Wife his Son-in-law and his Daughter were all three of the Hugonot Religion and that he himself held a great correspondence with Teligny destined for the Admirals Son-in-law a young man full of subtilties and dissimulation and therefore liked of by him to marry his Daughter as understanding those arts wherewith he ordinarily governed his actions which jealousie of the High Chancellour grounded only upon report and a general consent prevailed so much with the King that though there were no material proofs against him whereby he could be deprived of his Office yet the King not only put him out but commanded him from the Court and gave the Seals to Monsieur Morvilliers a man of great experience and no less wit who being an Ecclesiastical Person was very averse to the Faction free from any intelligence with the Hugonots and a dependant upon the House of Guise Michael de l' Hospital being removed from the Court and the affairs the King and the Queen desiring to take away all matter that might administer fewel to the fire that was again ready to break out caused an Edict to be published in which they promised to observe the Capitulation and that accordingly a Liberty of Conscience should be tolerated to all those who remaining peaceably in their Houses abstained from Arms and from joining with them who went about under several pretences to stir up the people to Rebellion But not many days after either perswaded by the reasons the Catholicks alledged against this Edict as a means to advance the designs and practices of the Enemy or else seeing that the Hugonots neither restrained by fear nor pacified by the Kings favour were with a general consent and with the same intentions as before gone all to Rochel nor could not with any promises whatsoever be withheld from running furiously to take Arms being willing to satisfie the requests and to confirm the fidelity of the Catholick party which at that time was the main prop of the Royal Authority and desirous likewise to gain the Amity of the Pope Pius Quintus who both by threatning messages and particular graces granted to the King perpetually sollicited the prohibition of the Hugonot Religion and being resolved to declare their affections in this point till then much doubted of by all Christendom caused another Edict to be published in which the King after a long distinct Narration of the indulgence and benignity he had shewed to reduce the Hugonots to a right understanding and after a particular mention of the seditions and conspiracies by which contemning his Majesties grace and goodness they had continually disquieted and molested his Kingdoms bringing in strangers and mortal Enemies to the French Nation to possess and invade the strongest places and most flourishing parts of the Kingdom at length revoking all Edicts published concerning Religion during his minority and nullifying the last Capitulation made pro interim and by way of provision ordained and commanded that the exercise of any Religion whatsoever except the Roman Catholick ever observed by him and the Kings his Predecessors should be prohibited and expresly forbidden and interdicted in all places of the Kingdom banished the Calvinist Ministers and Preachers out of all the Towns and places under his Dominion commanding them upon pain of death within the term of fifteen days to avoid the Kingdom pardoned through special grace all things past in matters of Religion requiring for the future under pain of death a general conformity to the Rites of the Catholick Church and finally ordained that no person should be admitted to any Office Charge Dignity or Magistracy whatsoever if he did not profess and live conformable to the Roman Religion This Constitution being published with an incredible concourse of the Parisians and received with exceeding joy by all the Parliaments gave a clear testimony that the King and Queens intentions had ever been to suppress and destroy the Hugonot party but desired to do it without the noise of War and with as little prejudice to the people or danger of dismembring the Kingdom as was possible Wherefore their arts and dissimulations after so long patience proving all vain at length taking off as the saying is their Mask they declared an implacable War against the followers of the Hugonot Faction They were not less diligent to make provisions for the War than severe and resolute in their decrees For the Duke of Anjou being declared Lieutenant General of all the Provinces presently got an Army together with a resolution immediately to advance into Xaintonge to suppress the Hugonot Forces before they received any succours from other parts or from the Queen of England or the Protestant Princes of Germany On the other side the Prince and the Admiral remembring thâ— success of the late Accommodation had obliged themselves and all the rest by a solemn Oath at Rochel to persevere until death in the defence of their Religion nor ever to condescend to an agreement without the general consent of all the Commanders and sufficient security for the preservation of their lives and to injoy a full Liberty of Conscience After which Covenant thus sworn and established amongst themselves they sent forthwith into England and Germany to procure Aids from thence And because the Admiral a man who by long experience had learned the true discipline knew that food and other necessary provisions are the only means whereby Armies subsist and prosper wherefore he usually said An Army is a certain Monster which begins to be formed by the belly seeing they were shut up in a corner which though fruitful was yeâ— streightned on the one side by the River Loire and on the other by the Mountains which from Languedoc and Gascony extend themselves to the Pirenees perswaded the Prince and the other Chiefs that all manner of care should be