every of them And hereunto I subscribe my Name And I shall give the Reader that pure that holy Oath indeed the Solemn League and Covenant which was the Head-spring of those others and the Fountain of all Evills that overflowed the three Nations WE Noblemen Barons Knights Gentlemen Citizens The Solemn League and Covenant Burgesses Ministers of the Gospel and Commons of all sorts in the Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland by the Providence of God living under one King and being of one Reformed Religion having before our eyes the Glory of God and the Advancement of the Kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ the Honour and Happiness of the Kings Majesty and his Posterity and the true publick Liberty Safety and Peace of the Kingdoms wherein every ones private Condition is included And calling to mind the treacherous and bloody Plots Conspiracies Attempts and Practices of the Enemies of God against the true Religion and Professors thereof in all places especially in these three Kingdoms ever since the Reformation of Religion and how much their rage power and presumption are of late and at this time increased and exercised whereof the deplorable Estate of the Church and Kingdom of Ireland the dâ—stressed Estate of the Church and Kingdom of England and the dangerous Estate of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland are present and publick testimonies We have now at last after other means of Supplication Remonstrance Protestations and Sufferings for the preservation of our selves and our Religion from utter ruine and destruction according to the commendable practice of these Kingdoms in former times and the example of Gods people in other Nations after mature deliberation resolved and determined to enter into a mutual and solemn League and Covenant wherein we all subscribe and each one of us for himself with our hands lifted up to the most High do Swear 1. That we shall sincerely really and constantly through the Grace of God endeavour in our several Places and callings the Preservation of the Reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government against our common Enemies The Reformaâ—â—on of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government according to the Word of God and the Example of the best Reformed Churches And shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms to the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in Religion Coâ—fession of Faith Form of Church-Government Directory for Worship and Catechising that we and our Posterity after us may as Brethren live in Faith and Love the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us 2. That we shall in like manner without respect of persons endeavour the extirpation of Popery Prelacy that is Church-government by Archbishops Bishops their Chancellours and Commissaries Deans Deans and Chapters Arch-Deacons and all other Ecclesiastical Officers depending on that Hierarchy Superstition Heresie Schism Prophaness and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound Doctrine and the power of Godliness lest we partake in other mens sins and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues And that the Lord may be one and his Name one in the three Kingdoms 3. We shall with the same sincerity reality and constancy in our several vocations endeavour with our Estates and Lives mutually to preserve the Rights and Privileges of the Parliaments and the Liberties of the Kingdoms and to preserve and defend the Kings Majesties Person and Authority in the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms That the World may bear witness with our Consciences of our Loyalty and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesties just power and greatness 4. We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shall be Incendiaries Malignants or evil Instruments by hindering the Reformation of Religion dividing the King from his People or one of the Kingdoms from another or making any faction or parties amongst the people contrary to this League and Covenant that they may be brought to publique Tryal and receive condign â—unishment as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve or the Supreme Judicatories of both Kingdoms respectively or others having power from them for that effect shall judge convenient 5. And whereas the happiness of a blessed Peace between these Kingdoms denyed in former times to our Progenitors is by the good Providence of God granted unto us and hath been lately concluded and setled by both Parliaments We shall each one of us according to our place and interest endeavour that they may remain conjoyned in a firm Peace and Union to all Posterity and that Justice may be done upon the wilfull Opposers thereof in manner expressed in the precedent Article 6. Wee shall also according to our places and callings in this common Cause of Religion Liberty and Peace of the Kingdoms assist and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant in the maintaining and pursuing thereof and shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combination perswasion or terrour to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed Union and conjunction whether to make defection to the contrary part or to give our selves to a detestable indifferencie or neutrality in this Cause which so much concerneth the glory of God the good of the Kingdoms and honour of the King but shall all the days of our lives zealously and constantly continue therein against all opposition and promote the same according to our power against all lets and