a year value the pleasures of sin before the favour of God Here is a very great Quick-sand which must be carefully avoided or else a sinner may go-on in Adultery Murdâ—r and other villanies contenting himself with this Coâ—dial but I beseech you give no more such that he doth not habitually esteem the creature above God Sir Your soul is very pretious and dear unto me and by the interest which I have in the perfect happiness of my Brethren I shall conjure you to consider whether such Doctrine hath not been hurtful as well to your self as to weaker men If actually in the time of sinning sensuality prevailed against the act of charity then the sin of David being deliberate as in Peter 't was not and very long continued in as again in Peter it was not how can it modestly be denied but that for so long a time as David lived in his impieties and as to those species of impieties in which he lived it habitually prevailed in him which should you possibly deny you know what follows Your pleading that the judgment of David was not changed would do you no service if I should grant it for there is hardly any sinner who doth judge of the creature as more valuable then God when asked which he doth value most nor is a man the less but the greater sinner for deliberately acting against his judgment And again remember how much you gave to the unsanctified man Yet again you say That David's Faith was not habitually extirpated nor was he turned unbeliever Of Faith as a practical adherence unto God Sect. 19. Sect. 14. But neither are they unbelievers whom you allow to have Faith and yet deny to have saving Grace as I shew'd you from your writings in my Sect. 6. But as Faith is a Practical adherence unto God and implies an uniform obedience to his commands you know that David wanted Faith he obeyed not God by which believing is expressed in holy * They have not all obeyed the Gospel For Esay faith who hath believed our reportâ— Rom. 10.16 Scripture It was not that Faith which worketh by love which is the fulfilling of the Law which consisted with so much injury as the robbing Uriah both of his honour and of his life To be brief If Faith be truly inseparable from charity and David can no more love God and Bathsheba another man's wife then †Luk. 16.13 God and Mammon then must David needs have wanted both Faith Charity When you say of saving Faith p. 92. that one and the same man may have two contrary ultimate ends of his particular actions even the pleasing of God and the pleasing of his flesh giving your instance even in David you seem to imply a contradiction to the words of our Lord who saith * Ibid. no man can serve two Masters Dagon and the Ark cannot dwell under a roof but that the one will subvert the other And even he is †Mat. 12.30 against Christ who is not for him Indeed there are in the world who make a mixture of Religions like the * 2 Kings 17.32 33. people of Sepharvaim Chuth and Hamath fearing the Lord and serving their own gods But the former was in Hypocrisie for it is said in the following verse †ver 34. they feared not the Lord which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or literal shew of contradiction doth evince the truth of our Saviours words that no one servant can really and truly serve God and Mammon for either he will hate the one and love the other or else he will hold to the one and despise the other But what kind of Principles those are which lead the people to such mixtures and of how dangerous importance such mixtures are I leave to the guess of the considering Reader David was soberly put to it Sect. 15. What you think that David would not have done had he been put to it upon sober deliberation Sect. 19. is as little to the purpose as all the rest and onely needs to be referred to my former answers or to what I collected Sect. 6. yet here I can adde that David was soberly put to it as having acted deliberately with a great deal of project and contrivance yet did he not choose the love of God before the pleasure of sin as Moses did Heb. 11.25 26. which indeed was contrary to the love of God You say It is not likely that this one act should turn his heart into as graceless a frame as the ungodly themselves that never were sanctified Sect. 19. The fallaciouâ— use of the word Graceless Sect. 16. As it is not likely so it need not be said For if graceless here signifies or supposeth such a sinner as from whom God's grace is so far withdrawn that he hath not left what is sufficient for his return all unsanctified men are not such sinners as these Recessutum non deserit antequam deserat Et facit pleâ—â—mque ne deserat aut etiamsi recessit