hundred thousand pound which the King desired to borrow of them upon good security so peny wise and so pound foolish was that stubborn City Fol. 107. Which we shall refer to the subsequent time and place fitting But of those in their due place hereafter Our Author had found fault with the Observator for saying that the King had not done well in excluding the Bishops from their Votes in Parliament and that there was some strange improvidence in his Message from York June 17. where he reckons himself as one of the three Estates a Member of the House of Peers But why he thus condemneth the Observator we must seek elsewhere which is a kinde of Hallifax Law to hang him first and afterwards to put him upon his Tryal Seek then we must and we have sought as he commandeth in subsequent time and place fitting in their due place hereafter as the phrase is varied But neither in the latter end of the year 1641. when the Bishops were deprived of their Votes in Parliament nor in all the time of the Kings being at York Anno 1642. can we finde one word which relates to either of those points In which our Author deals with the Observator as some great Criticks do with their Authors who when they fall on any hard place in Holy Scripture or any of the old Poets or Philosophers which they cannot master adjourn the explication of it to some other place where they shall have an opportunity to consider of both Texts together Not that they ever mean to touch upon it but in a hope that either the Reader will be so negligent as not to be mindeful of the promise or else so charitable as to think it rather a forgetfulness then an inability in the undertaker Fol. 115. To these he was questioned by a Committee and in reason â—ustly sentenced The party here spoken of is Doctor Manwaring then Vicar of the Parish of St. Giles in the Fields his Crime the preaching of two Sermons in which he had maintained that the King might impose Taxes and Subsidies on the Subject without consent in Parliament and that the people were bound to pay them under pain of Damnation his Sentence amongst other things that he should be Imprisoned during the pleasure of the Parliament pay a thousand pound Fine unto the King and be made uncapable of all Ecclesiastical Preferments for the time to come which heavy Sentence our Author thinks to have been very justly inflicted on him though the Doctor spake no more in the Pulpit then Serjeant 〈◊〉 in Queen Elizabeths time had spoke in Parliament By whom it was affirmed in the Parliament of the 43 of that Queen that He marvell'd the House stood either at the granting of a Subsidy or time of payment when all we have is her Majesties and she may lawfully at her pleasure take it from us and that she had as much right to all our Lands and Goods as to any Revenue of the Crown and that he had presidents to prove it For which see the Book called The Free-holders grand Inquest pag. 62. But some may better steal a Horse then others look on as the saying is the Serjeant being never questioned and the poor Doctor sentenced and justly as our Author makes it to an absolute ruine if the King had not been more merciful to him then the Commons were From Dr. Manwaring our Author proceeds to the Observator for saying that Doctrinal matters delivered in the Pulpit are more proper for the cognizance of the Convocation or the High Commission then the House of Commons which though it may consist most times of the wisest Men yet it consists not many times of the greatest Clerks For saith he Fol. 116. That the Preacher is Jure Divino not to be censured but by themselves smells of the Presbyter or Papist But Sir by your good leave neither the Presbyter nor the Papist stand accused by our Orthodox Writers for not submitting themselves their Doctrines and Opinions to the power of Parliaments who neither have nor can pretend to any Authority in those particulars That which they stand accused for is that they acknowledge not the King to be the supream Governor over all persons in all causes as well Ecclesiastical as Civil within his Dominions and consequently decline his Judgement as incompetent when they are called to answer unto any charge which is reducible to an Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature How stiff the Papists are in this point is known well enough by their refusing to take the Oath of Supremacy And for the peremptoriness of the Presbyterians take this story with you One David Blake at a Sermon preached at St. Andrews in the time of King Iames had cast forth divers Speeches full of spight against the King the Queen the Lords of Councel and Session and among the rest had called the Queen of England an Atheist a Woman of no Religion For which being complained of by the English Ambassador he was