disparagement to him All precedent slips and errours in them were cleansed and purified in his holy and unspotted conception 13. This narration of Iudahs incest doth serve to abate the pride and insolencie of the Jewes who boast so much of their petigree and they are not ashamed to tell our Saviour to his face that they were not borne of fornication Ioh. 8.41 Perer. 4. This story hath some coherence and similitude with that which followeth in the next chapter though the event is not like for here Thamar soliciteth Iudah there Potiphars wife Ioseph but Iudah sheweth his incontinencie Ioseph his chastity Mercer QUEST II. At what time these things were done here reported of Iudah BUt at what time this historie was done here recorded some question there is 1. Neither is this narration wholly set downe by way of recapitulation as Augustine thinketh quaest 128. in Gen. as though it went before Iosephs selling into Egypt for Iudah was not above foure or five yeares elder than Ioseph for Iudah was the fourth sonne of Leah and hee and Ioseph were borne within the compasse of seven yeares Gen. 31.31 Now Ioseph being seventeene yeare old when he was sold into Egypt Iudah then not exceeding 22. yeares could not have sonnes marriageable as Er and Onan were 2. Neither is Pererius opinion to be received that all this fell out after Ioseph was sold for from that time till Iacobs going downe to Egypt when Ioseph was 39. yeare old are but 22. yeares in which time Iudah could not bee a grand-father as he was for his sonne Phares had two sonnes Ezron and Hamul that went downe with Iacob into Egypt And to say that either of these two sonnes were borne in Egypt is to contradict the Scripture that saith they went downe into Egypt with Iacob Gen. 46.26 or to say that Iacobs going downe must be taken for all the time of his life and abode in Egypt which was seventeene yeares is to speake improperly and to pervert the course of the story 3. Wherefore the best solution is that part of this chapter was fulfilled before Iosephs captivity part followed after and Iudah must be supposed to have taken a wife at twelve or thirteene Mercer Iunius thinketh at seventeene yeares I would rather take fourteene or fifteene yeares betweene both and Er must be about ten yeares of age when Ioseph was sold Iun. who also tooke a wife at the like age of twelve or thirteene yeares Mercer which will fall out about the twenty five or twenty six yeare of Iudahs age then Er and Onan might die in one yeare Selah might be expected some three yeares Perer. then the yeare following might Thamar have her two twins about the thirty yeare of Iudah Pharez keeping the same time of marriage might have his two sonnes but very young when Iacob went downe to Egypt in the 44. yeare or thereabout of Iudahs age Iunius thinketh that Iudah begat Pharez at the age of thirty foure and was fifty yeares old when he went downe into Egypt but that cannot be for Iudah was not above five years elder than Ioseph who was then but 39. yeares old for Iudah was Leahs fourth son who together with Ioseph were borne in the second seven yeare of Iacobs service with Laban 4. And lest it might seeme strange that Iudah and his sonnes were married and had children so young this is not affirmed without the like president in Scripture for wee finde that Ahaz father to Hezekiah was but eleven yeares old when hee was borne for Ahaz was but thirty six yeares old when hee died 2 King 16.2 and Hezekiah immediately succeeding in the kingdome was 25. yeare old 2 King 18.2 It cannot be said that there was an interrognum betweene them that the kingdome lay void a certaine space for in the twelfth yeare of Ahaz over Judah began Hoshea to reigne in Samaria nine years 2 King 17.1 and Ahaz reigned sixteene years 2 King 16.2 Now in the third yeare of Hoshea began Hezekiah to reigne 2 King 18.1 If then in those dayes when mans age was much shortned his nature decayed and strength abated they had issue so soone it is not improbable but that such untimely mariages might be in use in Iudahs time when their life was longer and their strength greater 5. But where it is said About that time Iudah went downe it must not be referred exactly to that particular season which went immediately before but indefinitely understood of the whole course of that history of Iacobs children after their returne out of Mesopotamia while Iacob dwelt in Sechem where he remained eight yeares which I rather thinke with Mercer than that this was done after Iacob was come to Isaack Aben Ezra sheweth the like Deut. 10.7 where it is said that at the same time when the children of Israel departed from Gudgodah The Lord separated the tribe of Levi whereas Levi was separated the second yeare after they came out of Egypt but they departed from Gudgodah in the 40. yeare wherefore these words the same time must be referred to the whole time of their peâ—egrination in the wildernesse not to that particular time of departing from Gudgodah And so likewise in this place ex Mercer Or further these words about that time may be understood by a synecdoche the part being taken for the whole because some of these things here recorded though not all might fall out in that instant or not long after as the strange death of Er and Onan and the incest of Iudah which might happen about the 24. yeare of Ioseph ex Mercer QUEST III. Why Iudah went downe and whither Vers. 1. IVdah went downe c. 1. That is he descended into some lower Countrey it may bee out of Sechem not as some Hebrewes that he was fallen from his greatnesse because he gave counsell to have Ioseph sold and was the cause of his fathers long griefe Mercer 2. What was the cause of his going from his brethren is not expressed whether for detestation of the horrible murther committed by Simeon and Levi upon the Sichemites or for the abundance of cattell which he had But it is like that he often came and went to his brethren as appeareth by the story of Iosephs selling into Egypt whereunto Iudah advised he also went downe with his brethren into Egypt for corne 3. This Adullam was a towne in the tribe of Iudah whither afterward David did flie 1 Sam. 22.1 Hierom saith that in his time there was a village of that name some ten miles from Eleutherepolis Muscul. QUEST IV. Of Iudahs oversight in marrying a woman of the Canaanites Vers. 2. IVdah saw the daughter of a man called Suah 1. This was not the name of Iudahs wife as the Septuagint reade vers 12. but of his wives father 2. Neither was this Suah a merchant as the Chalde paraphrast readeth and the Hebrewes follow the same to cover the infirmities of their fathers although the word Covagnan
