carrying on of the War the Earl of Essex was Commanded by his Majesty at his first coming to York to put a Garrison into Berwick and to take with him such Provisions of Canon Arms and Ammunition as were assigned for that Imployment Which as he chearfully undertook so he couragiously performed it notwithstanding all the terrours and affrightments which he found in his March For being encountred in his way with the Earls of Roxborough Traquaire and the rest of the Scots then going to York they laboured all they could to disswade him from it assuring him That either the Scots would be in the Town before him or that their whole Army would be so near that he must needs run the hazard of losing all without doing any thing Which notwithstanding he went on entred the Town repaired the Breaches in the Walls and placed his Cannon on the same proceeding in the Work as became a Souldier With less fidelity and courage dealt the Earl of Holland at the Kings coming near the Borders where long he had not been encamped when he had Intelligence that the Scots Army was advancing on which Advertisement he dispatch'd Holland with a great Body of Horse to attend upon them Lesly had drawn his Army into a very large Front his Files exceeding thin and shallow but intermingled with so many Ensigns as if every twenty or thirty men had been a Regiment and behind all a great Herd of Cattel which raised up so much dust with their feet as did cloud the Stratagem Holland dismayed with such a formidable appearance or being afraid that his great Horse would be under-ridden with the Galloway Nags sent Messenger after Messenger to acquaint the King with his present condition who sent him order to draw off and retire again and not to hazard himself and the Forces under him on such a visible disadvantage How Hamilton behaved himself we are next to see who having anchored his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough and landing some of his spent men in a little Island to give them breath and some refreshments received a Visit from his Mother a most rigid and pragmatical Covenanter the Scots upon the shore saying with no small laughter That they knew the Son of so good a Mother could not do them hurt And so it proved for having loytered thereabouts to no purpose till he heard that the Treaty of the Pacification was begun neer Berwick he left his Ships and came in great haste as it was pretended to disturb the business which was to be concluded before he came thither For so it hapned That as soon as Essex had brought his Forces into Berwick the Scots began to fear the approaching danger which they had drawn upon themselves and thereupon some Chiefs amongst them addressed their Letters to him on the 19th of April laying the cause of all these Troubles to some ill Countrymen of their own whom they conceived to have provoked the King against them endeavouring to make the Remedy of their Evils and the scope of their deserved Punishment the beginning of an incurable Disease betwixt the two Nations to whom the Quarrel should in no way extend They complained also That there were many of the English in Place and Credit whose Private Byass did run clean contrary to the Publick Good such as did rise early to poyson the Publick Fountain and to sow the Tares of unhappy Jealousies and Discords between the Kingdoms before the good Seed of our Love and Respect to the English Nation could take place in their hearts They declared next how strange and unexpected it was unto them to see his Forces drawn toward the Borders which they could not but interpret as a pregnant presumption of some further Project against their Nation by his Power which must needs cause them to bestir themselves in time for their own preservation And though they gave themselves some assurance grounded upon the Reputation of his former Life that his Lordship would be very wary to begin the Quarrel at which Enemies only would rejoyce and catch advantage yet at the last fearing that neither Threats nor Complements would do the business they fall to a downright begging of a Pacification For having taken God to witness That they desired no National Quarrel to arise betwixt them or to taste any of the bitter Fruit which might set their Childrens Teeth on edge They professed themselves obliged in conscience to God their Prince Nation and Brethren to try all just and lawful means for the removal of all Causes of Diâ—â—erence betwixt the two Nations and to be always ready to oâ—fer the occasion of greater Satisfaction for clearing of their Loyal Intentions to their Prince and to all those whom it may concern â—ut more particularly to his Lordship in regard of his Place and Command at that time And this to do by any means whatsoever which should be thought expedient on both sides But Essex though perhaps he might like their Cause did not love their Nation the Affront put upon him by Carr Earl of Somerset running still in his mind so that the Practice edified very little with him for ought I can find whatsoever it might do with others about the King to whom the Letter was communicated which in duty he was bound to do on the first receiving With greater comfort they applied themselves to the Earl of Arundel whom at first they feared more than all the rest but had now placed the greatest part of their confidence on him For whilst the Puritans in both Kingdoms stood at a gaze upon the Issue of this War one Mosely Vicar of Newark upon Trent obtained leave to pass through the Army into Scotland A man of zeal enough to be put upon any business which the wiser ones durst not be seen in and of such silliness withal that no body could fear any danger from him By this Man as appears by their Letter they understood of his Lordships particular Affection to the continuance of the Common Peace betwixt the Nations being before assured of his Noble Disposition in the general as the Letter words it And this being said they signifie unto him and wish that they could do the like to all the good Subjects of England That they were neither weary of Monarchical Government nor had entertained the least thougâ—â—s of casting of the yoke of Obedience or invading England That they desired nothing else than peaceably to enjoy their Religion and the Liberties of their Country according to the Laws and that all Questions about the same might be decided by Parliament and National Assemblies which they conceived his Lordship would judge to be most equitable and for which no National Quarrel as they hoped could justly arise And finally That they had sent him a Copy of the Supplication which they intended to present unto the King as soon as he was prepared for it to the end that by the mediation of his Lordship and other Noble Lords of England
mature deliberation and with the Advice of so many of Our Bishops as might conveniently be called together thought fit to make this Declaration following That the Articles of the Church of England which had been allowed and authorized heretofore and which Our Clergy generally have subscribed unto do contain the true Doctrine of the Church of England agreeable to Gods Word which We do therefore ratifie and confirm requiring all Our loving Subjects to continue in the Vniform Profession thereof and prohibiting the least difference from the said Articles which to that end We command to be reprinted and this Our Declaration to be published therewith That We are Supreme Governour of the Church of England and that if any difference arise about the External Policie concerning Injunctions Canons or other Constitutions whatsoever thereunto belonging the Clergy in their Convocation is to order and settle them having first obtained leave under Our Broad Seal so to do And We approving their said Ordinances and Constitutions providing that none be made contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Land That out of Our Princely care that the Church-men may do the work which is proper unto them the Bishops and Clergie from time to time in Convocation upon their humble desire shall have licence under Our Broad Seal to deliberate of and to do all such things as being made plain by them and assented by Vs shall concern the settled continuance of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England established from which We shall not endure any variation or departing in the least degree That for the present though some differences have been ill raised We take comfort in this that all Clergie-men within Our Realm have alwaies most willingly subscribed to the Articles established which is an Argument to Vs that they all agree in the true usual literal meaning of the said Articles and that even in those curious Points in which the present differences lye men of all sorts take the Articles of the Church of England to be for them which is an argument again that none of them intend any desertion of the Articles established That therefore in these both curious and unhappy differences which have for many hundred years in different times and places exercised the Church of Christ We will that all further curious search be laid aside and these disputes be shut up in Gods Promises as they be generally set forth unto Vs in holy Scriptures and the general meaning of the Articles of the Church of England according to them And that no man hereafter shall either Print or Preach to draw the Article aside any way but shall submit to it in the plain and full meaning thereof And shall not put his own sense or Coment to be the meaning of the Article but shall take it in the literal and Grammatical sense That if any Publick Reader in either Our Vniversities or any Head or Master of a Colledge or any other person respectively in either of them shall affix any new sense to any Article or shall publickly read determine or hold any publick Disputation or suffer any such to be held either way in either the Vniversities or Colledges respectively or if any Divine in the Vniversities shall Preach or Print any thing either way other than is established in Convocation with Our Royal Assent He or they the Offenders shall be liable to Our displeasure and the Churches Censure in Our Commission Ecclesiastical as well as any other and We will see there shall be due execution upon them No sooner were the Articles published with this Declaration but infinite were the clamours which were raised against it by those of the Calvinian Party Many exclaimed against it for the depths of Satan some for a Iesuitical Plot to subvert the Gospel For what else could it aim at as they gave it out but under colour of silencing the disputes on either side to give incouragement and opportunity to Arminians here to sow their tears and propagate their erroneous Doctrines And what effects could it produce but the suppressing of all Orthodox Books the discouraging of all godly and painful Ministers thereby deteâ—red from preaching the most comfortable Doctrines of mans election unto life The Arminians in the mean time gathering strength and going on securely to the end they aimed at And to give the better colour to these suspitions a Letter is dispersed abroad pretended to be written to the Rector of the Jesuites in Bruxells the chief City of Brabant In which the Writers lets him know with what care and cunning they had planted â—ere that Soveraign drug Arminianism which they hoped would purge the Protestants from their Heresies and that it begin to flourish and bear fruit already That for the better preventing of the Puritans the Arminians had lockt up the Dukes ears c. with much of the like impudent stuff which no sober man did otherwise look on than a piece of Gullery Upon which grounds a Petition was designed for his Sacred Majesty by some of the Calvinian Party in and about the City of London For the revoking of the said Declaration by which they were deterred as the matter was handled from preaching the saving Doctrines of Gods Free Grace in Election and Predestination And this say they had brought them into a very great straight either or incurring Gods heavy displeasure if they did not faithfully discharge their Embassage in declaring the whole Counsel of God or the danger of being censured as violaters of his Majesties said Act if they preacht those constant Doctrines of our Church and confuted the opposite Pelagian and Arminian Heresies both preached and Printed boldly without fear of censure And thereupon they pray on their bended knees that his gracious Majesty would take into his Princely consideration the forenamed Evils and Grievances under which they groaned and as a wise Physician prescribe and apply such speedy Remedies as may both cure the present Maladies and secure the peace of Church and Common-wealth from all those Plagues which their Neighbours had not a little felt and more may fear if the Council of his Majesties Father to the States of the United Provinces were not better followed But this Petition being stopt before it came to the King they found more countenance from the Commons in the next Parliamentary meeting than they were like to have found at the hands of his Majesty For the Commons conceiving they had power to declare Religion as well as Law and they had much alike in both they voted this Anti-Declaration to be published in the name of that House viz. We the Commons now assembled in Parliament do claim profess and avow for truth the sense of the Articles of Religion which were established in Parliament the thirteenth year of Queen Elizabeth which by the publick Acts of the Church of England and the general and currant exposition of the Writers of our Church have been delivered to us and we
but slight of substance counterfeit stuff most of it and wrought with so much fraud and falshood that there is hardly one true stitch in all that work from the very beginning to the end Hardly one testimony or authority in the whole Discourse which is any way material to the point in hand but is as true and truly cited as that the book it self was writ long ago in answer unto D. Coale of Queen Maries daies The King he tacitely upbraides with the unfortunacies of his Reign by Deaths and Plagues the Governours of the Church with carrying all things by strong hand rather by Canon-shot than by Canon Law The Bishop of Norwich he compares as before was noted to a Wren mounted on the feathers of an Eagle and fall upon his Adversary with as foule a mouth as Burton doth upon the Prelates the Parable betwixt him and Burton being very well fitted as appears by the Preface to the Ministers of Lincoln Diocess in the Answer to him Obliquely and upon the by he hath some glancings against bowing at the name of Iesus Adoring toward the East and Praying according to the Canon and makes the transposing of the Table to the place where the Altar stood to be an Introduction for ushering in the whole body or Popery Which Eleusinian Doctrine for so he calleth it though these new Reformers for fear of so many Laws and Canons dare not apparently profess yet saith he they prepare and lay grounds for it that the out-works of Religion being taken in they may in time have a bout with the Fort it self To these two Books his Majesty thought fit that some present Answer should be made appointing the same hand for both which had writ the History of the Sabbath The one being absolutely destructive of the uniformity in placing the Communion Table which was then in hand The other labouring to create a general hatred unto all the Bishops branding their persons blasting their Counsels and decrying the Function And hard it was to say whether of the two would have proved more mischievous if they were not seasonably prevented The Answer unto Burton was first commanded and prepared That to the Lincoln Minister though afterwards enjoyned was the first that was published This of the two the subtler and more curious piece exceedingly cried up when it first came out the disaffection of the times and subject matter of the Book and the Religious estimation which was had of the Author concurring altogether to advance the Reputation of it to the very highest sold for four shillings at the first when conceived unanswerable but within one month after the coming out of the Answer which was upon the twentieth of May brought to less than one The Answer published by the name of Antidotum Lincolniense with reference to the Licencer and Author of the Holy Table The publishing of the other was delayed upon this occasion A Resolution had been taken by command of his Majesty to proceed against the Triumvirate of Libellers as one fitly calls them to a publick Censure which was like to make much noise amongst the ignorant People It was thought fit by the Prudent Council of Queen Elizabeth upon the execution of some Priests and Jesuits that an Apology should be published by the name of Iustitia Britannica to vindicate the publick Justice of the State from such aspersions as by the Tongues and Pens of malicious persons should be laid upon it And on the like prudential grounds it was thought expedient that an answer should be made to the book which seemed most material and being so made should be kept in readiness till the execution of the Sentence to the end that the people might be satisfied as well in the greatness of the Crimes as the necessity and justice of the Punishment inflicted upon one of the Principals by whom a judgment might be made of all the rest But the Censure being deferred from Easter until Midsummer Term the Answer lay dormant all the while at Lambeth in the hands of the Licencer and was then published by the name of A briefe and moderate Answer to the seditious and scandalous challenges of H. B. c. Two other Books were also published about that time the one about the name and situation of the Communion Table which was called Altare Christianum writ by one Pâ—cklington then beneficed in Bedfordshire and seconded by a Chappel Determination of the well studied Ioseph Mede The other against Burton by name published by Dow of Basell in Sussex under the Title of Innovations unjustly charged c. And so much for the Pen Combates managed on both sides in the present Controversies But whilst these things were in agitation there hapned toward the end of this year such an Alteration in the Court as began to make no less noise than the rest before It had been an ancient custome in the Court of England to have three Sermons every week in the time of Lent Two of them preached on Wednesdaies and Fridaies the third in the open preaching place near the Council Chamber on Sundaies in the Afternoon And so it continued till King Iames came to this Crown Who having upon Tuesday the fifth of August escapt the hands and treasons of the Earl of Gowrie took up a pious resolution not only of keeping the Anniversary of that day for a publick Festival in all his Dominions but of having a Sermon and other divine Offices every Tuesday throughout the year This custome he began in Scotland and brought it with him into the Court of England and thereupon translated one of the Lent Sermons from Wednesday to Tuesday This Innovation in the Court where before there were no Sermons out of Lent but on Sundaies only came in short time to have a very strong Influence upon the Country giving example and defence to such Lectures and Sermons on the working daies as frequently were appointed and continued in most Corporations and many other Market Towns in all parts of the Kingdom In which respect it was upon the point of being laid aside at the Court on the death of that King in reference to whose particular concernments it was taken up and therefore his Successor not obliged to the observation But then withall it was considered that the new King had married with a Lady of the Roman Religion that he was ingaged in a War with Spain which could not be carried on without help from the Parliament wherein the Puritan Party had appeared to be very powerful The discontinuing of that Sermon in this conjuncture might have been looked on in the King as the want of zeal toward the preaching of the Gospel and a strong tendency in him to the Religion of the Church of Rome and a betraying of the Court to Ignorance and Superstition by depriving them of such necessary means of their Instruction Upon these grounds it stood as before it did as well in the holy time of Lent as in other Weeks