used to get store of Corn Money and Munition whereby they might supply their present occasions and the necessities of the ensuing Winter to which end they made ready a Fleet of thirty sail of several kinds and burthen which should scour the Sea and run up into the Rivers robbing Merchants ships and little Towns upon the coasts not only to bring what Corn they could from other places to Rochel but to take what booty they met with in money to supply their present want Nor was this counsel without effect for in the space of a few months having taken many Vessels which without any fear of such an encounter put freely to Sea they got such a considerable Sum as was sufficient to defray the expences of the Army for some time after but they had much more help by the industry of the Queen of Navarre who with often Messages and earnest Letters so sollicited the Queen of England that she disposed her notwithstanding the peace newly made with the most Christian King not only to accommodate the Hugonots with Ships Corn and Munition but with 100000 Crowns also for the payment of their
the arts of a woman suffer himself to be led by her appetite and one of so little wisdom as the King of Navarre to consent to those things which they did to the prejudice of Gods Church That he who had strength and power in his hands was streightly obliged to disturb and hinder those wicked Counsels which then prevailed and once more to lend that help with which he had oftentimes formerly supported the Crown afflicted and Religion wholly abandoned That he should call to mind his own Maxim so constantly observed in the glorious actions of his youth according to which he had ever condemned and opposed the power of strangers which always tends to the ruine not edifying of States and not now suffer two women one an Italian the other a Navaroise so perversly to destroy the foundations of the French Monarchy chiefly established upon the Basis of Piety and Religion That he should remember this was that same Catherine whose manners and disposition he had ever blamed and detested That these were the very same Hugonots whom he had so fiercely persecuted in the Reign of Henry the Second that the persons were not changed nor the quality of things but every one would believe that he in his old age suffered himself to be led either by ambition or inclinations of others to shew himself altogether different from those Maxims by which formerly he had guided his Actions To these perswasive speeches many times on purpose reiterated and adding many other reasons and by often visiting and sollicitation finding that the Constable began to yield partly through indignation conceived against his Nephew for what concerned his estate and partly through the hate of Calvinism at length Magdalen de Savoy his wife undertook the task wholly to vanquish his resolution who being not well pleased to see him bear such an ardent affection to his Nephews de Coligni and desirous to insinuate into the same place of his favour Honore de Savoye Marquis of Villars her Brother she let pass no occasion whereby she might prejudice them and advance his interest Nor did the practice end there but by the means of Diana the Mareshal of Saint Andre being also brought in who was no less concerned in the restitution they so wrought with him that partly to unite himself with those who had the same interest partly through the hate to his Nâ—phews and partly through the just apparence of the preservation of the Catholick Religion to which he was ever affected he began to incline to a friendship with the Guises Which when they once perceived they omitted not any artifice nor submission or other means that might conduce to draw him absolutely to their party having conceived new hopes to recover this way some part if not all of their former power in the Government And it so fell out that Diana Wife to the Mareshal of Momorancy who was the only obstacle to this Treaty being sick at Chantilly his affection forc'd him to leave his Father to visit her so that he being thus removed out of the way the friendship was finally concluded and a league made between the Constable and the Guises for the preservation of the Catholick Religion and mutual defence of their several Estates But when this combination was known to the Queen she conceiving she had lost her greatest stay and that the Princes of Lorain so much increased in strength and reputation being ill satisfied with her proceedings would endeavour to deprive her of the Government thought it so much more necessary to enter into a streighter union with the King of Navarre to counterpoize as much as was possible the other party knowing she was to be very studiously vigilant to preserve things in an equality so as neither the Kings safety nor stability of the Government should be endangered Wherefore the King of Navarre solliciting it and the Queen not disliking that his party should increase under the pretence to keep the Kingdom in peace during the Kings minority to appease the people formerly exasperated and at their first entring upon the Government to gain a plausible name of clemency it was commended to all the Parliaments by new Edicts and Decrees not further to molest any body for matter of Religion and to restore the goods houses and possessions of all such who for suspicion of Calvinism had been formerly deprived of them Which Edicts though the Parliament of Paris opposed and many Magistrates refused to obey them nevertheless the Hugonots having so specious a colour as the declared will of the King and the Regent approved of by the Council of State they of themselves took upon them to exercise a Liberty of Conscience encreasing still in number and force which perhaps would have fallen out according to the Queens intention if the multitude of the Hugonots had known how to