masculine gender better than to read it in the feminine as V.L.I.A.P. Vers. 18. When they came to Revel their father I.G.B. cum câ—ter not Iethro L. Vers. 22. Here the Latin and Septuagint make mention also of the birth of Eliezar transposing it out of the 18. chapter but no such thing is in the Hebrew Vers. 23. It came to passe after these dayes I.A.P.S. rather than in processe of time G. B. or when many dayes were past V. the sense rather than the words dayes are here put for yeeres for this was 4â— yeeres after 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of Amram Moses father Vers. 1. THere went a man of Levi. This was Amram the sonne of Kabath the sonne of Levi who lived 137. yeeres Exod. 6.20 he was borne as Eusebius writeth 14. yeeres before the death of Ioseph that is 55. yeeres after Iacobs going downe into Egypt who saith he begat Moses at 77. yeeres Perer. Moses yet maketh no mention of his parents names lest he should seeme to boast of his parentage Ferus 2. The Hebrewes have here a notable fiction that this Amram lived unto the time of Ahiah the Silomite who was in the dayes of Ieroboam that is above sixe hundred yeeres for from the going of Israel out of Egypt unto the fourth yeere of Salomons reigne are numbred 480. yeeres adde unto these 77. yeeres of Amrams age when he begat Moses and 80. yeeres the age of Moses at the returne of Israel out of Egypt so we shall have above 600. yeeres whereas the Scripture testifieth that he lived but 137. yeeres 3. But that which Ioseph reporteth is more probable that this Amram being a faithfull man praying unto God for his people had a vision wherein hee was bid to bee of good comfort and that the childe whose life was sought should be his sonne who should be preserved from the Egyptians rage and be the deliverer of his people Ioseph lib. 2. cap. 5. but seeing the Scripture maketh no mention we may bee at choise whether we will receive this report QUEST II. Why it is said he went and tooke NOw it is said he went not that he went to any other place or Citie for seeing his wife was of the same familie of Levi it is like that they did dwell not farre asunder 2. Neither it is understood of his returning to his wife from whom he had sequestred himselfe to fasting and prayer as Ferus for this text evidently speaketh of his first taking of her to wife 3. But hereby is shewed his advised purpose and determination in taking her to wife as also some notable thing insinuated to follow as it is said that Ruben went and lay with his fathers concubine Gen. 25. Simler QUEST III. Of Iacobed Moses mother whether she were aunt or cosine German to Amram TOoke to wife a daughter of Levi. This was Iocebed 1. who was not the daughter of Amrams uncle and so cosine Germane to Amram as the Septuagint Latine translator to whom consent Lyranus Montanus Cajetanus Pererius with others for though it should be granted that the Hebrew word Ded doth sometime signifie the uncles sonne as Ierem. 32.12 Hananâ—el is called Ieremies uncles sonne yet the word sonne may be supplied as before vers 8. he is called his uncles sonne yet seeing the Scripture evidently saith that Iocebed was borne unto Levi Numb 26.59 it is without controversie that she was Levies daughter sister to Rahath and Aunt to Amram being his fathers sister Exod. 6.20 2. But yet the Hebrewes are farre wide that would have Iocebed borne about that time that Iacob went downe into Egypt for then she should have beene about 135. yeeres old elder by fortie yeers than Sarah when she bore Isaack and if Moses birth had beene so miraculous the Scripture would not have concealed it ex Perer. And the Scripture beside saith that she was borne to Levi in Egypt Numb 26.59 3. Neither was this Iocebed another of the same name beside the daughter of Levi as some thinke seeing that the she is said to be Dodatho his that is Amrams Aunt Exod. 6.20 4. The sounder opinion then is that this Iocebed was the naturall and proper daughter of Levi the Scripture so testifying and of this opinion are Vatablus Paguine Iunius with the Chalde Paraphrast and Simlerus with others Thostatus conjectureth well that Levi might beget her at 100. as Abraham begat sonnes at 137. after Sarahs death who lived 127 yeeres being 10. yeeres younger than Abraham and Iacob at 107. begat Benjamin And it is not unlike but that Iocebed at 68. yeeres might beare Moses in those dayes women might continue child-bearing till then but howsoever this computation be counted yet it is evident out of Scripture that Iocebed was daughter unto Levi and therefore all disputation to the contrarie is needlesse QUEST IV. Why such mariages were tolerated in those daies NOw though afterward such mariages betweene the aunt and the nephew were forbidden by the Law directly Levit. 