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A59082 An historical and political discourse of the laws & government of England from the first times to the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth : with a vindication of the ancient way of parliaments in England : collected from some manuscript notes of John Selden, Esq. / by Nathaniel Bacon ..., Esquire. Bacon, Nathaniel, 1593-1660.; Selden, John, 1584-1654. 1689 (1689) Wing S2428; ESTC R16514 502,501 422

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of the like nature in Histories may appear The Conveyances formerly mentioned concerned Lands and Goods but if no such disposal of Goods were the ancient German custom carried them after the death of the ancestor promiscuously or rather in common to all the Children but in succeeding times the one half by the Law of Edmond passed to the relict of the party deceased by force of contract rather than course of descent After him Edward the Confessor recollecting the Laws declared that in case any one died intestate the Children should equally divide the Goods which I take to be understood with a salvo of the Wifes Dower or Portion As yet therefore the Ordinaries have nothing to do with the Administration for Goods passed by descent as well as Lands and upon this custom the Writ de rationabili parte bonorum was grounded at the Common-law as well for the Children as the Wifes part according as by the body of the Writ may appear CHAP. XLII Of times of Law and Vacancy SUch like as hath been shewed was the course of Government in those darker times nor did the fundamentals alter either by the diversity and mixture of people of several Nations in the first entrance nor from the Danes or Normans in their survenue not onely because in their original they all breathed one air of the Laws and Government of Greece but also they were no other than common dictates of nature refined by wise men which challenge a kinde of awe in the sense of the most barbarous I had almost forgot one circumstance which tended much to the honour of all the rest that is their speedy execution of Justice for they admitted no delays till upon experience they found that by staying a little longer they had done the sooner and this brought forth particular times of exemption as that of Infancy and Child-bearing in case of answering to criminal Accusations But more especially in case of regard of holiness of the time as that of the Lords day Saints days Fasts Ember days for even those days were had in much honour Nor onely days but seasons as from Advent to the Octaves of Epiphany from Septuagesima till Fifteen days after Easter or as by the Laws of the Confessor till Eight days after Easter and from Ascention to the Eighth day after Pentecost And though as Kings and times did change so these seasons might be diversly cut out as the Laws of Alfred Aethelstan Aetheldred Edgar Canutus and Edward do manifest yet all agreed in the season of the year and that some were more fit for holy observation than others And thus by the devotion of Princes and power of the Clergy the four Terms of the year were cut out for course of Law in the Kings Court the rest of the year being left vacant for the exercise and maintenance of Husbandry and particular callings and imployments saving that even in those times the Courts of the County and Hundred held their ancient and constant course Last of all and as a binding Law unto all it was provided that false Judges should give satisfaction to the party wronged by them and as the case required to forfeit the residue to the King to be disabled for ever for place of judicature and their lives left to the Kings mercy CHAP. XLIII The end of the Saxon Government ANd this far of the joynts of the Saxon Government in their Persons Precincts Courts Causes and Laws wherein as the distance will permit and according to my capacity I have endeavoured to refresh the Image of the Saxon Commonwealth the more curious lineaments being now disfigured by time Afar off it seems a Monarchy but in approach discovers more of a Democracy and if the temper of a body may appear by the prevailing humour towards age that Government did still appear more prevalent in all assaults both of time and change The first great change it felt was from the Danes that stormed them and shewed therein much of the wrath both of God and man. And yet they trenched not upon the fundamental Laws of the peoples Liberty The worst effect was upon the Church in the decay of the power of Religion and the Worship of God. For after much toil and loss both of sweat and bloud the Danes finding that little was to be gotten by blows but blows and that the Clergy at the least was the side-wind in the course of all affairs laid aside their Paganism and joyned with the Clergie and as their Converts and Pupils gained not onely their quiet residence but by the favour of the Clergie to make trial of the Throne and therein served the Clergie so well as they brought the people to a perfect Idolatry with times places and persons and subjection of their Estates to Church-Tributes And as at Tennis the Dane and Bishop served each other with the fond Country-man that whether Lord Dane or Lord-Bishop was the greater burthen is hard to be determined Thus became ambitious Prelacy in its full glory and the poor Church of Christ clouded in darkness and little hold left for recovery but onely by the liberty of the Saxon Freemen which the Danes could never conquer not for want of will or power but of time and occasion For the Crown returned to the Saxon-line again after the half age of one man although it was worn by three so God would have it nor did any monument of the Danish Government remain saving a few customs in some places which shew rather that the Danes were here than that they ruled here To sum up all The Saxon Common-wealth was a building of greatest strength downward even to the foundation arched together both for Peace and War. That by the Law of Decenners wherein Justice was the bond their Armies were gathered not by promiscuous flocking of people but by orderly concurrence of Families Kindreds and Decenners all chusing their own Leaders And so Honour Love and Trust conspired together to leave no mans life in danger nor death unrevenged It was a beautiful composure mutually dependant in every part from the Crown to the Clown the Magistrates being all choice men and the King the choicest of the chosen election being the birth of esteem and that of merit this bred love and mutual trust which made them as corner-stones pointed forward to break the wave of danger Nor was other reward expected by the great men but honour and admiration which commonly brought a return of acts of renown Lastly it was a regular frame in every part squared and made even by Laws which in the people ruled as Lex loquens and in the Magistrate as Lex intelligens all of them being grounded on the wisdom of the Greeks and Judicials of Moses Thus the Saxons became somewhat like the Jews distinct from all other people their Laws honourable for the King easie for the Subject and their Government above all other likest unto that of Christ's Kingdom whose
wade through so many difficulties of mighty Wars on every side abroad and devouring Pestilence at home and yet lay a platform of an opulent wise and peaceable Government for future Generations Yet he had his failings and misfortunes a great part whereof may be attributed to infirmity of age which in the first part of his Reign was too little and in the latter part too much True it is that Governours of the persons of Kings may in some measure supply defects of Non-age but seldom where the Governours are many and never if they be ambitious And it was this King's fate to miscarry in both for he had in his Youth Twelve Governours by constitution and they two supream by usurpation viz. the Queen and Mortimer till they were both consumed in the flame which themselves had kindled And this disparity wrought somewhat unsuccessfully in the King 's first War For the generosity of his spirit himself being young and active minded his Council to advise him employment in a forrein War rather than they would adventure its motion at home lest it might prove circular which is most dangerous for Government if the Prince be not under command of himself This first War was with Scotland whose power was inferiour to that of France the King young and the danger nearer and therefore though the last affront was from France that more fresh in memory and more poinant yet the King was advised to give place and speak fair till he had tried masteries with Scotland and thereby secured his Rear This he wisely hearkned unto and met with such a successful turn of Providence that like an O Yes before a Proclamation gives warning to Scotland that the Wheel is turned upon them and that there is somewhat more than humane motion in the matter that exasperates the English upon an enterprize so often crossed by Providence hitherto and the King also being but a Souldier in hope as yet to dare against those that had so shamefully foiled his Father and also put himself already once to the Retreat And yet there did concur a kind of necessity of second Causes for the King found the Crown engaged and the minds of the Scots so elate as the English-man's case was not to live to fight but to fight to live and so imbittered against one another by the fierce Wars under the Barons that nothing could quench the fire but the withdrawing of the Brands into Forreign action like some angry spirits that spoil their own bodies unless they chide or fight it out with others In the first brunt with Scotland the King gained nothing but understanding of the humours of some of his great Lords which once purged out he renews the War prevails and after ten years stir wherein he became a trained Souldier against the Scots he wan the Cross and then goes to play his Prize in France to compleat his Crown with the Flower-de-luce Which was the great work of the rest of his Reign in which four parts of five were victorious the fifth and last was declining like some Gamesters that win at the first and for want of observation of the turning of the Dice come off losers at the end For the King being rather satiated than satisfied with Victory and Honour returned home to enjoy what he had leaving his Son the Black Prince to pursue the War and to act the Souldiers alone who now began to honour his Valour above his Father's But the Tide is spent the Prince of Chivalry dies the brave Commanders wasted and the French too sickle to continue subject to the English longer than needs must tack about for another adventure and make it plain That France is too big to be Garrison'd by England and that it will cost England more to hold it than to have it His Religion was more to the purpose than of any of his Predecessors since the Norman times He re●lected upon God in common events more ordinarily than the general stream of the Clergie did in those days He loved if not adored devout men and their prayers and yet intentively disclaimed opinion of merits in the Creature He saw the Pope through and through loved him but little feared him less and yet lost neither honour nor power thereby His chief policy at home was to be much at home great with his People and they great with him what the Parliament did he accounted well done he never questioned their power though he was over-reached in questioning their Wisdom For he that shall prefer his own wisdom above that of the Parliament must needs think himself extreamly wise and so much the more to know himself to be such But the worst of his fate was to live to his Winter-age and after fifty years Reign or more to die in his minority under