ut redear Prosper Respon ad object Vincent 14. You affirm that grace suffiâ—ient is given to the worst of them that perish Sect. 8. and therefore you cannot prove that David was sanctified whilest impenitently guilty both of Adultery and Murder for having just as much grace as you allow to Reprobates whom you will not allow to have been sanctified Whereas you speak of one Act as unlikely to turn the heart of David you know that David committed many and with a manifold aggravation Nor do I doubt but he had power to have repented sooner then he did if he had not been wanting to himself * 2 Pet â— â—0 21. Yet the Scripture having pronounced that the estate of those men who have fallen from grace is much more hardly to be recovered and worse by consequence then theirs who never knew the way of righteousness certainly more Grace was necessary for the reducing of David as he was then if he had never been a sanctified man Now seeing that David was effectually reduced and that by Grace I am obliged to avow that either more grace was left or more was given And for this last you have my reason But however it be it cannot but be to my advantage it being no extenuation but an aggravation of his crimes throughout the time of his impenitence You say you think it was the habit of Grace which the words of Nathan to David excited and did bring again to act Sect. 19. Sect. 17. But sure your thinking is no proof of the point Some are thinkers to their own prejudice I may rather conclude it was not the habit of Grace excited if you your self do but think so for whose interest it is to have it so without question And if it were as you think by so much the greater was David's guilt that having so great a gift of God as that habit of Grace he acted contrarily to it in so hainous a manner
England * In ist's Remediis quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 medici vocant parum est auxilii Neque potest partium unitas nisi à corpoâ—is unitate sperari Non possum non laudare praeclarum Aâ—gliae Canonem An. Dom. 1571. c. De Imperio sum po circa sacra cap. 6 witness his sixth Chapter De Imperio summarum potestatum circa sacra wherein he doth not onely insist upon the same means of union for which he pleads in his later writings but exceedingly commends our English Canon agreed upon in the yeâ—r 1571. exactly tending to the very same end Inprimis verò videbunt Concionatores nequid unquam dâ—ceant pro Concione quod à populo religiosè teneri credi velint nisi quod consentaneum sit Doctrinae Veteris ac Novi Testamenti quodque ex illâ ipsâ Doctrinâ Catholiâ—â— Patres Veteres Episcopi collegerint Because the Scripture is made a Lesbian Rule by a great variety of Professors who are irreconcileable amongst themselves therefore no Exposition ought to be taken for authentick so soon as that which hath been made by the Catholick Fathers and Ancient Bishops of the Church In a word it doth appear as well by * Casauâ— Epist. 220. Hu. Gro. 1612 Epist. 221. c. Casaubon's and Bishop Overall's Epistles to Grotius as from his to them and to Thuaâ—us and divers others that his desires of union were no other then what were common to him with the soberest Protestants in the World in particular with Melanchthon whom he proposeth as his exemplar in all his writings of that affair Nay in two Epistles to Duraeus which a learned Mr. Clement Barksdale in his Mâ—morials of Grotius admirer of his Works hath very usefully made English he is as palpably a Protestant as Cardinal Bellarmin was a Papist for he clearly justifies our breach with Rome and heartily wisheth our agreement amongst our selves however hindered by those who defile themselves with a proud conceit of being holier and purer then their Fathers and Brethren of the Church He unites his Consultations with both our English Embassadors how our union may be accomplished to which he exhorts so much the rather because he observes that our Division doth strengthen Popery and make Proselytes for Rome Such were Grotius his Counsels no longer since then in the year of our Lord 1637. And though you confidently say that He mentions the Protestants with distaste as pretended Reformers p. 33. yet I know the contrary to be a very great truth * Traxit in auxilium sui Reformâ—torum Principes Pontificlorum fervidiores meam praesentiam aliis de causis suspectant Epist. 