cited to appear before the King and his Councel on the tenth of November Aâ—no 1596. Which being made known to the Commissioners of the last general Assembly it was concluded that if he should submit his Doctrine to the Tryal of the Councel the liberties of the Church and Spiritual Government of the House of God would be quite subverted and therefore that in any case a Declinator should be used and Protestation made against these Proceedings This though it was opposed by some moderate men yet it was carried by the rest who cryed out it was the cause of God to which they ought to stand at all hazards thereupon a Declinaâ—or was formed to this effect That howbeit the Conscience of his Innocency did uphold him sufficiently against the Calumnies of whomsoever and that he was ready to defend the Doctrine uttered by him whether in opening the Words or in Application yet seeing he was brought thither to be judged by his Majesty and Councel for his Doctrine and that his answering to the pretended Accusation might import a prejudice to the Liberties of the Church and be taken for an acknowledgement of his Majesties Iurisdiction in matters meerly Spiritual he was constrained in all humility to decline â—udicatory Which Declinator being subscrib'd by the Commissioners and delivered by Blake he referred himself to the Presbytery as his proper Iudges And being interrogated whether the King might not judge of Treason as well as the Church did in matters of Heresie iâ— said That speeches delivered 〈◊〉 Pulpiâ—s albert alledged to be 〈…〉 could not be judged by the King till the Church 〈…〉 therâ—of What became after of this 〈…〉 may â—inde it in Arch-Bishop Spotswoods History of the Church of Scotland Had Dr. Manwaring done thus and the Observator justified him in it they had both favored of the Presbyter or Papist there 's no question of it But being the Observator relates onely to the proceedings in Parliament and incroachments of the House of
yeeld to 〈◊〉 Scots and Picts not being to be nam'd amongst those Nations who subdued the South part of this Island That they did many times harass and depopulate the South part of it I shall easily grâ—nt but to the subduing of a Coâ—ntrey there is more reqâ—ired then to waste and spoil it that is to say to fix their dwelling and abode for some time at least in the Countâ—ey conquered to change the Laws alter the language or new mould the Government or finally to translate the Scepter from the old Royal Family to some one of their own None of which things being done in the Invasions of the Scots and Picts they cannot properly be said to have subdued the South parts of the Island as our Author out of love perhaps to the Scots would perswade the Reader ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Third and Fourth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN From the time of the Norman Conquest to the time of King Henry the Eighth WE are now come unto the times of the Nâ—rman Government when the â—hurch begâ—n to settle on a surer bottom both fo◠〈◊〉 and polity the Bishops lesse obnoxious to the Kiâ—â—â— then foâ—merly because elected by the Monks and Câ—nons of their own Cathedrals their Conâ—istories free 〈◊〉 the intermixture of Lay-assistance and their Synâ—â—s mâ—nag'd by themselves Wherein thoâ—gh the 〈◊〉 power of making such Synodicall Consâ—iâ—â—tions 〈…〉 facto binde all paâ—ties yet our Author is resolv'd to have â—â—otherwise Fol. 19. The Prâ—ceedings saith he of the Canon Law were never wholly received into practice in the Land but so as made subject in whatsoever touched temporals to Secular Lawes and National Customs And the Laity at 〈◊〉 limited Canons in this behalf How false this is â—ow contrary to the power and practice of the Church beâ—ore the â—ubmission of the Clergy to King Henry the eiâ—â—â— and â—inally how dangerous a gâ—ound is hereby 〈◊〉 to weaken the Authority of Convocations will 〈◊〉 appear by â—â—ying down the sum of a Petition preâ—â—â—â—ed by the House of Commons to the same King Hâ—nry together with the Answer of the Pâ—elates and inferior Clergy then being Synodically assembled to the said Petition The substance of the Petition was as followeth viz. THat the Clergy of this your Realm being you Highness Subâ—ects in their Convocation by thâ—m holden within this your Realm have made and dayly make divers Sanctions or Laws conceâ—ning Temporal things and some of them be â—epâ—gnant to the Lawes and Statuâ—eâ— of your Realm not having 〈◊〉 requirinâ— your most Royall assent to the same Lawes so by them made nother any assent or knowledge of your Lay Subjects is had to the same noâ—heâ— to them published and known in their Mother tongre alâ—â—it diveâ—s and sundry of the said Lawes extend in certain causes to your excellent