these St. John Baptist had his head danced off by a lewd woman and St. Cyprian Archbishop of Carthage submitted his head to a persecuting Sword Many examples great and 〈◊〉 and they teach me patience for I hope my cause in heaven will 〈◊〉 of another dye than the colour that is put upon it here And some comfort it is to me not only that I go the way of these great men in their several Generations but also that my charge as foul as it is made 〈◊〉 like that of the Jews against St. Paul Acts 25.3 for he was accused for the Law and the Temple i. e. Religion and like that of St. Steven Acts 6.14 for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave i. e. Law and Religion the holy place and the Temple v. 13. But you will then say Do I then compare my self with the Integrity of St. Paul and St. Steven No far be that from me I only raise a comfort to my self that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at 〈◊〉 their time as I am now And it is memorable that St. Paul who helped on this accusation against St. Steven did after fall under the very same himself Yea but here is a great clamour that I would have brought in Popery I shall answer that more fully by and by In the mean time you knâ—w what the Pharisees said against Christ himself If we let him alone all men will believe in him ET VENIENT ROMANI and the Romans will come and take away both our Place and Nation Here was a causeless cry against Christ that the Romans would come and see how just the Iudgment was they Crucified Christ for fear least the Romans should come and his death was it which brought in the Romans upon them God punishing them with that which they most feared And I pray God this clamour of Venient Romani of which 〈…〉 no cause help not to bring them in For the Pope never had such an harvest in England since the Reformation as he hath now upon the Sects and Divisions that are amongst us In the mean time by Honour and dishonour by good report and evil report as a Deceiver and yet true am I passing through this world 2 Cor. 6.8 Some Particulars also I think it not amiss to speak of And first This I shall be bold to speak of the King our Gracious Soveraign He hath been much traduced also for bringing in of Popery but on my conscience of which I shall give God a very present account I know him to be as free from this Charge as any man living and I hold him to be as sound a Protestant according to the Religion by Law Established as any man in this Kingdom And that he will venture his life as far and as freely for it And I think I do or should know both his affection to Religion and his grounds for it as fully as any man in England The second Particular is concerning this great and Populous City which God bless Here hath been of late a Fashion taken up to gather Hands and then go to the great Court of this Kingdom the Parliament and clamour for Iustice as if that great and wise Court before whom the Causes come which are unknown to many could not or would not do Iustice but at their Appointment A way which may endanger many an Innocent man and pluck his bloud upon their own heads and perhaps upon the Cities also and this hath been lately practiced against my self the Magistrates standing still and suffering them openly to proceed from Parish to Parish without any check God forgive the Setters of this with all my heart I beg it but many well-meaning People are caught by it In St. Stevens case when nothing else would serve they stirred up the People against him and Herod went the same way when he had killed St James yet he would not venture on St. Peter till he found how the other pleased the People But take heed of having your hands full of bloud for there is a time best known to himself when God above other sins makes Inquisition for bloud and when that Inquisition is on foot the Psalmist tells us That God remembers that 's not all He remembers and forgets not the complaint of the poor that is whose bloud is shed by oppression ver 9. Take heed of this It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God but then especially when he is making Inquisition for bloud And with my prayers to avert it I do heartily desire this City to remember the Prophesie that is expressed Jer. 26.15 The third Particular is the poor Church of England It hath flourished and been a shelter to other Neighbouring Churches when storms have driven upon them But alas now it is in a storm it self and God only knows whether or how it shall get out and which is worse thâ—â— the storm from without it is become like an Oak cleft to shivers with wedges made out of its own body and at every cleft Prophaneness and Irreligion is entring in while as Prosper speaks in his second book De vitae contemptu cap. 4. Men that introduce profaneness are cloaked over with the name Religionis Imaginariae of Imaginary Religion for we have lost the substance and dwell too much in opinion and that Church which all the Iesuites Machinations could not ruine is fallen into danger by her own The last Particular for I am not willing to be too long is my self I was born and baptized in the Bosome of the Church of England establâ—â—hed by Law in that Profession I have ever since lived and In that I come nâ—w to die This is no time to dissemble with God least of all in 〈◊〉 of Religion and therefore I desire it may be remembred I â—ave alwaies lived in the Protestant Religion established in England and â— that I come now to dye What clamours and slanders I have endured 〈…〉 to keep an Vniformity in the external Service of God accordinâ— tâ— the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church all men know and I 〈◊〉 abundantly felt Now at last I am accused of High Treason in Parliament a Crime which my soul ever abhorred This Treason was charged to consist of two parts An endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land and a like endeaâ—our to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by Law Besides my Answers to the several Charges I protested my innocency in â—oth Houses It was said Prisoners Protestations at the Bar must 〈…〉 taken I can bring no witness of my heart and the inten 〈◊〉 thereof therefore I must come to my Protestation not at the Bar â—ut my Protestation of this hour and instant of my death in which I 〈◊〉 all men will be such charitable Christians as not to think I would 〈◊〉 and dissemble being instantly to give God an account for the truth of 〈…〉 therefore here in the presence of God and
his holy Angels take it 〈…〉 death that I never endeavoured the subversion of Law or Relâ—gion and I desire you all to remember this Protest of mine for my in 〈…〉 this and from all Treasons whatsoever I have been accused 〈…〉 an Enemy to Parliaments No I understood them and the benefit that comes by them too well to be so But I did mislike the 〈◊〉 governments of some Parliaments many waies and I had good Reason for it For Corruptio optimi est Pessima there is no Corruption iâ— thâ— World so bad as that which is of the best thing within it self Fâ—r the better the thing is in nature the worse it is corrupted And that being the Highest Court over which no other hath Iurisdiction when it is misinformed or misgoverned the Subject is left without all remedy â—ut I have done I forgive all the the World all and every of these 〈◊〉 Enemies which have persecuted me and humbly desire to be forgâ—vâ—n of God first and then of every man whether I have offended him or not if he do but conceive that I have Lord do thou forgive me and I beg forgiveness of him And so I heartily desire you to joyn in Prayer with me Which said with a distinct and audible voice he prayed as followeth O Eternal God and Merciful Father look down upon me in mercy in the Riches and Fulness of all thy mercies look down upon me but not till thou hast nailed my sins to the Cross of Christ not till thou hast bathed me in the blood of Christ not till I have hid my self in the wounds of Christs that so the punishment due unto my sins may pass over me And since thou art pleased to try me to the utmost I humbly beseech thee give me now in this great instant full Patience Proportionable Comfort and a heart ready to die for thine Honour the Kings Happiness and this Churches preservation And my Zeal to this far from Arrogancy be it spoken is all the sin humane Frailty excepted and all the incidents thereunto which is yet known to me in this particular for which I now come to suffer I say in this particular of Treason but otherwise my sins are many and great Lord pardon them all and those especially what ever they are which have drawn down this present Iudgement upon me and when thou hast given me strength to bear it do with me as seems best in thine own Eyes and carry me through death that I may look upon it in what visage soever it shall appear to me Amen And that there may be a stop of this Issue of blood in this more then miserable Kingdom I shall desire that I may pray for the people too as well as for my self O Lord I beseech thee give grace of Repentance to all blood-thirsty people but if they will not Repent O Lord confound all their devices Defeat and frustrate all their designs and endeavours upon them which are or shall be contrary to the Glory of thy Great name the truth and sincerity of Religion the establishment of the King and his Posterity after him in their just Rights and Priviledges the Honour and Conservation of Parliaments in their just power the preservation of this poor Church in her truth peace and Patrimony and the settlement of this Distracted and distressed People under their Ancient Laws and in their Native Liberty And when thou hast done all this in meer mercy to them O Lord fill their hearts with thankfulness and with Religious Dutiful obedience to thee and thy Commandments all their days Amen Lord Iesu Amen and receive my soul into thy Bosom Amen Our Father which art in Heaven c. The Speech and Prayers being ended â—e gave the Paper which he Read into 〈◊〉 hands oâ— Sterne his Chaplain permitted to attend him in his last extremity whom he desired to Communicate it to his other Chaplains that they might see in what manner â—e leâ—t this world and so prayed God to shew his blessings and mercies on them And taking notice that one Hind had imployed himselâ— in writing tâ—e words of his Speech as it came from his mouth he dâ—sired him not to do him wrong in publishing a false or imperfect Copy This done he next applyed himself to the fatal Block as to the Hâ—ven of his Rest But finding the way full of people who had placed themselves upon the Theatre to behold the Tragedy he desired â—e might have room to die beseeching them to let him have an end of his miseries which he had endured very long All which he did with so Serene and calm a mind as if he rather had been taking Order for a Noble Mans Funeral then making way for his own Being come neer the block he put oâ— his Doublet and used some words to this 〈◊〉 Gods will be done I am willing to go out of this world none can â—e â—â—re willing to send me And seeing through the Chink of the â—oards that some people were got under the Scaffold about the very place where the block was seated he called to the Officer for some dust to stop them or to remove the people thence saying it was â—o part of his desires that his blood should fall upon the heads of the people Never did man put off mortality with a better courage nor look upon his bloody and malicious Enemies with more Christian Charity And thus far he was on his way toward Paradise with such a Primitive Magnanimity as equalled if not exceeded the example of the Ancient Martyrs when he was somewhat interrupted by one of those who had placed himself on the Scaâ—â—old not otherwise worthy to be named but as a Fire-brand brought from Ireland to inflame this Kingdom Who finding that the mockings and revilings of malicious people had no power to move him or shaâ—pen him into any discontent or shew of passion would needs put in and try what he could do with his Spunge and Vinegar and Stâ—pping to him neer the Block he would needs propound unto him some Impertinent questions not so much out of a desire to learn any thing of him but with the same purpose as was found in the Sâ—ribes and Pharisees in propounding questions to our Saviour tâ—at is to say either to intrap him in his Answers or otherwise to â—â—pose him to some disadvantage with the standers by Two of the quâ—stions he made answer to withal Christian meekness The first question was What was the Comfortablest saying which a dying man would have in his mouth to which he meekly made answer Cupio 〈◊〉 esse cum Christo being asked again what was the fittest Speech a man could use to express his Confidence and Assurancâ— he answâ—â—ed with the same Spirit of meekness That such Assâ—â—ancâ— was to be found within and that no words were able 〈…〉 But tâ—is not satisfying this busie man wâ—o aimed at something else as is probable then such satisfaction unless he gave some Word or
by which the proceedings in those Courts were to be regulated and directed so as it doth appear most clearly that it was not the purpose of that King either to diminish the Authority or to interrupt the Succession of Bishops which had continued in this Church from the first Plantation of the Gospel to that very time but only to discharge them from depending on the Popes of Rome or owing any thing at all to their Bulls and Faculties which had been so chargeable to themselves and exhausted so great a part of the Treasure of the Kingdom from one year to another 3. Upon this ground he past an Act of Parliament in the 25. year of his Reign for the Electing and Consecrating of Archbishops and Bishops In which it was Enacted that on the Vacancy of every Bishoprick within his Realm his Majesty should issue out his Writ of Conge d' eslire to the Dean and Chapter of the Church so Vacant thereby enabling them to proceed to the Election of another Bishop that the Election being returned by the Dean and Chapter and ratified by the Royal Assent his Majesty should issue out his Writ to the Metropolitan of the Province to proceed unto the Confirmation of the Party Elected and that if the Party so Confirmed had not before been Consecrated Bishop of some other Church that then the Metropolitan taking to himself two other Bishops at the least should proceed unto the Consecration in such form and manner as was then practised by the Church so that as to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Consecration there was no alteration made at all Those which were Consecrated after the passing of this Statute were generally acknowledged for true and lawful Bishops by the Papists themselves or otherwise Dr. Thomas Thurlby Bishop of Westminster had never been admitted to have been one of those who assisted at the Consecrating of Cardinal Pool when he was made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury on the death of Cranmer All which recited Statutes with every thing depending on them being abrogated by Act of Parliament in the time of Queen Mary were revived in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth and so still continue But so it was not with another alteration made in the form of exercising their jurisdiction by King Edw. 6. In the first Parliament of whose Reign it was enacted that all process out of the Ecclesiastical Courts should from thence forth be issued in the Kings Name only and under the Kings Seal of Arms contrary to the usage of the former times Which Statute being repealed by Queen Mary and not revived by Queen Elizabeth the Bishops and their subordinate Ministers have ever since exercised all manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in their own Names and under the distinct Seals of their several Offices 4. In Doctrinals and forms of Worship there was no alteration made in the Reign of K. Hen. 8. though there were many preparations and previous dispositions to it the edge of Ecclesiastical Affairs being somewhat blunted and the people indulged a greater Liberty in consulting with the Holy Scriptures and reading many Books of Evangelical Piety then they had been formerly which having left the way more open to Arch-Bishop Cranmer and divers other learned and Religious Prelates in K. Edwards time seconded by the Lord Protector and other great ones of the Court who had their ends apart by themselves they proceeded carefully and vigorously to a Reformation In the managing of which great business they took the Scripture for their ground according to the general explication of the ancient Fathers the practise of the Primitive times for their Rule and Pattern as it was expressed to them in approved Authors No regard had to Luther or Calvin in the procedure of their work but only to the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles Christ Iesus being the Corner-stone of that excellent Structure Melancthons coming was expected Regiis Literis in Angliam vocatus as he affirms in an Epistle to Camerarius but he came not over And Calvin made an offer of his service to Arch-Bishop Cranmer Si quis mei usus esset if any use might be made of him to promote the work but the Arch-Bishop knew the man and refused the other so that it cannot be affirmed that the Reformation of this Church was either Lutheran or Calvinian in its first original And yet it cannot be denied but that the first Reformers of it did look with more respectful eyes upon the Doctrinals Government and Forms of Worship in the Lutheran Churches then upon those of Calvins platform because the Lutherans in their Doctrines Government and Forms of Worship approach't more near the Primitive Patterns than the other did and working according to this rule they retain'd many of those ancient Rites and Ceremonies which had been practised and almost all the Holy Dayes or Annual Feasts which had been generally observed in the Church of Rome Nothing that was Apostolick or accounted Primitive did fare the worse for being Popish I mean for having been made use of in times of Popery it being none of their designs to create a new Church but reform the old Such Superstitions and Corruptions as had been contracted in that Church by long tract of time being pared away that which was good and commendable did remain as formerly It was not their intent to dig up a foundation of such precious stones because some superstructures of Straw and Stubble had been raised upon it A moderation much applauded by King Iames in the Conference at Hampton-Court whose golden Aphorisme it was That no Church ought further to separate it self from the Church of Rome either in Doctrine or Ceremony then she had departed from her self when she was in her flourishing and best estate p. 77. 5. The succession of Bishops continued as it did before but fitted in the form and manner of their Consecrations according to the Rules laid down with the fourth Council of Carthage celebrated Anno 407. or thereabouts and generally received in all the Provinces of the Western Church as appears by the Book of Consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops c. Approved first by the Book of Articles and confirmed in Parliament Anno 5.6 Edw. VI. as afterwards justified by the Articles of Religion agreed upon in Convocation in Queen Elizabeths time Anno 1562. And by an Act of Parliament in the 8th Year of her Reign accounted of as part of our Publick Liturgies And by that book it will appear that Bishops were then looked upon as a distinct Order of themselves and not as a different degree only amongst the rest of the Presbyters For in the Preface to that Book it is said expresly That it is evident to all men diligently reading Holy Scripture and Ancient Authors that from the Apostles time there have been these Orders of Ministers in the Church of Christ Bishops Priests and Deacons Not long after which it followeth thus viz. And therefore to the intent these Orders should be continued
that none of them had neither perspicuity enough to see it or Zeal enough to give warning of it And therefore he must needs conceive that Religion was made use of only for a blind or Curtain to screen some dark design from the publick view which had not yet attained to so ripe a confidence as to shew it self abroad in the open light The Mystery of iniquity had long been working in this Church not so much in the Popish as the Puritan Faction Who seeing they had no more prevailed against it by their open batteries than the Roman Emperours had done on the Primitive Church by their persecutions resolved upon more secret and consequently more dangerous practises to attain their ends In order whereunto they had perpetually alarm'd this King from his first coming to the Crown with continual dangers from the Papists for which the Gun-powder-treason gave them too much ground Nor would they suffer any Session of Parliament pass from that time forward in which the dangerous practises of Priests Iesuits c. did not sound in his ears And this they did not so much because they saw any such visible increase of Popery as was by them pretended from time to time but that they thought it the best way to carry on their other projects which they were in hand with For well they knew that when the thoughts both of King and People were totally taken up with the apprehension of the dangers which were feared from the Papists the Puritan Party in the mean time might gather strength without being noted or observed But because these interposings of the Commons in the cause of Religion became to be more eagerly pursued in some following Parliaments we shall refer the further consideration of them to another time The Parliament being ended we must follow our new Bishop to his Diocess whom we will wait upon to St. Davids a poor City God wot scituate on the Promontory in Pembroke-shire by the Ancients called Ortopitae in a safe place and far enough from the Saxons whom the Welsh most feared but incommodious enough for all the rest of the Clergy to repair unto Nor did it prove so safe for the Bishop and other Inhabitants of it as had been presumed in respect of sundry other Nations who have often spoyled and defaced it For standing near the Sea it had been frequently visited and spoyled by the Danes Norwegians and other Pyrates insomuch that the Bishops were inforced to remove their dwelling to Caermarthen a fair Market Town and beautified with a goodly Collegiate Church not far from which in a Village called Aberguilly the Bishop hath his ordinary place of Residence This brought the City of St. Davids small enough before to the condition of a Village there being nothing almost remaining of it but the Church the ruines of the Bishops Palace and some Houses appertaining to the Canons of it The Church as now it stands if any of it be now left standing was the work of Bishop Peter the forty eighth Bishop of this Diocess and by him dedicated by the name of St. Andrew and St. David though now St. Andrew be left out and St David bears the name as before it did in reference to St. David who first removed the Archiepiscopal See from Caer-leon thither The place at that time by the Welsh called Menew whence the Latines borrow their Menevenses by which name these Bishops are entituled From this removal of the See which hapned in 519. the Bishops hereof were for some time the Metropolitans and for a long time the supreme Ordinaries of the Welsh or Brittish For although Archbishop Samson the twenty sixth from St. David in the year 910. or thereabouts had carried the Archiepiscopal Pall and therewithall the Archiepiscopal dignity to Dole in Bretagne by reason of an extreme Pestilence then raging amongst the Welsh yet his Successors though they lost the name reserved the power of an Archbishop Nor did the residue of the Welsh Bishops receive their Consecration from any other hand than his till the Reign of Hen. I. At what time Bernard the forty sixth Bishop of this See was forced to submit himself to the Church of Canterbury But our Bishops Journey into Wales was not so much to visit S. Davids in which Church he had been before installed by Proxie as to bestow a visitation upon his Diocess and therein to take order for the rectifying of such things as he found amiss A Diocess containing the whole Counties of Pembroke Cardigan Caermarthen Radnor and Brecknock with some small parts of Monmouth Hereford Montgâ—mery and Glamorgan Shires For managing whereof the Bishop hath under him four Archdeacons that is to say of Cardigan Caermarthen Brecknock and St. Davids distributing amongst them all the Parishes which belong to this Diocess amounting to no more in so great a quantity of ground than 308. of which 120. are accounted for Impropriations But then we are to understand this number of Parochial Churches not taking into the Account such subordinate Chappels as had been built in several Parishes for the case of the People which might very much increase the reckoning And yet he added one more to them of his own foundation and such a one as for the elegancy of the building and richness of the Furniture exceeded all the rest together Chappels he found none at his Episcopal house of Aberguilly and one he was resolved to bestow upon it proportionably to such a Family as was fit for a Bishop of St. Davids to have about him which being finished he provided it of Rich Furniture and Costly Utensils and whatsoever else was necessary or convenient for the Service of God the very Plate designed for the celebrating of the holy Supper amounting to one hundred fifty five pounds eighteen shillings four pence Insomuch that if Felix the Proconsul had been still alive he might have cried out now as he did in the time of Iulian the Apostate viz. Behold in what rich Vessels they administer to the Son of Mary But this unhapy Age hath given us Felix's enough to reckon this amongst his crimes and so they do his solemn Consecration of it performed by himself in person according to an order firmly drawn up by the most learned Bishop Andrews then whom there could not be a greater enemy to the Errours Superstitions and Corruptions of the See of Rome I know it was objected that neither Gratian nor the Roman Pontificall conceive such Consecrations necessary to a Private Chappel but then they are to be understood of such Chappels only as are meant for prayers and in propriety of speech are no more than Oratories and not of such as are intended for Preaching Ministring the Sacraments and other acts of Divine Worship as this Chappel was And this appears so plainly by the Authentick Instrument of the Dedication that no man who hath seen the same can make question of it I have laid all these things together from his