172. p. 422. A.D. 1635. Foâ— how severely soever he useth to speak of the rebellious and sacrilegious who by their Heathenish practises and oâ—inions had put a publick disgrace on the Reformation in pretending themselveâ— the Authors of it yet of regular Protestants he never speaks without love and reverence and simply calls them the Reformed in opposition to Pontificians who stand in need of Reformation That unavowable sort of Protestants whom he reproves with sharpness the meek and moderate †Look forward on ch 5. sect 9. Dr. Sanderson rebuketh as sharply as he hath done yet he is not the likelier to be a Papist Arg. 14. From many places of his Discussio printed in the year 1645. as well as from its whole design his aversion to Papism doth very sufficiently appear And as that is the book from whence you draw your objections so from that very book you could not have fail'd of satisfaction had you impartially either read or considered all * Discuss p. 10. His desire that the rules of Vincentius Lirinensis might be observed was common to him with King Iames Isaac Casaubon yea with Gregory Calixtâ—s and Doctor Reynolds against Hart. †Nec aliud desiderat Confessio Augustanâ— Diâ—unt enim qui eam amplexi sunt Principes Civitates de nullo Articulo Fidei dissentire se c. sed paucos abusus à se omitti qui novi sunt contra voluntatem Canonum vitio Temporum recepti ib. p. 14. He would not onely have the Canons of the Council of Trent to be commodiously expounded in order to peace but also in order to reformation he would have all taken away which evil customes and manners have introduced In a word he would have that then which the Augustan Confession desires no more And many moderate Papists desired no less He allowes the Pope no * Ibid. p. 1â— other Primacy then is allowed by the Canons of oecumenical Councils and may consist with the rights of the several Patriarchs of the East disapproving his usurpations no lesse then Casaubon himself †Ibid. p. 15. He loves to style that Vsurper by the modest name of the Bishop of Rome and fastens the Primacy which he allowes nâ—t so much on the Pope as the Church of God for Zanchy himself doth so expresse her Arg. 15. To prove he speaks as a Peace-maker which he was not as a Papist which he was not he cites the Declarations of some chief * Ibid. p. 69. Protestants in the behalf of such a Primacy as he and they have thought due to the Roman Prelate Not onely King Iames who granted as much in a manner as Cardinal Perron exacted of him in order to the Unity and Peace of Christendom nor onely Bucer a moderate Protestant but even Blondel the Patron of Presbyterians and even Calvin himself are brought in speaking to his advantage to whom I might adde Franciscus Iunius and our learned Mountague in his Appeal to Caesar. The words of Blondel are very remarkable Non negari à Protestantibus dignitatem Sedis Apostolicae Romanae neque Primatum ejus super Ecclesias vicinaes imâ—o aliquatenus super omnes sed referri hoc ab iis ad jus Ecclesiasticum Nor can I remember I ever read that Grotius pretended to any more For obedience due from all seculars unto the Bishops of the Churâ—h he cites the * Ibid. p. 70. Augustan Confession For the want of reformation in the Presbyterian Churches he cites the †Ibid. p. 73. Confession of Mr. Rivet For the admitting of such words as Transelementation and Transubstantiation with their convenient explications in order to Peace and Reconcilement * Ibid. p. 77. he cites Modreviâ—s and our King Iames. For the Protestants return to the Church of Rome upon condition that that Church will also return unto the Primitive he cites the Prayers and Protestation of learned Zanchy Ab Ecclesiâ Româ—nÃ¥ non aliâ— discessimus animo quà m ut si correcta ad priorem Ecclesiae formam redeat nos quoque ad illam revertamuâ— communionem cum illâ in suis porrò coetibus habeamus Apud Grot. p. 14. apud ipsum Zanch. in Confess Art 19. p. 157. who notwithstanding his being a Presbyterian concluded his
Brethren did think and if they did rightly understand you How often therefore are you pleading that they do misunderstand you And against all their misunderstandings you write a thick bâ—â—k in quaâ—to for the confession of your Faith If the diseases had not been numerous I suppose you had been shâ—rter in your prescribing the means of cure Grotius his Ghost may well make much shorter work even by telling you in a word that you knew not his mind nor understood his designes in writing Notes upon Cassander which were onely Pâ—cifick not Apostatick and so your whole Fabrick is very speedily at an end And the one remaining Engine whereby to keep up Presbytâ—rianism to wit the jealoâ—sies and feares of the deep Grotian design so deep indeed as not to have the least bottom in the very same instant doth vanish also Popery disâ—claimed as well by Grotius and Mr. P. as by Mr. Baxter Sect. 8. You proceed to tell me that if any