contain themselves within the limits of modesty and reason But they on the contrary as those use who are led by a popular rage without the bridle of a formal Government finding themselves now supported and favoured loosed from the fear of punishment and laying aside all respect due to Magistrates by open Assemblies insolent speeches and other odious acts provoked against themselves the hate and disdain of the Catholicks from whence arising in all parts obstinate jars and bloody Factions every thing was full of tumult and all the Provinces of the Kingdom troubled with seditious rumours So that contrary to the intention of those that governed and contrary to the common opinion the remedy applied to maintain the State and preserve an union of peace during the Kings minority fell out to be dangerous and destructive and upon the matter occasioned all those dissentions and perils which with so much care they ought to prevent This gave opportunity to the Guises being encouraged and increased in strength to begin to oppose the present Government Insomuch as the Cardinal of Lorain taking a time to speak at the Council-Table without bearing any regard to the Queen or the King of Navarre who were present began to enter upon the point of Religion and with hot words and effectual speeches to shew with what indignity to the most Christian Kingdom what sin towards God and with how great scandal to all the world Liberty of Conscience was permitted to those who professing manifest heresies already condemned in all Councils went about scattering monstrous opinions in Religion corrupting the youth seducing simple persons and in all places of the Kingdom stirring up the people to tumult contempt and Rebellion Already the Priests could no longer celebrate their Sacrifices in Churches for the insolencies of the Hugonots already the Preachers durst not go into the Pulpit for the arrogancies of the Calvinists the Magistrates were no longer obeyed in their Jurisdictions through the Rebellion of Hereticks all places raged with discords burnings and slaughters through the presumption and perverseness of those who assumed to themselves a liberty of teaching
great party of the youth who were of unquiet spirits factious and inclined to a desire of Novelties So that the disposition of the Inhabitants answering the instigation of the complices already a great part of the people were willing to take Arms. And that things might be done in due order the Prince had the day before sent Monsieur de Andelotte to the City who entring thereinto secretly at the same time that the Prince seised upon the Court should endeavour likewise to make himself Master of the Town But though it so fell out that the Prince could not arrive at Court Andelotte not knowing what had happened armed three hundred of his followers and at the day appointed suddenly seised on S. Iohn's Gate Upon which accident Monsieur de Monterau Governour of the City getting together some few men of Monsieur de Sipierres company who by chance were then thereabouts very hotly assaulted the Conspirators with no little hope that they should be able to drive them away and recover the entrance of the Gate where they had not had time enough to fortifie themselves so that joyning in a bloody fight after a conflict of many hours Andelotte at length began to yield to the multitude of the Catholicks who ran thither armed from all the parts of the Town and had surely received an affront if he had not been opportunely assisted by an unexpected succour For the Prince of Conde not finding the Court at Fountain-bleau and therefore desisting from his voyage returned much sooner than he thought and marching with great diligence approached near to Orleans at the same time that the fight began and knowing it to be very violent by the continual shot and incessant ringing of Bells which might be heard many miles off he presently gallopped with all his Cavalry towards the City to succour his Confederates who were already in great danger of being defeated They were more than three thousand horse and ran headlong with such fury that the peasants though astonished with the unusual spectacle of civil arms in the midst of their fright and wonder could not forbear to laugh seeing here a horse fall there a man tumbled over and nevertheless without regarding any accident run furiously one over another as fast as their horses could go upon a design which no body knew but themselves But this haste so ridiculous to the Spectators had very good success to the Princes intentions For coming with such a powerful succour and in so fit an opportunity of time the Governour being driven away and those that resisted suppressed at last the Town which was of exceeding consequence was reduced into his power and by the Authority of the Commanders preserved from pillage But the Churches escaped not the fury of the Hugonot-Souldiers who with bruitish examples of barbarous savageness laid them all waste and desolate Thus the Prince having taken Orleans and made it the seat of his Faction he began to think upon War And first having appointed a Council of the principal Lords and Commanders he advised with them of the means to draw as many Towns and Provinces to his Party as was possible and to get together such a sum of money as might defray the expences which at the beginning of a War are ever very great The Catholick party were intent upon the same ends who being come to Paris with the young King and the Queen held frequent consultations how best to order the affairs for their own advantage in which Councils the Duke of Guise openly declared that he thought it most expedient to proceed to a War with the Hugonots so to extinguish the fire before it burst out into a consuming flame and to take away the roots of that growing evil On the contrary the Chancellor de