowledge and are very skilful in other matters seem to be wholly depriv'd of their Understanding and Judgment when it acts concerning these pretended Prophets from whom they receive as great impressions as the meanest of the people To return to Hippocrates it 's a thing very remarkable and that which adds very much to his Merit and Reputation that having liv'd in an Age when Physick was as you have seen altogether Superstitious yet suffer'd not himself to be carried
or tears are only the phlegm melted or dissolved In another place he seems to confound the phlegm and serosities with the Bile when he says that what we call sowre phlegm is the same thing with the serosity of the black Bile But in the explication of the effects of these humours he restrains himself to the two principal which are (h) See Pag. the Bile and the Phlegm and he acknowledges that these two juices by their mixture with the blood are the causes of all distempers When the Bile evaporates outwards or discharges it self upon the skin it causes divers sorts of humours attended with inflamations which the Greeks call'd (i) See Pag. Phlegmons but when it is confin'd within it produces all sorts of (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 burning diseases The Bile is especially hurtful when it is mixed with the blood it breaks the orders of the Fibres which are according to him small threads scatterd thro' the blood that it might be neither too clear nor too thick to the end that on the one side it should not evaporate and on the other might always move easily in the veins This Bile continuing its havock after having broken the fibres of the blood pierces to the spinal marrow and destroys the links of the soul before spoken of unless the body that is to say all the flesh melting or dissolving breaks its force When this happens the Bile being overcome and obliged to depart the body throws it self thro' the veins upon the lower belly and the stomach from whence it is discharged by stool and vomiting like those that flie out of a Town in an uproar and cause in their passage Diarrhaea's and Dysenteries and other discharges which prove often healthful The sweet or insipid phlegm occasions Tumours and some impurities of the skin and when it mixes with some little bladders of the Air it is then call'd (l) A sort of Dropsie in Hippocrates See Pag. white Phlegm If this Phlegm mixes with the black Bile and penetrates into the receptacles of the brain it causes the Epilepsie or Falling-sickness The sowre or salt Phlegm is the cause of all diseases comprehended under the name of Catarrhs or Rheums and brings disorder and pain upon what part soever it falls We must here take notice of the Idea which Plato had of the Matrix or its properties and some of its diseases (m) See Pag. the Matrix says he is an Animal which longs impatiently to conceive and if it be long disappointed of bearing Fruit is is enraged and runs up and down the whole Body and stopping the passages of their Air it takes away respiration and causes great uneasiness and an Anfinite number of Diseases These were the sentiments of Plato upon the causes of diseases upon all which we shall not trouble our selves to make reflections We shall confine our selves only to what he says concerning the Acidity and saltness of the humours it being of importance to our History to take notice of it because of the several Systems that have been since built upon that foundation Hippocrates had before spoken of the sowre and the salt but he has mention'd them only upon the account of their effect without shewing their Original which Plato seems to have discover'd and therein to have made an improvement upon him We may observe first that the Philosopher speaks of an Acidity and saltness which is nâ—turally in the body in a slate of health Such is the sowrness and sweetness of the flesh which he says consists of Water Fire and Earth and besides that a sowre salt leaven as has been already observed He does not say from whence this leaven comes but by his manner of expressing himself it seems not to be drawn from the common Elements but to be something different from the Water Fire and Earth which have their share apart in the formation of the flesh In the second place Plato held a saltness and sowrness which were praeternatural which are in the humours which cause diseases He seems further to deduce the sowre and salt from the same source with the natural sowre and salt that is from the flesh which corrupting and dissolving according to him infect the blood and turn it into Bile and into Phlegm But this latter sowre and salt are something different from the former tho' they come from the flesh for this is an effect of their corruption the other is the principle of the preservation But Plato not explaining himself any further thereupon neither shall we enlarge He adds a third sort of sowrness which is that of the black Bile which of bitter becomes sowre when the bitterness which is natural to it is alternated and subtilized to a certain degree It may be urged that the Greek word which we have translated (n) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sowre might as well signifie pointed or sharp as sowre both in this latter passage and in all those before cited The Greeks having only one word to express both meanings but 't is plain from the opposition in which Plato put this word to (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bitter that the former ought to be translated sowre and not pointed which is not so naturally opposed to bitter as sowre is Plato speaks elsewhere of sowrness and holds that it has its Origine from things sharp and pointed which have been subtilized or attenuated by corruption and reckons it the occasion of Fermentations and Ebullitions which arise when the gross and terrestrial humours begin to move and to swell or rise up It is observable that Plato to these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which are Adjectives joyns the same Substantive that Hippocrates did which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which according to the sense of Hippocrates may be translated by the words force power faculty or virtue as well as by the words savour or taste 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sapor Acidus sowre taste as Serranus translates it as for the rest Plato thought as Hippocrates did that diseases had their fixed periods for duration As the time of the life of every Animal is regulated by its lot when it comes into the world this time can néither be hastened nor delayed but by an effect of the passions which come likewise themselves by a sort of necessity So likewise diseases must of necessity have their course and we ought rather to seek to temper them and stop their progress by means of (p) See the mâ—thod of Hippocrates in acute diseases prudent diet and exercise than by medicines especially those which purge which ought never to be used but in cases of extremity otherwise of a small evil you make a great one and of a single one many By this we may see that Plato did not deviate much from the principles of Hippocrates and as he lived at the same time with him or very near it being born in the eighty eighth Olympiad 't is