Peâ—son your liberty and Preâ—ogative Royall and to the inteâ—diction 〈◊〉 your Lawes and Possessions and so likewise to the Goodâ— and Possessions of your Lay Subâ—ects declaâ—inâ— the inâ—ringers of the same Lawes so by them maâ—e not only to incur the terrible censure of Excommunication but also to the detestable crime and sin of Herâ—â—e by the which divers of your humble and obedient Lay Subjects be brought into this Ambiguity whether they may do and execute your Laws according to your Jurisdiction Royal of this Realm for dread of the same Censures and pains comprised in the same Lawes so by them made in their Convocations to the gâ—eat trouble and inquietation of your said humble and obedient Lay subâ—ects c. the impeachment of your Jurisdiction and Prerogative Royal. The Answer thereunto was this TO this we say that forasmuch as we 〈◊〉 and take our Authority of making Lawes to be grounded upon the Scripture of God and the determination of holy Church which must also be 〈◊〉 rule and squier to try the justice and righteousness of all Lawes as well Spiritual as Temporal we verily trust that considering the Lawes of this Realm be such as have been made by most Christian religious and devout Princes and People how both these Lawes proceeding from one fountain the same being sincerely interpreted and after the good meaning of the makers there shall be found no repugnancy nor contrariety but that the one shall be found as aiding maintaining and supporting the other And if it shall otherwise appear as it is our duty whereunto we shall alwayes most diligently 〈◊〉 ourselves to reform our Oâ—dinance to Gods Commission and to conform our Statutes and Lawes and those of our predecessors to the determination of Scripture and holy Church so we hope in 〈◊〉 and shall dayly pray for the same that your Highness will 〈…〉 came why with the assent of your 〈…〉 temper your Graces Lawes accordingly 〈…〉 shall 〈◊〉 a most happy and perfect 〈◊〉 and agreement as God being Lapis angulaâ—â— to agree and conâ—oyn the same And as concerning 〈…〉 of your Highness Royall assent to the 〈◊〉 of such Lawes as have been by our 〈◊〉 or shall be made by us in such points and 〈◊〉 as we have by God authority to rule and 〈◊〉 by such Provisions and Lawes we knowing your Highness wisdom and vertue and learning nothing doubt but the same perceiveth how the granting hereunto dependeth not upon our will and liberty And that we your most humble Subjects may not 〈◊〉 the execution of our charge and duty certainly prescribed by God to youâ— Highness assent although in very deed the same is most worthy for your most Noble Princely and excellent vertues not only to give yoâ—â— Royall assent but also to deviâ—e and commâ—nd what we should foâ— good order and 〈…〉 Statutes and Lawe provide in the Church nevertheless consideâ—ing we may not so ne in such sort refrain the doing of our office in the â—eeâ—ing and ruling of 〈◊〉 people your Graces Subjects we most humbly desiring your Grace as the same hath heretofore so from hence forth to shew your Graces 〈◊〉 and opinion unto us what your high Wisdom shall think convenient which we shall most gladly hear and follow iâ— it shall please God to inâ—â—â— is so to do with all submission and humility beâ—â—ech the same following the stepâ— of your most Noble Progenitors and conformably to your our own Acts do maintain and defend such Lawes and Ordinanceâ— as we according to our calling and by Authority of God shall for his honour make to the â—diâ—ication of vertue and maintaining Christs faith of which your Highness is named Defender and hath been hitherto indeed a special Protector Furthermore whereas your said Lay Subjects say that sundry of the said Laws extend in certain causes to your excellent Person your Liberty and Prerogative Royal and to the interdiction of your Land and Possessions To this your said Orators say that having submitted the tryal and examining of the Laws made in the Church by us and our Predecessors to the just and straight Rule of Gods Laws which giveth measure of Power
Earl of Essex that he went Deputy into Ireland Fol. 234. Whereas indeed he was not sent over into Ireland with the Title of Deputy but by the more honourable Title of Lord Leviâ—enant having power to create a Lord Deputy under him when his occasions or the the necessities of the state should require his absence Fol. 2â—1 The 26. of February 1â—00 was born the Kings third son and Christnâ—â— Charles at Dunferling The Kings third son and afterwards his Successor in the Crown of England was not born on the 26. of February but on the 19. of Noveâ—â—er as is averred by all others who have written of it and publickly attested by the annual ringing of Bells upon that day in the City of London during the whole time of his pâ—wer and prosperity The like mistake we finde in the tiâ—e and day of the Birth of Queen Elizabeth of whom it is â—â—id Fol. 261. 