l' Hospital secretly set on by the Queen proposing many difficulties and raising doubts and impediments upon every thing perswaded an agreement by which both parties absenting themselves from the Court the power of the Government should be left free and quiet to the Queen and the King of Navarre But being sharply reproved by the Constable and after the news of the revolt of Orleans injuriously treated under pretence of being a Gown-man he was excluded from the Council that was now called the Council of War by which means also a principal instrument was taken from the Queen who having no power left in that Council for there were newly admitted to it Claud Marquess de â—oisy Honore Marquess Villars Louis de Lansac Monsieur de Cars the Bishop of Auxerre the Sieurs de Maugiron and la Brosse who all absolutely depended upon the Constable and the Guises every thing on that side likewise tended to the raising of Arms. At the first as it ever falleth out their pens were more active than their swords For the Prince of Conde and his adherents willing to justifie in writing the cause of their taking Arms published certain Manifests and Letters in print directed to the King the Court of Parliament in Paris the Protestant Princes of Germany and to other Christian Princes in which very largely but no less artificially dilating themselves they concluded that they had taken Armâ— to set the King at liberty and the Queen his Mother who by the Tyrannical power of the Catholick Lords were kept prisoners and to cause obedience to be rendred in all parts of the Kingdom to his Majesties Edicts which by the violence of certain men that arrogate to themselves a greater Authority in the Government than of right belonged to them were impiously despised and trodden under foot and therefore that they were ready presently to lay down their Arms if the Duke of Guise the Constable and the Mareshal de St. Andre retiring themselves from the Court would leave the King and the Queen in a free place in their own power and that liberty of Religion might be equally tolerated and maintained in all parts of the Kingdom The Parliament at Paris answered their Manifest and the Letters shewing that the pretence was vain by which they sought to justifie their taking of Arms which they had immediately raised against the Kings Person and his Royal Authority for so far was the King or the Queen his Mother from being deprived of liberty or retained in prison by the Constable and the Guises that on the contrary they were in the capital City of the Kingdom where the chief Parliament resided and in which commanded as Governour Charles Cardinal of Bourbon Brother to the Prince of Conde and one of the Princes of the Blood That the King of Navarre Brother also to the same Prince of Conde held the chief place in the Government and the Queen-Mother the charge of the Regency both chosen by the Council according to the ancient custom and confirmed by the consent of the States-General of the Kingdom that every day they assembled the Council composed of eminent persons to consult of fit remedies for the present evils
heavily laden with the weight of frequent new Impositions which they call Inventions that there is now no other way to be found save the means of applying a good remedy against them For these just causes and considerations We Charles of Bourbon first Prince of the Blood Cardinal of the Roman Catholick Apostolick Church as he whom it most concerns to take into his safeguard and protection the Catholick Religion in this Kingdom and the conservation of the good and loyal Servants of his Majesty and of the State with the assistance of many Princes of the Blood Cardinals and other Princes Peers Prelates and Officers of the Crown Governours of Provinces chief Lords and Gentlemen of many Cities and Corporations and of a great number of good and faithful Subjects which make the best and soundest part of this Kingdom after having prudently weighed the motive of this enterprise and having taken the advice as well of our good Friends who are most affectionate to the good and quiet of this Kingdom as of discreet understanding persons and such as fear God whom we would not offend in this for any thing in the world do declare That we have all sworn and holily promised to use strong hand and take up arms to the end that the holy Church of God may be restored unto its dignity and unto the true and holy Catholick Religion and the Nobility as they ought may enjoy their perfect freedom and that the people may be eased the new Imposition abolished and all additions since the Reign of Charles the Ninth whom God absolve absolutely taken away that the Parliaments may be left to the freedom of their Consciences and in entire liberty of their Judgments and all the Subjects of the Kingdom maintained in their Governments Places and Offices so that they may not be taken from them save only in the three cases of the ancient Constitutions and by the sentence of the ordinary Judges of the Parliaments That all moneys that shall be raised upon the people shall be imployed in the defence of the Kingdom and to the end for which they are appointed and that henceforward the General Assembly of the States may be held freely without any practices every three years at least with perfect liberty for every one to complain of those grievances against which there is no due provision made These things and others which shall be more amply and particularly set down are the subject and argument of the raising Arms which are now taken up for the restauration of France the maintenance of the good the punishment of the bad and the security of our persons which some have often and that not many days since laboured to oppress and utterly ruine by secret conspiracies as if the security of the State depended upon the destruction of