the rule of a woman of none of the best fame after he had enjoyed the honour of greatest note in the Christian world in his days Such was not Richard the Second though the onely Son of that famous Chieftain the Black Prince of Wales a renowned Son of a renowned Father but as a Plant transplanted into a Savage soyl in degree and disposition wholly degenerate retaining a tincture of the light inconstancy of his Mother and the luxuriousness of his great Grandfather Edward the Second and running his course he came to his end His entrance however by colour of Inheritance yet was a greater adventure than his Predecessors that came in by Election upon the designation of his Father by his last Will say some For this man came in upon many disadvantages both of time and person The times were very troublesome the Kingdom new wrapped up in a double War abroad and which is worse flouded with distraction at home contracted partly by his Predecessor's weaknesses in his decrepit estate partly by a new interest of Religion sprung up against the Papal Tyranny from the Doctrine of Wickliff all which required a very wise Man and a brave Commander in both which the King failed Religion now began to dawn through the foggs of Romish Usurpations and Superstitions aided thereto by a Schism in the Triple Crown that continued forty years with much virulancy abroad and with as bad influence upon our Myters at home Some of whom were called Clementines others Vrbanists and yet none of them all worthy of either of the names in their proper signification The Laity though lookers on yet were not quiet For though Liberty be a hopeful thing yet it is dangerous to them that are not a Law to themselves especially in matter of Opinion for that arraigns the Rule and lays the way open to licentiousness And now that the Liberty from the Keys began to be taught as a duty of Religion the inferiour sort meet with Doctrines of licentiousness upon mistake of the notion and will acknowledge no rule now they must be all at liberty And thus sprang up the insurrection of the Servants and Bond-men against their Lords
And thus the Free-men yielded up their liberty of Election to the Free-holders possibly not knowing what they did nevertheless the Parliament well knew what they did this change was no less good than great For first These times were no times for any great measure of Civility The Preface of the Statute shews That the meanest held himself as good a man as the greatest in the Country and this tended to Parties Tumults and Bloudshed Secondly Where the Multitude prevail the meaner sort are upon the upper hand and these generally ignorant cannot judge of persons nor times but being for the most part led by Faction or Affection rather than by right Understanding make their Elections and thereby the general Council of this Nation less generous and noble Thirdly There is no less equity in the change than policy For what can be more reasonable than that those men onely should have their Votes in Election of the Common-Council of the Kindom whose Estates are chargeable with the publick Taxes and Assessments and with the Wages of those persons that are chosen for the publick Service But above all the rest this advancing of the Free-holders in this manner of Election was beneficial to the Free-men of England although perchance they considered not thereof and this will more clearly appear in the consideration of these three particulars First It abated the power of the Lords and great Men who held the inferiour sort at their Devotion and much of what they had by their Vote Secondly It rendred the Body of the People more brave for the advancing of the Free-holder above the Free-man raiseth the spirit of the meaner sort to publick regards and under a kind of Ambition to aspire unto the degree of a Free-holder that they may be somewhat in the Commonwealth And thus leaving the meanest rank sifted to the very bran they become less considerable and more subject to the Coercive power whilst in the mean time the Free-holder now advanced unto the degree of a Yeoman becomes no less careful to maintain correspondency with the Laws than he was industrious in the attaining of his degree Thirdly But this means now the Law makes a separation of the inferiour Clergie and Cloistered people from this service wherein they might serve particular ends much but Rome much more For nothing appeareth but that these dead persons in Law were nevertheless Free-men in Fact and lost not the liberty of their Birth-right by entring into Religion to become thereby either Bond or no Free Members of the people of England Lastly As a binding Plaister above the rest First a Negative Law is made that the persons elected in the County must not be of the degree of a Yeoman but of the most noted Knights Esquires or Gentlemen of the County which tacitly implies that it was too common to advance those of the meaner sort Whether by reason of the former wasting times Knights and Esquires were grown scant in number or by reason of their rudeness in account or it may be the Yeomanry grew now to feel their strength and meant not to be further Underlings to the great Men than they are to their Feathers to wear them no longer than they will make them brave Secondly the person thus agreed upon his Entertainment must be accordingly and therefore the manner of taxing in full County and levying the rate of Wages for their maintenance is reformed and settled And Lastly their persons are put under the protection of the Law in an especial manner for as their work is full of reflection so formerly they had met with many sad influences for their labour And therefore a penal Law is made against force to be made upon the persons of those Workmen of State either in their going to that Service or attending thereupon making such Delinquents liable to Fine and Imprisonment and double damages And thus however the times were full of Confusions yet a foundation was laid of a more uniform Government in future times than England hitherto had seen CHAP. XV. Of the Custos or Protector Regni KIngs though they have vast Dimensions yet are not infinite nor greater than the bounds of one Kingdom wherein if present they are in all places present if otherwise they are like the Sun gone down and must rule by reflexion as the Moon in the night In a mixt Commonwealth they are integral Members and therefore regularly must act Per deputatum when their persons are absent in another Legialty and cannot act Per se Partly because their Lustre is somewhat eclipsed by another Horizon and partly by common intendment they cannot take notice of things done in their absence It hath therefore been the ancient course of Kings of this Nation to constitute Vice-gerents in their absence giving them several Titles and several Powers according as the necessity of Affairs required Sometimes they are called Lord Warden or Lord Keeper of the Kingdom and have therewith the gegeral power of a King as it was with John Warren Earl of Surrey appointed thereunto by Edward the First who had not onely power to command but to grant and this power extended both to England and Scotland And Peter Gaveston though a Foreigner had the like power given him by Edward the Second over England to the reproach of the English Nobility which also they revenged afterward Sometimes these Vice-gerents are called Lieutenants which seemeth to confer onely the King's power in the Militia as a Lieutenant general in an Army And thus Richard the Second made Edmund Duke of York his Lieutenant of the Kingdom of England to oppose the entry of the Duke of Hertford afterwards called Henry the Fourth into England during the King's absence in Ireland And in the mean while the other part of the Royalty which concerned the Revenues of the Crown was betrusted to the Earl of Wiltshire Sir John Bush Sir James Baggot and Sir Henry Green unto whom men say The King put his Kingdom to farm But more ordinarily the Kings power was delegated unto one under both the Titles of Lord Guardian of the Kingdom and Lieutenant within the same such was the Title of Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln and of Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and of Audomar de Valentia Earl of Pembrooke all of them at several times so constituted by Edward the Second as by the Patent-Rolls appeareth So likewise did Edward the Third make his Brother John of Eltham twice and the Black Prince thrice and Lionel Duke of Clarence and his Brother Thomas each of them once in the several passages of Edward the Third beyond the Sea in the third fifth twelfth fourteenth sixteenth nineteenth and thirty third years of his Reign concerning which see the Patent-Rolls of those years And Henry the Fifth gave likewise the same Title and Authority to the Duke of Bedford upon the King's Voyage into France and afterward that Duke being sent over to second the King
Right of Queen Elizabeth And upon this point onely did the whole proceedings against Mary Queen of Scots depend who claimed to be and doubtless was Heir unto Henry the Eighth after the determination of his Right Line and yet she was put to death for pretending Right by the Common Law in opposition to the Act of Parliament True it is that this Doctrine doth not down well with those that do pretend to Prerogative aided as they say by the Act of Recognition made to King James and the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance which do make much parly concerning Inheritance and Heirs Nevertheless it is as true that the Act of Recognition made no Law for the future nor doth the same cross the Statute of 13 Eliz. Nor doth it take away the power of the Parliament from over-ruling the course of the Common Law for after-Ages Nor do the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance hold forth any such Obligation unto Heirs otherwise than as supposing them to be Successors and in that relation onely And therefore was no such Allegiance due to Edward the Sixth Queen Mary or Queen Elizabeth until they were actually possessed of the Crown as may appear by the Oath formed by the Statute of Henry the Eighth touching their Succession Nor did the Law suppose any Treason could be acted against the Heirs of Edward the Sixth Queen Mary or Queen Elizabeth until those Heirs were actually possessed of the Crown and so were Kings and Queens as by express words in the several Statutes do appear Nor did the Recognition by the Parliament made to Queen Elizabeth declare any engagement of the People to assist and defend her and the Heirs of her Body otherwise than with this Limitation Being Kings and Queens of this Realm as by the Statute in that behalf made doth appear And lastly had those Oaths been otherwise understood the Crown had by the virtue of them been pre-engaged so as it could never have descended to Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth or King James but must have remained to the Heirs of Edward the Sixth for ever Secondly the same power that the Parliament exercised in ordering the course of Succession in the Crown they exercised likewise in determining and distributing the Powers and Priviledges belonging to the same for these times were full of Novelties The Crown had formerly sitted a Childs head more than once but it never tried to fit a Womans head since the Saxons times till now that it must make trial of two France might afford us a trick of the Salique Law if it might find acceptance And the unsetled state of the People especially in matter of Religion might require the wisest man living to sit at the Helm and yet himself not sufficient to steer a right course to the Harbour Nevertheless the Parliament having the Statute of Henry the Eighth to lead the way chose rather