shall gather from your words my being such my sâ—lf as you say you manifest Grotius to have been you protest against such accusations as no part of your intention But you say I have given too much occasion of them by my vindication and that 't is in my power to remove that occâ—sion by disowning what in Grotius I dislike Sect. 3. A fair expedient to conclude this controversie to allow Grotius the same quarter which is given to me as his Advocate If I shall disown what you dislike this shall vindicate me from being a Bapist The like privilege you imply is due to Grotius First for my self I declare that I am none And if Grotius was a Papist then he and I are of two Religions But secondly for Grotius he hath also disowned his being a Papist as well as you and my self And that may suffice for his vindication If you will disown what is disliked by your adverse brethren you will remove that occasion which they took to call you Papist and Sâ—cinian But you will say it is enough that you disclaim being either Grotius was for an Union so is the Spirit of Peace and Unity presupposing a Reformation secundum Canones in respect of the Papal power and presupposing a Reformation of the form of Doctrine according to antiquity and universal Tradition as the best Expositors of Scripture where Scripture is not agreed to expound it self This is according to the Rule of Vincentius Lirinensis of all the Fathers of the Church and of the late Acute King in his Dispute against Henderson who is acknowledged by you to have been no Papist p. 105 106. though calumniated as such you know by whom And however you are said to have fought against him yet I observe that in this and some other things you are for thâ— King against the Parliament But to pursue the thrid of my Discourse Grotius lâ—ft other things to be reformed and adjusted by Soveraign Princes with the assistance of their Prelates in their several Kingdomes Now he that likes this Doctrine and Design and onely thinks it a happinesse too great for this Age wherein there are on both sides so many irreconciliabiles to wit Iesuits on that side and Presbyterians on this and therefore appeals to posterity as Grotius did iâ— very far from being a Papist in the common acception of the word as you do easily pretend Sect. 3. much lesse is he such in the thing it self But it is easily foreseen by your close of that Section how you are resolved to understand it Mistakes in reading Grotius arising from a nescience or hatred of his design Sect. 9. Now for your manifold mistakes of Grotius his words in his Discussio arising chiefly from the byasse which had been put upon your judgment I know not whether by your nescience or over-great hatred of his design and which you urge as so many arguments to prove that Grotius turn'd Papist I take such arguments to be answered by the bare removal of such mistakes Your mistakes are removed by being proved to be mistakes and they are proved to have been such by the fifth Section of this Chapter containing eighteen arguments for a matter of Fact whereof there are some so irrefragable that perhaps I may be blamed for adding others and unlesse you say you are not I shall comfortably hope that you are convinced Indeed the writings of Grotius would have convinced you of themselves if you had read them all and at leisure and with those necessary cautions or remembrancos which the Reverend * Answ. to Animadv on the Dissert touching Ignatius his Epistles p. 135 136 137. Doctor Hammond had timely given Or had you but weighed what I had told you touching the nature of an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or rather of the way conducing to it in my 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ch. 3. p. 92 93 94. of which I see you determined to take no notice p. 3. I told you early would you have mark'd it that Grotius as a Peace-maker betwixt the Papists and the Protestants had labour'd to shew his moderation as well to them as to these and to excuse many things at least à tanto to which he had not afforded his approbation For he who attempted a Reconcilement of two great Enemies was not in prudence to declare a personal enmity to either but to mitigate the exceptions and animosities of both and to insist on those things whether faulty or indifferent which he desired might meet with in either party an interchangeable pardon and an interchangeable compliance Melanchthon I told you had done the same and was accused as well as Grotius as a slie friend to Popery The same was done by Thuanus amongst the Papists who was * Io. Baptista Gallus obstinatâ vesaniâ pernegat Thuanum Catholicae fidei