19. yet it need not seeme strange that then such mariages were in use even among the faithfull 1. Because as Thostatus saith it was ante legem datam before any law was published As Abraham married his brothers daughter Iacob married two sisters 2. The paucitie and the fewnesse of the righteous seed is to be considered and the confusion of those times which made those things to be tolerated Iun. Annot. 3. They had a desire to match in their owne kindred as Abraham Isaack and Iacob did and by that meanes they joyned often mariage in neere degrees of kindred Simlerus QUEST V. When Amram married his wife COncerning the time when this man of Levi tooke his wife though it be mentioned after Pharaohs cruell edict yet it was done before 1. Because Aaron was elder than Moses by three yeeres Exod. 7.7 and Miriam Moses sister elder than he for she was of discretion to watch what should become of the babe the conservation therefore of these children sheweth that this cruell edict tooke no place then 2. Neither is it likely that it continued long after Moses birth for if all the male children had beene cut off after Moses birth who was 80. yeeres old when Israel came out of Egypt then there should have beene few or none under that age that went out and although by some secret provision some infants might have escaped yet considering the strait and diligent search which was made as the Hebrewes thinke every three moneths such a multitude in all likelihood could not have beene preserved as went out of Egypt therefore it is not unprobable that Iosephus writeth that an Egyptian Priest told Pharaoh that about that time a child should be borne which should bee the ruine of him and his Kingdome and that Pharaoh thereupon did especially at that time give charge to destroy the infants to meet with that childe as Herod did cause to bee put to death all the children in
the solution of this place Non itaque quod ajit in servitutem redigent eos c. ad quadringentos annos referendum est c. In that it is said they shall hold them in servitude it must not bee referred to the foure hundred yeeres as though they kept them in servitude so many yeeres but the foure hundred yeeres must bee referred to that which is said thy seede shall be a stranger in a land not theirs August quaest 47. in Exod. QUEST LVI That the Israelites dwelt not 430. yeeres in Egypt only SEcondly it is not to be supposed that the Israelites dwelt in Egypt all this space of 430. yeeres which is the opinion of Genebrard who thinketh that this terme taketh beginning from the comming of Iacob into Egypt and expireth with the time of their deliverance and departure thence his reasons are these 1. Because in this place it is so affirmed that the Israelites dwelt so long in Egypt 2. As also that it is not like that in the space of 215. yeeres which is the time according to the common opinion of their abode in Egypt of seventy persons they could increase into so great a multitude Contra. 1. In this place a figurative speech must needes be admitted for wee must understand not only the time of Israels sojourning in Egypt but of their fathers also in the land of Canaan as Augustine saith these words must be expounded Manifestum est computandum esse tempus Patriarcharum Abrahâ— c. It is manifest that the time of the Patriarks Abraham Izhak Iakob must bee accounted when they began to sojourne in the land of Canaan quaest 47. in Exod. But of this more afterward 2. Neither is it impossible or improbable even without a miracle for so many thousands in the space of 215. yeeres to bee multiplied as is shewed before at large quest 5. in chap. 1. And Augustine giveth two reasons thereof Si fâ—cunditas hominis consideretur adjuvante illo qui illos valde voluit multiplicari reperietur non esse mirum The fecundity of men considered God also helping who would have them exceedingly to increase it will bee found not to be strange Now that the Israelites could not continue 430. yeeres in Egypt these two arguments doe evidently convince 1. Whereas Caath was one of those which came with Iacob into Egypt who lived 133. yeeres and his sonne Amram 137. yeeres and Moses his sonne was 80. yeere old at the departure of Israel out of Egypt all these yeeres put together make but 350. from which summe must bee deducted the yeeres wherein they lived together Genebrard answeres that their yeeres are only reckoned after they begat children and that some may be omitted that came betweene as S. Matthew leaveth out in his genealogy three Kings Ahaziah Ioas and Amasiah This answer of Genebrard may easily be taken away for neither is it the use of Scripture when it setteth downe the yeeres of a mans life to name onely the yeeres when he begate children and seeing in that line from Levi to Moses no other persons are elsewhere named that came betweene beside Caath and Amram it is a conjecture without ground to imagine any other But the omission of these three in S. Matthewes genealogy is evident because wee finde them elsewhere in the stories of the Kings to be set downe Perer. 2. S. Paul beginneth these 430. yeeres from the promise and covenant that was made to Abraham Galath 3.17 Therefore Israel stayed not all those yeeres in Egypt Genebrard here answereth that where the Apostle saith the law which was 430. yeeres after this word after is not referred to the covenant but to the law that came 430. yeeres after that is from the departure of the Israelites Contra. But this is a manifest wresting of the Apostles words who of purpose maketh a comparison betweene the law and the covenant of grace shewing that salvation dependeth not of the law but of the grace and promise of God which came 430. yeeres before And whereas the Apostles words in that order which hee set them downe are these This I say that the covenant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirmed afore of God the Law made after foure hundred and thirty yeeres could not disanull what other sense can be made of these words