to pursue a Rule than to make one and soon determined the point viz. That the Crown of England with all the Priviledges thereof equally belong to a Woman in possession as to a Man or Child A bold Adventure I say it was but that Henry the Eighth was a bold Leader and yet the bolder it was if the consequence be considered For Queen Mary as a Woman brought in one new Precedent but in her Marriage a worse for she aimed not onely at a Foreign Bloud but at a Prince in Power and Majesty exceeding her own and thereby seeking advancement both to her self and her Realm endangered both The matter was long in debate between the Spanish and English and now had busied their Wits about ten years at length a Supremacy is formed suitable to the Lord and Husband of Queen Mary that could not be content to be one inch lower than her self Philip had the name of a King and Precedency and in many cases not without the Allegiance of the English. Their offences against his person equally Treason with those against the Queens own person and Indictments run Contra pacem Coronam D. Regis Reginae That in some cases he participated in the Regal Power may appear in that by the Articles he was to aid the Queen in the Administration of the Kingdom he joyned with the Queen in the Royal Assent and in Commission Letters patents and in Writs of Summons of Parliament as well as others yet in the words the Crown is reserved onely to the Queen and she must Reign as sole Queen Now if the King had broken this Agreement either the Parliament must over-rule the whole or all that is done must be undone and England must bear the burthen A Queen Regent is doubtless a dangerous condition for England above that of an Infant-King unless she be married onely to her people This was observed by Queen Elizabeth who therefore kept her self unmarried nor did the people otherwise desire her Marriage than in relation to Posterity Few of them liking any one of their own Nation so well as to prefer him so highly above themselves and fewer any Foreigner This was soon espied by Foreign Princes and the Queen her self perceiving that she was like to receive prejudice hereby in her interest amongst them signified by her Embassadors that she never meaned to stoop so low as to match with any of her Subjects but intended to make her choice of some Foreign Prince who neither by Power or Riches should be able to prejudice the interest of any of her Neighbouring Princes A pretty Complement this was to gain expectation from those abroad and better correspondency thereunto Upon this ground divers Princes conceived hopes of more interest than by trial they could find And the Arch-Duke of Austria began a Treaty which seemingly was entertained by her but her Proposals were such as silenced all those of the Austrian Interest for ever after viz. 1. That the Romish Religion should never be admitted into England 2. That no man that she married should ever wear the Title of King. 3. That no Foreigner should ever intermeddle in the Rule and Government of the Church or Commonwealth nor in the Ministry of the Church 4. That if he survived the Queen he should never challenge any Title or Interest in the Government or any Possession in England 5. She would never marry any one that she might not first see So as either she aimed at some inferiour Prince that durst not look so high or else she did but make semblance till she was nigh Forty years old and in all declared that she liked not her Sister Maries choice To these two Powers of Determining and Distributing I shall adde a third of Deputing which the Parliament exercised as formerly it had done Henry the Eighth had in Ecclesiastical matters exercised a power beyond the Law and yet by Parliament had provided positive Laws by which the same ought to have been ordered these were also confirmed in Edward the Sixth's time with some Additionals By
more uncapable of any new Light. But when the time fore-set is fully come all Mountains are laid low and double-folded Doors fly open and this Conquerour of all Nations attempts Britain not in the Rear nor by undermining but assails them in their full strength presents in a clear Sun-shine that one true Sacrifice of God-man at the appearing whereof their shadows of many Sacrifices of mans flesh fly away And thus those Druides that formerly had dominion of the Britons Faith become now to be helpers of their joy and are become the leaders of the blind people in a better way and unto a better hope and held forth that Light which through Gods mercy hath continued in this Island ever since through many Storms and dark Mists of time until the present Noon-day CHAP. III. Of the entry of the Romans into Britain and the state thereof during their continuance THis conversion of the Druides was but the first step to that which followed for the Decree was more full of grace than to make this Isle to be only as an Inne for him to whom it was formerly given for a possession The Romans are called into the work under whose Iron yoak God had subdued all Nations thereby more speedily to bring to pass his own conquest both of that one Head and all its Members The first Caesar had entred Britain before the Incarnation and having seen and saluted it and played his prize returned with the same only of Conquest of some few Lordships neighbouring to the Belgick shore and so it continued correspondent to the Romans or rather forgotten of them till the time of Claudius the Emperour who being at leisure to bethink him of the Britons Tribute or rather aspiring to honour by a way formerly untroden by his Ancestors first setled Colonies in Britain and brought it into the form of a Province and ingaged his Successors in a continual War to perfect that work which outwearied their strength at last and made them forego the prey as too heavy for the Eagle to truss and carry away It oft befals that things of deformed shape are nevertheless of excellent spirit and serve the turn best of all and it is no less remarkable that this tide of Roman invasion however it represented to the world little other than a tumour of vain-glory in the Romans that must needs be fatal to the Britons liberty and welfare yet by over-ruling providence it conduced so much to the Britons future glory as it must be acknowledged one of the chief master-pieces of supernatural moderatorship that ever this poor Island met with First he taught them to bear the yoke to stoop and become tractable for stubborn spirits must first stoop under power before they will stoop to instruction But this onely in the way for tractableness if good ensue not is of it self but a disposition for evil Secondly it brought into Britain the knowledge of Arts and Civility and questionless it was a wise policy of Agricola to go that way to work for it is an easie and Royal work to govern wise men but to govern fools or mad-men is a continual slavery and thus Religion already setled in Britain became honoured with a train of Attendants and Handmaids Thirdly they reduced the number of little Lordships nigher to the more honourable estate of Monarchy for the Romans by dear experience finding no stability or assurance in what they had gotten so long as so many petty Kings had the rule they wisely brought the whole into one Province because it is much easier to govern many subordinate each to other than co-ordinate one with another over which they allowed one chief to rule the people according to their own Laws saving their service to the Romans and their Lieutenants until they were necessitated to yield up all to the next occupant This served the British Church with a double interest The first Religion spreads sooner under one uniform Government than under variety and under Monarchy rightly ordered rather than any other Government whatsoever albeit that other Governments may afford it faster footing when it is entred Secondly Rome was a renowned Church throughout the world for gifts and graces and it is obvious to conceive that it was specially purposed by Divine Providence to make that place a Fountain that from thence the knowledge of Christ might convey it self joyfully with the influence of Imperial power as the spirits with the Blood into all Nations of that vast body Above one hundred years were spent in this Provincial way of Government of Britain under the Roman Lieutenants during all which time Religion spread under ground whiles the Roman power in a continual war sprang upward Nor is it strange that Religion should thrive in War the French Wars in Edward the Thirds time brought much of this happiness to England from the Waldenses and Germany had no less benefit by the wars of Charles the Fifth with the Italians French and Turks and thus the Romans levened with the Gospel by exchanging men with Britain and other mutual correspondencies insinuated that leven by degrees which in the conclusion prevailed over all For the Roman Lieutenants having gotten sure footing in Britain steered their course with a different hand generally they were of the Roman stamp seeking to kill Christ in the Cradle and by that means Religion met with many storms of bitter persecution and so was compelled to bear a low sail but some being more debonaire and of wiser observation soon found that the way of justice and gentleness had more Force in Britain than Arms and so endeavoured to maintain that by moderation which they had gotten by labour and blood as it is ever seen that where conquest is in the van gentleness follows in the rear because no Bow can stand long bent but at length must give in and grow weak And thus by connivance the Britons got a little more scope and Religion more encouragement till it became acquainted with the Roman Deputies began to treat with the Emperours themselves and under the wise government of Aurelius the Emperour mounting into the British Throne Crowned Lucius first of all Kings with the Royal Title of a Christian. He now not so much a Vassal as a Friend and Ally to the Romans and perceiving the Empire to be past noon and their Lieutenants to comply with the Christians began to provide for future Generations and according to the two grand defects of Religion and Justice applied himself for the establishment of both Religion in Britain hath hitherto been for the most part maintained by immediate influence from Heaven No Schools no Learning either maintained or desired the want whereof together with the persecutions stirred up by the Emperours especially Domitian brought the Church to so low an ebb that the Sacraments ceased for Histories tell us that Lucius sent to Rome for relief and that the Bishop of that place whether Evaristus or Eleutherius sent