â—enacissimum Ecclesiae Romanae c. vide Epist. Anonym p. 103. Tom. 5. ad calcem lib. 6. Aug. Thuani de vita sua accused for his labour of having turned Protestant Indeed his favour to the Protestants was so much greater then that of Grotius and Melanchthon unto the Papists that his friends of that Church as their friends of this were fain to write his vindication He might indeed have been a Protestant by the Confession of his Faith in his last Will and Testament the like to which I suppose hath hardly been made by any Papist And whilest you intimate your opinion that Thuanus was a Papist of a deeper die then either Cassander of Grotius was p. 9. you infer that Grotius was none at all or else the Writings of Thuanus are strangers to you Sect. 10. I find that rigid Presbyterians would be at peace with the Papists How much may be offered to purchase peace as the * See The Royal Lâ—brary Sect. 4. Num. 15. p. 339. to p. 359. See also the second part of that Collectioâ— p. 465. to p. 480. especially p. 517. to p. 526. Houses of the long Parliament would have made
Remember what you call the opinion of most of your Divines p. 326. and how you excuse Solomon for his Idolatry p. 317. in contradiction to the Text and to your self p. 328. Solomon are affirm'd by you to be in the number of the godly For besides that you give them the stile of godly more then once you further add that to be notoriously ungodly or unsanctified which is the second head a man must be worse then all these Do but mark your own words A man must be guilty of more sin then Peter was in denying and for swearing Christ that is notoriously ungodly Observe I pray Sir you say not of as much but of more sin then Peter was guilty of c. Nor onely of as much but of more sin then Lot whose sins you reckon up thus He was drunk two nights together and committed Incest twice with his own daughters and that after the miraculous destruction of Sodom of his own wife and his own miraculous deliverance Nor do you say he must be as great but a greater sinner then Solomon was with his seven hundred wives and his three hundred Concubines and gross Idoluâ—ries when his heart was turn'd away from the Lord God of Israel which appeared unto him twice and commanded him not to go after other gods but he kept not that which the Lord commanded Now compare what you say of your godly men with what you say of the notoriously ungodly and how wicked you say a man must be to be such not onely as great but a greater sinner then all these remembring also what filthy Uses some men may make of such Doctrine and judge what wrong you have done your self by doing so great a wrong to me who had done you none Sect. 2. I must expostulate again about your second Accusation of my injustice Sect. 18. for first did you not say The excessive dâ—nger of making the greatest sinners to dream themselves into a Saintship in the place by me cited that a man who is notoriously ungodly i. e. unsanctified must be a greater sinner then Solomon was c. Secondly Where did you adde that 't is the common opinion as that doth signifie not your own you are not singular in all you think the opinion may be common and the more likely to be yours nor do I doubt but that it is if I thought it were not you should hear more from me then now you shall Thirdly What if you desired all men to take heed c. that is no more then to dig a pit and then to bid men beware that they fall not in But how can you or I be sure that they who believâ— what you have taught to wit that such sins cannot unsanctifie or put them into a state of damnation or make them cease to be Godly will abstain from such sins when strongly tempted O Sir take heed that you scandalize not your weak or your wilful brethren that you strengthen not the hands of evil-doers rather then so it were better that you were cast into the Sea Mat. 18.6 Fourthly This Caution was peculiar to Solomon not to any of those sinners you nam'd besides Fifthly Your supposing the sin of David with an Et caetera which must regularly include the sins of Lot and Solomon the Railing Professor the Rebel and the Schismatick and all the rest which you reckon up in your ample Catalogue to have been extremely different from the like in a graceless man will prove a sad principle of all security in sinning to one who doubts not but that himself is a gracious man For he poor wretch will be sure to hope that his Drunkenness is like Noah's his Incest like Lot's his Adultery and his Murder of all the world like David's and not at all like the sins of the graceless man Suppose a man shall be convinced of having been many times drunk besides a Railer a Liar a Rebel and a Schismatick may he not plead for all that he is a sanctisied man and in the number of the godly and cannot possibly miscarry when once he hath been sanctified as he takes it for granted that he hath been Nay may he not fiercely stand to it and cite the words of Mr. Baxter in his justification and what are the words of Mr. Baxter but these that follow * Disput. 