impediments whatsoever And what we are not able our selves to suppress or overcome we shall reveal and make known that it may be timely prevented and removed All which we shall do as in the sight of God And because these Kingdoms are guilty of many Sins and provocations against God and his Son Jesus Christ as is too manifest by our present distresses and dangers the fruits thereof We profess and declare before God and the World our unfeigned desire to be humbled for our own sins and for the sins of these Kingdoms especially that we have not as we ought valued the inestimable benefit of the Gospel that we have not laboured for the purity and power thereof aâ—d that we have not endeavoured to receive Christ in our hearts nor to walk worthy of him in our Lives which are the causes of other sins and transgressions so much abounding amongst us And our true and unfeigned purpose desire and endeavour for our selves and all others under our power and charge both in publick and in private in all duties we owe to God and Man to amend our lives and each one to goe before another in the example of a real Reformation That the Lord may turn away his wrath and heavy indignation and establish these Churches and Kingdoms in Truth and Peace And this Covenant we make in the presence of Almighty God the
first Dilemma there and boldly say that I writ that Letter out of very much respect to his Grace and out Pag. 2. of no less respect did print it and that you determine likewise whether my light in the Triangle acknowledged in that very Letter to be such that it cannot be extinguished give any ground to this Gentleman 's fond conception of P. W's despairing to receive from his Grace the effects of his not unjust as this Person of Quality speaks but very just desires for his Countrymen Or of P. W's choosing this way to acquaint them 't was not for want of his sollicitation and to let them see since he could not make them beholding to my Lord Lieutenant Pag. 2. that they were so to him But I freely pardon the Gentleman's erronious conjecture all along of my despair or of my design being the Holy Week and the Ceremony of Tenebrae and the Triangle and the only Light remaining unextinguished which yet he might have seen in that Letter seem to be Mysteries wherewith he is not so well acquainted as to understand thereby a hope remaining still in P. W. and surmounting at last all the despair of others Et nunc tempus Equum spumantia solvere colla Virgil. And I will say no more but that we have heard from a Person of Quality Reproaches which by the number of them seek to make up their want of truth And have seen Wit made the Slave of Malice and the foulest obloquies put into a formal dress and have beheld the degrees of Crimes inverted and while the more hainous pass with impunity the lesser offences condemned to the chastisement due to those of the first rank And have likewise heard good intentions alleged to justifie murthers rapines desolation and standing in Arms against the King And have finally observed that self-interest and complying with a prevailing party hath managed a very elaborate discourse to the worst end a man by writing could propose to himself which is to deceive his Reader and that nothing would be wanting to compleat the Iniquity of the Design but to find out that this Unknown Author was a Person who had the experience of more guilt in himself than he imposed upon others AN APPENDIX LONG after this Reply had been finished I heard some other Persons of great Quality and Persons too whom I very much esteem defend by way of Argument that the King is not bound at all to perform the Articles of 48. not even to any part or as much as to one individual Person of the former Confederates of Ireland I mean the Roman Catholicks And because these Persons of Quality and whom I otherwise hold to be really Men of Honour and Conscience did not then nor for ought I know could then or at any other time before or after since the very first time the Case was clearly disputed before his Majesty and so many printed Papers and Books came out on both sides allege other Argument to justifie this Assertion against the unfortunate Irish but only a Paper found as written by Sir Nicholas Plunket which might have imported a precedent or designed Resolution of breaking that Peace of 48. And because this is a clear mistake and to shew evidently that it is I give here at large a true and perfect account of that Paper And beseech the impartial Reader as likewise those Persoâ—â— of Honour and Conscience to consider how diâ—â—onourable before Men how sinful and dangerous in the sight of God their advice is hath been and shall be yet further if which God forbid they chance to continue it to his Majesty for not performing those Articles to any part of the said Confederates though ever since unalterably of their part observing those very Articles For by the ensuing relation it will appear that Paper whether rough draught only or not whether signed or not was not in order to or at the time of the peace of 48. written or any way relating to this Peace but verily to the former Peace of 46. as written before this very Peace of 46. was concluded For in the Year 1646. when the then Confederate Catholicks of Ireland treated of a Peace with his late Majesties Authority placed in the Duke of Ormond then Lord Lieutenant of that Kingdom there appeared much difficulty in bringing that Treaty to a Conclusion in regard the said Confederate Catholicks proposed for more advantagious Conditions in Religion than those they could obtain upon that Treaty Whereupon the