over Learned men to Preach and Baptize both King and People and this Rome might probably gain some Honour although possibly the King intended it not or much less to acknowledg any Authority or Power in that Church over that of Britain This act of Lucius so advanced him in the opinion of Writers that they know not when they have said enough Some will have him to be the instrument of the first entry of Religion into this Isle others that he setled a form of Church-government under the three Archbishops of London York and Caerlion upon Vske and 28 Bishopricks the first of which is cried down by many demonstrative instances nor can it consist with the second nor that with it or with the truth of other stories For it neither can be made out that Lucius had that large circuit within his Dominion nor that the title of Archbishop was in his daies known and 't is very improbable that the British Church was so numerous or that Religion in his time was overspread the whole Island nor is there any mention in any Author of any Monuments of these Archbishops or Bishops of Britain for the space of 200. years after this King's reign and yet no continual raging persecution that we read of that should enforce them to obscure their profession or hide their heads or if such times had been it would have been expected that Bishops in those daies should be in Britain as well as in other places most famous for gifts and graces and pass in the forefront of persecution But we find no such thing no not in the rages of Dioclesian which made the British Church famous for Martyrs Writers speak of Alban Amphibalus Aron Julius and a multitude of Lay-people but do not mention one Bishop nor Presbyter nor other Clergy-man but quendam Clericum a man it seems of no note and of unknown name In Charity therefore the English Church in those daies must be of mean repute for outward pomp and to liftedup to that height of Archbishops when as Rome it self was content with a Bishop Somewhat more probable it is that is noted by Writers concerning Lucius his endeavour to settle the Commonwealth and good Laws for Government and to that end did write a Letter to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome for a Model of the Roman Laws probably being induced thereunto by the splendor of the state of the Roman-Church and Commonwealth the onely Favorite of fame in those times through the Northern parts of the World. Things afar off I confess are dim and it is meet that Antiquaries should have the honour due to great after-sight And therefore I might think as some of them have done that the Epistle of Eleutherius to King Lucius is spurious if I could imagine to what end any man should hazard his wits upon such a Fiction or if the incongruities charged against it were incurable but being allowed to be first written in Latine and then translated into British for the peoples satisfaction and in that Language the Original being lost traduced to posterity and then by some Latine Writer in after-ages returned into Latine and so derived to these times all which very probably hath been such occasions of exceptions well arise by mistake of Translators and Transcribers in ignorant times and the substance nevertheless remain entire and true Considering therefore that the matter of that Epistle savoureth of the purer times of the Church and so contrary to the dregs of Romulus I mean the policy practice and language of the Roman Clergy in these latter ages wherein this forgery if so it be was made I must allow it to pass for currant for the substance not justifying the syllabical writing thereof To others it seemeth needless and vain that Lucius should send for a model to Eleutherius when as the Roman Deputies and Legions at home might have satisfied the Kings desire in that particular or their own experience might have taught them grounds sufficient after two hundred years converse with the Romans that they should have little needed a model for that which they saw continually before their view or might have understood by inquiry of their own acquaintance But what could be expected of rough Souldiers concerning form of government of a Common-wealth or if some exceeded the ordinary strain in policy yet they were too wise to communicate such Pearls to conquered Nations that ought to look no higher than the will of the Conquerour and subsist in no better condition than may be controlled by the Supream Imperial Law of the Lord Paramount or if in this they had corresponded to the desires of the Britains yet being for the most part ignorant of the main they could never have satisfied the expectations of a Christian King who desires such a Law as may befriend Religion and wherein no man was more like to give direction than Eleutherius who seeing a kind of enmity between the Roman-Laws and Christ's Kingdom sends to the King a fair refusal of his request upon this ground that Leges Romanas Caesaris semper reprobare possumus He saw that they were not well grounded he therefore refers the King to the sacred Scripture that is truth itself Laws that come nighest to it are most constant and make the Government more easie for the Magistrate quiet for the People and delightful to all because mens mindes are setled in expectation of future events in Government according to the present rule and changes in course of Government are looked at as uncoth motions of the Celestial Bodies portending Judgements or Dissolution This was the way of humane wisdom but God hath an eye on all this beyond all reach of pre-conceit of man which was to make England happy in the enjoying of a better Law and Government than Rome how glorious soever then it was and to deliver that Island from the common danger of the World for had we once come under the Law of the first Beast as we were under his Power we had been in danger of being born Slaves under the Law of the second Beast as other Nations were who cannot shake it off to this day But Lucius lived not to effect this work it was much delayed by the evil of the times nothing was more changeable Then the Emperours grew many of them so vitious as they were a burthen to Mankind nor could they endure any Deputy or Lieutenant that were of better fame than themselves had Some of them minded the affairs of the East others of the North none of them were ad omnia And the Lieutenants in Britain either too good for their Emperour and so were soon removed or too bad for the people of the Land and never suffered to rest free from Tumults and Insurrections So that neither Lucius could prevail nor any of his Successors but passing through continual cross flouds of Persecutions under Maximinus Dioclesian and Maximinianus and many Civil Broiles till the times of Constantine
The number of these Fees much increased so as in the Conquerours time they were above sixty thousand which was a mighty body for a small Island and brought much honour to the Nation But the profit arose from beneath I mean from the soccage tenure or service of the Plough which in the first times was performed by those that were unfit for the service of the Wars either being green and young or decrepit and aged and sometimes by the Women But after that the Saxon Conquest was at a stop and that no more was to be gotten by Blood men endeavoured to satisfie their desires by sweat and turned their Swords into Plough-shares and thus the Husbandry increased exceedingly and hath proved the best Pillar of the Common-weal the nature of this tenure is fully set out by the Reporter nor can I add thereto more than the Law of the Confessor concerning these men viz. That no man might trouble them but for their Rent nor any Lord thrust them out of their Farm so long as they do their service And thus it appeareth that the service became in nature of a condition subsequent begetting an increaser of the Estate which by continuance wrought an inheritance and so the Title of Entry was turned wholly into distresses for service not performed yet the Lord was no looser thereby so long as Heriots Rents and Services accrewed unto him CHAP. XXXII Of Courts incident and united unto Manors BY Grants made by Lords unto Tenants already noted the Lords had power by common right to call their Tenants before them and enquire concerning their payment of Rents and performance of service which became Courts of constant appointment of which sort there-were two one for the Free-men the other for the Bond-men and this brought forth another service which we call suit of Court. The Court of Free-men was holden from three weeks to three weeks wherein the Free-men as in the Hundred and County were Judges of the fact and from them named as at this day Court-leet or the Court of the Liti of such as are manumitted or Free-men In this Court all Actions or Suits between the Free-men of the same Manor and within the same arising were determined nor could any Court no not the Kings intermeddle with such Suits before Trial had but by the Lords allowance And upon this priviledge the Writ of right Patent was grounded But the full nature of this Court is not within my intention but I must refer the Reader to the Law-books For it was the least part of the work and power which this Court obtained by continuance of time in regard that Manors exceedingly multiplied so as no part of the Land was left free and many one of them extended into divers Decennaries the Lords obtained great power over them and had of Kings grants of view of Frank-pledge within their several Lordships and further power of inquiry and punishing of matters of publick nusance and such as were contra Pacem Coronam which by custom became annexed unto the Court-leet The nusances of Copy-holds being done to disherison of the Lord and not proper for the Court of publick inquiry The Judge of this Court-leet was the Lord or his Steward for the directory part and the Steward was properly Coroner within the Mannor to take Presentments and certifie them to the Coroner of the County And thus this Court swallowed up much of the power of the Decenners Court in the very infancie so as we find no foot-steps of any Writ of Right to the Decenners or Chief-pledges but contrariwise many views of Frank-pledge granted to particular persons in the time of Alfred and many things done by the Chief pledges in the Courts of these Mannors as is to be yet seen in many ancient Court-Rolls The other Court which by common Right belonged to the Lords of Mannors was that of the Copy-holders called or rather included under the name of the Court-Baron which albeit it is called in the ordinary stile Curia Baronum yet not so properly as I conceive and it may be by way of mistake for Baronis for if it were so properly united formerly to the Court of Free-men as ab excellentiori it always passed under that name yet when that Court is omitted and slipt out of the way the Court of Copy holders that remaineth improperly retaineth the name of that which is gone This Court at the first was intended onely for the Lords benefit and for the Tenants right as subservient thereunto I say the Tenants right not against their Lord for they had no right against him but against any other they had protection of Law both for themselves and their Estates And as I said before by custom or rather light of Religion their persons and Estates were considerable even by the Lords themselves Which also caused a Law to be made ut sic de suis hominibus agant quatenus erga Deum reatum non incurrant Regem non offendant Which Law could never be intended of the Free-holders for it had been a vain redundancy to have made an especial Law for that which was provided for by the known fundamental Law of the Kingdom against which a speedy remedy lay by the Kings Writ And these men how mean soever had even in those days a kind of Property both in Lands and Goods for the Laws though by their antick Language darkned yet plainly speak de terra sua Catallis ejus And if the ancient Germans were so generous to their Bond-men surely much rather after their coming into this Island inasmuch as their service was more and more necessary in Agriculture which could never be performed by the Natives who were not in their own persons conquered although their Land was CHAP. XXXIII Of Townships and their Markets THE next Franchese is that of Towns This was taken up as a Birth of War and Nurse of Peace for their Ancestors liked not to dwell in crowds ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes it being their trade or pastime to war upon Beasts when they found no Enemies amongst them This solitudinary custom could not be soon shaken off and might well occasion multitudes of Towns in those times though small ones doubtless that Writers speak of if true it be that after the wasting times of the Danes and Normans in the Conquerours time were found in England Forty five thousand Parishes and Sixty two thousand Villages Nor was Peace less beneficial to them than they careful of it for by continuance of Peace Husbandry Manifactures and Commerce occasioned people to gather to places commodious for Habitation in good Soil nigh Navigable Rivers or Havens and according to their scituation and trade so they swelled in multitude or decayed Some of whom growing more eminent than others more care was had of their government and safety for the latter by building of