but that the law was given so many yeeres after the promise for after must of necessity have relation to that which is said to have beene before which was not the departure of the Israelites not here so much as mentioned but the covenant said to be before ratified and confirmed of God Pererius QUEST LVII The Israelites dwelt in Egypt 215. yeeres only FUrther that the Israelites neither stayed in Egypt under 200. yeeres as Chrysostome thinketh nor yet 210. only as the Hebrewes to whom Lyranus and Cajetanus give consent nor yet 230. yeeres as Calvin but 215. yeeres only it may be thus made to appeare First from the first promise made to Abraham unto the going of Israel out of Egypt are 430. yeeres according to the Apostles account of this summe there were 215. yeeres gone before Iacob descended into Egypt Abraham at 75. received the promise 25. yeeres after when Abraham was 100. yeere old was Isaack borne he at 60. begate Iacob Iacob at 130. went downe into Egypt these yeeres put together 25.60.130 make in all 215. yeeres there remaineth then the other halfe of the summe 215. yeeres more for the sojourning of Israel in Egypt Thus Augustine reckoneth approving Eusebius account quaest 47. in Exod. Secondly whereas the yeeres of Coath Amram and Moses when Israel came out of Egypt doe make as is before shewed all together 350. yeeres but from this summe must be subtracted the yeeres wherein they lived together as from Coaths age of 133. yeeres who at 65. yeeres begate Amram as Epiphanius thinketh the residue wherein he lived together with Amram that is 68. yeeres must bee deducted and from Amrams age of 137. who at 70. yeeres begat Moses as Epiphanius the residue must likewise bee defaulked which are 67. yeeres adde unto these yeeres 65. of Coath and 70. yeeres of Amram 80. yeeres of Moses life and wee shall have the said summe of 215. yeeres all the time of the sojourning of Israel in Egypt QUEST LVIII That the Israelites were not in bondage and servitude in Egypt all the foresaid terme of 215. yeeres THis being then made plaine that the Israelites after Iacobs comming downe thither continued in Egypt 215. yeeres yet were they not so long in servitude and bondage 1. Augustine thinketh that they served in Egypt 144. or 145. yeeres for from the whole summe of 215. yeeres hee onely deducteth 71. yeeres of Iosephs life after Israel came into Egypt after whose death hee thinketh their bondage immediately began But that cannot bee for not onely Ioseph but all his brethren also were first dead Exod. 1.6 of the which Levi being about foure yeere elder than Ioseph who died at
of the Hebrewes that Nimrod was cloathed with the same skinnes which Adam and Eve did weare by vertue whereof both man and beast were obedient to him we utterly reject it 6. Neither need we to turne the word before the Lord against the Lord as Augustine sheweth the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth both lib. 16. de Civit. cap 4. 7. But the right meaning is that even in the sight and presence of God without all feare of God Nimrod practised tyranny and cruelty so that it grew unto a proverb to resemble a cruell tyrant and oppressor to Nimrod QVEST. XIII Who that Nimrod was NImrod 1. This Nimrod was neither the sonne of Ionithus whom Noah should beget after the floud who should for rule and dominion-sake associate himselfe to the stocke of Cham as forged Methodius fableth for the Scripture testifieth that he was the sonne of Chush 2. Neither was Nimrod the father of Iupiter Belus the father of Ninus as Berosus Annianus lâ—b 5. antiquit Chaldaic who should beginne the Empire of the Babylonians an 130. yeare after the floud for it is not like that Monarchie grew so soone to be so mighty the world not yet being replenished 3. Neither can he be Ninus because he is said to build Ninive vers 11. as Meacator for that City might be begunne by Nimrod and enlarged by Ninus 4. Neither can Mercators conjecture be sound that Nimrod was not the immediate sonne of Chush because he is reckoned after the Nephew of Chush but this might be to omit their conjecture that he was begotten of an harlot either because he was borne after his nephewes Sheba and Dedan or else the Scripture speaketh of him alone as the most eminent person and to take occasion thereby to touch his tyranny sic Augustin Mercer 5. Neither is it like that this Nimrod was Zoroaster as Epiphanius 6. But it is most like that this Nimrod was the same whom forren stories call Belus whom they make the founder of the Babylonian Monarch and both of them were the first inventors of Idolatry So Iosephus saith of Nimrod and it is evident that many Idols names among the Gentiles in those East parts were derived from Belus as Bâ—lial Belzebub Belphegor QVEST. XIV Of the Countries Arach Vers. 10. THe beginning of his Kingdome was Babel c. 1. Babel was so called because there the Lord confounded their languages of ballall to confound 2. Arach it may bee Arecha in the Province Susiana in Persia but more like to be Edessa in Mesopotamia neere Euphrates not that Edessa which was afterwards called Antioch sic Hierosolym Hieronym Mercer 3. Accad is Nisibis in that part of Mesopotamia which is corruptly of Geographers called Acabene for Accadene Mercer 4. Calne which is not Selucia as Hierome or Ctesiphon as Hierosolmyt and Mercer but rather the famous Mart Towne Callinisum Iun. that it was a Towne of fame may appeare Amos 6.2 goe unto Calneh c. 5. Sinhar this is the Countrey of Chaldaea and Mesopotamia where is the mountaine Singaras and the Towne Singara thereof called Iun. QVEST. XV. Of the building of Babel COncerning the building of Babel 1. Q. Curtius seemeth to ascribe it to Belus lib. 5. 