good men and of those that so often have hazarded their lives to preserve it We having no other means left to save us from that mischief and to divert the knife that already is at our very throats but to have recourse to those remedies which we have always abhorred which yet are excusable and ought to be accounted just when they are necessary and applied by principal authority and with which we would not yet help our selves at this present for the danger of our estates if the ruine of the Catholick Religion in this Kingdom and of the State were not inseparably joined unto it for whose preservation we shall never fear any danger believing we cannot chuse a more honourable Funeral than to die in so holy and just a Quarrel and to acquit our selves of the debt and obligation which as good Christians we owe to the service of God and as good and faithful Subjects to hinder the subversion of the State which would certainly follow the said alterations Protesting that we do not take up Arms against our Sovereign Lord the King but for the guard and just defence of his Person Life and State for which we all swear and promise to expose our fortunes and lives to the last drop of our blood with the same fidelity as we have done in times past and to lay down our Arms immediately when it shall please his Majesty to take away the danger that threatens the ruine of Gods Service and so many good men which we humbly beseech him speedily to do giving testimony to all men by good and true effects that he is indeed a most Christian King indued with the fear of God and hath ingraven in his heart the zeal of the Catholick Religion as we have always known him and as it befits a good Father and a King that is most affectionate to the preservation of his Subjects which his Majesty performing he shall be so much the more obeyed acknowledged and honoured by us and by all his other Subjects with most obsequious reverence which we desire more than any thing in the world And though it would not be very far from reason that the King should be requested by an open Declaration to provide a Successor that during his life and after his death the people committed to him may not be divided into sides and factions by the differences about Succession yet are we so little moved with any such consideration that the calumny of those that upbraid us with it will prove to have no ground at all for besides that the Laws of the Kingdom are known and clear enough the hazard also into which We the Cardinal of BOVRBON do put our self in our old age and latter days doth give sufficient assurance that we are not swelled with such hope and vanity but only spurred on by true zeal of Religion which makes us pretend to a part in a more secure Kingdom the enjoyment whereof is more lasting and more desirable Wherefore our intention being such we do all of us together humbly beeseech the Queen Mother to the King our most honoured Lady without whose wisdom and prudence the Kingdom would long ago have been lost and destroyed by the faithful testimony which she can will and ought to give of our great services but in particular of Us the Cardinal of BOVRBON who have always honoured served and assisted her in her most important affairs without sparing our Estate Life Friends or Kindred to strengthen with her the Kings party and the Catholick Religion that she will not forsake us now at this time but to imploy all that credit with the King her Son which her pains and troublesom labours ought justly to deserve and which her Enemies disloyally would have robb'd her of We also earnestly intreat all the Princes Peers of France Officers of the Crown Prelates Lords Gentlemen and others of what quality soever they be who are not yet joined with us that they would favour and assist us with all their power toward the execution of so good and so holy a work And we exhort all Towns and Corporations if they love their own preservation to consider briefly of
concerns the glory of God and the perfect restauration of the Roman Catholick Apostolick Church should since be changed or less at this present than he shewed it to be during the said troubles But so far is it from being so that his Majesty desires every one may know that he made the said Peace purposely to try if by means of it he could reunite his Subjects in the Church of God which the malice and licentiousness of the times had separated from it having so long proved with the hazard of his Person and State and with the price of the blood of a great number of Princes Lords Gentlemen and others of his Subjects who lost their lives in those broils that the discord raised about Religion and that took root in this Kingdom during the minority of the late King his brother and of himself to the great grief of the Queen their Mother could not be setled by the way of Armes without destroying his said Subjects and putting his Kingdom into evident danger Wherefore his Majesty resolved for Peace when once he found that all sorts of Persons were tyred and afflicted by the too long continuance of those said Tumults and that he wanted the means of supplying any longer the expences of so destructive a War Which would not have come to pass if in the Assembly of the States General of this Kingdom held at Blois the Deputies who were there had made request unto His Majesty to prohibit absolutely the exercise of the pretended reformed Religion in this Kingdom for then that course would not have been decreed which was there taken and Sworn to and which his Majesty laboured to put in execution with those conditions which are clearly expressed in it For if it had been concluded in good earnest to prosecute the War care would likewise have been taken to provide a certain stock of money from time to time to maintain it till the end as it was necessary to do and as his Majesty insisted