over-spread the body of the Clergie in those days and therefore I shall sum them up as follows Rights of Advowsons shall be determined in the King 's Court. This had been quarrelled from the first Normans time but could never be recovered by the Clergie Before the Normans time the County-courts had them and there they were determined before the Bishop and Sheriff but the Ecclesiastical Causes being reduced to Ecclesiastical Courts and the Sheriff and the Laity sequestred from intermeddling the Normans according to the custom in their own Country reduced also the tryal of rights of Advowsons unto the Supreme Courts partly because the King's Title was much concerned therein and the Norman Lords no less but principally in regard that Rights require the consideration of such as are the most learned in the Laws Rights of Tythes of a Lay-fee or where the Tenure is in question belong to the King 's Court. Pleas of Debts by troth-plight belong to the King 's Court. These were Saxon Laws and do intimate that it was the endeavour of the Clergie to get the sole cognizance of Tythes because they were originally their dues and of Debts by troth-plight because that Oaths seemed to relate much to Religion whereof they held themselves the onely Professors The King's Justice shall reform Errours of the Ecclesiastical Courts and Crimes of Ecclesiastical persons Appeals shall be from Arch-Deacons Courts to the Bishops Courts and thence to the Archbishops Courts and thence to the King's Court and there the Sentence to be final No man that ever was acquainted with Antiquity will question that these were received Laws in the Saxons time nor did the Clergie ever quarrel them till the Normans taught them by courtesie done to Rome to expect more from Kings than for the present they would grant whereof see Cap. 47. But King Steven that was indebted to the Clergie for his Crown and could not otherwise content them parted with this Jewel of Supreme power in Causes Ecclesiastical to the Roman cognizance as hath been already noted but Henry the second would have none of this Cheat at so easie a rate This struck so smart a blow as though the Popedom had but newly recovered out of a paralytick Schism yet seeing it so mainly concerned the maintenance of the Tripple-Crown Alexander the Pope having lately been blooded against a brave Emperour made the less difficulty to stickle with a valiant King who is conclusion was fain to yield up the Bucklers and let the Pope hold what he had gotten notwithstanding against this Law and all former Law and Custom And thus the Popes Supremacy in Spiritual Causes is secured both by a Recovery and Judgment by confession thereupon The King shall have vacancies of Churches and power to elect by his secret Council The Party elected shall do homage salvo ordine and then shall be consecrated This certainly was none of the best yet it was a custom not altogether against reason although not suitable to the opinion of many yet we meet two alterations of the ancient custom First that the election shall be by the King and secret Council whereas formerly the election of Bishops and Archbishops was of such publick concernment as the Parliament took cognizance thereof and that which was worse a Council was hereby allowed called a secret Council which in effect is a Council to serve the King's private aims and unto this Council power given in the ordering of the publick affairs without advice of the publick Council of Lords which was the onely Council of State in former times And thus the publick affairs are made to correspond with the King 's private interest which hath been the cause of much irregularity in the Government of this Island ever since The second alteration resteth in the salvo which is a clause never formerly allowed unless by practice in Steven's time whenas there was little regard of the one or the other Nor doth it concur with the file of story that it should be inserted within these Constitutions seeing that Writers agree it was the chief cause of quarrel between him and Becket who refused submission without the clause and at which the King stuck with the Archbishop for the space of seven years which was six years after the Constitutions were consented unto and concluded upon No Clergie-man or other may depart the Realm without the King's License It is a Law of Nations and must be agreed on all hands that no reason of State can allow dispensations therein especially in a doubtful Government where the Supremacy is in dispute and this the wilful Archbishop never questioned till he questioned all Authority but in order to his own for but the year before when he went to Turonn to the general Council upon summons he first obtained License from the King before he went. No Sentence of Excommunication or Interdiction to pass against the King's Tenant or any Minister of State without License first had of the King or his Chief Justice in the King's absence Till the Conquest no Excommunication passed without Warrant of Law made by the joynt assembly of the Laity and Clergy but the Conquerour having let loose the Canons and the Clergie having got the upper hand in Councils made Canons as they pleased and so the Laity are exposed to the voluntary power of the Canon onely as well the Normans as until these times Kings have saved their own associates from that sudden blow and upon reason of religious observance lest the King should converse with excommunicate persons e're he be aware The Laity are not to be proceeded against in Ecclesiastical Courts but upon proof by Witnesses in the presence of the Bishop and where no Witnesses are the Sheriff shall try the matter by Jury in the presence of the Bishop A negative Law that implieth another course was used upon light Fame or Suspition ex officio although the Oath at that time was not born into the World and that all this was contrary to the liberty of the Subject and Law of the Land And it intimates a ground of prohibition in all such cases upon the Common Law which also was the ancient course in the Saxons times as hath been formerly noted Excommunicated persons shall be compelled onely to give pledge and not Oath or Bail to stand to the Judgement of the Church Upon the taking and imprisoning of the party excommunicate the course anciently was it seemeth to give Pledge to stand to Order Of this the Bishops were weary soon as it seemeth and therefore waved it and betook themselves to other inventions of their own viz. to bind them by Oath or Bail both which were contrary to Law for no Oath was to be administred but by Law of the Kingdom nor did it belong to the Ecclesiastical Laws to order Oaths or Bail and therefore this Law became a ground of prohibition in such
Duke of Gloucester but that the Heir apparent of the House of York steps in to rescue And new troubles arise in Gascoign to put an end to which the Queens party gains and takes the Duke of York's word for his good behaviour gets this Law to pass expecting hereby if not a full settlement at home yet at least a respit to prevent dangers from abroad during the present exigency And thus upon the whole matter the Lords and Privy Council are mounted up by the Commons to their own mischief CHAP. XVII Of the Clergie and Church-Government during these times IT was no new thing in the World for Princes of a wounded Title to go to the Church-men for a Plaister and they are ready enough to sing a Requiem so as they may be the gainers The Princes therefore of the House of Lancaster had offended against common sence if they had not done the like themselves being not onely guilty in their Title but also by a secret Providence drawn into one interest together with the Church-men to support each other For Henry the Fourth and Archbishop Arundel meeting together under one condition of Banishment become Consorts in sufferings and Consorts in honour for Society begotten in trouble is nourished in prosperity by remembrance of mutual kindnesses in a necessitous estate which commonly are the more hearty and more sensible by how much other contentments are more scant But the Archbishop had yet a further advantage upon the Heart of Henry the Fourth though he was no man of power yet he was of great interest exceedingly beloved of the English Clergie and the more for his Banishment-sake Now whatsoever he is or hath is the Kings and the King is his the sweet influence of the Archbishop and the Clergie enters into his very Soul they are his dearly beloved for the great natural love as he says to the World they bear to him what he could he got what he got he gave to the Church Thus the Family of Lancaster becoming a mighty support unto the Clergie Roman as it was they also became as stout maintainers of the crackt Title of that younger House So was fulfilled the old Prophecie of the Oyl given to Henry the First Duke of Lancaster wherewith Henry the Fourth was anointed That Kings anointed with that Oyl should be the Champions of the Church Now for the more particular clearing of this we are to consider the Church absolutely or in relation to the Political Government of the people Concerning the latter many things did befal that were of a different piece to the rest in regard that the Lords for the most part were for the Clergie and they for themselves but the Commons began to be so well savoured with Wickliff's way that they begin to bid defiance at the Clergies self-ends and aims and because they could not reach their Heads they drive home blows at their Legs A Parliament is called and because the King had heard somewhat feared that the people were more learned than was meet for his purpose and that the Parliament should be too wise he therefore will have a Parliament wherein the people should have no more Religion than to believe nor Learning than to understand his Sence nor Wisdom than to take heed of a Negative Vote But it befel otherwise for though it was called the Lack-learning Parliament yet had it skill enough to discern the Clergies inside and Resolution enough to enter a second claim against the Clergies Temporalties and taught the King a Lesson That the least understanding Parliaments are not the best for his purpose For though the wisest Parliaments have the strongest sight and can see further than the King would have them yet they have also so much wisdom as to look to their own skins and commonly are not so venturous as to tell all the world what they know or to act too much of that which they do understand But this Parliament whether wise or unwise spake loud of the Clergies superfluous Riches and the Kings wants are parallel'd therewith and that the Church-men may well spare enough to maintain Fifteen Earls Fifteen hundred Knights Six thousand two hundred Esquires and one hundred Hospitals more than were in his Kingdom This was a strong temptation to a needy and couragious Prince but the Archbishop was at his Elbow The King tells the Commons that the Norman and French Cells were in his Predecessor's time seized under this colour yet the Crown was not the richer thereby he therefore resolves rather to add to than diminish any thing from the maintenance of the Clergie Thus as the King said he did though he made bold with the Keys of St. Peter for he could distinguish between his own Clergie and the