Calverts Letter unto Digby on the fifth of this present Ianuary That he could have no rest for his young Master for being called on early and late to hasten the dispatch of all Some Messages and dispatches had been brought by Porter out of Spain about three daies before which winged his feet and added Spurs to the design The Journey being thus agreed on was in the very nature of it to be made a secret and therefore not communicable to the Lords of the Council for fear of staying him at home or rendring him obnoxious to the danger of an interception as he past through France which mischief if it had befaln him he must either have submitted unto such conditions or suffered under such restraints as might seem intollerable in themselves but absolutely destructive of his present purpose which may the rather be believed by reason of the like proceedings of that King with the present Prince Elector Palatine who posting disguised through France in hope to get the Command of Duke Bernards Army was stayed in the middle of his Journey by that Kings command and kept so long under Restraint that he lost the opportunity of eâ—fecting that which he desired It is not to be thought but that much danger did appear in the undertaking but Love which facilitates impossibilities overcomes all dangers On the eighteenth day of February accompanied by the Duke of Buckingham Mr. Endimion Porter and Mr. Francis Cottington he took Ship at Dover and landed safe at Boloigne a Port of Picardy Advanced on his way as far as Paris his Curiosity carried him to the Court to see a Masque at which he had a view of that incomparable Princess whom he after married But he was like to have paid dear for this curiosity For no sooner had he left the City but the French King upon Advertisement of his being there dispatcht away many of his Servants in pursuance of him commanding them not only to stay his Journey but to bring him back unto the Court But he rides fast who rides upon the wings of Love and Fear so that the Prince had past Bayonne the last Town of France without being overtaken by them and posting speedily to Madrid he entred the Lord Ambassadors Lodging without being known to any but his Confidents only That Danger being thus escaped he cast himself upon another For having put himself into the Power of the King of Spain it was at the curtesie of that King whither he should ever return or not it being a Maxime among Princes that if any one of them without leave sets foot on the ground of another he makes himself ipso facto to become his Prisoner Richard the First of England passing in disguise through some part of the dominions of the Arch-Duke of Austria was by him took prisoner and put unto so high a Ransome that the Arch-Duke is said to have bought the Earldom of Styria or Styrmark with some part of the money and to have walled Vienna with the rest Nor wanted the Spaniards some Examples of a latter date which might have justified his detention there had they been so minded and those too borrowed from our selves Philip the first of Spain one of the Predecessors of the King then Reigning being cast by tempest on the Coast of England was here detained by King Henry the Seventh till he had delivered up the Earl of Suffolk who had put himself under his protection In like manner Mary Queen of Scots being forced by her Rebellious Subjects to flee into this Realm was presently seized on as a Prisoner and so continued till her lamentable and calamitous death And what could more agree with the rules of Justice and the old known practise of Retaliation then that the English should be punished by the rigour of their own severities Such were the Dangers which the Princes person was exposed to by this unparalell'd adventure not otherwise to be commended in most mens opinions but by the happy success of his Return And yet there were some fears of a greater danger than any could befall his Person by Sea or Land that is to say the danger of his being wrought on to alter his Religion and to make shipwrack of his Faith and this by some uncharitable persons is made the ground of the design to the indelible reproach of those who were supposed to have had a hand in the contrivement of the Plot. Amongst those the Marquiss stands accused by the Earl of Bristol as appears by the first Article of the Charge which was exhibited against him in the Parliament of the year 1626. And our new Bishop stands reproached for another of them by the Author of the book entituled Hidden works of darkness c. But then it cannot be denied but that his Majesty and the Prince must be the Principals in this Fact this Hidden work of darkness as that Author calls it Buckingham and St. Davids being only accessaries and subservient instruments But who can think they durst have undertaken so soul a business which could not be washt off but by their bloud had not the King commanded and the Prince consented Now for the King there is not any thing more certain than the great care he took that no danger should accrue to the Religion here by Law established by the Match with Spain And this appears so clearly by the Instructions which he gave to Digby at the first opening of this Treaty as if it had been written with a beam of the Sun The matter of Religion saith he is to us of most principal consideration for nothing can be to us dearer than the honour and safety of the Religion we profess And therefore seeing that this Marriage and Alliance if it shall take place is to be with a Lady of a different Religion from us it becometh us to be tender as on the one part to give them all satisfaction convenient so on the other to admit nothing that may blemish our Conscience or detract from the Religion here established And to this point he stood to the very last not giving way to any alteration in this or tolleration of that Religion though he was pleased to grant some personal graces to the Recusants of this Kingdom and to abate somewhat of the Rigour of those Capitall Laws which had been formerly enacted against Priests and Jesuites Next for the Prince he had been brought up for some years then last past at the feet of this most learned and wise Gamaliel by whom he was so fortified in the true Protestant Religion established by the Laws of this Realm that he feared not the encounter of the strongest Adversary and of this the King was grown so confident that when Maw and Wren the Princes Chaplains were to receive his Majesties Commands at their going to Spain there to attend upon their Master he advised them not to put themselves upon any unnecessary Disputations but to be only on the defensive part if they should
it were an error Thus soundly ratled he departs and acquaints the Duke with the success for fear some ill offices might be otherwise done him to the King and Prince So miserable was the case of the poorer Clergy in living under such an High Priest who though he was subject to the same infirmity was altogether insensible of those heavy pressures which were laid upon them It being his Felicity but their unhappiness that he was never Parson Vicar nor Curate and therefore the less careful or compassionate of their hard condition Before the rising of this Parliament which was on the twenty ninth of May came out a book of Dr. Whites entituled A Reply to Iesuite Fishers Answer to certain Questions propounded by his most Gracious Majesty King IAMES The occasion this His Majesty being present at the second Conference betwixt White and Fisher beforementioned observed in his deep Judgment how cunning and subtle the Jesuite was in eluding such Arguments as were brought against him and of how little strength in particular questions he was when he came to the confirmation of his own Tenets And thereupon it pleased him to have nine Questions of Controversie propounded to the Jesuite that he might in writing manifest the Grounds and Arguments whereupon the Popish Faith in those Points were builded Now the nine Points were these that follow 1. Praying to Images 2. Prayings and Oblations to the blessed Virgin Mary 3. Worshipping and Invocation of Saints and Angels 4. The Lyturgie and private Prayers for the Ignorant in an unknown tongue 5. Repetition of Pater-nosters Aves and Creeds especially affixing a kind of merit to the number of them 6. The Doctrine of Transubstantiation 7. Communion under one kind and the abetting of it by Concomitancy 8. Works of Supererogation especially with reference to the treasure of the Church 9. The opinion of Deposing Kings and giving away their Kingdoms by Papal power whether directly or indirectly To these nine Questions the Jesuite returned a close and well-wrought Answer the unraveling whereof was by the King committed to this Dr. White for his encouragement and reward made one of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary and Dean of Carlile This book being finished at the Press about the beginning of April and forthwith published to others was very welcom to most moderate and learned men the rather in regard that the third of those Conferences which was that between Laud and Fisher was subjoyned to it Concerning which the Reader may please to call to mind that this Conference had been digested and read over to the King in the Christmas Holidaies as before is said But why it staid so long before it was published why published in the name of R. B. Mr. Richard Bayly afterwards President of St. Iohn Colledgs and Dean of Sarisbury being at that time one of his Chaplains and not in his own and finally why it came not out not as a distinct book of it self but as an Appendix unto Whites himself is better able to tell us than any other and he tells it thus The cause saith he why the discourse upon this Conference staid so long before it could endure to be pressed It was neither my Idleness nor my unwillingness to right both my self and the cause against the Iesuite which occasioned this delay For I had then most Honourable Witnesses and have some yet living that this discourse was finished long before I could perswade my self to let it come into publick view And this was caused partly by reason there was about the same time three Conferences held with Fisher of which this was the third and could not therefore conveniently come abroad into the world till the two former were ready to lead the way which till now they were not And this is in part the reason also why this Tract crept into the end of a larger work For since that work contained in a manner the substance of all that passed in the two former Conferences and that this third in divers points concurred with them and depended on them I could not think it Substantive enough to stand alone But besides this affinity between the Conferences I was willing to have it pass as silently as it might at the end of another work and so perhaps little to be looked after because I could not hold it worthy nor can I yet of that great duty and service which I owe to my dear mother tâ—â— Church of England As for the Reasons why it was published iâ— the name of R. B. Chaplain to the Bishop rather than his own it neither was his own desire though the Breviate telleth us that it was nor for fear of being ingaged thereby against his friends the Papists as is there affirmed His Reasons whatever they were were proposed by others and approved by Authority by which it was thought fit that it should be set out in his Chaplains name and not his own To which he readily submitted But of this Conference we shall speak further when we come to the defence and engagements of it Anno 1637. The seasonable publishing of these two Books did much conduce to the advancement of his Majesties Service The Commons at that time had been hammering a sharp Remonstrance against the Papists as if there were no enemies of the Religion here established to be feared but they In the Preface to which Petition they took notice of so many dangers threatned both to the Church and State by the power and practises of the Papist as if the King had took no care to preserve the one or suppress the other Which Petition being brought to the House of Lords was there so abbreviated that the Preamble was quite left out and the many branches of it reduced to two particulars First That all Laws and Statutes formerly made against Jesuites Seminary Priests and other Popish Recusants might from thenceforth be put into execution Secondly That he would engage himself by his Royal Word that upon no occasion of Marriage or Treaty or other request in that behalf c. he would slaken the execution of the Laws against them Which Petition being presented to his Majesty by a Committee of both Houses on the tenth of April after some deliberation he returned this Answer to it viz. That the Laws against Iesuites and Popish Recusants should be put into due execution from thenceforth c. And it appeared by the coming out of these said two Books within few daies after that as his Majesty had granted them their desires in causing the said Laws against Priests and Jesuites to be duly executed so he had taken special care not only to preserve Religion in her Purity by confuting the most material Doctrines of the Church of Rome but to preserve his people also from being seduced by the practises of the Priests and Jesuites Which notwithstanding the Commons remaining still unsatisfied betook themselves to the framing of another Petition in which it was desired that all such
dies though his Munificence survive him It was then Midlent-Sunday and the Court-Sermon at Whitehall according to the ancient Custom in the after-noon At what time the sad News passing through London began to be rumored in the Court as Laud was going into the Pulpit to preach before the Lords of the Council the Officers of the Houshold and the rest of that great Concourse of all sorts of People which usually repaired thither at those Solemn Sermons Before he was come to the middle of it the certainty of the Kings death more generally known amongst them the confusion which he saw in the faces of all the Company his own griefs and the dolorous complaints made by the Duke of Buckingham occasioned him to leave the Pulpit and to bestow his pains and comforts where there was more need He did not think as I believe few wise men do that the carrying on of one particular Sermon was such a necessary part of Gods business as is not to be intermitted upon any occasion nor was this ever charged upon him amongst his crimes The sense of this great loss being somewhat abated he was requested by the Duke to draw up some Remembrances of the Life Reign and Government of the King Deceased which he accordingly performed and presented to him But they are but Remembrances or Memorials only like the first lines of a design or Picture which being polished and perfected by a skilâ—ul Workman might have presented us with the true and lively Pourtraiture of that gracious Prince But who will undertake to finish what Laud began I must therefore leave the deceased King to those Memorials and those Memorials to be found in his Breviate p. 5. But there was another Pourtraiture provided for that King before his Funeral His Body being brought from Theobalds unto Sommerset-house where a Royal and Magnificent Hearse was erected for him visited and resorted to by infinite multitudes of people for some Weeks together From Sommerset-house his Body was carried in great State on Saturday the seventh of May to St. Peters Church in Westminster where it was solemnly interred The Funeral Sermon preached by the Lord Keeper Williams and printed not long after by the name of Great Britains Solomon which afterwards administred the occasion of some discourse which otherwise might have been spared Thus is Iames dead and buried but the King survives his only Son Prince Charles being immediately proclaimed King of Great Britain France and Ireland first at the Court Gates by Sir Edward Zouch Knight Marshal most solemnly the next day at London and afterwards by degrees in all the Cities and Market Towns of the Kingdom At his first entrance on the Crown he found himself ingaged in a war with the K. of Spain the mightiest Monarch of the West for which he was to raise great Forces both by Sea and Land He was also at the Point of Marriage with the Daughter of France and some proportionable preparations must be made for that Nor was King Iames to be interred without a solemn and magnificent Funeral answerable in the full height to so great a Prince All which must needs exact great Sums of money and money was not to be had without the help of a Parliament which he therefore gave order to be called in the usual manner But in the middest of these many and great preparations he forgets not the great business of the Church He had observed the multitudinousness of his Fathers Chaplains and the disorder of their waitings which puts him on a Resolution of reducing them to a lesser number and limiting them to a more certain time of attendance than before they were He knew well also what an influence the Court had alwaies on the Country by consequence how much it did concern him in his future Government that his Officers and Servants should be rightly principled according to the Doctrine Government and Forms of Worship established in the Church of England And therefore that he might be served with Orthodox and Regular men Laud is commanded to prepare a Catalogue of the most eminent Divines and to distinguish them by the two Letters of O and P. according to their several perswasions and affections And that being done he is directed by the Duke and the Kings appointment to have recourse to the most learned Bishop Andrews to know of him what he thought fitting to be done in the Cause of Religion Especially in reference to the five Articles condemned not long since in the Synod at Dort and to report his answer with convenient speed A Convocation was of course to accompany the ensuing Parliament And it was fit not only that the Prelates should resolve before-hand what Points they meant to treat on when they were assembled but that his Majesty also might have time to consider of them These seasonable cares being thus passed over he hastens both his own marriage and his Fathers Funeral The first he sollemnized by Proxie in the Church of Nostre Dame in Paris on Sunday the first of May according to the Style of England The news whereof being brought to the Court on the Wednesday following was celebrated in the Streets of London the Liberties and out-parts of it with more than ordinary Expressions of Joy and Gladness The Proxie made to Claud. de Lorain Duke of Chevereux one of the younger Sons of the Duke of Guise from which House his Majesty derived himself by his great Grand-Mother Mary of Lorain Wife of Iames the Fifth The Funeral he attended in his own Person as the principal Mourner Which though it were contrary to the Custome of his Predecessors yet he chose rather to express his Piety in attending the dead Body of his Father to the Funeral Pile than to stand upon any such old niceties and points of State This was the third Funeral which he had attended as the principal Mourner which gave some occasion to presage that he would prove a man of sorrows and that his end would carry some proportion to those mournful beginnings The Intervall before the coming of his Queen he spent in looking to his Navy and drawing his Land Forces together for that Summers service But hearing that his Queen was advancing toward him he went to Canterbury and rested there on Trinity Sunday the twelfth of Iune That night he heard the news of her safe arrival at the Port of Dover whom he welcomed the next morning into England with the most chearful signs of a true aâ—fection From thence he brought her unto Canterbury and from thence by easie Stages to Gravesend where entring in their Royal Barge attended by infinite companies of all sorts of People and entertained by a continual peal of Ordnance all the way they passed he brought her safely and contentedly unto his Palace at Westminster The Lords and Ladies of the Court having presented to her the acknowledgement of their humble duties such Bishops as were about the Town as most of them were in regard of