25. That she gave up the Ghost to Gâ—d oâ— that day of her Birth from whom she had it intimating thaâ— she died on the Eve of the same Lady-day on which she was born But the truth is that she was born on the Eve of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary being the seventh day of September and died on the Eve of the Annuntiation being the 24. of March And so much for the History of the Reign of Queen Mary and King Iames her Son as to the Realm of Scotland onely both of them Crowned as Iames the fift had also been in their tenderest infancy But whereas our Author tells us Fol. 8. that Q Mary 〈◊〉 the kingdom to her son who was born a King I can by no means yeild to that I finde indeed that our Saâ—iour Christ was born King of the Iews and so proclaimed to be by the Angel Gabriel at the very time of his Conception And I have read that Sapores one of the Kings of Persia was not onely born a King but crowned King too before his birth for his Father dying withouâ—â—â—ue as the story saith left his wife with child which child the Magi having signified by their Art to be a Male the Persian Princes caused the Crown and Royal Ornaments to be set upon his Mothers Belly acknowledging him there by for their King and Sovaraign But so it was not with King Iames who was born on the 19 of Iune Anno. 1566. and Crowned King on the 24. of Iuly being the 5. day after his Mothers resignation of the Crown and Government Anno. 1567. ADVERTISEMENTS ON THE REIGN DEATH OF KING IAMES Of GREAT BRITAIN FRANCE and IRELAND the first WE are now come unto the Reign of King Iames as King of England or rather as King of England and Scotland under the notion of Great Britain of whose reception as he passed through Godmanchestâ—r the Historian telleth us that Fol. 270. At Godmanchester in the Counâ—y of Notthamptonshire they presented him with 70 Teem of Horses c. beâ—â—g his Tenants and holding their Land by that Tenure But first Godâ—aâ—chester is not in Northampton but in Huntiâ—gtonshire And secondly Though it be a custom for those in Godmanchâ—ster to shew their Bravery to the Kings of England in that rustical Pomp yet I conceive it not to be the Tenure which they hold their Lands by For Camden who is very punctual in observing Tenures mentions not this as a Tenure but a Custom onely adding withal that they make their boast That they have in former time received the Kings of England as they passed in their progress this way with ninescore Ploughs brought forth in a rustical kinde of Pomp for a gallant shew If onely for a gallant shew or a rustical Pomp then not observed by them as their Tenure or if a Tenure not 〈◊〉 from ninescore to 70. all Tenures being â—ixt not variable at the will of the Tenants Fol. 273. This most honorable Order of the Garter was instituted by King Edward the third c. So far our Author right enough as unto the â—ounder and rigâ—â— enough as to the time of the institution which he placeth in the year 1350. But whereas he telleth us withal that this Order was founded by King Edward the third 〈◊〉 John of France and King James of Scotland being then Prisâ—ners in the Tower of London and King Henry of Castile the Bastard expulst and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales called the Black Prince in that he is very much mistaken For first It was David King of the Scots not Iames who had been taken Prisoner by this Kings Forces there being no Iames King of the Scots in above fifty years after Secondly Iohn of France was not taken Prisoner till the year 1356. nor Henry of Castile expulsed by the Prince of Wales till ten years after Anno 1366. By consequence neither of those two great Actions could precede the Order But worse is he mistaken in the Patron Saint of whom he tells us that Fol. 273. Among sundry men of valor in ancient days was Geo. born at Coventry in England c. This with the rest that follows touching the Actions and Atchievements of Sir George of Coventry is borrowed from no better Author then the doughty History of the Seven Châ—mpions of Christendom of all that trade in Knighthood-errant the most empty Bable â—But had our Author look'd so high as the Records of the Order the titles of Honor writ by Selden the Catalogue of Honor publisht by Mills of Canterbury Camdens Britannia or any other less knowing Antiquary he might have found that this most noble Order was not dedicated to that fabulous Knight Sâ—â— George of Coventry but to the famous Saint and Soldier of Christ Jesus St. George of Cappadocia A Saint so universally received in all parts of Christendom so generally attested to by the Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages from the time of his Martyrdom till this day that no one Saint in all the Calender those mentioned in the holy Scriptures excepted onely can be better evidenced Nor doth he finde in Matthew Parts that St. George fought in the air at Antioch in behalf of the English the English having at that time no such iâ—â—eress in him but that he was thought to have been seen figâ—ting in behalf of the Christians Fol. 275. Earldoms without any place are likewise of two kindes either in respect of Office as Earl-Morshal of England or by Birth and so are all the Kings Sons In the Authority and truth of this I am much unsatisfied as never having met with any such thing in the course of my reading and I behold it as a diminution to the Sons of Kings to be born but Earls whereby they are put in an equal rank with the eldest sons of Dukes in England who commonly have the Title of their Fathers Earldoms since it is plain they are born Princes which is the highest civil Dignity next to that of Kings It was indeed usual with the Kings of England to bestow upon
c. Upon a sâ—ditious Sermon which he preached in that Church where contrary to his duty he had neglected to preach for seven years together before he was first questioned at Durham from whence he was called to the High Commission Court at Lond. and afterwardâ— at his own desire remitted to the same Court at York where being sentenced to recant and refusing so to do with great scorn he was at last upon his obstinacy degraded from his Ecclesiasticall Function and that Sentence was not long after judicially confirmed by Judge Damport at the publick Assises in Durham where he was by publick sentence also at the Common Law put out of his Prebend and his Benefices that he formerly held in that County Many years following he procured a large Maintenance for himself and his Family to the summ of 400 l. per ann more worth to him then his Chuâ—ch-profiâ—s ever were out of the peculiar Contributions at London and elsewhere gathered up for silenced Ministers But when the Parliament began in the year 1640 upon project and hope of getting more he preferred a Bill oâ— Complaint there against thirty severall persons at the least that is against the High Commissioners at London the same Commissioners and Prebends Residentiary at York the Dean and Chapter of Durham with diveâ—s others whereof I was but One though he was pleased to set my Name in the Front of them all From all these together he expected to recover and receive a greater summ of money for Money was his project pretending that he had lost by them no less then thirty thousand pounds though he was never known to be worth one After his Bill of Complaint was carried up by a Gentleman of the House of Commons to the House of Lords among the rest of those persons that were accused by him some for Superstition and some for Persecution I put in my full Answer upon Oath and declared the truth of the whole matter whereof Mr. Fuller taketh not any notice at all and therein dealeth most unfaithfully both with me and the Reader of his History for that Answer of mine is upon Record among the Rolls of Parliament and was justified before the Lords both by my self and by the very Witness that Mr. Smart and his Son-in-law produced there against me whereupon his own Lawyer Mr. Glover openly at the Bar of that honourable House forsook him and told him plainly that he was ashamed of his Complaint and could not in Conscience plead for him any longer Mr. Smart in the mean while crying out aloud and beseeching their Lordships to appoint him another Lawyer and to take care of his fourteen thousand pound damages besides other demands that he had to make which arose to a grâ—ater summ But after this which was the fifth day of pleading between uâ— the Case was heard no more concerning my particular and many of the Lords said openly that â—r Smarâ— had abused the House of Commons with a causâ—â—ess Complaint against me whereupon my Lord the Earl of Warwick was pleased to bring me an Order of â—he Lords House whereby I had liberty granted me to â—eturn unto my places of Charge in the University or â—lsewhere till they sent for me again which they never â—id The Answers that I gave in upon Oath and justified â—efore their Lordships were to this effect all contrary 〈◊〉 Mr. Fullers groundless reports 1. Tâ—at the Communion-Table in the Church of Durâ—am which in the Bill of Complaint and M. Fullers Hist. 