3. p. 329. c. He that hath oftentimes been drunk may yet have true Grace and be in the number of the godly How many Professors will rail and lie in their passion how few will take well a reproof but rather defend their sin How many in THESE TIMES that we doubt not to be Godly have been guilty of disobedience to their Guides and of Schism and doing much to the hurt of the Church If the horrid nature of these sins be pressed home to such a Wretch he may presently flie out into a greater indignation and urge in the words of Mr. Baxter again * Grotian Relig. Praef. Sect. 18. towards the end That his Drunkenness Perjury Railing Lying Rebellion Schism and persecution of the Church are * Grotian Relig. Praef. Sect. 18. towards the end exceedingly different from the like facts in a gracelesse man in regard of manner ends concomitants c. The danger exemplified in a Presbyterian woman Sir I cannot but tell you on this occasion that I have laboured for four if not five howers together and there is witnesse of what I say to make a woman in this County not many miles from this place asham'd and sorry for her adultery which she took an occasion to profess unto me she had committed naming the person with whom and many circumstances with which and that in the presence of others also who together with my self were much amaz'd at her confidence we having never seen her face before She did not believe that the sin had done her any hurt or any whit lessen'd her in the favour of God She acknowledged that Adultery was a damnable sin in the Graceless but not in her who had Grace And as she was indeed the most fluent Disputant from Scripture that I have ever met with of either sex she seeming to have had the whole Bible in her memory so many chapters and verses came so readily into her mouth She urged David and Solomon as you have done with as many more as would make you wonder in her excuse She told me how she had been grounded in the opinion she was of by the Ministers of the Lecture which she frequented naming one in particular of great authority and eminence in that side of the County whom I shall not name unless need require as being more careful of his credit then his followers have been She alledged the great difference between the sins of the regenerate and unregenerate She said she had learn'd from the Pulpit of that noted man before hinted that the sins of the regenerate were ever committed with a reluctancy and trouble
prâ—terea tollantur ea c. condition or proviso that Reformation shall be made 5. He condition 's that this be done †Quod si curâ Episcoporum Regum tollantur ea c. by Kings and Bishops in their respective places of Jurisdiction without taking notice of the Pope whose consent he thought needless as well as impossible to be had 6. He add's the chief thing which you were pleas'd to take no noâ—ice of unto your Readers hopeing they would not take the paines to examin Grotius in his Original * Nec aliud desiderat Confessio Augustana Ibid. Ibid. That the Augustan Cenfession doth not desire any thing else in order to a closure of both the Churches He add's the Profession not onely of Zanchie a single Protestant but of the Protestant Princes and Cityes De nullo articulo Fidei dissentire se ab Ecclesiâ Catholicâ sed paucos abusus à se omitti qui novi sunt contra voluntatem Canonum vitio Temporum recepti You see that Grotius hath expressed a lesser propensity to the Papists than the Protestants who adhere unto the Augustan Confession Et optima est auctoritate maximâ quippe in Regnis aliquot c. Discuss p. 15. which of all the Protestant Confessions is judged by Grotius to be the best and of the greatest Authority as being Received in some Kingdomes and in some of the greatést Principalities and in diverse free Cities or Common-wealths Bucer was one of that Synod who you know was assisting to our true English Reformation Now what a hard hap is this that That must be Popery in Grotius which is not such in any one else Let all the Kingdomes and Common-wealths which embrace the Augustan Confession be reckon'd Papistical as well as Grotius or else let Grotius be a Protestant as well as Them But you are implacable to Grotius who must be therefore what you will have him rather then want