Earl of Glamorgan being then in Ireland for carrying on the Conclusion of a Peace with a general concurrence to the furtherance of his late Majesties service did declare unto the then Council of the said Confederate Catholicks that he had power from his said late Majesty to grant unto them such Conditions in Religion as they might reasonably expect Pursuant to which Articles were agreed on between the said Earl of Glamorgan and the Counci◠〈◊〉 the said Consederate Catholicks in order to their satisfaction in matters of Religion But those Articles were to be secret for a time to avoid the prejudice that the then publishing thereof might bring on his Majesties service The observance of which secresie in those Articles and the publishing of the other Articles between the Lord Lieutenant and the said Catholicks made some to doubt that the said secret Articles would be unsecure For by the publishing of the said other Articles all Persons must have returned to their former obedience and the Lord Lieutenant neither knowing or owning the said secret Articles there could be little hopes of the performance of them Which Reason induced those who were acquainted with the said secret Articles to bethink themselves of some expedient to render them more secure And thereupon it was concluded upon the request of some of the Clergy that a motion might also be in the general Assembly of the Confederate Catholicks for an Order to reassume their former Union if the Articles concluded on were not performed without mentioning the particulars or matters contained in such Articles Which was done accordingly and the Order was drawn up in general terms that might comprehend the said secret Articles without discovering any thing of the matters therein contained or the Party with whom these Articles were concluded After which it happened that the Arch-bishop of Tuam to whose custody the said secret Articles were intrusted was killed in the County of Sligo and those Articles found with him were by that means discovered and made publick and thereupon the Earl of Glamorgan was imprisoned at Dublin for his proceedings in that Matter and the first Peace concluded in the said Year 1646. became useless to his Majesty and to his Subjects And yet the rough draught of the said Order as all other the Papers of the Irish Confederate Catholicks coming to the hands of the late Usurped Powers it hath been on some Debates since his Majesties Restauration objected that the Contents of that rough
quiet the Distempers which then began to spread But the Lords Justices whose Design was not to be carried on with Mercy and Indulgence to prevent submissions Imprisoned and Indicted by a Jury which did not consist of Free-holders those so submitting and put the said Mr. Barnewall of the age of sixty six years to the torture of the Rack This notwithstanding the Noblemen and Gentry inhabiting the Country next to Dublin applyed themselves humbly by their Letter to the Lords Justices Which when the Earl of Castle-haven a Nobleman of English Birth who freely before that time had access to Dublin came to present he was made Prisoner Wherefore when the Nation observed That their Advice in Parliament was not only thought unnecessary but themselves involved in a general distrust That neither the Parliaments nor the Marquess of Ormonds offer to suppress the Rebellion would be accepted That the enforced complying of the Nobility and Gentry of the Pale with a powerful Army which was Master of their Lives and Fortunes was imputed to them as a malicious aversion from the English Government That the blood of innocent Husbandmen was drawn and the heads of men were grown an acceptable spectacle in Dublin That the publick Faith was broken and mens Houses particularly enabled to claim benefit by it pillaged and burnt That all wayes were obstructed by which they might implore his Majesties mercy and represent their Conditions That the favourable Intentions of the Parliament of England and his Majesties Gracious Pardon which was meant should extend to all save such as were guilty of blood was so limited by them as no Estated man could receive benefit by it That those who notwithstanding their restrictions cast themselves freely upon his Majesties mercy were Imprisoned Indicted and some of them Rackt That the Earl of Castle-haven might have found it a Capital Crime to mediate in their behalf if he had not made his escape after twenty weeks Imprisonment That the King 's sworn Servant was Rackt and his Ministers whose duty it was to have been zealous of the honour of their Master endeavoured to asperse it and to render him and his Royal Consort odious to his People by striving to extort from a tortured man some testimony by which they might be accused of raising and somenting that Rebellion When these and many other Arguments of this kind which lest we should be too prolix we omit had convinced the Catholicks of Ireland that the Lords Justices and that part of the Council which adhered to them became unfaithful to his Majesty and had designed the ruine of that Nation and the extirpation of their Religion That Law which moves the hand by interposing it self to bear off a stroak aimed at the head convened an Assembly of these who were exposed to those so eminent dangers in which they modelled a Goverment in order to their natural defence obliging themselves by such an Oath to his Majesty his Heirs and Successors as well shewed their affection to the Crown and their unalterable resolutions to maintain his Majesties Rights and to follow his fortune Between these divided Governments there