〈◊〉 said to be the Marble Altar with Châ—rubins was not 〈◊〉 up by me but by the Dean and Chapter there 〈◊〉 of Mr. Smart himself was one many years beâ—â—re I bâ—came Prâ—â—endary of that Church or ever saw 〈◊〉 Country 2. That by the publick Accountâ— which are there â—â—gistred it did not appear to have cost above the tenth â—â—rt of what is pretended Appurtenanceâ— and all 3. That likewise the Copes used in that Church â—ere brought in thither long before my time and when â—r Smart thâ— Complainant was Prebâ—ndary there who â—â—so allowed his part as I was ready to prove by the 〈◊〉 Book of the money that they cost for they cost â—t little 4. That as I never approved the Picture of the Triâ—y or the Image of God the Father in the Figure of 〈◊〉 old Man or otherwise to be made or placed any â—â—ere at all So I was well assured that there were none â—â—ch nor to my knowledge or hear-say ever had been put upon any Cope that was used there among us One there was that had the Story of the Passion embroidered upon it but the Cope that I used to weare when at any time I attended the Communion-Service was of plain white Sattin only without any Embroidery upon it at all 5. That â—hat the Bill of Complaint called the Image of Christ with a blew Cap and a golden Beard Mr. Fullers History sayes it was red and that it was set upon one of the Copes was nothing else but the top of Bishop Haâ—fields Tomb set up in the Church under a siâ—e-Arch there two hundred years before I was born being a little Portraiture not appearing to be above ten Inches long and hardly discernable to the eye what Figure it is for it stands thirty Foot from the ground 6. That by the locall Statutes of that Church wherunâ—o Mr. Smart was sworn as well as my selfe the Treasurer was to give Order that the provision should every year be made of a sufficient number of Wax-lightâ— for the Service of the Quire during all the Winter time which Statute I observed when I was chosen into that Office and had order from the Dean and Chapter by Capâ—tular Act to do it yet upon the Communion Table they that used to light the Candles the Sacriâ—ts and the Virgers never set more then two fair Candleâ— with a few small Sizes neer to them which they put there of purpose that the people all about might have the better use of them for singing the Psalmes and reading the Lessons out of the Bibles But two hundred was a greater number then they used all the Church over either upon Candlemâ—s Night or any other and that there were no more sometimes many less lighted at that time then at the like Festivalls in Christmas-Holydaies when the people of the City came in greater company to the Church and therefore required a greater store of lights 7. That I never forbad nor any body else that I know the singing of the Meeter Psalms in the Church which I used to sing daily there my self with other company at Morning Prayer But upon Sundaies and Holy-daies in the Quire before the Sermon the Creed was sung and sung plainly for every one to understand as it is appointed in the Communion Book after the Sermon we sung a part of a Psalm or some other Antheme taken out of the Scripture and first signified to the people where they might find it 8. That so far
was I from making any Aâ—theme to be sung of the three Kings of Colen as that I maâ—e iâ— when I first saw it to be torn in pieces and I my selâ— cut it out of the old Song Books belonging to the Choristers School with a Penknife that lay by at my very first coming to reside in that Colledge But sure I was that no such Antheme had been sung in the Qâ—ire during all my time of attendance there nor for ought that any the eldest persons of the Church and Town could tell or ever heard to the contrary for fifâ—y or threescore years before and more 9. That there was indeed an ordinary Knife I confess provided and laid ready among other things belonging to the Administration of the Communion for the cutting of the Bread and divers other uses in the Church Vestry that when the under Officers there had any occasion to use a Knife they might not be put to go to seek one abroad But that it was ever consecrated or so called otherwise then as Mr. Smart and some of his Followers had for their pleasure put that appellâ—tion upon it I never heard nor I believe any body â—lse that lived here among us There were divers other Articles of this nature in the Bill of Complaint whereof Mr. Smart could not prove any one to which I gave the like Answers as I did here to these but Mr. Fullers History makes no mention of them 10. Touching Mr. Smarts Sermon I made answer and submitted his censure to the prudent and religious consideration of the Lords whether he was not justly condemned to be scandalous and seditious by his preaching thereof and I represented many passages in it disagreeable to the Laws of God and his Church and repugnant to the publick Statutes of Parliament 11. For which after we had begun â—o question him in the High Commission Court at Durham where we endeavoured to reduce him to a better mind and to an unity with the Church