a staff to beat that Dead lyon who can less resist you than a live Dog you are resolv'd to call it * This you do in your Câ—et Relig. p. 37. his way to Peace auâ— per Papae eximiè beni authoritatem aut Concilium Generale c. Vot pro pace p. 9. which your Eyes have made your Conscience witness was the way of some other pacifick Persons Did you not know the true English of vidi eos in id incumbere Omnes and again eos sentire ineundas vias Besides of †Eas autem esse Tres. â—ot p. 9. three waies you name but two 1. The Authority of a Pope extremely good 2. Or a Generall Council righly call'd during the vacancy of the Popedome which later words you leave out 3. Or the Conferences of Kings directed by the Bishops with that intent that the Result of their Thoughts might be brought to the See of Rome as nothing else but a Coagulum a kind of cement and meanes of Concord This whole third way you would not mention Sect. 13. You object against Grotius Discuss p. 185. that In interpreting places of Scripture He professed he would not cross the Rule which was delivered by himself and by the Council of Trent p. 386 But you name not the Rule nor direct your Reader where to find it If you knew it not your self why would you vilify you knew not what And if you wanted no knowledg of it why would you argue against your knowledg Why would you brand him as a Papist for adhering to a Rule which is the Rule of the Protestants as well as Papists I will convince you of your rashness from whatsoever principle it issued out by telling your Readers the very Rule of which you either were ignorant or else dissembled your understanding It was * Regula prudentissima ejus Synodi de non interpretandâ Scripturâ contra unanimem Consensum Patrum c. Discuss p. 18â— lin 30. the most prudent and Protestant Rule of not Interpreting Scripture against the full and unanimous consent of Fathers Are you so neer to the Socinians as to decry such Rules as These Oâ— is eveâ—y thing Popish for being apâ—roved by the Council of Trent Go to Sir go to I understand you better and better The better to make you understand your self I am to mind you of the stile which Grotius speakes in †Ibid. Nihil fecisset Grotius ne contra Synodum quidem Tridentinam If you should say of your self in some particular That in this you do nothing contrary even to the Council of Trent would any man from hence conclude you a Papist and not rather the contrary Consider the force of Ne quidem and you will know what you have done Again the addition of those words immediately after the place you cite Quam multò melius intellexit Alcazar doth shew a different meaning of the Place then you were willing to apprehend He speakes of his own Interpretations of some Places of Isaiah against which it was objected that he receded from those of the antient Fathers But he * Non obstat Regula quò minus ad loca Scripturae historica praesertim aut Prophetica adferatur nova expositio c. answers to the objection p. 182. That to Places of Scriâ—ture especially Historical and Prophetical Places It is lawfull to bring new expositions so that they be not repugnant to Doctrins antiently deliver'd And this liberty he cites from the Romanist Alcazar p. 183. adding Maldonate and others and so going on till he concludes That by the advice of learned men He will use this liberty but so as not to crosse the Rule which Himself hath set unto himself as well as that Council to wit the Rule of doing nothing against the joynt consent of the Father which Alcazar understood as well or better than Mr. Rivet Where it is evident what he speakes is of the liberty he useth in his Interpreting of Scripture not of enslaving hâ—mself unto the Council of Trent's Interpretations but he will use his liberty in such a manner as not to break his own Good Rule though it is also the Rule even of that very Council If our Enemies the Paâ—ists do make a good Rule or repeâ—e it rather from Vincentius Lirinensis we may observe it as being good though not as made or repeted by him or Them Dâ—scuss p. 139. Sect. 14. You adde out of Grotius That the Augustan Confession commodiously explained hath scarce any thing which may not be reconciled with those opinions which are received with the Catholicks by Authority of Antiquity and of Synods as may be known out of Cassander and Hoffmeiâ—ter and there are among the Iesuites also who think not otherwise p. 386 387. All the weight of this Testimony doth lie on that phrase Dogmata quae Antiquitatis Synodorum authoritate sunt recepta And what injury is it to the Augustan confession to think it may be so reconciled reconciled with those Dogmata which