have been Battels fought Cities and Forts besieged and much Christian blood spilt which will one day lye at some mens doors And who these are the Eternal Wisdom best knows and the Reader is left free to determine 10. All which and all whatsoever else I Print I am very well content may fall or stand as that is true which P. W. averrs in this passage of the Duke of Ormond's Country-men Pag. 3. if indeed he averrs the Supposition at all or the Irish to be such that is of the same Country with his Grace whether they be really so or no And I no less desire that all our Person of Quality writes on this subject may stand or fall as that Proof he brings in his Parenthesis to ground his own wish for me is true or false For his Grace sayes he is neither his he should have more properly said their Countryman by Birth Religion or any other Pag. 3. relation to which that name is applyable Certainly the name of Roman was appliable to Constantine the Great even then when first he was Christian that is of a different Religion from the State Senate People and Army of Rome though he was born at York in Great Britain To Theodosius and Seneca though born in Spain As likewise to so many thousands more where-ever begotten or born or of what Religion soever who enjoyed the Rights Privileges and Title of Roman Citizens Nor can he deny the name of an Englishman to that Prince was of purpose brought in his Mothers belly to Carnarvan to appease the warlike humour of the Welshmen by giving them a Prince of their own Country Extraction and the Communion of Blood and Laws and Titles of Honour and the Freedom of Citizens gave these the name of Roman though they ceased not therefore to be Britains Spaniards Welsh c. by their birthright And shall not the Duke of Ormonds Blood extracted from the Loins of the most Noble Irish Catholick Families during the succession of so many Ages these four or five hundred years his Predecessours born there his great Demains and Estate there his Titles of Honour and those of his fore-Fathers too of Baron Viscount Earl and lastly his own of Marquess and Duke all there shall not so many other Barons Viscounts and Earls descended from the House of Ormond all Buttlers and Irish and Catholicks too so many Baronets and Knights so vast a number of Squires and other Gentlemen all of that Nation and Communion besides all the almost numberless number of his Allyes in all the four Provinces of Ireland of all the most antient and most illustrious Families of that Kingdom and Religion Shall not I say all these Considerations besides the Community of the same Laws Rights and Privileges not to regard that of Education or Language entitle the Duke of Ormond to the name of Irish or their â—ountryman or to any Relation to which that name is appliable Doubtless the Topick à majori ad minus will conclude here our Person of Quality in the affirmative notwithstanding all his Logick And his own Claim besides to Ireland or England or both will conclude him And all Historians that distinguish the People of Ireland into antient Irish and antient English evict this Confession from him being these do never the more cease to be Irish Finally The Opinion of the World and Custom of England in particular reputing and calling those Irish who have in many regards less right to the name than the Duke of Ormond hath force this acknowlegdement from any Contradictor albeit England with much reason challenge him as English withall by his more antient Extraction from and his own Birth among them and by so many other Titles which makes their Claim very just while they bereave not others of their own as none doth that I know but my two
Antagonists the Man in the dark and this Person of Quality 11. But however this be which indeed is no more material than it is to shew our Person of Quality's vain confidence erecting imaginary Trophies on the most immaterial passages of my Letter I will now proceed without leaping Pag. 4. backwards to the year 41. reserving my answer to what he farther aâ—leges â—ere until I come to that part of his discourse where he vents himself more fully and with no less acrimony upon that Subject 12. Concerning P. w. his affection to and confidence in his Grace the Duke of Ormond since this is alleg'd by the Writer Pag. 5. ter for an end of mischief I may be allowed to say this confidence took root and grew up in difficult times and upon such occasions in order to his Majesties service as perhaps the Writer might heretofore have construed to have been high Treason against Cromwell And as we ought not to wonder that the hazardous imployments I underwent obtained for me at that time free and frequent access though my Letter speaks nothing at all of such freedom or frequency to a Minister of State that cherish'd all instruments who might in any measure promote his Majesties affairs So it is not strange that in so noble a nature as is the Duke of Ormond's there might remain some such memory of my fidelity as I should even in these better times be frequently admitted to his presence and allowed to speak my thoughts with accustomed freedom Upon this occasion the Writer raises such a storm against me as plainly discovers that though Malice be a sullen yet it is a very Airy passion which rather than it should not blow will create it self wind of any thing I beseech the Reader to observe what use this Gentleman makes of mine and the relyance of others upon the word of the Duke of Ormond mentioned in Pag. 5. that Letter and how he casts the phrase in a new mould and then interprets it to such a sense as no Sophistry can force the