2. Others to Semiramis Herodotus lib. 1. Diodor. lib. â— 3. Berosus cited by Iosephus to Nebuchadnazar lib 1. cont Appâ—on 4. Berosus Annianus maketh all three builders of Babylon Nimrod began the Tower an 131. after the floud then Belus built the City who reigned after Nimrod 62. yeares and he himselfe reigned 56. yeares then Semiramis the wife of Ninus which reigned 24. yeares much enlarged and fortified the Citie To this purpose Berosus Annianus And after all this when Assyrian kings had made Ninive the Imperiall seate so that Babylon was neglected and much decayed at the last Nebucadnazar having conquered the Citie of Ninive reedified and beautified Babylon as it is in the 4. of Dan. But yet the beginning and foundation of Babylon was laid by Nimrod as the Scripture here testifieth the bâ—ginning of his Kingdome was Babel Hereunto agree Iosephus Orosius lib. 16. August lib. 16. de Civit. Dei cap. 4. QVEST. XVI Of Assur Vers. 11. OVt of that land came Assur or he went to Assur 1. Neither Assur is here taken for the proper name of Sems sonne who as Augustine thinketh first obtained the dominion of Nimrod and then went and built other Cities whereof the first was afterward called Ninive the same also is the opinion of Iosephus and Mercerus following Kimchi For it is not like that Assur of godly Sem was such another mighty hunter as Nimrod was and if Assur obtained Nimrods Empire he was the mighty hunter and not Nimrod 2. Neither is it like as Hierom writeth de terra illa pullulavit Assyriorum imperium that the Empire of the Assyrians did spring out of Nimrods Countrey for it is not probable that Sem and Chams stocke were so soone confederate together 3. Neither was this Assur the sonne of Iapheth as Ab. Ezra or the son of Nimrod as Epiphanius 4. Nor yet is Assur here taken for the King of Assyria that Ninus King of Assur came out from the land of Sinâ—ar to conquer other Countries as Pererius seemeth to thinke for it is not like that Moses would call Ninus by the proper name of Assur the one comming of Cham the other of Sem. 5. But the better reading is that out of that land he that is Nimrod or some of his posterity came into Assyria Iun. so that Assur is here taken neither for the King or Kingdome of Assyria or for the proper name of Assur but for the region and countrey of Assyria This Iunius following Ramban to whom consenteth Mercator saving that hee erroneously thinketh that Nimrod and Ninus the founder of Ninive were all one But it is more probable that Nimrod first came into the countrey called Assyria and began to build that City which was afterward inlarged by Ninus and called by his name QVEST. XVII Of the beginning and continuance of the Assyrian Monarchy BUt here occasion is offered briefly to touch the beginning and continuance of the Assyrian Monarchy 1. Ninus is held to have beene the first Monarch of the Assyrians as Hierome saith most historiographers consent therein in the 43. yeere of his reigne Abraham was borne 352. yeares after the floud the last King of the Assyrians was Sardanapalus 2. The number of the Kings comming between is uncertaine Velleius Paterculus reckoneth 33. Eusebius 36. Orosius 50. Diodorus 30. onely but the matter is not great for few or none of all this number were famous for their vertue or worthy acts neither doth the knowledge thereof give any light to the divine stories 3. Likewise authors disagree about the continuance of the Monarchy 1. Some ascribe unto it too much as the Aegyptians 5000. yeares as Alexander writeth in an epistle to Olympias cited
33.18 the true reading is that Iacob came Shalem safe to the City Sichem as the Chalde interpreteth not to Shalem a City of Sichem Secondly that Salim where Iohn baptized is the same City which is called Shagnalim or Schalem belonging to the tribe of Benjamin 1 Sam. 9.4 wherefore this Shalem in Sichem hath no ground out of Scripture 2. Hierome saith that there was a towne neare to Scythopolis called Salem in his time where the ruines of Melchisedecks pallace were to be seene Answ. But whence shall it be knowne that Melchisedecks pallace sometime stood in that place this is warranted onely by an uncertaine report neither is it like that Melchisedeck being a King of one small City did build himselfe such a sumptuous and great Pallace whose foundation should continue so long above two thousand yeares 3. The City of Jerusalem was much out of Abrahams way as he returned from Dan but the other Salem was in his way Hierom. Answ. As though a small distance of way could hinder Gods purpose in causing Melchisedeck and Abraham to meet which might be either in drawing Melchisedech somewhat from home to salute the Patriarke or in moving Abraham to visit the City Salem famous for the true worship and service of God 4. But Hierusalem cannot come of Salem for so two words of divers languages should be mixed together the first name being Greeke the other Hebrew Answ. Hierome imagineth that the first part of this name should come of the Greeke Hieros holy for so Jerusalem was called the holy City But the Hebrewes doe better derive the name of Jerusalem they say Sem called it Salem and Abraham Jireh there the Lord will be seene Gen. 22.14 which both put together make Jerusalem which signifieth the vision of peace so Midras in Psal. 76. This derivation of Jerusalem is more probable than from the Greeke Iireh as Hierome or from Jebus and Salem which make Jebusalem and for better sound to the Jerusalem as Pererius Wherefore I preferre rather the opinion of Iosephus that this Salem was the same City which was called afterward Jerusalem for these reasons 1. Because there is no evident mention in Scripture of any other City called Salem but this converted into the name of Jerusalem two Salems we read not of one was Jerusalem 2. This is evident Psal. 76.2 In Shalem is his Tabernacle his dwelling in Sion Sion then and Shalem were both in one