Roman The people are herewith put to silence yet harbour sad conceits of the Clergie against a future time which like a hidden fire are not onely preserved but encreased by continual occasions and more principally from the zeal of the Clergie now growing fiery hot against the Lollards For that not onely the people but the Nobles yea some of the Royal Bloud were not altogether estranged from this new old way whether it was sucked from their Grandfather Duke John or from a popular strain of which that House of Lancaster had much experience I determine not These were the Dukes of Bedford and Gloucester Bedford was first at the helm of affairs at home whilst the King acted the Souldiers part in France as ill conceited of by the Clergie as they slighted by him At a Convocation once assembled against the Lollards the Duke sent unto their Assembly his Dwarf as a great Lollard though he was a little man and he returned as he went even as Catholick as any of them all Non tam despectus à Clero quam ipse Clerum despiciens atque eludens This and some other sleights the Clergie liked not they therefore find a way to send him into France to be a reserve to his Brother And in his room steps forth Humphrey Duke of Gloucester that was no less cool for the Roman way than he Henry the Fifth was not more hearty in Romes behalf for although he was loth to interrupt his Conquest abroad with contests at home yet he liked not of advancements from Rome insomuch as perceiving the Bishop of Winchester to aspire to a Cardinals Hat he said That he would as well lay aside his own Crown as allow the Bishop to take the Hat. Nor was he much trusted by the Clergie who were willing he should rather engage in the Wars with France than mind the Proposals of the Commons concerning the Clergies Temporalties which also was renewed in the Parliament in his days Above all as the Lancastrian House loved to look to its own so especially in relation to Rome they were the more jealous by how much it pretended upon them for its favour done to their House And therefore Henry the Fourth the most obliged of all the
this Kingdom and yet the Law for all this suffered no change nor did the House of Commons however the name is thrust into the English Ordinary Print ever yield unto the passing of the same but in the Parliament next ensuing complained thereof and protested they would not be bound by such Laws whereto the House of Commons had not given their consent And this dashed the Law quite out of countenance although it holds the place still amongst the number for within four years after the Clergie bring in another Bill of the same nature in general though varying in some particulars but the same was again rejected All the strength therefore of this Law resteth upon the King and House of Lords engaged by the Clergie whom they trusted for their Religion for Book-learning was with them of small account and no less by the King who knew no better way to give the Clergie content that gave him so much as to set the Crown upon his Head nor to discharge his Royal Word passed by the Earls of Northumberland and Westmorland in his behalf unto the Convocation viz. That they were sent to declare the Kings good will to the Clergie and Church-Liberties and that he was resolved to defend all the Liberties of the Church by his Kingly power and to punish Hereticks and the Churches Enemies in such manner as the Clergie should think meet and therefore desired their daily prayers for his own and the Kingdoms safety And yet for all this the people were not of this mind no small part of the Kingdom being overspread with these opinions After Henry the Fourth comes Henry the Fifth and he also makes another essay the former opinions then known onely by the general names of Heresie are now baptized by the new name of Lollardry and grown so overspreading that all the troubles of these times are still imputed to them It was indeed the Devils old and common trick thus to inrage earthly powers against these men although he be hereby but an instrument in the hand of the chief Builder that in laying a sure Foundation doth as well ram down as raise up for the malice of these men made the people of God to multiply Henry the Fifth also published a Law to this same purpose That all persons in place of Government shall swear to use their diligence to destroy all Heresies and Errors called Lollardries That all Lollards convict by the Clergie left to the secular power according to the Laws of Holy Church shall forfeit their Lands and Tenements to their Lords And the King to have the Year and Day and Waste and all his Goods and Chattels If the Lord be the Ordinary the King shall have all No forfeiture to be till the Delinquent be dead They shall be found by Indictment before the Justices of the Peace This Indictment being found shall be sent to the Ordinary with the Prisoner The Indictment shall not be for Evidence but onely for Information These are the principal things contained in this Law which by the manner of the composure seemeth to be of an uncertain colour neither made by the Clergie nor Laity but spoiled between them both The intent thereof seemeth to be principally to draw on the House of Commons to pass the Law under hope of gain by the forfeitures for the penalty is like that of Felony though the crime be not expresly declared to be Felony But the intent fell short in event For first The nature of the Crime is not defined nor declared by any Law and therefore can no man by Indictment be found to be such Secondly No penalty of death hath been by any former or by this Law determined upon such as are guilty for it is not enacted by any Law that such persons shall be delivered to the Secular power c. Thirdly This Statute determining the forfeiture to be not till death and neither that nor any other Law of this Kingdom determining death then is no forfeiture determined Fourthly Though this Law taketh it for granted that Heresie and Errours belong to Ecclesiastical Cognizance yet the same allows of no further proceedings than Ecclesiastical censures Lastly By this Law there can be no proceeding but in case of Indictment for otherwise without Record no forfeiture can be therefore where no Indictment is there is no forfeiture In all which regards it is evident that the Clergie could by this Law neither get fat nor bloud And therefore at their Convocation in the next year following they took another course and ordered that three in every Parish should make presentment upon Oath of such persons as are defamed for Hereticks and the truth so far as they can learn. Which puts me in mind of a Presentment that I have seen by some of St. Mary Overies in these times Item We saine that John Stevens is a man we cannot tell what to make of him and that he hath Books we know not what they are This new course shews plainly that the former held not force as they intended it So God blasted the practices of the Clergie at this time also rendring this Law immaterial that had the form as the other missed in the form and had the matter CHAP. XVIII Of the Court of Chancery IT often befals in State-affairs that extraordinary exigencies require extraordinary remedies which having once gotten footing are not easily laid aside especially if they be expedient for Prerogative The Privy Council in the Star-chamber pretends default of the Common-Law both in speed and severity in Cases whereby the State is endangered The Chancery pretends default by the Common-Law in point of equity and moderation The people taken with these pretences make that Rod more heavy which themselves had already complained of What the Chancery was in times past hath been already shewed still it is in the growing and gaining hand First In the Judicatory power it prevailed in relation to the Exchequer exercising a kind of power to survey the proceedings thereof in cases of Commissioners distrained to account for Commissions executed or not executed For it was no easie matter to execute Commissions from the Exchequer in those times of parties nor were men willing with such unwelcome occasions between Friends and Neighbours and it may be they grew weary of embroiling themselves one against another and of being Instruments of the violent countermotions of Princes and great men Secondly It gained also upon the Admiralty which by former Laws had Jurisdiction in all cases incident upon the great Sea. But now either through neglect of the Admiral or the evil of the Times occasioning Piracies to grow epidemical the ill government upon the Sea became dangerous to the State trenching upon the Truce made between this and other Nations For a remedy whereof first Conservators of the Truce were setled in every Port who had power committed to them to punish Delinquents against the publick Truce both by Indictment at the Kings
that Prince that will keep Guards about his Person in the midst of his own people may as well double them into the pitch of an Army whensoever he pleases to be fearful and so turn the Royal power of Law into force of Arms. But it was the French fashion and the King 's good hope to have all taken in the best sence His Title setting aside the saying of Philip the Hardy That Kingdoms onely belong to them that can get them would hardly endure the touch till Pope Innocent by his Bull confirmed the Crown to him to hold by a six-fold right Viz. Of Inheritance of War of Espousals of Election of Gift by Parliament and lastly of Pontifical Benediction which the King liked marvelous well and the rather because his Title by Marriage was buried up in the middle and so made the less noise For though it was his best guard yet he liked not that it should be so reputed lest his Title should seem rather conferred upon him than gained by him and so should hold by a Woman or at the best by the courtesie of England if the Peoples favour should so far extend the Law in that point by both which he holds the honour of a compleat King diminished His Title by Inheritance is much disputable if the right Heirs of John of Gaunt be enquired after And much more that of War for although that brought the Possession yet no right or Title but by wrong which may indeed be plaistered over by Election or Act of Parliament but then he must be Tenant to the People As touching the Pontifical Benediction himself took that but as a redundancy that might sway with the Clergie and do his Title no hurt Nevertheless what severally they cannot do by joynt concurrence he accounts so fully done as if he were a King against all the World and more Yet is he not sure enough but as one jealous is more tender so is his eye ever upon his Title there is his guard and regard as if it were the outworks of his Crown which once lost the Crown cannot hold out long In this work he minded so much his Greatness that he lost the repute of his Goodness Then casting his eye upon the Government and finding it of a mixt temper wherein if Royalty prevails not Popularity will like a good Souldier whilst his strength is full he sallies upon the peoples liberties in regard of their persons with such cunning conveyance as he taught the People to dance more often and better to the tune of Prerogative and Allegiance than all his Predecessors had done Nor did the People perceive it till they were over their Shoes and then they clearly saw their condition and that it was in vain for them to wrangle with their own acts of which more particularly in the next Chapter The Legiance of persons of the People once gained their Estates more easily follow And therefore though in the former he wrought by Ambuscado in this he may be more brave and charge them in the Van. Yet this he did also by degrees first by light skirmishes of borrowing smaller sums of money possibly