with the sins of the State But then he will divide them in Jacob and scatter them in Israel Gen. 49. Nay scatter Iacob and Israel it self for them Which said in general he descended to a more particular application putting his Auditory in mind of those words of Tacitus That nothing gave the Romans powerful enemies though they were more advantage against the ancient Britains than this Quod Factionibus studiis trahebantur That they were broken into Factions and would not so much as take counsel and advice together And they smarted for it But I pray what is the difference for men not to meet in counsel and to fall to pieces when they meet If the first were our Fore-fathers errour God of his mercy grant this second be not ours And for the Church that is as the City too just so Doctrine and Discipline are the Walls and the Towers of it But be the one never so true and the other never so perfect they come both short of Preservation if that body be not at unity in it self The Church take it Catholick cannot stand well if it be not compacted together into an holy unity with Faith and Charity And as the whole Church is in regard of the affairs of Christendom so is each particular Church in the Nation and Kingdom in which it sojourns If it be not at unity in it self it doth but invite Malice which is ready to do hurt without any invitation and it ever lies with an open side to the devil and all his batteries So both Church and State then happy and never till then when they are at unity within themselves and one with another Well both State and Church owe much to Vnity and therefore very little to them that break the peace of either Father forgive them they know not what they do But if unity be so necessary how may it be preserved in both How I will tell you Would you keep the State in Vnity In any case take heed of breaking the peace of the Church The peace of the State depends much upon it For divide Christ in the minds of men or divide the minds of men about their hopes of Salvation in Christ and tell me what unity there will be Let this suffice so far as the Church is an ingredient into the unity of the State But what other things are concurring to the unity of it the State it self knows better than I can teach This was good Doctrine out of doubt The Preacher had done his part in it but the hearers did not the Parliament not making such use of it as they should have done At such time as the former Parliament was adjourned to Oxon the Divinity School was prepared for the House of Commons and a Chair made for the Speaker in or near the place in which his Majesties Professor for Divinity did usually read his publick Lectures and moderate in all publick Disputations And this first put them into conceit that the determining of all Points and Controversies in Religion did belong to them As Vibius Rufus in the Story having married Tullies Widow and bought Caesars Chair conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one and the power of the other For after that we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion and no Committee for Religion but what did think it self sufficiently instructed to manage the greatest Controversies of Divinity which were brought before them And so it was particularly with the present Parliament The Commons had scarce setled themselves in their own House but Mountague must be called to a new account for the Popery and Arminianism affirmed to have been maintained by him in his books In which Books if he had defended any thing contrary to the established Doctrine of the Church of England the Convocation of the two was the fitter Judge And certainly it might have hapned ill unto him the King not being willing to engage too far in those Emergences as the case then stood if the Commons had not been diverted in pursuit of the Duke of Buckingham which being a more noble game they laid this aside having done nothing in it but raised a great desire in several Members of both Houses to give themselves some satisfaction in those doubtful Points To which end a Conference was procured by the Earl of Warwick to be held at York House between Buckeridge Bishop of Rochester and White Dean of Carlile on the one side Morton then of Lichfield and Preston then of Lincolns-Inn of whom more hereafter on the other The Duke of Buckingham the Earl of Pembroke many other Lords and many other persons of inferiour quality being present at it To this Conference which was holden on the eleventh of this February another was added the next week on the seventeenth In which Mountague acted his own part in the place of Buckeridge the Concourse being as great both for the quality and number of the persons as had been at the former And the success was equal also The Friends and Fautors of each side giving the victory to those as commonly it happens in such cases whose cause they favoured After this we hear no more of Mountague but the passing of some Votes against him in the April following which â—eats being over he was kept cold till the following Parliament And then he shall be called for In the mean time the King perceiving that the Commons had took no notice of his own occasions gave order to Sir Richard Weston then Chancellour of his Exchequer to mind them of it by whom he represented to them the return of the last years Fleet and the want of Money to satisfie the Mariners and Souldiers for their Arrâ—ars That he had prepared a new Fleet of forty Sail ready to set forth which could not stir without a present supply of money And that without the like supply not only his Armies which were quartered upon the Coasts would disband or mutiny but that the Forces sent for Ireland would be apt to rebell and therefore he desired to know without more adoe what present supply he must depend upon from them that accordingly he might shape his course These Propositions being made Clem. Coke a younger Son of Sir Edward Coke who had successively been Chief Justice of either Bench obstructs the Answer by this rash and unhandsome expression That it was better to dye by a Forreign Enemy than to be destroyed at home Which general words were by one Turner a Doctor of Physick and then a Member of that House restrained and applied more particularly to the Duke of Buckingham The Commons well remembred at what Point they were cut off in the former Parliament and carefully watcht all advantages to resume it in this They had begun a great clamour against him on the first of March for staying a French Ship called the St. Peter of Newhaven and Turner now incites them to a higher distemper by six
Queries raised about him that is to say First Whether the King had not lost the Regality of the Narrow Seas since the Duke became Admiral Secondly Whether his not going as Admirall in this last Fleet was not the cause of the ill success Thirdly Whether the Kings Revenue hath not been impaired through his immense liberality Fourthly Whether he hath not ingrossed all Offices and preferred his Kindred to unfit places Fifthly Whether he hath not made sale of places of Judicature Sixthly Whether the Recusants have not dependance on his Mother and Father in Law For this days work Coke was severely reprehended by his Father who could not be perswaded to look upon him for a long while after But Turner having none whom he stood in fear of escaped not only without a private reprehension but without any publick Censure His Majesty thereupon complained by Weston to the House of Commons who were so far from censuring the offence that they seemed rather willing to protect the Offendors And yet this was not all the affront they had done him neither For seeming well satisfied with his Majesties gracious Answer to their Petition against Recusants which they received from him at Oxon in the former Parliament they now resolved to see what execution had been done upon it And to that end they appoint a Committee for Religion and that Committee substitutes a Sub-Committee which Sub-Committee were impowered to search the Signet Office concerning such indulgencies as had been granted to the Papists since the end of that Parliament and to examine the Letters of the Secretaries of State leaving his Majesty nothing free from their discovery as to that particular A point which never was presumed on in preceding times And which seemed worst of all in the present conjuncture they had voted him three Subsidies and three fifteens but voted them with such a clog that they should not pass into a Bill till their Grievances were both heard and answered Which Grievances what they were both in weight and number as it was not known unto themselves so did his Majesty look upon it not only as a thing dilatory in it self but as a baffle put on him and his proceedings These indignities coming thus upon the neck of one another he caused the Lords and Commons to come before him at White Hall March 29. 1626. where first he signified unto them by the mouth of the Lord Keeper how sensible he was of those affronts which were put upon him touching upon every one of them in particular and aggravating each of them in their several kinds letting them also know That as he loved his people so he regarded his honour and that if he were sensible of his Subjects Grievances of his own he was sensible much more The Keeper also had Command to tell them in his Majesties Name That the Duke had acted nothing of Publick Employment without his Majesties Special Warrant That he had discharged his Trust with abundant both Care and Fidelity That since his Return from Spain he had been sedulous in promoting the Service and Contentment of the Commons House And therefore That it was his express Command That they desist from such Vnparliamentary Proceedings and resign the Reformation of what was amiss to his Majesties Care Wisdom and Iustice. Which Speech being ended his Majesty saith as followeth I must withal put you in mind of Times past you may remember my Father moved by your Counsel and won by your Perswasions brake the Treaties In these Perswasions I was your Instrument towards him and I was glad to be instrumental in any thing which might please the whole Body of this Realm Nor was there any in greater favour with you than this man whom you so traduce And now when you find me so sure intangled in War as I have no honourable and safe Retreat you make my Necessity your Priviledge and set what rate you please upon your Supplies A Practise not very obliging unto Kings Mr. Coke told you It was better to die by a Foreign Enemy than to be destroyed at home Indeed I think it more honourable for a King to be invaded and almost destroyed by a Foreign Enemy than to be despised at home But all this did not edifie with the House of Commons So little were they moved with the Eloquence of the one and the smart Expressions of the other that both their own Members remained uncensured and the Prosecution of the Duke was followed with more violence then before it was But for all this his Majesty and the Duke might thank themselves His Majesty had power in his own hands to have righted himself according to the practice of Queen Elizabeth and others of his Majesties Royal Predecessors in the times foregoing But by complaining in this manner to the House of Commons he chose rather to follow the Example of King Iames who in like manner had complained of one Piggot for some seditious words by him spoken in the House of Commons Anno 1607. and with like success He that divests himself of a natural and original Power to right the injuries which are done him in hope to find redress from others especially from such as are parcel guilty of the Wrong may put up all his gettings in a Seamstress Thimble and yet never fill it All that which both Kings effected by it was but the weakning of their own Power and the increasing of the others who had now put themselves upon this Resolution not to suffer any one of their Members to be questioned till themselves had considered of his Crimes By which means they kept themselves close together and emboldened one another to stand it out against the King to the very last And of this Maxime as they made use in this present Parliament in the Case of Coke Turner Diggs and Eliot which 2 last had been imprisoned by the Kings Command so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the Case of the Five Members impeach'd of High Treason by the Kings Atturney Ianuary 14. 1641. the miserable effects whereof we finde two sensibly And as for their prosecuting of the Duke the Commons might very well pretend that they had and should do nothing in it for which as well his Majesty as the Duke himself had not given encouragement They had both joined together against Cranfeild the late Lord Treasurer and to revenge themselves on him had turned him over to the power and malice of his Enemies in the House of Commons The Commons had served their turns on Cranfeild and will now serve their own turns on the Duke himself let the King do the best he could to preserve him from them So unsafe a thing it is for Princes to deliver any of their Servants into the hands of their People and putting a Power out of themselves which they cannot call back again when it most concerns them At the same time the Earl of Bristol being charged with Treason by the Duke exhibited
goes a little further and tells us of him That the World wanted Learning to know how Learned he was so skilled in all especially Oriental Languages that some conceive he might if then living almost have served as an Interpreter-General at the Confusion of Tongues In his life time he only published two Books in Latin viz. His Apologie against Cardinal Bellarmine and that which he called Tortura Torti in behalf of King Iames and a small Tract entituled Determinatio Theologica de jure-jurando exigendo quarto Printed at London 1593. And in English nothing but a small Volume of Sermons which he acknowledged for his own The Book of Catechetical Doctrine published in his life by others but without his privity and consent he always professedly disavowed as containing only some imperfect Collections which had been taken from his mouth by some ignorant hand when he was Reader of the Catechism Lecture in Pembroke Hall But after his decease ninety six of his Sermons were collected with great care and industry published in Print and Dedicated to his Sacred Majesty by Laud then Bishop of London and Buckeridge at that time Bishop of Ely 1628. For Felton of Ely dying the year before Buckeridge had been translated thither by the Power and Favour of that his dear Friend and quondam Pupil Curle Dean of Litchfield and one of the Residentiaries of Salisbury succeeding after his Translation in the See of Rochester By the same hands some other Pieces of his both in English and Latin were very carefully drawn together and published with the like Dedication to his Sacred Majesty Anno 1629. He that desires to hear more of him let him first consult the Funeral Sermon before mentioned extant at the end of the great Volume of his Sermons and afterwards peruse his Epitaph in the Church of St. Maries Over-rhe transcribed in Stows Survey of London of the last Edition After his death the See of Winton was kept vacant till the latter end of the year next following the profits of it being in the mean time taken up for his Majesties use and answered into the Exchequer according to an ancient Custom but more old than commendable used frequently by the Kings of England since the time of William sirnamed Rufus from whom it is said to have took beginning But the Deanry of the Chappel had not been void above nine days when Laud was nominated to it and was actually admitted into that Office on the sixth day of October following by Philip Earl of Montgomery Lord Chamberlain of his Majesties Houshold before whom he took the usual and appointed Oath He had before observed a Custom as ill though not so old as the other used in the Court since the first entrance of King Iames. The Custom was That at what part soever of the Publick Prayers the King came into his Closet which looked into the Chappel to hear the Sermon the Divine Service was cut off and the Anthem sung that the Preacher might go into the Pulpit This the new Dean disliked as he had good reason and thereupon humbly moved his Majesty that he would be present at the Liturgie as well as the Sermon every Lords day and that at whatsoever part of Prayers he came the Priest who Ministred should proceed to the end of the Service To which his Majesty most readily and religiously condescended and gave him thanks for that his seasonable and pious Motion As for the Deanry of the Chappel it was of long standing in the Court but had been discontinued from the death of Dr. George Carew Dean of Windsor the Father of George Lord Carew of Clopton and Earl of Totness Anno 1572. till King Iames his coming to this Crown at what time Bancroft then Bishop of London conceiving into what dangers the Church was like to run by the multitude of Scots about him thought it expedient that some Clergy-men of Note and Eminence should be attendant always in and about the Court And thereupon it was advised that to the Bishop Almoner and the Clerk of the Closet a Dean of the Chappel should be added to look unto the diligent and due performance of Gods Publick Service and order matters of the Quire According to which resolution Dr. Iames Mountague was recommended to the King for the first Dean of the Chappel in his time succeeded in that place by Andrews and he now by Laud. But to proceed Whilest matters went on thus smoothly about the Court they met with many Rubbs in the Country some of the Preachers did their parts according as they were required by the said Instructions amongst whom Sibthorp Vicar of Brackly in Northampton-shire advanced the Service in a Sermon preached by him at the Assizes for that County The scope of which Sermon was to justifie the Lawfulness of the general Loane and of the Kings imposing Taxes by his own Regal Power without consent in Parliament and to prove that the people in point of Conscience and Religion ought chearfully to submit to such Loans and Taxes without any opposition The Licencing of which Sermon when it was offered to the Press being refused by Archbishop Abbot and some exceptions made against it the perusing of it was referred to Laud April 24. 1627 by whom after some qualifications and corrections it was approved and after published by the Author under the name of Apostolical Obedience About the same time Manwaring Doctor in Divinity one of his Majesties Chaplains in Ordinary and Vicar of the Parish Church of St. Giles in the Fields published two Sermons of his preaching on the same occasion the one before the King the other in the hearing of his own Parishioners These Sermons he entituled by the name of Religion and Allegiance both of them tending to the justification of the lawfulness of the Kings imposing Loans and Taxes on his people without consent in Parliament and that the imposition of such Loans and Taxes did so far bind the Consciences of the Subjects of this Kingdom that they could not refuse the payment of them without peril of eternal damnation But neither the Doctrine of these Preachers or of any other to that purpose nor the distress of the King of Denmark nor the miserable estate of Rochel did so far prevail amongst the people but that the Commissioners for the Loane found greater opposition in it than they did expect Many who had been Members in the two former Parliaments opposed it with their utmost power and drew a great part of the Subjects in all Countries some to the like refusal For which refusal some Lords and many of the choice Gentry of the Kingdom and others of inferiour sort were committed unto several Prisons where they remained till the approach of the following Parliament Insomuch that the Court was put upon the necessity of some further Project The Papists would have raised a Provision for the setting forth both of Ships and Men for the defence of the Narrow Seas and working
it was presented to his Majesty together with the Bill of Subsidies on the seventeenth of Iune At the receiving thereof his Majesty was pleased to use these words That on his Answer to their Petition of Right he expected no such Declaration from them which containeth divers points of state touching the Church and Common-wealth that he conceived they did believe he understood them better than themselves But that since the reading thereof he perceived they understood those things less than he imagined and that notwithstanding he would take them into such consideration as they deserved Nor was it long after his Majesties receiving of this Remonstrance but that they were drawing up another to take away his right to Tonnage and Poundage Which coming to his Majesties knowledge he resolved to be beforehand with them and dissolve the Parliament which was done accordingly Iune 26. At the dissolving whereof his Majesty gave this further censure on the said Remonstrance viz. That the acceptableness thereof unto him every man might judge and that he would not call in question the merit of it because he was sure no wise man could justifie it And possibly it had escaped without any further censure if the Commons for the ostentation of their Zeal and Piety had not caused it to be Printed and dispersed abroad with which his Majesty being acquainted he commanded it to be called in by Proclamation as tending to the defamation of his Person and Government But no sooner was the Parliament ended but he gave order unto Laud whom he â—ound to be much concerned in it to return an answer thereunto which he who knew no better Sacrifice than obedience did very chearfully perform which Answer for so much as concerns Religion the Preamble and Conclusion being laid aside we shall here subjoyn And first saith he that Remonstrance begins at Religion and fears of innovation in it Innovation by Popery but we would have our Subjects of all sorts to call to mind what difficulties and dangers we endured not many years since for Religions sake That we are the same still and our holy Religion is as pretious to us as it is or can be to any of them and we will no more admit innovation therein than they that think they have done well in fearing it so much It is true that all effects expected have not followed upon the Petitions delivered at Oxon but we are in least fault for that for supply being not afforded us disenabled us to execute all that was desired and caused the stay of those legal proceedings which have helped to swell up this Remonstrance Yet let all the Counties of England be examined and London with the Suburbs with them neither is there such a noted increase of Papists nor such cause of fear as is made nor hath any amounted to such an odious tolerating as is charged upon it nor near any such For that Commission so much complained of both the matter and intent of it are utterly mistaken for it doth not dispence with any penalty or any course to be taken with any Papists for the exercise of their Religion no nor with the Pecuniary Mulets or non-conformity to ours it was advised for the encrease of our profits and the returning of that into our Purse which abuse or connivency of inferiour Ministers might perhaps divert another way if that or any other shall be abused in the execution we will be ready to punish upon any just complaint The next fear is the dayly growth and spreading of the Arminian Faction called a cunning way to bring in Popery but we hold this Charge as great a wrong to our Self and Government as the former For our People must not be taught by a Parliament Remonstrance or any other way that we are so ignorant of Truth or so careless of the profession of it that any opinion or faction or whatever it be called should thrust it self so far and so fast into our Kingdom without our knowledge of it this is a meer dream of them that wake and would make our loyal and loving People think we sleep the while In this Charge there is great wrong done to two eminent Prelates that attend our Person for they are accused without producing any the least shew or shadow of Proof against them and should they or any other attempt Innovation of Religion either by that open or any cunning way we should quickly take other Order with them and not stay for your Remonstrance To keep on this our people are made believe That there is a restraint of Books Orthodoxal but we are sure since the late Parliament began some whom the Remonstrance calls Orthodox have assumed unto themselves an unsufferable Liberty in Printing Our Proclamation commanded a Restraint on both sides till the Passions of men might subside and calm and had this been obeyed as it ought we had not now been tossed in this Tempest And for the distressing and discountenancing of Good Preachers we know there is none if they be as they are called Good But our People shall never want that Spiritual Comfort which is due unto them and for the Preferments which we bestow we have so made it our great Care to give them as Rewards of Desert and Pains but as the Preferments are ours so will we be judge of the Desert Our self and not be taught by a Remonstrance For Ireland we think in case of Religion it is not worse than Queen Elizabeth left it and for other Affairs it is as good as we found it nay perhaps better and we take it as a great disparagement to our Government that it should be voiced That new Monasteries Nunneries and other Superstitious Houses are Erected and Replenished in Dublin and other great Towns of that our Kingdom For we assure our self our Deputy and Council there will not suffer God and our Government so to be dishonoured but we should have some account of it from them and we may not endure to have our good People thus misled with Shews There is likewise somewhat considerable in the time when these Practises to undermine true Religion in our Kingdoms are set on foot The Remonstrance tells us it is now when Religion is opposed by open force in all Parts But we must tell our People There is no undermining Practice at home against it if they practice not against it that seem most to labour for it for while Religion seems to be contended for in such a Factious way which cannot be Gods way the heat of that doth often melt away the Purity which it labours earnestly but perhaps not wisely to preserve And for Gods Iudgments which we and our People have felt and have cause to fear we shall prevent them best by a true Religious Remonstrance of the amendment of our Lives c. This and the rest of the Answer to the said Remonstrance is all what I find acted by Laud in reference to the present Parliament For That he should