place 3. The Jewes also hold this tradition that the place where David and Salomon built the Temple in the floure of Araunah is the same place where Abraham built an Altar and would have sacrificed Isaack where Noah first built when he came out of the Arke where Cain and Abel offered c. This place then being consecrate with so many Altars and sacrifices is like to be the place where the greater sacrificer and high Priest Melchisedeck dwelt 4. The type also better answereth to the body that Melchisedeck a figure of the high priest Ihesus should there dwell where Christ afterward performed that great and divine act of his Priesthood in offering himselfe up in sarifice upon the Crosse at Jerusalem QVEST. XVIII How Abraham is blessed of Melchisedeck Vers. 19. HE blessed him c. 1. It is like that Melchisedeck used a more ample forme and manner of blessing which is here onely abridged by Moses Luther 2. Though Melchisedeck blesse Abraham first and then God herein hee offended not as the Hebrewes affirme and for that cause they say his Priesthood was translated to the posterity of Abraham for beside that the servants of God in their prayers being carried with zeale forget to observe order even this blessing pronounced upon Abraham is referred to the praise of God As also the Apostle otherwise collecteth that Melchisedeck was greater than Abraham in that he blessed him and that his Priesthood was not translated to Aaron but to Christ ex Mecrer 3. Abraham is blessed and God is blessed but God is blessed Benedictione laudis with the blessing of praise Abraham Benedictione opitulationis with the blessing of Gods helpe or assistance Cajetane 4. Neither is Abraham pronounced blessed onely herein because hee had obtained this victorie but aeterni faederis respectu in respect of the eternall covenant which God made with him and his seed Vatablus 5. And this is more than an ordinary blessing it is a Priestly benediction and it is set forth as an act of Melchisedecks Priesthood whereby he ratifieth the promise made to Abraham Calvin 6. Melchisedeck is found to be the first that giveth this title unto God in Scripture to be possessor of heaven and earth Tostatus whereby the true God is distinguished from all false gods QVEST. XIX How Abraham payed tithes Vers. 20. ANd he gave him tithes of all c. 1. Although it bee not expressed in the text whether Melchisedeck or Abraham gave tithes yet the Apostle cleareth this doubt that he received tithes of Abraham Heb. 7.6 and the text also giveth this sense for seeing Melchisedeck is named to be a Priest he was more fit to receive than give tithes 2. Some thinke that Abraham gave not tithes of all the goods recovered seeing â—e after refused to take so much as a shooe threed of that which belonged to the King of Sodome vers 25. He then gave tithes onely of his owne substance Calvin Mercer But though Abraham refused to touch any part of the Sodomites substance in himselfe for his owne use yet he might even of that offer the tithe unto God 1. Because it was his by common â—ight and the law of Nations 2. Because he giveth reason lest he should say that he had made Abraham rich which reason served onely against the private and proper use not the publike and religious use of those goods 3. If Abraham had not prevented them in giving the honour of the victory unto God the Sodomites would have offered the same things in sacrifice to their Idols Neither is the opinion of Cajetane to be allowed that Abraham gave not the just tenth part as afterward was appointed by the Law but a certaine portion in the name of the tenth for the Apostle sheweth that Abraham paid tithes properly and Levi in Abraham was tithed as the Levites received tithes afterwards Heb. 7.5 6. 4. Whereas Levi is said to pay tithes in Abraham being yet in his loynes and thereby proveth the Priesthood of Melchisedeck to be greater than of Levi that is so said because the Priesthood went then by carnall generation not by spirituall election as now under the Gospell 5. And though Christ were also in Abrahams loynes secundum substantiam corporalem in respect of his corporall substance yet he was not there secundum rationem conceptionis in regard of the manner of his conception because he was conceived by the holy Ghost But Levi was in Abrahams loynes both wayes and therefore the argument for superiority in Melchisedeck concludeth well against
should not set our affections upon earthly things but presse forward in our desire toward our heavenly Countrey 5. Morall Good officers should not seeke to inrich themselves Vers. 14. IOseph laid up the money in Pharaohs house Ioseph was a faithfull officer to Pharaoh he did not seeke to inrich himselfe by his office but sought the Kings profit and increased his treasure Mercer Such an one was Iosua who in the division of the land of Canaan to the tribes did not share any thing to himselfe but the children of Israel gave him an inheritance among them when they had made an end of dividing the land Ios. 19.49 Such should officers and Judges be toward the King and people to deale faithfully with the one and justly with the other not to turne all to their owne profit and gaine as many doe now adayes CHAP. XLVIII 1. The Method and Argument of the Chapter FIrst in this Chapter is declared how Ioseph came to visit Iacob when he was sicke Secondly Iacobs testament is set downe first concerning Iosephs sonnes then his gift and legacie toward Ioseph himselfe vers 22. with a generall prophecie of the returne of all his children vers 21. Concerning Iosephs sons 1. The ground and occasion of Iacobs blessing of them is expressed which is first the promise of God vers 4. then the right property that Iacob had in them vers 5. Thirdly because Rachel was taken away leaving not much issue behinde her vers 7. and Ioseph was the eldest of her who was his principall wife 2. Iacobs blessing followeth first the preparation to the blessing where we have set forth 1. Iacobs kissing and embracing of Manasses and Ephraim vers 9 10. 