when he had no need and paying them again thereby to gain credit for greater sums of which he intended not so sudden return Then he charges them home with Benevolences a trick gained in right of his Wife from her Father for he hoped that the person of Richard the Third was now become so abominable as his Laws would be the less regarded But in this course he gained nothing but Wind. Then as Edward the Fourth he falls upon Malevolences of Penal Laws things made in terrorem to scare men to obedience rather than to compel them but are now executed Ad angorem and the people find that he is but a word and a blow with them and thus serving his Prerogative with Power and his Purse with his Prerogative he made all serve his own turn Humanitatem omnem vincente periculo In the Field he always put his Wisdom in the Van for as he was parsimonious in expences of Money so much rather of Bloud if he could prevail by Wit. Generally he was the first in Arms to make men believe he was more ready to fight than they Thus he many times gained the advantage of his Adversaries and sometimes came off without blows In the Battle he did put on courage as he did his Armour and would dare to adventure just as far as a General should as if he had ever regard of his Crown rather than of the honour of a forward Souldier which nevertheless was also so dear to him as he is seldom found in the Rear although his Judgement commanded in chief rather than his Courage In the Throne he is much more wise because he was willing it should be known In doing Justice he is seldom suspected unless where himself is party and yet then he is also so shame-faced as he would ever either stalk behind some Law that had a semblance to his ends or when he meant to step out of the way he would put his Ministers before not so much that his fineness might be known but his Royalty For the Lion hunts not its own prey nor is it Regal for a King to be seen in catching of Money though he be understood Besides it was needless he had Lords Bishops Judges and other instruments of malevolent aspects as so many Furies outwardly resembling men for the Commonwealth but working for the common mischief like some Pictures one way looking right and another way looking wrong And thus the King comes lawfully by what he catched though his instruments did not and must be still holden for a good King though it be his hard hap to have ill servants Take him now amongst the people he is alike to all yea in some things that might seem to brush upon the King 's own train for he had some of his suit that were not altogether of his mind and these he would spare to the course of Justice if need were As it befel in the case of the Duke of Suffolk whom he suffered to be tried at the Kings Bench-bar for a Murder done upon a mean person and by such means obtained the repute of a zealous Justiciar as if Justice had been his principal vertue All this suited well with his main end for he that will milk his Cattle must feed them well and it encourages men to gather and lay up when they have Law to hold by what they have His Religion I touch upon in the last place as most proper to his temper for it was the last in his thought though many times the first in the acting But where it stood in his way he turned it behind him he made Church-men his instruments that the matter might better relish for who will expect ought save well from men of Religion and then if the worst come he was but misled by such as in common reason ought
be said that the whole lump thereof did belong to the King because much thereof was not so ancient but De novo raised by the Pope's extortion and therefore the true and real profits are by particular Acts of Parliaments ensuing in special words devolved upon him The nature of this power is laid down in this Statute under a threefold expression First It is a visitatory or a reforming power which is executed by enquiry of Offences against Laws established and by executing such Laws Secondly It is an ordinary Jurisdiction for it is such as by any Spiritual Authority may be acted against Irregularities And thus the Title of Supream Ordinary is confirmed Thirdly It is such a power as must be regulated by Law and in such manner as by any Spiritual Authority may lawfully be reformed It is not therefore any absolute Arbitrary Power for that belongs onely to the Supream Head in Heaven Nor is it any Legislative Power for so the Law should be the birth of this power and his power could not then be regulated by the Law nor could every Ordinary execute such a power nor did Henry the Eighth ever make claim to any such power though he loved to be much trusted Lastly This Power was such a Power as was gained formerly from the King by Forein Usurpation which must be intended De rebus licitis and once in possession of the Crown or in right thereto belonging according to the Law. For the King hath no power thereby to confer Church-livings by Provisorship or to carry the Keys and turn the infallible Chair into an infallible Throne In brief this power was such as the King hath in the Commonwealth Neither Legislative nor Absolute in the executive but in order to the Unity and Peace of the Kingdom This was the Right of the Crown which was ever claimed but not enjoyed further than the English Scepter was able to match the Romish Keys And now the same being restored by Act of Parliament is also confirmed by an Oath enjoyned to be taken by the people binding them to acknowledge the King under God supream head on earth of the Church of England Ireland and the Kings Dominions in opposition to all forein Jurisdiction And lastly by a Law which bound all the people to maintain the Kings Title of Defender of the Faith and of the Church of England and Ireland in Earth the supream Head under the peril of Treason in every one that shall attempt to deprive the Crown of that Title We must descend to particulars for by this it will appear that these general Laws concerning the Kings refined Title contained little more than matters of Notion otherwise than a general bar to the Popes future interests And therefore the Wisdom of the State as if nothing had been already done did by degrees parcel out by several Acts of Parliament the particular interests of the Popes usurped Authority in such manner as to them seemed best And first concerning the Legislative Power in Church-Government It cannot be denied but the Pope De facto had the power of a Negative vote in all Councils and unto that had also a binding power in making Laws Decrees and Decretals out of his own breast but this was gotten by plunder he never had any right to headship of the Church nor to any such Power in right of such preferment nor was this given to the King as Head of the Church but with such limitation and qualifications that it is evident it never was in the Crown or rightly belonging thereto First Nigh three years after this Recognition by the Clergy in their Convocation it is urged upon them and they pass their promise In verbo Sacerdotii And lastly It is confirmed by Act of Parliament That they shall never make publish or execute any new Canon or Constitution Provincial or other unless the Kings Assent and License be first had thereto and the offences against this Law made punishable by Fine and Imprisonment So as the Clergy are now holden under a double Bond one the honour of their Priesthood which binds their Wills and Consciences the other the Act of Parliament which binds their powers so as they now neither will nor can start Nevertheless there is nothing in this Law nor in the future practice of this King that doth either give or assert any power to the King and Convocation to bind or conclude the Clergy or the People without an Act of Parliament concurring and inforcing the same And yet what is already done is more than any of the Kings Predecessors ever had in their possession A second Prerogative was a definite power in point of Doctrine and Worship For it is enacted that all Determinations Declarations Decrees Definitions Resolutions and Ordinations according to Gods Word and Christs Gospel by the Kings Advice and Confirmation by Letters-patent under the Great Seal at any time hereafter made and published by the Archbishops Bishops and Doctors now appointed by the King or the whole Clergie of England in matters of the Christian Faith and lawful Rites and Ceremonies of the Same shall be by the People fully believed and obeyed under penalties therein comprised Provided that nothing be done contrary to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm A Law of a new birth and not an old Law newly revived or restored This the present occasion and the natural constitution of the Law do fully manifest The occasion was the present perplexity of the people for instead of the Statute Ex officio which was now taken away the Six Articles commonly called the Six-Stringed Whip were gotten into power by a more legal and effectual Original The Parliament had heard the cries of the People concerning this and having two things to eye at once one to provide for the Peoples Liberty and further security against Foreign pretensions the other which was more difficult for the liberties of the Consciences of multitudes of men of several Opinions which could not agree in one judgement and by discord might make way for the Romish party to recover its first ground And finding it impossible for them to hunt both games at once partly because themselves were divided in opinion and the bone once cast amongst them might put their own co-existence to the question and partly because the work would be long require much debate and retard all other affairs of the Commonwealth which were now both many and weighty In this troubled wave they therefore wisely determine to hold on their course in that work which was most properly theirs and lay before them And as touching this matter concerning Doctrine they agreed in that wherein they could agree viz. To refer the matter to the King and persons of skill in that mystery of Religion to settle the same for the present till the Parliament had better leisure the people more light and the minds of the people more perswaded of the way Thus the Estates and Consciences of