the Membrane of the Ear be indisposed we cannot hear for the same reason we cannot see when the Tunicle of the Eye is in the same Condition (a) De generat aninial lib. 2. cap. 6. The Nose is divided into two Channels by a Cartilage It has two veins which are joined to the Brain but they come from the Heart these go into the Channel which is the Organ of smelling as it receives the External Air and all that is diffused thro it The Flesh as we have observed already is the Organ of Feeling The Tongue of Tasting being soft and spongy and of a Nature approaching to that of the Flesh (b) Hist An. lib. 1. cap. 11. The Eye reaches into the Brain and is situated on either side under a little vein (c) Ib. cap. 9. The humour which is in the Eye which causes vision is what we call the sight (d) De Gen. An. lib. 2. cap. 6. The Eye of all the Organs of sensation has this peculiarity that it is moist and cold or that it contains a humour that is moist and cold which is not there at first or which is not at first in its perfection but is separated or distill'd from the purest part of the moisture of the Brain by the Channel that goes to the Membrane of the Brain 'T is very plain from what has been said that Aristotle allow'd the Nerves no part in the production of sensation Nor indeed could he acknowledge the Nerves or their office retaining the Idea which he had of the Brain The Diaphragme which he calls Diazoma or the Membrane which separates the lower Belly from the Breast has according to Aristotle no other business than to divide these two Cavities that the upper which is the Seat of the Soul may not be infected by the vapours which rise from the lower This is the sum of what we could collect from the writings of this Philosopher concerning Anatomy And we may observe that both he and Plato call'd indifferently by the name of Veins the Veins properly so call'd and the Arteries that they did not give the name of Artery to any thing but the Wind-pipe which they call'd (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rough or unequal in opposition to the Arteries properly so called and by the Antients named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 laeves Arterlae smooth Arteries Aspera Arteria from whence we may infer that when we find in (f) See the next Vol. lib. 1. cap. of Erasistratus Hippocrates the word Artery in the sense of the Moderns that this word has been foisted in or that the Books in which 't is found are not Genuine The only place that I know of wherein Aristotle seems to give the name of Arteries to the Arteries properly so called is in his Book of the Spirit wherein he says that the Skin is compos'd of a Vein an Artery and a Nerve Of a Vein says he because the Skin yields Blood when 't is prick'd Of a Nerve because it can extend it self Of an Artery because 't is transpirable Aristotle seems here to have designed the real and true Arteries and to allot to them only Spirit according to the opinion of Praxagoras and Erasistratus of whom we shall speak hereafter which opinion perhaps they borrowed of him Perhaps also this Book was none of Aristotle's We must make one observation more concerning the Anatomy of Aristotle which is that he never dissected any thing but Brutes and that in his time they durst not Anatomize a Humane body Which he insinuates himself in these words (g) Hist An. lib. 1. cap. 16. The inward parts of mens bodies are unknown for we have nothing certain thereupon but we must judge of them by the resemblance which we suppose them to have to the parts of other Animals which answer to each of them I am surpriz'd (h) Anthropograph lib. 1. cap. 4. that Riolan should maintain the contrary and more that he should endeavour to prove it from passages of Aristotle which are nothing to the purpose but he is not the only one whose Prejudice and Bigotry for the Antients has caused to make such false steps We shall have occasion to say something more upon this subject in the first Book of the next Volume Aristotle wrote also some Books of Plants of which there are some yet remaining but he treats of them rather as a Philosopher than a Physician He was born in the ninety ninth Olympiad and he dyed the 3d year of the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad aged by this account about sixty three He was the Son of a Physician and of the family of the Asclepiades He belonged also to Physick another way which is not much for his honour (i) Diogenes Laertius Hesychius Milesius in vita Epicuri Epicurus reproaches him with having spent his patrimony while he was young in debauchery and that after he had been some time a Souldier he betook himself to selling (k) We shall consider in the sequel the meaning of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used by Diogenes Laertius on this occasion of Antidotes about the Markets till Plato's School being open'd he applied himself to the study of Philosophy under him CHAP. VI. Theophrastus THeophrastus who succeeded Aristotle took upon him the management of his School and after his death did something likewise towards Physick The most considerable of his works which remain to our times are his Books of Plants But as Plants may be consider'd either as a part of Agriculture of Natural History or of Physick Theophrastus as well as Aristotle seems to consider them chiefly as a Naturalist and seems rather to have examined their Growth and Termination and the parts whereof they are composed than their Medicinal properties altho sometimes en passant he touches upon them too But he having describ'd several we shall be obligâ—d to take farther notice of him upon this account with Dioscorides There are yet some small pieces of his remaining concerning the Vertigo Swooning Sweat and the Palsie of which he treats rather as a Philosopher than a Physician that is he is inquisitive after the Causes of these Distempers only without speaking of any Remedies He says that Vertigoâ—s come when some strange spirit or superfluous moisture goes into the Head or as he expresses it about the Head whether this comes from any sort of Food as from Wine or from any other humour or from turning the Head round For adds he the place about the Brain or the Brain an usual manner of expression among the Greeks is naturally moist and when any foreign Spirit gets in it does violence after it is got in and forces the natural moisture into the veins causing it to turn round so that this Spirit has the same effect as if any body turn'd the Head round it being indifferent whether it be done inwardly or outwardly The Palsie arises from a chilness or privation and want of Spirits or