expression to bear nor any but a malevolent spirit give it My words are Who have so many years relyed on your Word and Virtue and within a few lines after to clear these clouds of darkness and to clear them in this present conjuncture by an effectual demonstration of that Justice and favour you intended the Catholicks of Ireland in your Articles of Peace I appeal to the most interested Adventurer or Souldier whether he conceives this word in the same sense it was written and is obvious to all eyes could be applyed to any other thing than that word which the Duke of Ormond pass'd to the Catholicks of Ireland under his Seal and Signature in the Articles of Peace And to confirm this do I not in speaking of the Articles of Peace to the Duke himself call them your Articles of Peace as if I should say these are your word these are your promise And yet this Gentleman hath the confidence to say that P. W. would make us believe as if some word in secret had past by his Grace Pag. 5. to the Irish Papists which they dare thus mention to himself and publish to the World 13. This Gentleman sayes moreover that I speak of my Pag. 5. dayly care and trouble to support his esteem and of blaming distrusters as ignorant of State affairs and the intrigues obstructing as yet or of inconsideration of those wiser ways though slower than folly or rashness could chaulk out or of prejudices and an evil passion I confess this charge only the first branch excepted at least as to the words or even sense and manner of expression my Letter having no where our Person of Quality's phrase of my dayly care to support the Duke of Ormond 's esteem but another very different and no less true than modest my words being these My Lord these are thoughts which more and more trouble me dayly because I have dayly new occasions to reflect on them Ergo I said my dayly care and trouble was to support his esteem A strange inference as if the final motives of my trouble must of necessity have been my desire to support my Lords esteem or as if his Grace did need my support or that if I knew my self valuable for any such thing I would be so immodest in my expressions But allowing this unhandsom advantage what then will all his Charge here signifie Nothing less than his purpose Can any one imagine that other use might be made of these words than as of arguments form'd by my self to support the esteem of the Duke of Ormond since this Person of Quality will have it so and to appease the distrust of some of my Country-men Yet this Gentleman would fix upon me that I would insinuate as if those reasons were conveighed unto me by the Duke of Ormond and therefore gives me the name of his Graces intimate Confident Which if all that have free and frequent access to his Grace and that is all the ground I give if I give even this for being so called may be privileg'd to assume his intimate Confidents will become unreasonable numerous And with how little reason this Gentleman exaggerate the matter by terming me a perfect Enemy to the English Interest and Protestant Religion is evident since neither my Pag. 5 〈…〉 any of my name in Ireland can pretend to any Estate in that Kingdom but by an English Interest and that I daily pray for the long and happy Reign of our Soveraign Charles the Second who is the Chief of that Religion Besides that I am sufficiently known even to very many Protestants and to some of the chiefest and best of them to be in my Capacity and to my utmost power so farr a profest Friend to their Religion as not only to wish from my very Soul but to endeavour too in the best way I can that all Differences 'twixt it and the Roman be composed not by the Rebellion of Subjects or any force of Armes but by such means as those were the blessed Apostles took for appeasing the Controversies of the primitive Christians and by such others as are suitable to the Gospel of Christ 14. Now the Reader perhaps may wonder wherefore this Gentleman made so perverse a Comment upon so innocent a Text. And I can imagine no other reason for it but that being himself desirous to expose the Duke of Ormond to the obloquy and distrust of the English and not daring to appear bare-fac'd in so foul a practice he vented his own Conceptions by fathering them upon another and was willing to give his Grace the blow although he look'd asquint on me If this be to betray with a kiss and by undermining Pag. 6. the guilt must lye at the Gentleman 's own door For he must excuse me if I do not lend him my Paw to rake the Chesnuts out of the Embers 15. As for my affection to the
of that Government they had set up themselves and if we shall allow to the nature of the times those things which men seduced think necessary for their preservation why should it be a flat contradictory to say that at the same time they bare true Faith and Allegiance to the King not by desisting Pag. 60. from doing those things without which they could not subsist but by performing those eminent duties to which their Faith and Allegiance at all Times upon all Occasions and in all Conditions subject them That is not to pay the Fealty we owe him to any other Prince not to assist or countenance the doing of the least injury to his Person to forbear taking any Oath that tends to exclude him and his Posterity from his Dominions to fight against those that do and since we are unhappily fallen from our Obedience to return to our former state as soon as possibly we can and things of this nature 112. Certainly if this Gentleman be not extremely innocent he is very forgetful that holds so close to the Law And I assure him That to maintain the fundamental Laws of Pag. 60. the Kingdom and the free exercise of the Catholick Religion were in those times thought to be things very compatible however he takes them to be Contradictories 113. He aggravates the matter and so he might if we did forget the nature of the Times with their swearing not to seek or receive any pardon or protection for any thing done or to be done touching the general Cause But allowing not Pag. 61. the Legality but the Existence of their Government what could have preserved it without such tyes 114. This Gentleman is alwayes at a fault when his discourse tends any way to Catholick Religion Our Tenet is quite contrary for we know that we cannot receive nor the Pope give a pardon for sins to come Pag. 61. 