that they would and they should then have had no pretence of complaint who nevertheless publish That every one was quickly deprived of that glympse of good hope which appeared to them at the resolution taken by the States though it be neither decent nor lawful for a Subject to judge of the actions of his King if for no other reason but because he is often ignorant of the secret causes that are the motives of his commands which sometimes are more pregnant then those that are apparent and known to every one it not belonging to any one to do so save onely to God the Searcher and Judge of all hearts and of the actions of Princes who knowes the causes that then forced his Majesty to conclude Peace before any thing else being certain that if he had deferred so to do this Kingdom would in a moment have been filled with Forraign Forces and with diverse Factions and new divisions which would have been wonderfully prejudicial to the State His Majesty therefore to prevent all the aforesaid inconveniences to hinder the effects of them and to try the best remedies condescended to the aforesaid Peace and not to settle and establish Heresie in this Kingdom as is published abroad for such a thought never entred into the mind of so good and so Christian a Prince as is his Majesty who having foreseen felt and proved the difficulties of War thought fit so much the sooner to consent unto the aforesaid Peace to the end that by means thereof he might at least satisfie his good Subjects with that ease which they expected from those other points propounded and required in the Assembly of the said States General for the publick good of the Kingdom Peace and concord being the principal necessary foundation for the establishing of good Laws and the reformation of manners which businesses His Majesty hath since continually prosecuted as appears by the Edicts and Constitutions made for that purpose which he hath laboured to cause to be observed and put in execution and if his intention hath not been fulfilled according to his desire it hath been very much to his grief and it may be also as well through the negligence of some of his Officers and through the cunning of his evil-willers as by reason of the advantage and footing which wickedness corruption and disobedience had taken in this Kingdom during the said War By that Peace many Cities full of Citizens and Catholick inhabitants were freed from Soldiers that had seised upon them and the exercise of the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion was restored to its being as by the diligence and care of his Majesty it is brought to pass in almost all the Towns of this Kingdom wherein nevertheless those that make profession of the said pretended reformed Religion have since those Commotions been and at this present are still the strongest and by whom the said exercise had till then been banished both before and since he came unto the Crown Likewise the face of Justice hath appeared in them and if not so fully and perfectly as might have been desired yet so that sometimes it hath had sufficient strength to relieve the good and terrifie the bad The Prelates and Clergy-men are setled again in their Churches and in the possession of those goods that were taken from them The Nobility hath been able to live securely in their own houses without being liable to those expences they were wont to make during the War to keep themselves from being suddenly surprised The Citizen deprived of his possession and wandring about the Country with his Family is also entred again into his own house by means of the said Peace The Merchant hath likewise wholly betaken himself again unto his Traffick which was interrupted by occasion of the said Tumults And the poor Peasant pressed down under the weight of intolerable burthen proceeding from the unbridled liberty of the Soldier hath had means to breathe and have recourse unto his ordinary labour to sustain the poverty of his life Briefly there is no kind of Estate or Person that hath not effectually shared in the fruit and benefit of that Peace And as his Majesty hath alwayes been most jealous of Gods honour and as solicitous of the publick good of his Subjects as a most Christian and truly good Prince ought to be knowing that the evils and calamities of a State do spring chiefly from the want of true Piety and Justice he hath since the said Peace continually laboured to set those two Pillars up again which the violence of the said Tumults had as it were overturned and thrown to the ground and that he might so do had begun to nominate such persons to Ecclesiastical dignities that have cure of Souls as were fit and capable and such as are ordained by the holy Decrees He hath also invited his Subjects by his example to reform their manners and to fly unto the Grace and Mercy of God by Prayer and Austerity of life
which hath confirmed the Catholicks in the duty towards the Divine Majesty and moved some of those that were separated from the Church of God to reunite themselves unto it He hath also graciously taken time to hear the discourses and complaints of the Clergy after having given them leave to meet together for that purpose and provided amply and favourably for them having since rather eased then burthened them with new extraordinary Tenths without having any respect to the necessity of his own affairs being very sorry that he could not also free them from the payment of the ordinary ones having when he came to the Crown found them engaged for the payment of the rent of the Town-house of Paris The said Prelates and Clergy-men have likewise had conveniency by His Majesties permission to call and hold their Provincial Councels by means whereof they have consulted and provided for the reformation of abuses introduced into the Church during the said Tumults and have