2. Iosephs reverence to his father vers 12. 3. The presenting of his two sonnes and the order of disposing them Manasses to Iacobs right hand and Ephraim to his left vers 13. Secondly in the blessing 1 There is the ceremonie the laying on of Iacobs hands contrary to Iosephs expectation the right hand upon the youngest the left upon the eldest vers 14. 2. The pronouncing of the blessing which sheweth the author or efficient cause God who had fed him and delivered him vers 15 16. and the effects the naming of them among the tribes and their great increase and multiplying vers 16. 3. The ratification of the blessing where we have first Iosephs exception vers 17 18. then Iacobs answer containing a satisfaction to Ioseph vers 8 9. a confirmation of the blessing vers 20. 2. The divers readings v. 1. It was told to Iacob H.S.C. one told Iacob caet v. 7. Concerning the divers reading of this verse see before chap. 35. vers 16. and quest 13. upon that Chapter v. 7. I buried her in the way of the horse-race S. neare the way to Ephrata caet v. 11. I am not deprived of thy face H.S. I had not thought to have seene thy face caet v. 14. He layed his left hand upon the head of Manasses which was the elder changing his hands H.S. hee taught his hands although Manasses was the elder C. guiding or directing his hands of purpose for Manasseh was the elder B. G. he knew feeling with his hands that Manasses was the elder T. caused his hands to understand that Manasseh was the elder P. sacal to understand v. 15. God whom my fathers pleased in his sight S. served in his sight C. walked in his sight cat halach to walke v. 16. That they may grow into a multitude S.H. grow as fish into a multitude cat v. 20. In thee Israel shall be blessed H.S.C. shall blesse caet v. 21. The word of God shall be your helpe C. God shall be with you caet v. 22. I give thee Sechem the chiefe part above thy brethren S. I have given thee one portion of land c. B. I give thee one principall part or portion above c. C.G.T. Sechem signifieth a part portion or elbow of ground and it is also the proper name of a place Which I tooke out of the hand of the Amorites by my prayer and deprecation C. by my sword and my bow caet 3. The explanation of doubtfull questions QUEST I. Of the adopting of Manasseh and Ephraim into the degree of Iacobs sonnes Vers. 5. MAnasseh and Ephraim shall be mine as Ruben and Simeon are mine 1. Iacob upon Gods promise that he should increase into many people by the spirit of prophecie adopteth Manasseh and Ephraim into the number of his sonnes that seeing Rachel was taken away before he had many children by her he should by these be increased 2. He adopteth them in the place of Ruben and Simeon the two elder brethren and so the birth-right is conveyed from Ruben to Iosephs sonnes because he had defiled his fathers bed 1 Chron. 5.1 3. Here we have the practice of that law afterward established Deut. 22.17 of allotting a double part to the eldest Iun. for Ioseph had a double part in that two tribes came of him whereas the rest of his brethren had but each one his tribe Manasseh and Ephraim had not each of them his double part to the rest as some Hebrewes thinke but they two being the fathers of the two tribes doe make their fathers part double to the rest Mercer QUEST II. Whether Ioseph had any other sonnes beside Manasseh and Ephraim Vers. 6. THe linage which thou hast gotten after them c. 1. This is to be understood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potentially which thou maiest get afterward for the Scripture maketh no mention of any sonnes beside these two that Ioseph had at this present Iun. Mercer as also it might be uncertaine whether Iosephs wife were at this time with childe Mercer 2. The other sonnes should be more properly Iosephs yet so as that they should make no tribe of themselves but be accounted with Manasseh and Ephraim Iun. 3. They are deceived which thinke that Machir and Galaad of Manasseh and others of Ephraim were those other sonnes of Ioseph for they are his nephewes and Manasseh and Ephraim were their fathers not their brethren also some thinke that if Ioseph had begotten any other sonnes they should have had no inheritance in Canaan but this is not like seeing they came of Iacob whose whole seed was chosen likewise whether Ioseph had afterward any other sonnes it is uncertaine it is like he had not because no mention is made of them in Scripture neither doth it much skill seeing they were to be annexed and incorporate into these two tribes of their brethren Mercer QUEST III. Why Iacob maketh mention of the death and buriall of Rachel Vers. 7. I Buried in the way to Ephrath 1. Iacob maketh mention of the death and buriall of Rachel 1. Not to answer a secret objection why he buried not Rachel in the double cave with his fathers as he himselfe desired to be buried and thereupon tooke an oath of Ioseph because she died