reject the sense of the Iesuites Arminians and all others wherein they differ from us Which Declaration of the Commons as it gave great animation to those of the Calvinian Party who entertained it with the like ardency of affection as those of Ephesus did the Image of DIANA which fell down from heaven so gave it great matter of discourse to most knowing men The Points were intricate and weighty such as in all Ages of the Church had exercised the wits of the greatest Scholars Those which had taken on them to declare for truth that which they took to be the sense and meaning of the Articles in those intricate Points were at the best no other than a company of Lay Persons met together on another occasion who though they might probably be supposed for the wisest men could not in reason be relied on as the greatest Clerks And therefore it must needs be looked on as a kind of Prodigie that men unqualified and no way authorized for any such purpose should take upon them to determine in such weighty matters as were more proper for a National or Provincial Council But being it proceeded from the House of Commons whose power began to grow more formidable every day than other no body durst adventure a Reply unto it till Laud himselâ— by whose procurement his Majesties Declaration had been published laying aside the Dignity of his Place and Person thought fit to make some Scholia's or short notes upon it Which not being published at that time in Print for ought I have either heard or seen but found in the rifling of his Study amongst the rest of his Papers I shall present unto the Reader in these following words And first saith he the Publick Acts of the Church in matters of Doctrine are Canons and Acts of Councils as well for expounding as determining The Acts of the High Commission are not in this sense Publick Acts of the Church nor the meeting of a few or more Bishops Extra Concilium unless they be by lawful Authority called to that work and their decision approved by the Church Secondly The currant Exposition of Writers is a strong probable argument De sensu Canonis Ecclesiae vel Articuli yet but probable The currant Exposition of the Fathers themselves have sometimes missed Sensum Ecclesiae Thirdly Will you reject all sense of Jesuite or Arminian May not some be true May not some be agreeable to our Writers and yet in a way that is stronger than ours to confirm the Article Fourthly Is there by this Act any Interpretation made or declared of the Articles or not If none to what end the Act If a sense or interpretation be declared what Authority have Lay-men to make it For interpretation of an Article belongs to them only that have power to make it Fifthly It is manifest there is a sense declared by the House of Commons the Act saies it We avow the Article and in that sense and all other that agree not with us in the aforesaid sense we reject these and these go about misinterpretation of a sense Ergo there is a Declaration of a sense yea but it is not a new sense declared by them but they avow the old sense declared by the Church the publick Authentick Acts of the Churcâ— c. yea but if there be no such publick Authentick Acts of the Church then here is a sense of their own declared under the pretexts of it Sixthly It seems against the Kings Declaration 1. That say We shall take the general meaning of the Articles This Act restrains them to consent of Writers 2. That says The Articles shall not be drawn aside any way but that we shall take it in the literal and Grammatical sense This Act ties us to consent of Writers which may and perhaps do go against the literal sense for here is no exception so we shall be perplexed and our consent required to things contrary Seventhly All consent in all Ages as far as I have observed to an Article or Canon is to it self as it is laid down in the body of it and if it bear more senses then one it is lawful for any man to chuse what sense his judgment directs him to so that it be a sense secundum Analogiam fidei and that he hold it peaceably without distracting the Church and this till the Church that made the Article determine a sense And the wisdom of the Church hath been in all Ages or in most to require consent to Articles in General as much as may be because that is the way of unity and the Church in high points requiring assent to particulars hath been rent as De Transubstantiatione c. It is reported of Alphonso King of Castile Sirnamed the Wise that he used many times to say never the worse for so saying That if he had stood at God Almighties Elbow when he made the world he would have put him in mind of some things which had been forgotten or otherwise might have been better ordered than they were And give me leave to say with as little wisdom though with no such blasphemy that if I had stood at his Lordships Elbow when he made these Scholia's I would have put him in mind of returning an answer to that Clause of the said Declaration in which it is affirmed That the Articles of Religion were established in Parliament in the thirteenth of Queen Elizabeth But I would fain know of them whether the Parliament they speak of or any other since or before that time did take upon them to confirm Articles of Religion agreed on by the Clergy in their Convocations or that they appointed any Committee for Religion to examine the Orthodoxie of those Articles and make report unto the House All which was done in that Parliament was this and on this occasion Some Ministers of the Church so stifly wedded to their old Mumsimus of the Mass and some as furiously prosecuting their new Sumpsimus of inconformity it was thought fit that between those contending parties the Doctrine of the Church should be kept inviolate And thereupon it was Enacted That every person under the degree of a Bishop which did or should pretend to be a Priest or Minister of Gods holy Word and Sacraments in the Church of England should before Christmass next following in the presence of his Diocesan Bishop testifie his assent and subscribe to the said Articles of the year 1562. Secondly That after such subscribing before the Bishop he should on some Sunday in the Forenoon in the Church or Chappel where he served in time of Divine Service read openly the said Articles on pain of being deprived of all his Ecclesiastical Promotions as if he were then naturally dead Thirdly That if any Ecclesiastical person should maintain any Doctrine contrary to any of the said Articles and being Convented before his Bishop c. and should persist therein it should be just cause to deprive such person of his Ecclesiastical
about it Maxwell applying himself to Laud then Bishop of London from whom he received this positive Answer That if his Majesty would have a Liturgie setled there different from what they had already it was best to take the English Liturgie without any variation from it that so the same Service-Book might pass through all his Majesties Dominions Maxwell replying That the Scottish Bishops would be better pleased to have a Liturgie of their own but such as should come near the English both in Form and Matter the Cause was brought before the King who on a serious consideration of all Particulars concurred in Judgment for the English And on these terms it stood till this present year Laud standing hard for admitting the English Liturgie without alteration the Scottish Bishops pleading on the other side That a Liturgie made by themselves and in some things different from the English Service would best please their Countrymen whom they found very jealous of the least dependence on the Church of England But because Letters writtten in the time of Action are commonly conceived to carry more truth in them than Relations made upon the post-fact for particular ends take here this short Remembrance in one of his Letters to the Earl of Traquaire dated September 11. 1637. where we find this Passage And since saith he I hear from others That some exception is taken because there is more in that Liturgie in some few particulars than is in the Liturgie of England Why did they not admit the Liturgie of England without more ado But by their refusal of that and the dislike of this 't is more than manifest they would have neither and perhaps none at all were they left to themselves But besides this there was another Invitation which wrought much upon him in order to the present Journey At his first coming to the Crown the great Engagements then upon him want of Supply from England and small help from Scotland forced him to have recourse to such other ways of assistances as were offered to him of which this was one In the Minority of King Iames the Lands of all Cathedral Churches and Religious Houses which had been setled on the Crown by Act of Parliament were shared amongst the Lords and great men of that Kingdom by the connivence of the Earl of Murrey and some other of the Regents to make them sure unto that side And they being thus possessed of the same Lands with the Regalities and Tythes belonging to those Ecclesiastical Corporations Lorded it with Pride and Insolence enough in their several Territories holding the Clergy to small Stipends and the poor Peasant under a miserable Vassalage and subjection to them not suffering them to carry away their nine parts till the Lord had carried off his Tenth which many times was neglected out of pride and malice those Tyrants not caring to lose their Tythe so that the poor mans Crop might be left unto spoil and hazard King Iames had once a purpose to revoke those Grants but growing into years and troubles he left the following of that Project to his Son and Successor Having but little help from thence to maintain his Wars by the Advice of some of the Council of that Kingdom he was put upon a course of resuming those Lands Tythes and Regalities into his own hand to which the present Occupants could pretend no other Title than the unjust Usurpation of their Predecessors This to effect he resolves upon an Act of Revocation Commissionating for that purpose the Earl of Annandale and the Lord Maxwell afterwards Earl of Niddisdale to hold a Parliament in Scotland for Contribution of Money and Ships against the Duynkirkers and arming Maxwell also with some secret Instructions for passing the said Act of Revocation if he found it feasible Being on the way as far as Barwick Maxwell was there informed That his chief errand being made known had put all at Edenborough into Tumult That a rich Coach which he had sent before to Dalkeith was cut in pieces the poor Horses killed the People seeming only sorry that they could not do so much to the Lord himself Things being brought unto this stand the King was put to a necessity of some second Counsels amongst which none seemed more plausible and expedient to him than that of Mr. Archibald Achison who from a puisne Judge in Ireland was made his Majesties Procurator or Solicitor-General in the Kingdom of Scotland who having told his Majesty That such as were Estated in the Lands in question had served themselves so well by the bare naming of an Act of Revocation as to possess the People whom they found apt to be inflamed on such Suggestions That the true intendment of that Act was to revoke all former Laws for suppressing of Popery and settling the Reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland And therefore That it would be unsafe for his Majesty to proceed that way Next he advised That instead of such a General Revocation as the Act imported a Commission should be issued out under the Great Seal of that Kingdom for taking the Surrendries of all such Superiorities and Tythes within the Kingdom at his Majesties Pleasure And that such as should refuse to submit unto it should be Impleaded one by one to begin first with those whom he thought least able to stand out or else most willing to conform to his Majesties Pleasure Assuring him That having the Laws upon his side the Courts of Iustice must and would pass Iudgment for him The King resolved upon this course sends home the Gentleman not only with Thanks and Knighthood which he had most worthily deserved but with Instructions and Power to proceed therein and he proceeded in it so effectually to the Kings Advantage that some of the impleaded Parties being cast in the Suit and the rest seeing that though they could raise the People against the King they could not raise them against the LaWs it was thought the best and safest way to compound the business Hereupon in the year 1630. Commissioners are sent to the Court of England and amongst others the Learned and right Noble Lord of Marcheston from whose mouth I had this whole Relation who after a long Treaty with the King did at last agree That the said Commission should proceed as formerly and That all such Superiorities and Tythes as had been or should be surrendred should be re-granted by the King on these Conditions First That all such as held Hereditary Sheriffdoms or had the Power of Life and Death over such as lived within their Iurisdiction should quit those Royalties to the King Secondly That they should make unto their Tenants in their several Lands some permanent Estates either for their Lives or one and twenty years or some such like Term that so the Tenants might be encouraged to Build and Plant and improve the Patrimony of that Kingdom Thirdly That some Provisions should be made for augmenting the Stipends of the
But now Laud being Archbishop of Canterbury and Wren Dean of the Chappel it was resolved to move his Majesty that the Lent Sermons might be preached on Wednesdaies as they had been Anciently To which his Majesty condescending and the Bill of Lent-Preachers being drawn accordingly it was first muttered secretly and afterwards made a publick clamour that this was one of the Archbishops Artifices a trick devised for putting down the Tuesday Sermons of which you should never hear more when this Lent was over Which Cry growing lowder and lowder as the Lent continued was suddenly hush'd and stilled again on the Easter Tuesday when they saw the Preacher in the Pulpit as at other times So usual is it with some men to be afraid of their own shadows and terrified with fears of their own devising This Interruption thus past over I shall unwillingly resume my former Argument concerning Bastwick and the rest of his fellow-Criminals who being called unto their Answer used so many delays that the Case could not come to Sentence before Midsomer Term. Some Answers they had drawn but they were so Libellous and full of scandal that no Counsellor could be found to put his hand to them according to the course of that Court Instead whereof they exhibited a cross Bill against Canterbury and his Confederates as they called them charging them with the greatest part of those Reproaches which had been made the subject-matter of their former Libels which being signed by no hands but their own and tendred so to the Lord Keeper was by him rejected and themselves taken pro confessis their obstinacy in not answering in due form of Law being generally looked on by the Court as a self-conviction On the fourteenth of Iune they received their Sentence which briefly was to this effect Prynne to be fined 5000 l. to the King to lose the remainder of his ears in the Pillory to be branded on both cheeks with the Letters S. L. for a Schismatical Libeller and to be perpetually imprisoned in Carnarvan Castle Bastwick and Burton condemned in the like Fine of 5000 l. to be Pilloried and lose their Ears the first to be imprisoned in the Castle of Lanceston in Cornwal and the second in the Castle of Lancaster On the thirtieth of the same Month Burton being first degraded of his Ministry in the High-Commission they were brought into the Palace-yard of Westminster to receive their punishment not executed on them with such great severity as was injuriously given out But being executed howsoever it was a great trouble to the spirits of many very moderate and well-meaning men to see the three most Eminent Professions in all the World Divinity Law and Physick to be so wretchedly dishonoured in the Persons of the Malefactors as was observed by the Archbishop himself in his Epistle to the King Which part of the Punishment being inflicted they were conveyed with care and safety to their several Prisons the People either foolishly or factiously resorting to them as they passed and seeming to bemoan their Sufferings as unjustly Rigorous And such a haunt there was to the several Castles to which they were condemned of purpose for preventing all Intelligence and Correspondence to be held between them that the State found it necessary to remove them further Prynne to the Castle of Mont Orgueil in the Isle of Iersey Burton to Castle-Cornet in the Road of Guernsey and Bastwick to St. Maries Castle in the Isle of Silly which last remembreth me of the like Confinement to which Instantius a professed Priscilianist a very near Kinsman of the English Puritan had been condemned by the Justice of the Primitive Times At the pronouncing of this Sentence the Archbishop made a long and elaborate Speech in vindication of himself and the rest of the Bishops from any Design to bring in Popery or innovating in the Government and Forms of Worship here by Law established He made his Introduction to it in a brief Discourse touching the nature of the Crime shewing how odious a thing it was to think of defending Religion in the way of Libels a thing not used by any of the Primitive Christians in the greatest heats of Persecution and then professing for his own part That he had done nothing as a Bishop but with a sincere intention for the good Government and Honour of the Church of England and the maintenance of the Orthodox Truth and Religion professed and established in it adding withal That nothing but his Care of reducing the Church into Order in the External Worship of God and the settling of it on the Rules of its first Reformation had raised this Storm against himself and the rest of the Bishops for which alone they stood accused of Innovations by those which were the greatest Innovators in the Christian World He spake next touching the Calling of Bishops which he maintained to be Iure Divino though not all the Adjuncts of that Calling averring further That from the time of the Apostles to the days of Calvin the Government of the Church was by Bishops only Lay-Elders being never heard of which Claim by Divine Right derogateth not from the King either in Right or Power as the Libellers made it no more than the Calling of the Presbyters by the same Right could be thought to do in regard they exercised not any Iurisdiction in the Kings Dominions but with his Licence for so doing Or were it otherwise yet that the Bishops stood in England in as good a case as the present Laws could make them and therefore they that Libelled against them Libelled against the King and State by the Laws whereoâ— they were established and consequently could aim at no other end than the stirring of Sedition amongst the People As touching the design of bringing in Popery by which Artifice they chiefly hoped to inflame the People he first acquitted the King of it by shewing his sincerity and constancy in his Religion exemplified by his Carriage in Spain where he wanted no temptations to draw him from it and his Deportment since in England in which â—e had so often declared a settled Resolution to maintain the same Or were it otherwise and that the King had any mind to change Religion he must seek for other Instruments than himself to effect that purpose most humbly thanking God That as yet he knew not how to serve any Man against the Truth of Christ so â—e hoped he should never learn professing further for the satisfaction of all which heard him That he knew of no plot nor purpose of altering the Religion here established and that for his own part he had ever been far from attempting any thing which might be truly said to tend that way in the least degree to both which he was ready to take his Oath Which said in general he briefly touch'd on those Innovations which in those Libels had been charged on him and the rest of the Bishops in order unto that Design To the