made many very good and holy Ordinances for the Government of it which have been commended and approved by his Majesty These are the fruits and publick general advantages which the Church of God and the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion have reaped from the aforesaid Peace besides infinite other private and particular ones which it would be too long to recount Then as concerning Justice every one knowes the pains his Majesty hath taken in drawing it out of the darkness where those troubles had buried it to set up the light thereof again in its first force and ancient splendor having by death disannulled those Offices that were supernumerary and moreover prohibited the sale of the said Offices which the necessity of money had forced his Predecessors to introduce without having any regard of his own wants though they were no less then those of his Predecessors Besides that his Majesty hath excluded all Pardons and evocations which in times past were wont to be dispatched by his own will and pleasure knowing that the hope of the one gives encouragement to wickedness and the too much easiness of granting the other brought a confusion in matters of Justice Moreover His Majesty since the said Peace hath had opportunity to send Courts composed of the Officers of the Parliament of Paris into divers Provinces of this Kingdom to do Justice to his Subjects upon the place from whence that fruit hath been gathered which every one hath tasted and which yet would have been greater to the great contentment of good men if his good intentions had been better assisted by those who naturally and by the particular obligation of their Offices were bound to do so But as the misfortune of the times hath made some so bold as to attribute the faults of others to his Majesty so the corruption and malignity of them hath been filled with so much impudence and indiscretion that many have also taken pleasure to defame his most holy and best actions and in that manner gain themselves credit at the cost of his reputation and have had so high a degree of boldness as to interpret too too much rigour and severity that laudable resolution he had taken to make the Sentences and Decrees of the said Courts be executed against Malefactors Thus his Majesty having by these means begun to provide for the setting up again of these two Pillars the true and onely foundations of all Monarchy had promised himself that he should settle and restore them absolutely by the continuation of Peace if God had been so merciful to him as to make his Kingdom and Subjects worthy of it Which it appears having been as soon feared as foreseen by those who at this present would stir up his Subjects to take Arms but under colour of providing for both their points They do also publish that they have taken Armes to prevent those troubles which they say they fear will happen after the death of his Majesty about the establishment of a Successor to the prejudice of the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion being perswaded or at least publishing that they are so that his Majesty or they that are near him do favour the pretensions of those who have alwayes shewed themselves persecutors of the said Religion a thing which his Majesty prayes and admonishes his Subjects to believe he never so much as thought for being yet God be thanked in the force and flower of his age and in perfect health as also the Queen his Wife he hopes that God will give him issue to the universal contentment of his good and loyal Subjects And it seems unto his Majesty to be too great a forcing of time and nature and too great a distrust of the mercy and goodness of God of the health and life of his Majesty and of the fruitfulness of the Queen his Wife to move such a question at this present and after to go about to decide it by force of Arms. For in stead of freeing and curing this Kingdome of the evil which they pretend to fear may one day come to pass for that cause they go directly about to hasten the paines and mortal effects of it by beginning a War now upon that occasion it being certain that by means thereof the Kingdom will be quickly filled with Forreign Forces with Factions and endless discords with blood slaughter and infinite murthers and robberies And see now how the Catholick Religion will be established how the Clergy-man will be disburthened of Tenths how the Gentleman will live in quiet and security in his own house and how he will enjoy his Rights and Priviledges how Cities and the inhabitants in them will be exempt from Garrisons and how the poor people will be free from the Taxes and Impositions that lie upon them His Majesty exhorts and admonishes his Subjects to open their eyes here and not to perswade themselves that this War will end so easily as they give out but to comprehend and maturely consider the inevitable consequences of it and not to suffer their reputation to be blemished and their Armes to serve for instruments of their Countries ruine and the greatness of those that are enemies of it For whilst blinded to our own good we shall fight against one another succoured in appearance but in effect fomented by their assistance they will reign happily and establish their own power They complain also of the distribution of Offices and Honors in this Kingdom saying that those are deprived of them who have deserved best in his Majesties service a weak and dishonourable foundation to build the ruine and subversion of so flourishing a Kingdom whose Kings were never constrained to make use of one more then of another for there is no Law obliges them to do so save that of the good of their own service Yet hath his Majesty alwayes honoured and favoured the Princes of his Blood as much as any of his Predecessors and hath shewed a desire to advance others in credit honor and