which followed and made way for the King without shame to ask what no King before him suffered ever to enter into conceit I mean a Legislative power to this effect That Proclamations made by the greater part of the King for the time being and his Council whose names hereafter follow with such penalties as by them shall be thought meet shall be of equal force by an Act of Parliament provided it shall not extend to the forfeiture of Estates or Priviledges nor to loss of Life but in cases particularly mentioned in the Law Provided no Proclamation shall cross any Statute or lawful or laudable Custom of this Realm All which at length comes to be demanded by a formal Bill with as ill-favoured a Preface as the matter it self which was much worse e're it was well liked in the House of Commons and when all was done proved a Bare still Whatever it was it passed in manner abovesaid neither much to the desire of the Commons that so much was given nor to the good liking of the King that there was no more For instead of a Legislative power which he grasped at for himself he received it in common with his Council and so becomes engaged neither to alter nor destroy that Brotherhood if he intended to reap any fruit of this Law leaving the point in doubt whether his Gain or Loss was the greater For this Law thus made for this King these Counsellors and these times and occasions can be no Precedent to the future unless to inform Kings that the Parliament hath a power to give more Authority and Prerogative to Kings than they or the Crown have by common Right and to give it with such limitations and qualifications as seemeth good to them And secondly That even Henry the Eighth acknowledged that the Legislative power was not in the Crown nor was the Crown capable thereof otherwise than it was conferred by the Parliament Onely Steven Gardiner might glory in this Atchievement having for the present obtained much of his ends by perswading the King that Forein Princes estranged from him not so much for his departure from the Pope as for some apprehensions they had of his departure from that way of Religion and Worship which they apprehend every Christian ought to maintain And therefore if he meaned to gain better correspondency amongst these Princes he must engage more resolvedly to the Fundamentals of the Worship though he shook off some slighter Ceremonies with the Romish Supremacy for he knew that they were willing enough with the latter though the other could not go down with them Thus did Forein Correspondency float above whenas the Church as then it stood was underneath and gave the tincture to every Wave And it was holden more safe by the Romish party to trust the King thus attempered with the Legislative power in the Church-matters than the rough Parliament whose course steered quite wide from the Roman shore as if they never meant to look that way any more though Cranmer and the chief Officers of State and of the Houshold were by the Law Judges of the matter in fact as well as the King yet in the conclusion the King onely was of the Quorum All this yet further appears in the penalty for by a Proviso it is moderated as to all forfeitures of Life Limb or Estate and in the conclusion extended onely to Fine and Imprisonment unless in some cases mentioned and excepting offences against Proclamations made by the King or his Successors concerning Crimes of Heresie For it is the first Clause of any positive Law that ever intimated any power in the King of such Cognizance and punishment of Heresie Too weak a principle it is to settle a Prerogative in the King and his Successors as Supream Head of the Church thus by a side-wind to carry the Keys of Life and Death at their Girdle and yet a better ground cannot I find for the Martyrdom of divers brave Christians in those times than this touch of a Law glancing by All which passing Sub silentio and the Parliament taking no notice thereof made way for the Statute 38 H. 8. c. 26. formerly mentioned to come more boldly upon the Stage This was one wound to the Legislative power of the Parliament thus to divide the same Another ensues that in its consequences was no less fatal to that power which remained and it was wrought by some Engine that well saw that the Disease then so called grew to be epidemical amongst the more considerable party in the Kingdom that the Lady Jane Seymor now Queen was no friend to the Romanists that she was now with Child which if a Son as it proved to be was like to be Successor in the Throne and be of his Mothers Religion and so undo all as in the issue all came so to pass To prevent this nevertheless they fancy a new conceit that Laws made by English Kings in their minority are less considerately done than being made in riper years And so by that one opinion countenanced a worse which was that the Legislative Power depended more upon the judgement of the King than the debates and results of the Parliament a notion that would down exceeding well with Kings especially with such an all-sufficient Prince as Henry the Eighth conceived himself to be Upon this ground a Law is made to enable such of the Kings Successors by him appointed as shall be under the age of Twenty and four years when Laws by him are made to adnul the same by Letters-patents after such Prince shall attain the said age of Twenty four years Thus the Arms of the Parliament are bound from setling any Reformation let them intend it never so much a Muse is left open for the Romish Religion still to get in when the Season proves more fair The Parliament was now in its minority and gives occasion to the Reader to bewail the infirmities of the excellencie of England A fourth advance of Prerogative concerned the Executive Power in Government of the Church This had formerly much rested in the Prelacy and that upon the chief Praelatissimo at Rome now there is found in England a greater Prelate than he the Pope was already beheaded and his head set upon the Kings shoulders To him it is given to nominate all Bishops and Archbishops within his Dominions by Conge d'eslire and that the party once elected shall swear Fealty and then shall be consecrated by Commission and invested but if upon the Conge d'eslire no Election be certified within Twelve days the King shall by Commission cause his own Clerk to be consecrated and Invested The occasion that first brought in this President was the access of Cranmer to the See at Canterbury for though the Headship had been already by the space of Two years translated from Rome to England yet the course of Episcopizing continued the same as formerly it had been I mean as touching the point of Election For though
first submission even unto Edward the First they were summoned unto Parliament and had vote there but onely in order to the Interests of their own Country now and henceforth they possess one and the same vote as English men Secondly as Courts and Judicatories multiplied so some also of those that were ancient enlarged their Jurisdiction especially such of them as most nighly related to Prerogative Amongst others the Privy Council leads the way who now began to have too much to do in a double capacity one at the Council-Table the other at the Star Chamber For now their power began to be diversly considered In their first capacity they had too much of the affairs of the Common-Pleas in the latter they had too much of the Crown-Pleas both of them serving rather to scare men from doing wrong than to do any man right And therefore though some men might seem to have some recompence yet the greatest gain fell to the King and his Courtiers and thus became Majesty or State or Prerogative to be more feared than beloved What the power of the Council was formerly hath already been manifested that which both these Kings conspired in and whereby they gained more power over the people than all their Predecessors was this that other Kings stood too much upon their own Legs these leaned much upon the Lords and gained the Lords to stick close to them and in this they had both the Kings Love and the Peoples Leave who now disjoynted upon several Interests especially that of Religion must be contented to let go that which they had no heart to hold And thus they obtained a Judicatory power over the people like that of great men whose censures are commonly above capacity and not like to that of the Peers This was begun in Henry the Seventh's time who taking occasion to complain of corruption and neglect in ordinary Trials of the Common Law gets the people to yield to the Council or some of them a power of Oyer and Terminer by examination upon Bill or information in matters concerning Maintenance Liveries Retainders Embraceries corruption in Sheriffs and Juries Riots and unlawful Assemblies crimes all of them of the same bloud with Rebellion which the King as much hated as the thought of his Title to the Crown and therefore would have it feared as much as the punishment by such a mighty power and a Trial of a dreadful nature could effect A Trial I say wherein both the guilty and the guiltless adventure their whole Estates against the edge of the arbitrary wills of great men of unknown Interests in an unknown way at unknown places having no other assurance how or when to come off but a Proclamation to tell the people that the King above all things delighted in Justice A bitter Pill this was for the people to swallow yet it was so artificially composed that at the first taste it gave a pretty rellish the King delights in Justice the Chancellour hath his Conscience the Archbishop brings Religion the Judges bring Law so as it is probable nothing will be done but according to Justice Conscience Religion and Law a very fair mixture but that there was a Treasurer in the case Yet the success answered not expectation the persons offended were many times inferiour and their Estates not great the Offenders more mean and of desperate fortunes for great men were too wise to try this new way or to taste of their entertainment Therefore within nine years the Judges of Assize are betrusted with all and that Court so continued for as many years more and then the King marked out one crime amongst the rest for his own tooth belonging to the great men onely for they are onely to commit the crime and to give recompence suitable to the King's Appetite It is giving of Liveries and Retainders a sore evil in the eyes of a jealous King tending to draw the inferiour sort to honour and admire and be of the suit of those of the greater sort and then beware the Crown These therefore must be tried before the King himself and his Council that he may know whom he is to fear and of whom to take heed And hereupon is a strange power given to summon upon a meer Suspicion To proceed without Information To examine the Defendant upon Oath and make him his own accuser To punish according to discretion by Fine and Imprisonment And thus the King and his Council have gotten a power under colour of Liveries and Retainders to bring the whole Kingdom to be of their Livery or else they can suspect whom they please apprehend whom they suspect put him presently to the rack of confession and so into Prison till he hath satisfied both displeasure and jealousie and covetousness it self Never was England before now in so low a degree of thraldom bound under a double knot of self-accusing and arbitrary censure and this out-reached not onely in matters meerly Civil tending to the common Peace but was intruded also into matters Ecclesiastical in order to the peace of the Church All bound unto the good Behaviour both in Body and Soul under peril of loss of all that a man hath dear to him in this world The plot of all this was laid by Henry the Seventh and was followed by Henry the Eighth who put that into practice which his Father had in design being led thereto by such a skilful Guide as Cardinal Wolsey was who though of mean Birth yet of a Spirit above a King and equal to the Popedom strained the string of Prerogative to its utmost height and then taught the King to play thereon which he did after his blunt manner till his dying day And thus though the Clergie are brought a peg lower and the Nobility advanced higher yet was it the policy of these Kings to make them all of their own Livery and Retaindership to keep them in an upper region looking on the poor Commons at a distance far below and well it was for the Commons thus to be till the influence of these blazing Stars grew cooler CHAP. XXXII Of the Militia IT may fall within the verge of Opinion that the guilty Title of Henry the Seventh to the Crown of England gauled his mind with jealousie the greatest part of his Reign Whether it were that he had not declared himself so fully upon his Title by his Wife or that as yet he feared some unknown Plantagenet would arise and put his Crown to the question This made him skilful in the point of Fortification wherein he likewise spent the greatest part of his Reign not so much by force of Arms for he cared not much for that noise well knowing that Peace is the safer condition for a King that comes in by power but principally by way of gaining Concessions and acknowledgement from the Subjects a Musick that he much delighted to hear well knowing it would conclude those amongst them that knew too much