first Innovation touching the suppressing of Sermons during the time of the late Fast in infected places contrary to the Orders in former times he answered First That after-Ages might without offence learn to avoid any visible inconvenience observed in the former And secondly That the suppressing of those Sermons was no Act of the Bishops but a Command proceeding on a full debate from the Lords of the Council the better to avoid the spreading of the Contagion And thirdly That as Sermons on the Fast-days had been used of late they were so far from humbling men in the sight of God that they were fitter for other operations as the raising of Sedition amongst the People of which there could not be a clearer instance than in that of Burton To the second That by appointing the Weekly Fasts to be on Wednesdays and those Fasts to be kept without any Sermons there was a plot for suppressing all Wednesday Lectures for ever after It was answered That Wednesday was the usual day for such Publick Fasts That it was named by the Lord Keeper no great Friend to Popery and that those men had lived to see the Fast ended and the Wednesday Lectures still continued To the third That the Prayer for Seasonable Weather was left out of the last Book and that the leaving of it out was one cause of the Shipwracks and Tempestuous Weather which followed after He answered generally first That all Fast-Books are made by the command of the King who alone had Power to call such Fasts and that the Archbishops and Bishops who had the ordering of those Books had also Power under the King of putting in and leaving out of those Books whatsoever they think fit for the present occasion Secondly as to this particular That when the Fast-Book was made the Weather was very Seasonable and the Harvest in and that it was not the Custom of the Church to pray for seasonable Weather when they had it but when it was wanting Thirdly That it was very boldly done to ascribe the cause of those Tempests to the leaving out of that Prayer which God had never revealed unto them and they could not otherwise know but by Revelation To the fourth touching a Clause omitted in the first Collect in which Thanks had been given to God for delivering us from Popish Superstition He answered That though our Fore-fathers had been delivered from such Superstitions yet God be blessed that for our parts we were never in them and therefore could not properly be said to have been delivered To the fifth touching the leaving out of a passage in one of the Orders for the Fast concerning the abuse thereof in relation to Merit he answered That it was left out because in this Age and Kingdom there was little opinion of Merit by Fasting insomuch that all Fasts were contemned and scorned both at Lent and all other set times except such as some humerous men called for of themselves to promote their ends The sixth Innovation charged upon them was the leaving of the Lady Elizabeth and her Children out of one of the Collects And the seventh That out of the same Collect the words Father of thine Elect and of their Seed was expunged also To which it was answered That the said Collect was not in the Common-Prayer-Book confirmed by Law neither King Edward vi nor Queen Elizabeth having any Children Secondly That it was added to the Book at the coming in of King Iames who brought a Princely Issue with him and left out again in the beginning of the Reign of King Charles who at that time and for four years after had no Issue neither Thirdly That as the Lady Elizabeth and her Children were put into the Collect when the King had no Issue of his own so when the King had Issue of his own there was as much reason to leave them out Fourthly For the leaving out of that Clause Father of thine Elect c. it was done by his Predecessor and that the leaving out of the Lady Elizabeth and her Issue was done by the Command of the King The eighth Innovation charged upon them was bowing at the Name of IESVS and altering to that end the words in the Epistle on the Sunday next before Easter by changing IN the Name of Iesus to AT the Name of Iesus And it was answered unto this That bowing at the Name of IESVS was no Innovation made by the Prelates of this Age but required by the Injunction of Queen Elizabeth in the very first beginning of the Reformation And secondly Though it be IN the Name of Iesus in the old Editions of the Liturgie yet it is AT the Name of Iesus in the Translation of Geneva Printed in the year 1567. and in the New Translation Authorised by King Iames. The ninth relates to the Alteration of two Passages in the Form of Prayer set forth by Act of Parliament for the Fifth of November in which Form it is thus expressed Root out the Babylonish Sect which say of Jerusalem Down with it c. And in the other place Cut off those Workers of Iniquity whose RELIGION is REBELLION Which are thus altered in the Books which came out last viz. Root out that Babylonish and Antichristian Sect of them which say c. And in the other Cut off those workers of Iniquity who turn RELIGION into REBELLION c. To which it was replied That the Book of Prayer appointed for the Fifth of November was neither made set forth or commanded to be read by Act of Parliament but only made and appointed to be read by the Kings Authority Secondly That being made and appointed to be read by no other Authority than the Kings the King might alter in it what he thought convenient and that he had the Kings hand for those Alterations What Reasons there might be to move his Majesty to it we may enquire into hereafter on another occasion To the tenth for the leaving out the Prayer for the Navy he answered that the King had then no Fleet at Sea nor any known enemy to assault as he had when that Prayer was first put in and that howsoever if there had been any design to bring in Popery to which these Innovations must be made subserviâ—nt they should rather have kept in that Prayer than have left it out Concerning the Communion Table there were three Innovations urged the placing of it Altarwise reading the second Service at it and bowing towards or before it For answer to the first It was proved to have been no Innovation in regard of Practice because it had so stood in his Majesties Chappels and divers Cathedrals of this Kingdom since the first Reformation Which posture if it be decent and convenient for the Service of God either in the Kings Chappels or Cathedrals it may be used also in other Churches but if it served to bring in Popery it was not to be used in them Nor was it any Innovation in regard of Law
Army That the like be done for Mustering and Arraying the Clergy throughout England or otherwise to furnish the King with a proportion of Armed Men for the present Service 6. That Writs be issued out into all Counties for certifying the King what number of Horse and Foot every County could afford him in his Wars with Scotland 7. The like also to the Borders requiring them to come unto the Kings Army well armed Commissions to be made for punishing such as refused 8. That the Sheriffs of the Counties were commanded by Writ to make Provisions of Corn and Victuals for the Kings Army and to cause them to be carried to the place appointed The like Command sent to the Merchants in the Port-Towns of England and Ireland and the Ships of the Subject taken to Transport such Provisions to the place assigned 9. Several Sums of Money raised by Subsidies and Fifteens from the English Subject and Aid of Money given and lent by the Merchant-Strangers toward the Maintenance of the War 10. That the King used to suspend the payment of his Debts for a certain time in regard of the great occasions he had to use Money in the Wars of Scotland Other Memorials were returned to the same effect but these the principal According to these Instructions his Majesty directs his Letters to the Temporal Lords his Writs to the High-Sheriffs his Orders to the Lord-Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants in their several Counties his Proclamations generally to all his Subjects Requiring of them all such Aids and Services in his present Wars as either by Laws oâ— Ancient Customs of the Land they were bound to give him He caused an Order also to be made by the Lords of the Council directed to the two Archbishops Ianuary 29. by which they were Required and Commanded To write their several and â—espâ—ctive Letters to all the Lords Bishops in their several Provinces respectively forthwith to convene before them all the Clergy oâ— Ability in their Diocesses and to incite them by such ways and means as shall be thought best by their Lordships to aid and assist his Majesty with their speedy and liberal Contributions and otherwise for defence of his Royal Person and of this Kingdom And that the same be sent to the Lord Treasurer of England with all diliâ—ence Subscribed by the Lord Keeper Coventry the Bishop of London Lord Treasurer the Earl of Manchester Lord Privy Seal tâ—â— Duke of Lenox the Earl of Lindsey Lord Great Chamberlain tâ—â— Earl of Arundel Earl-Marshal the Earl of Dorset Lord Chamberlain to the Queen the Earl oâ— Pembroke Lord Chamberlain to the King the Earl of Holland Chancellor of Cambridge Cottington Maâ—ter of the Wards Vane Treasurer of the Houshold Cooke and Winâ—â—bank the two Principal Secretaries Which Warrant whether it proceeded from the Kings own motion or was procured by the Archbishop himself to promote the Service is not much material Certain I am that he conformed himself unto it with a chearful diligence and did accordingly direct his Letters to his Suffragan Bishops in this â—ollowing â—orm My very good Lord I Have received an Order from the Lords of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Council giving me notice of the great Preparations made by sâ—me of Scotland both of Arms and all other Necessaries for War And that this can have no other end than to invade or annoy this his Majesties Kingdom of England For his Majesty having a good while since most graciously â—ielded to their Demands for securing the Religion by Law established amongst them hath made it appear to the World That it is not Religion but Sedition that stirs in them and fills them with this most irreligious Disobedience which at last breaks forth into a high degree of Treason against their Lawful Sovereign In this Case of so great danger both to the State and Church of England your Lordships I doubt not and your Clergie under you will not only be vigilant against the close Workings of any Pretenders in that kind but very free also to your Power and Proportion of Means leâ—t to the Church to contribute toward the raising of such an Army as by Gods Blâ—ssing and his Majesties Care may secure this Church and Kingdom from all intended Violence And according to the Order sent unto me by the Lords a Copy whereof you shall herewith receive these are to pray your Lordship to give a good Example in your own Person and with all convenient speed to call your Clergie and the abler Schoolmasters as well those which are in Peculiars as others and excite them by your self and such Commissioners as you will answer for to contribute to this Great and Necessary Service in which if they give not a good Example they will be much to blame But you are to call no poor Curates nor Stipendaries but such as in other Legal ways of Payment have been and are by Order of Law bound to pay The Proportion I know not well how to prescribe you but I hope they of your Clergie whom God hath blessed with better Estates than Ordinary will give freely and thereby help the want of Means in others And I hope also your Lordship will so order it as that every man will at the least give after the Proportion of 3 s. 10 d. in the Pound of the valuation of his Living or other Preferment in the Kings Books And this I thought fit to lâ—â— you further know That if any man have double Benefices or a Benefice and a Prebend or the like in divers Diocesses yet your Lordship must call upon them only for such Preferments as they have within your Diocess and leave them to pay for any other which they hold to the Bishop in whose Diocess their Preferments are As for the time your Lordship must use all the diligence you can and send up the Moneys if it be possible by the first of May next And for your Indempnity the Lord Treasurer is to give you such discharge by striking a Tally or Tallies upon your several Payments into the Exchequer as shall be fit to sâ—cure you without your Charge Your Lordship must further be pleased to send up a List of the Names of such as refuse this Service within their Diocess but I hope none will put you to that trouble It is further expected That your Lordship and every other Bishop express by it self and not in the general Sum of his Clergie that which himself gives And of this Service you must not fail So to Gods blessed Protection I leave you and rest Your Lordships very Loving Friend and Brother WILL. CANT Lambeth Ian. ult 1638. On the receiving of these Letters the Clergy were Convented in their several Diocesses encouraged by their several Ordinaries not to be wanting to his Majesty in the Present Service and divers Preparations used beforehand to dispose them to it which wrougâ—t so powerfully and effectually on the greatest part of them those which wish'd well unto the Scots seeming
it was chearfully entertained by the Lords of the Council who joined together with them in the Proposition promising his Majesty to assist him in extraordinary ways if the Parliament should fail him in it as they after did Upon these Terms his Majesty yielded to the Motion on the fifth of December causing an Intimation to be publickly made of his Intent to hold a Parliament on the 13th of April then next following An Intimation which the Londoners received with great signs of joy and so did many in the Country but such withal as gave no small matter of disturbance unto many others who could not think the calling of a Parliament in that point of time to be safe or seasonable The last Parliament being dissolved in a Rupture the Closets of some Members searched many of them imprisoned and some fined it was not to be thought but that they would come thither with revengeful Spirits And should a breach happen betwixt them and the King and the Parliament be Dissolved upon it as it after was the breach would prove irreparable as it after did Besides which fear it was presumed that the interval of four Months time would give the discontented Party opportunity to unite themselves to practice on the Shires and Burroughs to elect such Members as they should recommend unto them and finally not only to consult but to conclude on such Particulars as they inteâ—â—ed to insist upon when they were Assembled In which Resâ—â—â—â— the calling a Parliament at that time and with so long warning beforehand was conceived unsafe And if it was unsafe it was morâ— unseasonable Parliaments had now long been discontinued the People lived happily without them and few took thought who should see the next And which is more the Neighbouring Kings and States beheld the King with greater Veneration than they had done formerly as one that could stand on his own Legs and had raised up himself to so great Power both by Sea and Land without such discontents and brabbles as his Parliaments gave him So that to call a Parliament was â—eared to be the likeliest way to make his Majesty seem less in estimation both at home and abroad the eyes of men being distracted by so many objects But whatsoever others thought it was thought by Wentworth that he could manage a Parliament well enough to the Kings Advantage especially by setting them such a Lesson as should make them all ashamed of not writing after such a Copy Two ends they had in advising the Intimation of the Parliament to be given so long before the Sitting First That the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland might in the mean time hold a Parliament in that Kingdom which he did accordingly and governed the Affair so well that an Army of 8000 Horse and Foot some of our Writers say 10000 was speedily raised and Money granted by the Parliament to keep them in pay and furnish them with Ammunition Arms and all other Necessaries Secondly That by the Reputation of a following Parliament he might be the better enabled to borrow Money for the carrying on of that War if the Parliament should chance to fail of doing their Duty wherein the Lords performed their parts in drawing in great Sums of Money upon that account For causing a List to be made of most of the Persons of Ability which had relation to the Courts of Judicature either Ecclesiastical or Civil of such as held Offices of the Crown as attained unto his Majesties Service or otherwise were thought to be well affected to the present Cause and had not formerly contributed toward it they called them to the Council-Table where they endeavoured by the prevailing Rhetorick of Power and Favour to perswade them to a bountiful Contribution or a chearful Loan according to the Sums proportioned and requested of them In which they did proceed so well that money came flowing in apace enough to put the King into a condition of making new Levies of Men both for Horse and Foot Listing them under their Commanders and putting them into a Posture for the War approaching And that they might be sure to speed the better by the encouragement of a good Example the Lord Lieutenant subscribed for a Loan of 20000 l. the other Lords with the same Loyalty and Affection proportioning their Engagements to their Abilities and thereby giving Law to most of the Noblemen in all parts of the Kingdom Nor was the Queen wanting for her part to advance the Service For knowing how great a share she had in his Majesties Fortune she employed her Secretary Winter Mountague Digby and others of her Confidents of that Religion to negotiate with the rest of their party for being Assistant to his Majesty in so just a quarrel In which design she found such a liberal correspondence from the Roman Catholicks as shewed them to be somewhat ambitious of being accounted amongst the most Loyal and best affected of his Majesties Subjects These preparations being Resolved on and in some part made it was thought convenient that his Majesty should take the opportunity of the coming of some Commissioners from the Scots to call for an account of their late proceedings According unto which advice his Majesty appointed a Select Committee from the rest of the Council to bring those Commissioners to a reckoning to hear what they could say for themselves and the rest of their fellows and to make report thereof to his Majesty The Commissioners were the Earl of Dumfermelling the Lord London Douglas and Barkley both of inferiour rank but of like Authority Of which the Speakers part was performed by London A confident bold man of a Peâ—antical expressâ—on but one that loved to hear himself above all men living Being Commanded to attend the Committee at the time appointed they râ—nted high touching the Independency of the Crown of Scotland and did not think themselves obliged to Treat with any but his Majesty only His Majesties vouchsaâ—eâ—ng his presence at the said Committee London begins with a defence of their proceedings both in the General Assembly and the late Parliament held at Edenborough by his Majesties Order Alledged that nothing was done in them contrary to the Laws of the Land and the Precedents of former times and finally besought his Majesty to ratifie and confirm the Acts and Results of both Commissions They could shew none to qualifie them in the nature of Publick Agents Nor had they any power to Oblige their party in the performance of any thing which might give his Majesty full satisfaction for the time to come whatsoever satisfaction he was able to give them in debating the business His Majesty endeavoured not by reason only but by all fair and gentle means to let them see the unreasonableness of their demands the legality of their proceedings and the danger which would fall upon them if they continued obstinate in their former courses But London governed all the rest who being of a fiery nature in himself and a dependent