against which he had so injuriously and intemperatly declaimed I had no further hand or meddling with the prosecution of this maâ—ter in other Courts against him more then that I wrote at the speciall instance of Judge Yelverton a Letter in his behalf to the Archbishop of York and the Commissioners there which I procured the Dean and most of the Prâ—bendaries of Durham to sign and subscribe with me earnestly intreating for him that upon any due sence of his â—ault he might be quietly sent back to us again in hope that he would hereafter live in better peace and concord with us as he promised both judge Yelverton and us to do then he had done before 12. The cruell usage and imprisonment that he suffered whereof Mr. Fuller taketh speciall notice and makes a Marginall mark at it was as I have been credible assured nothing else but a faire and gentle treatment of him in an Officers House at York to whom he was committed for a while and paid little for it Iâ— is the Historians mistake here to say he was carryed â—rom York to Lambeth for he was at his own request sent from Lambeth to York the Fine thâ—t was seâ— up 〈◊〉 him he never paid and by his own wilfull loss of his Church-livings he gained a larger maintenance living at his ease and pleasure by the contribution that he got as a suspended and silenc'd Pâ—eacher though the truth was that having had a Prebend and a Benefice many years together in the Bishoprick of Durham and being alwaies in health he neglected preaching so much at them both and elsewhere besides that he was seldom noted to preach above two Sermons in a year who though he demanded many thousand poundâ— at the Parliament yet by Mr. Fullers leave the Parliament gave him none nor ordered either my self nor any other that he impeacht ever to pay him a Groat only upon Doctor Carrs death who had bâ—en put into hiâ— Prebend place he was sent by the Lords tâ— his Vicâ—rage and his Prebend again which he had little â—â—ill to take because he â—ound but little profit in comparisoâ— of what he hoped to be had by them in the mean while he took up divers great summâ— of monâ—y from some of his Partisans in London and made them believe that the Parliament would pay them all with advantage 13. There is another Marginall Note in Mr. Fuller referring as he saith to my due praise and commendation whereof he makes one part to be that I joyned not with the French Proâ—estants at Charâ—nton since I got over hither into France but I would that he and all the World should know it I never refused to joyn with the Protestants either there or any where else in all â—hings wherein they joyn with the Church of England Many of them have been here at our Church and we have been at theirs I have buried divers of our peopâ—e at Châ—renton and they pâ—rmit us to make use of their pecuâ—iar and decent Saeâ—eâ—erie here in Paris for â—hâ—t purpose which if they did not we â—hould be â—orced to bury our Dead in a Diâ—ch I have Baptized many of their Children at the request of their own Ministers with whom I have good acquaintance and find them â—o be very deserving and learned men great Lovers â—nd Honoureâ—s of our Church notwithstanding the loss which She hath lately received in externall Matâ—ers wherein we are agreed that the Essence of true Religion doth not consist Many of their people and of the best sort and quality among them have frequented our publick Prayers with great reverence and I have delivered tâ—e holy Communion to them according to our own Order which they observed religiously I have Married divers persons of good Condition among them and I have presented some of thâ—ir Sâ—hâ—llars to be ordained Deacons and Priests 〈◊〉 by our own Bishops whereof Monsieur De Tarenne's Chaplain is one and the Duke De la Force's Chaplain another and the Church at Charenton apâ—â—â—ved of it and I preached here publickly at their Ordination Besides I have been as often aâ— I had â—are time from attending our own Congregation to pray and sing Psalmes with them and to heare both the Weekly and the Sunday Sermons at Charenton whither two of my Children also pensioned here in a Protestant Family at Paris have daily repaired for that purpose with the Gentlewoman that governed them All which is abundantly enough to let the World know and see here as it doth what a vain and rash man Mr. Fuller is in his History wherein he hath done Injury to many more besides me some dead and some alive who I hope will represent his unfaithfulness in his own Country both to himself and to others I am only beholden to him for telling the tâ—uâ—h of me in one particular which is that I have by Gods blessing reduced some and preserved many others from communicating with the Papists defending the Truth of our own Religion as I have