115. Now we are come to that part which was added to the Oath in the Year 46. and he tells us they swear not to submit to any Peace made or to be made without the approbation of the general Assembly of the Catholicks Of aâ—l Pag. 61. the parts of the Oath this methinks ought least to be oppugned For it is no wonder that they should expect to have their own consent and approbation to attend any Peace that would be concluded they themselves being the most numerous Representative of the Nation Had they confined it to the supreme Council that in truth might be thought a limitation 116. But this Gentleman to aggravate their guilt makes use in my opinion of a very speculative Argument saying That if the King did not so much as name them but Pag. 61. make a Peace with them as if they had never done any offence they were debarred of it by this Oath And I desire to be informed how it might otherwise be known than by the consent and approbation of an Assembly that they accepted of such a Peace 117. I have already mentioned how the Assembly gave way to the Propositions made by the Clergy and had them confirmed by Oath being loath to displease so powerful a Party in a matter which was no longer binding than an Assembly thought fit And therefore this Gentleman may without Reply from me comment upon those Propositions as he thinks fit But with his leave he will not gather by any thing therein That none should be admitted to live in Pag. 61. Ireland but Papists The French King maintains the Catholick Clergy and Laity in the publick and free exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion and Function throughout France in as full lustre and splendour as it was in the Reign of St. Lewis yet he excludes not the Hugonotts 118. Had this Gentleman dealt fairly with the Reader he had not entertained him with Propositions which interested Pag. 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79. men do commonly make for their own advantage and his Comments upon them nor with Instructions which upon every occasion are subject to alteration and were given those that agitated the affairs in 46. which I hope he will not deny But he should have laid before him the Result and Conclusion in the Articles of Peace in 48. and told him what a numerous People the King was to satisfie who without excluding his Protestant Subjects might partake of his favours But this was not his design He knew nothing could be grateful to the Party he intended to pleasure but the foulest aspersions whether right or wrong that could be laid on those whose Estates they possess And we cannot say but he hath been faithful to them how unjust soever to Catholicks 119. Now passing over those things which the Gentleman Pag. 80. himself calls Digressions and indeed are no other than a methodical way oâ— venting his bitterness I shall present the Reader instead of those horrid Oaths as this Gentleman calls them those than which indeed no written wickedness can ascend higher with other Oaths that have been esteemed more religious Oaths taken by the Saints themselves Oaths taken by the Fautors of Cromwells Tyranny and the Well-wishers of his Kingship I A. B. Being nominated a Member of the Council of State The Form of an Expurgatory Oath taken by the Councâ—l of State Feb. 22. 1648. by this present Parliament do testifie that I do adhere to this present Parliament in the Maintenance and Defence of the publick Liberty and Freedom of this Nation as it is now declared by this Parliament by whose Authority I am constituted a Member of the said Council and in the Maintenance and Defence of their Resolutions concerning the setling of the Government of this Nation for the future in way of a Republick without King or House of Peers And I do promise in the sight of God that through his Grace I will be faithful in performance of the Trust committed to me as aforesaid and thâ—rein faithfully pursue the Instructions given to the said Council by this present Parliament and not to reveal or disclose any thing in whole or in part directly or indirectly that shall be debated or resolved upon in the Council without the command and direction of the Parliament or without the order or allowance of the major part of them that shall be present at such Debates or Resolutions In confirmation of the Premisses I have hereto subscribed my Name I A. B. Do hereby declare that I renounce the pretended Oath of Abjuration of the Kâ—ng and Royal Issue Title of Charles Stuart and the whole Line of the late King James and of every other Person as a single Person pretending to the Government of these Nations of England Scotland and Ireland and the Duminions and Territories thereunto belonging And that I will by the grace and assistance of Almighty God be true and faithful to this Common-wealth against any King single Person and House of Peers and