Worship of God his design to bring in Popery by the back-door of Arminianism and his endeavouring of a Reconciliation betwixt us and Rome And first as touching such Innovations in the Worship of God he makes a general purgation of himself in his Speech made in the Star-Chamber the sum and substance whereof you have seen before Out of which I shall only take this short and pithy Declaration which he makes of himself in relation to this part of his charge viz. I can say it clearly and truly as in the presence of God that I have done nothing as a Prelate to the utmost of what I am conscious but with a single heart and with a sincere intention for the good Government and honour of the Church and the maintenance of the Orthodox truth and Religion of Christ professed established and maintained in the Church of England For my care of this Church the reducing it to Order the upholding of the External Worship of God in it and the settling of the Rules of its first Reformation are the cause and the sole cause whatsoever is pretended of this malicious storm that hath lowred so black upon me and some of my Brethren The like Declaration he also makes in his first Speech to the Lords at the time of his tryal where we find it thus Ever since I came into place saith he I have laboured nothing more than that the External Worship of God so much slighted in divers parts of this Kingdom might be preserved and that with as much Decency and Uniformity as might be For I evidently saw that the publick neglect of Gods Service in the outward face of it and the nasty lying of many places dedicated to that Service had almost cast a damp upon the true and inward Worship of God which while we live in the body needs External helps and all little enough to keep it in any vigour And this I did to the utmost of my knowledge according both to Law and Canon and with the consent and liking of the People nor did any Command issue out from me against the one or the other And finally we shall find the like Declaration made by him on the Scaâ—fold at the time of his death in which sad hour there was no dissembling and I conceive all charitable men will believe so of it before God or man But because it relates also to the next particular we shall there meet with it And for the next particular concerning the designing to bring in â—â—pery it hath been further aggravated by his correspondency with tâ—e Popes Ministers here in England and his indulgence to that Party upon all occasions But of this he cleansed himself sufficiently in the 〈◊〉 Chamiber Speech before remembred in which he publickly avowed First That he knew of no plot or purpose of altering the Religion established Secondly That he had never been far from attempting any thing that may truly be said to tend that way in the least degree And thirdly having offered his Oath for the other two that it the King had a mind to change Religion which he knew he had not his Majesty must seek for other Instruments how basely soever those men had conceived of him The like 〈…〉 gives also in the last hour of his life when he was goâ—â—â— to tender an account of all his Actions before Gods Tribunal â—here is a Clamour that I would have brought in Popery but I was 〈◊〉 and baptized saith he in the bosome of the Church of England established by Law in that profession I have ever since lived and in that I come now to dye This is no time to dissemble with God least of all in matters of Religion and therefore I 〈◊〉 it may be remembred I have alwaies lived in the Protestant Religion established in England and in that I come now to die And then he adds with reference to the point before What Clamours and slanders I have endured for labouring to keep an Uniformity in the External Service of God according to the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church all men know and I have abundantly 〈◊〉 His Conference with Fisher the Iesuite in the year 1622. and 〈…〉 of that Conference Anno 1637. with Derings attestation 〈…〉 before we had do most abundantly evince this truth at he approved not the Doctrine of the Church of Rome And as 〈◊〉 approveâ— not of their Doctrines so he as much disliked their 〈◊〉 for gaining Proselytes or multiplying their followers in all 〈…〉 the Kingdom concerning which he tells his Majesty That 〈…〉 never had advised a persecution of the Papists in any 〈◊〉 yet God forbid saith he that your Majesty should let born Laws and Discipline sleep for fear of a Persecution and in the mean time let Mr. Fisher and his Fellows Angle in all parts of your Dominions for your Subjects If in your Grace and Goodness you will spare their persons yet I humbly beseech you to see to it that they be not suffered to lay either their Weels or bait their Hâ—oks or cast their Nets in every stream least the Temptation grow both too general and too strong So he in the Epistle Dedicatory to his Large Relation of the Conference between him and Fisher published in the end of the year forgoing Assuredly it must needs seem extremely ridiculous to others and contradictory to it self to confute the chief Doctrines of the Papists and oppose their practicings if he â—ad had any such design to bring in Popery And being thus averse from them in point of Doctrine he declined all correspondence and acquaintance with them whereby he might come under the suspicion of some secret Practice I hold it probable enough that the better to oblige the Queen unto him of whose Prevalency in the Kings affections he could not be ignorant he might consent to Con's coming hither over from the Pope to be assistant to her in such affairs as the nature of her Religion might occasion with the Sea of Rome But he kept himself at such a distance that neither Con nor Panzani before him who acted for a time in the same capacity could fasten any acquaintance on him The Pamphlet called The Popes Nuncio Printed in the year 1643. hath told us That Panzani at his being here did desire a Conference with the Archbishop of Canterbury but was put of and procrastinated therein from day to day That at the last he departed the Kingdom without any Speech with him The like we find in the discovery of Andreas ab Habernfield who tells us of this Con That finding the Kings Judgment to depend much on the Archbishop of Canterbury his faithful Servant he resolved to move every stone and bend all his strength to gain him to his side being confident he had prepared the means For he had a command to make offer of a Cardinals Cap to the Lord Archbishop in the name of the Pope of Rome and that he should allure him
care as in the other And to that end he was not pleased that the Pope should be any longer stigmatized by the name of Antichrist and gave a strict Charge unto his Chaplains That all exasperating Passages which edifie nothing should be expunged out of such Books as by them were to be Licenced to the Press and that no Doctrines of that Church should be writ against but such as seemed to be inconsistent with the establish'd Doctrine of the Church of England Upon which ground it was that Baker Chaplain to the Bishop of London refused to Licence the Reprinting of a Book about the Gunpowder-Treason saying to him that brought the Book That we were not so angry with the Papists now as we were about twenty years since and that there was no need of any such Books to exasperate them there being now an endeavour to win them to us by fairness and mildness And on the same ground Bray Chaplain to the Archbishop refused the Licencing of another called The Advice of a Son unless he might expunge some unpleasing Expressions affirming That those Passages would offend the Papists whom we were now in a fair way of winning and therefore must not use any harsh Phrases against them The Chaplains not to be condemned for their honest care and much less their Lords though I find it very heavily charged as a Crime in all In the English Litany set out by King Henry viii and continued in both Liturgies of King Edward vi there was this Clause against the Pope viz. From the Tyranny of the Bishop of Rome and all his detestable Enormities Good Lord c. Which being considered as a means to affright those of the Romish Party from coming diligently to our Churches was prudently expunged by those who had the Revising of the Liturgie in the first year of the Queen In imitation of whose Piety and Christian Care it was thought fit by the Archbishop to change some Phrases which were found in the Books of Prayer appointed â—or the Fifth of November The first was this Root out the Babylonish and Antichristian Seâ—t which say of Jerusalem Down with it c. Which he changed only unto this Root out the Babylonish or Antichristian Sect of them which say c. The second was Cut off those Workers of Iniquity whose Religion is Rebellion and whose Faith is Faction which he changed no otherwise than thus Cut off those Workers of Iniquity who turn Religion into Rebellion c. The Alterations were but small but the clamour great which was raised about it The Puritans complaining That the Prayers so altered were intended to reflect on 〈◊〉 seemed to be conscious to themselves of turning Religion into Rebellion and saying of Jerusalem like the old Babylonish Sect Down with it down with it to the ground But he had better reason for it than they had against it For if the first Reformers were so careful of giving no offence to the Romish Party as to expunge a Passage out of the Publick Liturgie when the Queen was a Protestant much greater reason had the Archbishop to correct those Passages in a formal Prayer not confirmed by Law when the Queen was one of that Religion Nothing in this or any of the rest before which tends to the bringing in of Popery the prejudice of the true Protestant Religion or the suppressing of the Gospel Had his Designs tended to the Advancing of Popery he neither would have took such pains to confute their Doctrines nor they have entertained such secret practices to destroy his Person of which more hereafter Had he directed his endeavours to suppress the Protestants he would not have given so much countenance to Dury a Scot who entertained him with some hopes of working an Accord betwixt the Lutheran and Calvinian Churches In which Service as he wasted a great deal of time to little purpose so he received as much Encouragement from Canterbury as he had reason to expect Welcome at all times to his Table and speaking honourably of him upon all occasions till the Times were changed when either finding the impossibility of his Undertaking or wanting a Supply of that Oyl which maintained his Lamp he proved as true a Scot as the rest of that Nation laying the blame of his miscarriage in it on the want of Encouragement and speaking disgracefully of the man which had given him most Had he intended any prejudice to the Reformed Religion Reformed according to the Doctrine of Calvin and the Genevian Forms both of Worship and Government he would not have so cordially advanced the General Collection for the Palatine Churches or provided so heartily for the Rochellers and their Religion touching which last we find this Clause in a Prayer of his for the Duke of Buckingham when he went Commander of his Majesties Forces for the Isle of Rhe viz. Bless my dear Lord the Duke that is gone Admiral with them that Wisdom may attend all his Counsels and Courage and Success all his Enterprises That by his and their means thou wilt be pleased to bring Safety to this Kingdom Strength and Comfort to Religion Victory and Reputation to our Country Had he projected any such thing as the suppressing of the Gospel he would not have shewed himself so industrious in preventing Socinianism from poysoning those of riper years in turning afternoon Sermons into Catechising for the instruction of Children in prohibiting all Assemblies of Anabaptists Familists and other Sectaries which oppose the Common Principles of the Christian Faith For that his silencing of the Arminian Controversies should be a means to suppress the Gospel or his favouring of those Opinions designed for a back-door to bring in Popery no wise man can think The Points in Controversie between the Calvinists and Arminians in the Reformed Churches of Calvin's Plat-form are agitated no less fiercely by the Dominicans on the one side the Iesuits and Franciscans on the other side in the Church of Rome the Calvinists holding with the Dominicans as the Arminians do with the Iesuit and Franciscan Friars And therefore why any such compliance with the Dominicans the principal Sticklers and Promoters in the Inquisition should not be looked on as a Back-door to bring in Popery as well as a Compliance in the same Points with the other two Orders is beyond my reach With which I shut up my Discourse touching the Counsels and Designs which were then on foot and conclude this year The next begins with a Parliament and Convocation the one Assembled on the thirteenth the other on the fourteenth of April In Calling Parliaments the King directs his Writs or Letters severally to the Peers and Prelates requiring them to attend in Parliament to be holden by the Advice of his Privy Council at a certain Time and Place appointed and there to give their Counsel in some great and weighty Affairs touching himself the safety of the Realm and the defence of the Church of England A Clause being
of the Kingdom honoured him with the Order of the Garter and made him one of the Lords of his Privy Council so that no greater characters of Power and Favour could be imprinted on a Subject The Office of Lieutenant General he had committed unto the Earl of Strafford Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of whose Fidelity and Courage he could make no question And the Command of the Horse to Edward Lord Conway whose Father had been raised by King Iames from a private condition to be one of his principal Secretaries and a Peer of the Realm Of which three great Commanders it was observed that one had sufficient health but had no will to the business That another had a good will to it but wanted health and that a third had neither the one nor the other And yet as crasie and infirm as the Earl of Strafford found himself he chearfully undertook the charge of the Army in the Generals absâ—nce and signified by Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury that he durst venture upon the peril of his head to drive the Scots out of England but that he did not hold it Counsellable as the case then stood If any other of the Lords had advised the King to try his Fortune in a Battel he doubted not of sending them home in more haste than they came but the Scots had rendred him unfit to make the motion for fear it might be thought that he studied more his own Concernments than he did the Kings For these Invadors finding by whose Counsels his Majesty governed his Affairs resolved to draw them into discredit both with Prince and People And to that end it was declared in a Remonstrance publisht before their taking Arms That their Propositions and Desires so necessary and vital unto that Kingdom could find no access unto the ears of the gracious King by reason of the powerful Diversion of the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Deputy of Ireland who strengthned with the high and mighty Faction of Papists near his Majesty did only side in all matters of Temporal and Spiritual affairs making the necessity of their Service to his Majesty to appear in being the only fit Instruments under the pretext of vindicating his Majesties Honour to oppress both the just Liberties of his Free Subjects and the true Reformed Religion in all his Kingdoms Seconding this Remonstrance with another Pamphlet called The Intention of the Army they signified therein to the good People of England that they had no design either to waste their Goods or spoyl their Country but only to become Petitioners to his Sacred Majesty to call a Parliament and to bring the said Archbishop and Lord Lieutenant to their condign Punishments In which those modest men express That as they desired the unworthy Authors of their trouble who had come out from themselves to be tried at home according to their own Laws so they would press no further Process against Canterbury and the Lieutenant of Ireland and the rest of those pernicious Counsellors in England whom they called the Authors of all the miseries of both Kingdoms than what their own Parliament should discern to be their just deserving And that the English might see the better whom they chiefly aimed at a book was published by the name of Laudensium Autocatacrisis or the Canterburians Self-conviction in which the Author of it did endeavour to prove out of the Books Speeches and Writings of the Archbishop himself as also of some Bishops and other learned men who had exercised their Pens in the late disputes That there was a strange design in hand for bringing in Superstition Popery and Arminianism to the subversion of the Gospel and of suppressing the Religion here by Law established But as these Reproaches moved not him so neither did their Remonstrance or any other of their Scribbles distract his Majesties Resolutions untill he found himself assaulted by a Petition from some Lords in the South which threatned more danger at his back than he had cause to fear from the Northern Tempest which blew directly in his teeth Complaint was made in this Petition of the many inconvenicences which had been drawn upon this Kingdom by his Majesties engagings against the Scots as also of the great encrease of Popery the pressing of the present payment of Ship-money the dissolving of former Parliaments Monopolies Innovations and some other grâ—evances amongst which the Canons which were made in the late Convocation could not be omitted For Remedy whereof his Majesty is desired to call a Parliament to bring the Authors of the said pretended grievances to a Legal Trial and to compose the present War without Bloudshed Subscribed by the Earls of Essex Hartford Rutland Bedford Exeter Warwick Moulgrave and Bullingbrooke the Lords Say Mandevil Brooke and Howard presented to the King at York on the third of September And seconded by another from the City of London to the same effect His Majesty being thus between two Milstones could find no better way to extricate himself out of these perplexities than to call the great Council of his Peers to whom at their first meeting on the 24 of the same month he signified his purpose to hold a Parliament in London on the third of November and by their Counsel entertained a Treaty with those of Scotland who building on the confidence which they had in some Lords of England had petitioned for it According unto which Advice a Commission is directed to eight Earls and as many Barons of the English Nation seven of which had subscribed the former Petition enabling them to treat with the Scots Commissioners to hear their Grievances and Demands and to report the same to his Majesty and the Lords of his Council These points being gained which the Puritan Faction in both Kingdoms had chiefly aimed at the Scots were insolent enough in their Proposals Requiring freedom of Commerce Reparation of their former Losses and most especially the maintenance of their Army at the charge of the English without which no Cessation would be harkned to Satisfaction being given them in their last Demand and good Assurances for the two first they decline York as being unsafe for their Commissioners and procure Rippon to be named for the place of the Treaty where the Lord Lieutenant was of less influence than he was at York and where being further from the King they might shuffle the Cards and play the Game to their best contentment The rest of October from the end of the first week of it when they excepted against York was drilled on in requiring that some persons of quality intrusted by the Scottish Nation might have more Offices than they had about his Majesty and the Queen and in the Court of the Prince That a Declaration might be made for naturalizing and settling the Capacities and mutual Priviledges of the Subjects in both Kingdoms but chiefly that there might be an Unity and Uniformity in Church-Government as a special means for conserving
be delivered in Parliament before the thirtieth of October next ensuing Anno 1641. It may be justly wondred at that all this while we have heard nothing of the Scots the chief promoters of these mischiefs but we may rest ourselves assured that they were not idle soliciting their affairs both openly and underhand instant in season and cut of season till they had brought about all ends which invited them hither They had made sure work with the Lord Lieutenant and feared 〈◊〉 the Resurâ—â—ction of the Lord Archbishop though Doâ—med at that time only to a Civil death They had gratified the Commons in procuring all the Acts of Parliament before remembred and paring the Bishops nails to the very quick by the only terrour of their Arms and were reciprocally gratified by them with a gift of three hundred thousand pounds of good English money in the name of a brotherly assistance for their pretended former losses which could not rationally be computed to the tenth part of that Sum. And in relation to that Treaty they gained in a manner all those points which had been first insisted on in the meeting at Rippon and many additionals also which were brought in afterwards by London In their Demand concerning Unity in Religion and Uniformity in Church-Government the Answer savoured rather of delay than satisfaction amounting to no more than this That his Majesty with the Advice oâ— both Houses of Parliament did well approve of the affections of his Subjects of Scotland in their desires of having a Conformity of Church-Government between the two Nations And that as the Parliament had already taken into consideration the Reformation of Church-Government so they would proceed therein in due time as should best conduce to the glory of God and peace of the Church and of both Kingdoms Which Condescensions and Conclusions being ratified on August 7. by Act of Parliament in England a Provision was also made for the security of all his Majesties Party in reference to the former troubles excluding only the Scottish Prelates and four more of that Nation from the benefit of it And that being done his Majesty sâ—t forwards toward Scotland on Tuesday the tenth of the same month giving order as he went for the Disbanding of both Armies that they might be no further charge or trouble to him Welcomed he was with great joy to the City of Edenborough in regard he came with full desires and resolutions of giving all satisfaction to that People which they could expect though to the Diminution of his Royal Rights and just Prerogative He was resolved to sweeten and Caress them with all Acts of Grace that so they might reciprocate with him in their Love and Loyalty though therein he found himself deceived For he not only ratified all the Transactions of the Treaty confirmed in England by Act of Parliament in that Kingdom but by like Act abolished the Episcopal Government and yielded to an alienation of all Church-Lands restored by his Father or himself for the maintenance of it A matter of most woful consequence to the Church of England For the House of Commons being advertised of these Transactions prest him with their continual importunities after his Return to subvert the Government oâ— Bishops here in England in the destruction whereof he had been pleased to gratifie his Scottish Subjects which could not be râ—puted so considerable in his estimation nor were so in the eye of the World as the English were What followed hereupon we may hear too soon â—â—is good sucâ—â—ss of the Scots encouraged the Irish Papists to attempt the like and to attempt it in the same way the Scots had gone that is to say by seâ—sing his Majesties Towns Forts and Castles putting themselves into the body of an Army banishing and imprisoning all such as opposed their Practices and then Petitioning the King for a publick exercise of their Religion And they had this great furtherance to promote their hopes For when the King was prest by the Commons for the disbanding of the Irish Army a suite was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain that he might have leave to list three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the Wars to which motion his Majesty readily condescending gave order in it accordingly But the Commons never thinking themselves 〈◊〉 as long as any of that Army had a Sword in his hand never 〈◊〉 inâ—pâ—â—tuning the King whom they had now brought to the condition 〈◊〉 dâ—â—ying nothing which they asked till they had made him â—at his word and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour which so â—xâ—â—pâ—rated that Army consisting of 8000 Foot and 1000 Horse that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of tâ—at Plot to make sure of them And then considering that the Scâ—â—s by raising of an Army had gained from the King an abolition of tâ—e Episcopal Order the Rescinding of his own and his Fathers Acts aâ—out the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this aâ—d settled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours Why might not the Irish Papists hope that by the help of such an Army ready raised to their hands or easily drawn together tâ—ough dispersed at present they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion The 23 of October was the day designed for tâ—e seizing of the City and Castle of Dublin and many places of great Importance in that Kingdom But failing in the main dâ—â—ign which had been discovered the night before by one O Conally they brake out into open Arms dealing no better with the Protestants there than the Covenanters had done with the Royal Party in Scotland Oâ— this Rebellion for it must be called a Rebellion in the Irish though not in the Scots his Majesty gives present notice to the Houses of Parliament requiring their Counsel and assistance for the extinguishing of that Flame before it had wasted and consumed that Kingdom But neither the necessity of the Protestants there â—ot the Kings importunity here could perswade them to Levy one man toward the suppression of those Rebels till the King had disclaimed his power of pressing Souldiers in an Act of Parliament and thereby laid himself open to such Acts of violence as were then hammering against him But to proceed his Majesty having settled his Affairs in Scotland to the full contentment of the People by granting them the Acts of Grace before remembred and giving some addition of Honour to his greatest enemies amongst whom Lesly who commanded their two lâ—te Armies most undeservedly was advanced to the Title of Earl of Leven prepared in the beginning of Novemb. for his journey to London where he was welcomed by the Lord Mayor and Citizens with all imaginable expressions of Love and Duty But the Commons at the other end of the Town entertain'd him with a sharp Declaration Entituled The Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom which they presented to