person among them Psal. 105.37 2. Their raiment during the said terme of 40. yeeres waxed not old Deut. 8.4 3. The Lord fed them with Quailes and Manna even that great host which could not pitch their tents in a lesse circuit and compasse of ground than of ten or twelve miles and he gave them water also out of the rocke 4. Beside the Lord was their guide by these visible signes of his presence both by day and night QUEST XXIV Whether the cloud also served to shelter them from the heat of the Sunne FUrther a question is moved whether this cloudy piller served not onely to direct them by the way but to keepe them and defend them from the heate of the Sunne 1. Thostatus is of opinion that this cloud that guided them could not keepe them from the heat of the Sunne upon these reasons because if this cloud were a covering to the whole campe then could it not goe before them to guide them as it did stand betweene the host of the Israelites and of the Egyptians and if it had sheltred them from the Sunne it should have beene as discommodious another way in shadowing from them the comfortable light of the Sunne and if it bee said this cloud did not shadow the whole campe but hung aloft in the aire and turned with the Sunne to slake the heat thereof then could it not have guided the host but must have followed the course of the Sunne Contra. Herein is Thostatus error he imagineth that this cloud was straight thorowout like a piller and so keeping that fashion still it could not performe both these offices to direct them in the way and to shelter them from the heat of the Sunne But by the like phrase elsewhere as Iud. 20.40 where the flame of the City of Gibeah ascended as a piller of smoke wee may conjecture what fashion this cloud was of that it ascended upright and straight like a piller yet as the smoke which mounteth upright when it commeth aloft disperseth it selfe as it were a cloud so this being both a piller for the straight ascending and in the top as a cloud dispersed might both by the rising and moving of the piller goe before the Israelites to direct them and with the upper spreading part shadow them from the Sun so that we need neither imagine this shadowing part of the cloud to be so high as it should still follow the Sunne nor yet so low as to cover all the camp in the length and breadth thereof And thus by the resemblance of this piller to a piller of smoke which is narrow below and spreading above all Thostatus objections may bee answered But whatsoever mans wit can object to the contrary the truth of the Scripture must stand which saith He spread a cloud to be a covering and fire to give light in the night Psalm 105.39 By the which text that is made plaine which is affirmed before that it was both a piller and a spreading cloud 2. Thostatus then his opinion is that the Israelites were indeed defended from the heat of the Sunne which is vehement in those parts especially in the sandy and barren deserts of Arabia yet the cloud shadowed them not but God by his power did so qualifie the aire round about the campe as they were not parched with heat which operation is ascribed to the cloud because the Lord that caused it there shewed himselfe visibly present Contr. But the Scripture overthroweth this conceit which saith that the cloud did stand over them Numb 14.14 and that he spread a cloud for a covering Psalm 105.39 God therefore used the cloud as a meanes to cover and defend his people from the drought and parching heat 3. Pererius to take away the former objections imagineth that there were two cloudes one below as a piller to direct them the other above as a covering to shelter them Thostatus reasons are sufficient against this imagination because the Scripture speaketh still but of one cloud for as there was but one piller of fire to give light so but one cloudy piller that did shelter them it was common to both to guide and lead them And againe one cloud as is shewed before being sufficient to performe both these services another cloud had beene superfluous 4. Wherefore it is agreeable and consonant to the Scripture that this cloud did as well shelter them from the heat as lead them in the way as is evident in the places before alleaged Numb 14.14 Psalm 105.39 And unto the cloud the Prophet Esay alludeth chap. 4.5 The Lord shall create upon every place of Mount Sion a cloud and smoke by day c. and a covering shall be a shadow by day for the heat Of this opinion are Lyranus Ambros. in Psal. 118. and Iustinus Martyr Nubes contra aestum appansa est pro umbraculo simul à frigore protegens in itinere The cloud was spread as a shelter against the heat and as a safegard from the cold in their journey Diolog cum Tryphon So then there were three speciall uses of this cloud as Genebrard well noteth upon the 105. Psalme the first to direct them and shew the way for in that sandy desert there is no way to be seene by reason that the wind bloweth about the sand which covereth the tract of the way and therefore they that use to travell doe use mappes and cards to point out the quarters and coasts as sailers doe upon the sea A second use was to defend them against their enemies as the cloud came betweene the host of the Israelites and of the Egyptians giving light to the one and casting darkenesse upon the other Thirdly it served to shadow them from the parching heat of the Sunne Ex Perer. QUEST XXV Whether the cloudy and fierie piller were two in substance or but one BUt whether this cloud and fiery piller were all one in substance and onely divers in use or whether they were divers the one succeeding the other it is a question 1. Iunius seemeth to bee of opinion that they were two severall pillers giving this annotation upon this place Vtriusque columnae 〈◊〉 fuit It was common to both the pillers to bee a guide of their journey but peculiar to the piller of the cloud to protect them from the heat c. But I rather approve the opinion of Simlerus who thinketh it was but one cloud Fuit columnae hujus multiplex usus c. interdiu defendeâ—â—â— eos ab astu solis noctâ— lucebat illis There was a divers use of this cloud c. by day it defended them from heat by night it gave them light and this opinion is evidently confirmed Numb 9.21 Though the cloud abode upon the Tabernacle from even unto morning yet if the cloud was taken up in the morning then they removed here the fire which abode all night upon the Tabernacle is called the cloud and the same cloud that abode there also in the day But