of note above 300. Divines 108. Freeholders and Subsidy men 800. A greater number in the total â—â—en might have been expected from so small a Diocess consisting 〈◊〉 of 257. Parishes distempered by the mixture of so many Churches of French and Dutch and wholly under the command of the Houses of Parliament Many Petitions of like nature came from other Counties where the People were at any Liberty to speak their own sense and had not their hands tied from Acting in their own concernments All which with some of those which had led the way unto the Rest were published by Order from his Majesty bearing date May 20. 1642. under the title of a Collection of the Petitions of divers Countries c. Which Petitions being so drawn together and besides many which were presented after this Collection amounted to nineteen in all that is to say two from the County of Chester two from Cornwall one from the University of Oxon. and another from the University of Cambridge One from the Heads of Colledges and Halls this from the Diocess of Canterbury another from the Diocess of Exeter one from the six Counties of North-wales and one apiece from the Counties of Notingham Huntington Somerset Rutland Stafford Lancaster Kent Oxford and Hereford Nor came these Petitions thus collected either from Persons â—ew in Number or inconsiderable in quality like those of the Porters Watermen and other poor people which clamored with so much noise at the doors of the Parliament but from many thousands of the best and most eminent Subjects of the Realm of England The total Number of Subscribers in seven of the said Counties only besides the Diocess of Canterbury and the Burrough of Southwark the rest not being computed in the said Collection amounting to 482. Lords and Knights 1748. Esquires and Gentlemen of Note 631. Doctors and Ministers 44559. Freeholders which shows how generally well affected the People were both to the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England if they had not been perverted and over-awed by the Armies and Ordinances of the House of Parliament which Commanded the greatest part of the Kingdom And though perhaps the Subscribers on the other side might appear more numerous considering how Active and United that party was yet was it very well observed in reference to the said Subscriptions by a Noble Member of that House That the numberless number of those of a different sense appeared not publickly nor cried so loud as being persons more quiet secure in the goodness of their Laws the wisdom of their Law-makers and that it was not a thing usual to Petition for what men have but for what they have not But notwithstanding the importunity of the Petitioners on the one side and the Moderation of the Kings Answer on the other the prevailing party in both Houses had Resolved long since upon the Question which afterwards they declared by their publick Votes For on the 11 â—h of September tâ—e Vote passed in the house of Commons for abolishing Bishops Deans and Chapters celebrated by the inâ—atuated Citizâ—ns as all other publick mischiefs were with Bells and Bonfires â—the Lords not coming in till the end of Ianuary when it past there also The War in the mean time begins to open The Parliament had their Guards already and the affront which Hotham had put upon his Majesty at Hull prompted the Gentlemen of Yorkshire to tender themselves for a Guard to his Person This presently Voted by both Houses to be a leavying of War against the Parliament for whose defence not only the Trained Bands of London must be in readiness and the Good people of the Country required to put themselves into a posture of Arms but Regiments of Horse and Food are Listed a General appointed great Summs of Mony raised and all this under pretence of taking the King out of the hands of his Evil Counsellors The noise of these preparations hastens the King from York to Notingham where he sets up his Standard inviting all his good Subjects to repair unto him for defence of their King the Laws and Religion of their Country He encreased his forces as he marched which could not come unto the Reputation of being an Army till he came into Shropshire where great Bodies of the Loyall and Stout hearted Welch resorted to him Strengthened with this and furnished sufficiently with field Pieces Arms and Ammunition which the Queen had sent to him out of Holland he resolves upon his March to London but on Sunday the 23th of Octob. was encountred on the way at a place called Edghill by the Parliaments Forces The Fight very terrible for the time no fewer then 5000 men slain upon the place The Prologue for a greater slaughter if the Dark night had not put an end to that dispute Each part pretended the Victory but it went cleerly on the Kings side who though he lost his General yet he kept the Field and possessed himself of the Dead bodies and not so only but he made his way open unto London and in his way forced Banbury Castle in the very sight as it were of the Earl of Essex who with his flying Army made all the hast he could toward the City that he might be there before the King to serve the Parliament More certain signs there could not be of an absolute victory In the battel of Turo between the Confederates of Italy and Charles the 8th of France it happened so that the Confederates kept the Field possest themselves of the Camp Baggage and Artillery which the French in their breaking through had left behind them And yet the Honour of the day was generally given unto the French For though they lost the Field their Camp Artillery and Baggage yet they obtained what they fought for which was the opening of their way to France and which the Confederates did intend to deprive them off Which Resolution in that Case may be a Ruling Case to this the King having not only kept the Field possest himself of the dead bodies Pillaged the Carriages of the Enemy but forcibly opened his way toward London which the Enemy endeavoured to hinder and finally entred Triumphantly into Oxon with no fewer then one hundred and twenty Colours taâ—en in the fight Having assured himself of Oxon. for his Winter Quarters he Resolved on his Advance toward London but made so many Halts in the way that Essex was got thither before him who had disposed of his Forces at Kingston Branford Acton and some other places thereabouts not only to stop his March but to fall upon him in the Rere as occasion served Yet he goes forward notwithstanding as far as Brainford out of which he beats two of their best Regiments takes 500 Prisoners sinks their Ordnance with an intent to march forward on the morrow after being Sunday November 13. But understanding that the Earl of Essex had drawn his Forces out of Kingston and joyning with the London Auxiliaries lay in the
provide them Necessaries before they would budge toward the Tweed And yet all these Temptations were not of such prevalency with the Principal Covenanters as an Assurance which was given them of calling Canterbury their supposed old Enemy to a present Tryal Who having been imprisoned upon their complaint almost three years since seems to have been preserved all this while for no other purpose than for a bait to hook them in for some new Imployments The Walls of some Confederacies like that of Catiline are never thought to be sufficiently well built but when they are cemented with bloud All matters thus resolved on the Covenant agreed on betwixt them and the Scots was solemnly taken by both Houses in St. Margarets Church and generally imposed upon all such as were obnoxious to their power and lived under the command of their Forts and Garrisons the taking whereof conduced as visibly to the destruction of this most reverend and renowned Prelate as to the present subversion of the Government and Liturgy here by Law established In the first branch it was to be covenanted and agreed between the Nations that is to say between the Puritan or Presbyterian Factions in either Kingdom That all endeavours should be used for the preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland both in Doctrine Worship Liturgy and Government and for bringing the three Kingdoms to the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in Religion Confession of Faith Form of Church-Government Directory for Worship and Catechising And in the second That in like manner they endeavour without any respect of Persons the extirpation of Popery Prelacy that is Church-Government by Archbishops and Bishops their Chancellors or Commissaries Deans Deans and Chapters Archdeacons and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on the Hierarchy Superstition Heresie Schism Profaneness and what soever should be found contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of Godliness But all this might have been pursued to the end of the Chace without danger to the life of any whether they endeavoured it or not whether their lives might be an hindrance or their deaths give a spur to put on the work And therefore in the fourth place it was also Covenanted That they should with all diligence and faithfulness discover all such as have been or shall be Incendiaries Malignants or evil Instruments by hindring the Reformation of Religion dividing the King from his People or one of the Kingdoms from one another or making any Faction or Parties amongst the People contrary to this League and Covenant that they may be brought to publick trial and receive condign punishment as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve or the supream Judicatories of both Kingdoms respectively or others having power from them for that effect shall judge convenient Which Article seems to have been made to no other purpose but to bring the Archbishop to the Block as the like clause was thrust into the Protestation of the third of May Anno 1641. to make sure work with the Earl of Strafford whom they had then designed to the said sad end And this may be the rather thought because the Covenant was contrived and framed in Scotland where none but his sworn Enemies could be supposed to have had any hand in it and being by them so contrived was swallowed without much enewing by the Houses of Parliament who were not then in a con 〈◊〉 to deny them any thing But by whomsoever it was framed his Majesty saw well enough that it aimed at the subversion of the present Government and the diminution of his Power if not the destruction of his Person the preservation and safety whereof was to be endeavoured no further than in defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdom Which how great or little it might be or what was meant by true Religion and the publick Liberties was left wholly unto their construction who would be sure not to interpret any thing to his best advantage His Majesty therefore looking on it as a dangerous Combination against himself the established Religion and the Laws of this Kingdom for the bringing in of Foreign Forces to subvert them all interdicted all his Subjects from imposing or taking the same as they would answer the contrary at their utmost Perils Which Proclamation bearing date on the ninth of October came out too late to hinder the taking and enjoyning of this Covenant where the restraint thereof might have been most necessary For the Commons were so quick at their work that on Munday September 25. it had been solemnly taken by all the Members of that House and the Assembly of Divines at St. Margarets in Westminster in the same Church within two daies after it was administred with no less solemnity to divers Lords Knights Gentlemen Colonels Officers Souldiers and others residing in and about the City of London a Sermon being preached by Coleman though otherwise a principal Erastian in point of Government to justifie the Piety and Legality of it and finally enjoyned to be taken on the Sunday following in all Churches and Chappels of London within the Lines of Communication by all and every the Inhabitants within the same as afterward by all the Kingdom in convenient time Prosecuted in all places with such cursed rigour that all such who refused to subscribe the same and to lift up their hands to God in testimony that they called him to witness to it were turned both out of house and home as they use to say not suffered to compound for their Goods or Lands till they had submitted thereunto A terrible and wofull time in which men were not suffered to enjoy their Estates without betraying themselves to the Kings displeasure and making shipwrack of a good conscience in the sight of God Upon which ground considering it consisted of six Principal branches it was compared by some to the six knotted whip or the Statute of the six Articles in the time of King Henry viii this Covenant drawing in the Scots and thereby giving an occasion of shedding infinitely much more bloud than those Articles did Certain I am that if all such as died in the War upon that account may not go for Martyrs all such as irrecoverably lost their Estates and Livings for refusal of it may be called Confessors Others with no unhappy curiosity observing the number of the words which make up this Covenant abstracted from the Preface and Conclusion of it found them amounting in the total to 666. neither more nor less which being the number of the Beast in the Revelation pursued with such an open persecution and prosecuted to the loss of so many lives the undoing of so many Families and the subverting of the Government both of Church and State may very justly intitle it to so much of Antichrist as others have endeavoured to confer on the Popes of Rome For if the Pope shewed any thing of the Spirit of Antichrist by bringing Cranmer the first Protestant
God for it I am for it at St. Paul's word Acts 25.11 If I have committed any thing worthy of death I refuse not to die For I thank God I have so lived that I am neither afraid to die nor ashamed to live But seeing the Malignity which hath been raised against me by some men I have carried 〈◊〉 Life in my hands these divers years past I may not in this Case and at this Bar appeal unto Caesar yet to your Lordships Justice and Integrity I both may and do not doubting but that God of his Goodness will preserve my Innocency And as Job in the midst of his afflictious said to his mistaken Friends so shall I to my Accusers God forbid I should justifie you till I die I will not remove my Integrity from me I will hold it fast and not let it go my heart shall not reproach me as long as I live Iob. 27.5 6. My Lords the Charge against me is brought up in Ten Articles but the main Heads are two An Endeavour to subvert the Laws of the Land and the Religion Estaâ—liâ—â—ed Six Articles the five first and the last concern the 〈◊〉 and the other four Religion For the Laws first I think I may safely say I have been to my understanding as strict an Observer of them so far as they concern me as any man hath and since I came into the Place I have followed them and have been as much guided by them as any man that sate where I had the honour to sit And of this I am sorry I have lost the Testimony of the Lord Keeper Coventry and other Persons of Honour since dead And the Counsellors which attended thâ— Council-Board can witness some of them here present That in all References to the Bord or Debates arising at it I was for that part oâ— the Cause where I found Law to be and if the Counsel desired to have the Cause left to the Law well might I move in some Cases Charity or Conscience to them but I left them to the Law if thither they would go And how such a Carriage as this through the whole course of my Life in private and publick can stand with an intention to overthrow the Laws I cannot see Nay more I have ever been of opinion That Laws bind the Conscience And have accordingly made conscience in observing of them and this Doctrine I have constantly Preached as occasion hath been offered me and how is it possible I should seek to overthrow those Laws which I held my self bound in conscience to keep and observe As for Religion I was born and bred up under the Church of England as it stands established by Law I have by Gods Blessing growâ— up in it to the years which are now upon me and the Place of Preferment which I now bear I have ever since I understood ought of my Proâ—eâ—â—ion kept one constant Tenor in this my Profession without variation or shifting from one Opinion to another for any worldly ends And if my conscience would have suffered me to do so I could easily have slid through all the difficulties which have been prest upon me in this kind But of all Diseases I ever held a Palsie in Religion most dangerous well knowing and ever remembring That that Disease often ends in a Dead Palsie Ever since I came in place I have laboured nothing more than that the External Publick Wâ—rship of God so much slighted in divers parts of this Kingdom might be preserved and that with as much Decency and Vniformity as might be For I evidently saw That the publick neglect of Gods Service in the outward face of it and the nasty lying of many Places dedicated to that Service had almost cast a damp upon the true and inward Worship of God which while we live in the body needs external helps and all little enough to keep it in any vigour And this I did to the utmost of my knowledge according both to Law and Canon and with the consent and liking of the People Nor did any Command issue out from me against the one nor without the other Further my Lords give me leave I beseech you to acquaint you with this also That I have as little acquaintance with Recusants as I believe any mâ—n of my place in England hath or eveâ— had since the Reformation And for my Kindred no one of them was ever a Recusant but Sir William Webb Grandchild to my Vncle Sir William Webb sometimes Lord Mayor of London and since which sâ—me of his Children I reduced back again to the Church of England On this I humbly desire one thing more may be thought on That I am fallen into a great deal of Obloquy in matter of Religion and that so far as appears by the Articles against me that I have endeavoured to advance and bring in Popery Perhaps my Lords I am not ignorant what Party of men have raised these Scandals upon me nor for what end nor perhaps by whom set on but howsoever I would fain have a good Reasâ—n given me if my Conscience stood that way and that with my Conscience I could subscribe to the Church of Rome what should have kept me here before my Imprisonment to endure the Libelling and the Slander and the base Vsage that hath been put upon me and these to end in this Question for my Life I say I would know a good Reason for this â—irst my Lords Is it because of any Pledges I have in this World to sway me against my Conscience No sure for I had neither Wife nor Children to cry out upon me to stay with them And if I had I hope the calling of my Conscience should be heard above them Is it because I was both to lose the Honour and Profit of the Place I was risen to Surâ—ly no For I desire your Lordships and all the World should knâ—w I do much scorn the one and the other in comparison of my Conscience Besides it cannot be imagined by any man but that if I should 〈◊〉 gone over to them I should not have wanted both Honour and 〈◊〉 and suppose not so great as this I have here yet sure would 〈…〉 have served my self of either less with my Conscience 〈◊〉 have prevailed with me more then greater against my Consci 〈…〉 because I lived here at Ease and was loth to venture the 〈…〉 that Not so neither For whatsoever the World may be pleased to think of me I have led a very painful Life and such as I would 〈◊〉 been content to change had I well known how And would my Conscience have served me that way I am sure I might have lived at far more ease and either have avoided the barbarous Libelling and â—â—her bitter grievous Scorns which have been put upon me or at least been â—ut of the hearing of them Not to trouble your Lordships too long I am so innocent in the Business of Religion so free from all Practice or so much