his life This Counsel prevailed with the Duke of Mayenne as well for these considerations as for two other reasons one that Don Bernardino de Mendozza the Spanish Ambassador did in a manner openly contradict his election wherefore by reason of the Authority and Forces of the Catholick King he thought it would be impossible to effect that which he should attempt against his will the other that if it should be discovered that he suffered himself to be swayed by his own interests and not by the respects of Religion and the general good he feared he should be forsaken by the Pope and all the Confederates and particularly by the Parisians For which reasons he chose rather to expect the maturity of time and in the interim to cause the Cardinal of Bourbon to be declared King towards whom he saw the common inclination bent and leaving the Name and Arms of King to him that was old weak and which imported most a prisoner to keep the force and authority of Government in his own hand being certain that by how much the more favourably he should he nominated and elected by the League by so much the more closely and warily would he be kept and guarded by the King of Navarre and by consequence so much the longer would the supreme authority remain in him in which time either by his death or some other occasion and perhaps by the help of Victory more easie and expedite opportunities might offer themselves hope in the mean time serving to spur on the other pretenders whose assistance would either be quite taken away or very much cooled if they should see that place possessed at the very first which they were plotting to procure for themselves Thus the Duke preventing the peoples desire and the Council of the Vnion was the first that declared the Cardinal of Bourbon King of France with the Name of Charles the Tenth and so caused him to be declared in the Parliament in the Council of the Vnion and to be proclaimed in the streets of Paris retaining to himself the name and authority of Lieutenant-General through the whole Kingdom This Declaration was pleasing and plausible to the people who were thereby well setled and confirmed to continue the War as they said for the liberty of their King and to root out the seed of Heresie it was well approved of by the Spaniards who desired to gain time to dispose of their affairs but above all it was a great satisfaction to the Pope who in the same point saw both the lawful Succession safe and the preservation of Religion The Cardinal of Bourbon being declared the lawful King by the Council of the Vnion the Duke of Mayenne by a lofty Edict full of high words exhorted every one to acknowledge that King which God had given unto the Kingdom to yield him due obedience and to endeavour with all their might to free him from that imprisonment in which he was detained by his Enemies he commanded that every one should tye himself by Oath before the Officers of his Province to live and die in the Catholick Religion and to defend protect and confirm it and pardoned all those who within the term of fifteen dayes should separate themselves from commerce with the Hugonots and retire into those places where the Catholick Vnion commanded Which Edict as soon as it was registred and published in the Parliament he dispatched the Commendatory de Diu to Rome again who had brought the Monitory against the late King to inform the Pope of the state of Affairs giving him notice that King Charles the Tenth was declared and intreating him to assist the cause of Religion not only by his approbation but also by supplies of men and money Into Spain he only dispatched a great many several expresses with particular news of the whole business deferring to send any persons of quality till he had conferred with Don Iuan de Morrea who having been sent by King Philip before the King's death he had notice was at that time in Lorain For the Catholick King though he had not been willing openly to declare himself Enemy to King Henry the Third to whom he in appearance bore respect for many reasons yet as from the beginning he had laid the foundation of the League and helped and strengthned the Duke of Guise with great sums of money so after his death he had caused Mendozza his Ambassadour to stay in Paris and there under colour of favouring Religion cunningly to be present at all businesses who by his arts and money had so won the hearts of the Parisians that he had as much power amongst them as the Princes of the House of Lorain and though the Catholick King did never send any supplies of armed men openly to the League while the King lived yet he permitted that Count Iago de Collalto who had raised a Tertia of German Infantry for his service and which was paid by him should under shew of friendship to the Duke of Mayenne go to serve him and had by his authority and partly with moneys assisted the leavies of Swisses and Germans which the Duke of Brunswick Count Charles of Mansfelt and the Sieur de Bossompierre had made in favor of the League But now the Kings death had taken away that scruple and that so honourable a pretence of assisting the Catholicks against an Heretick excommunicated King presented it self the Duke of Mayenne hoped he would turn all his Forces to assist the League and therefore he staid to hear his mind more particularly from the mouth of Don Iuan de Morrea and then he meant to send some person of Authority to establish the agreement of common affairs But the King having heard of the Declaration which had been made at Paris and received in other places of the League concerning the Cardinal his Uncle the first thing that came into his mind was just as the Duke of Mayenne had imagined to dispatch his Confident du Plessis-Mornay to Chinon where the Cardinal was and give order That he should be removed to Fontenay and there kept more carefully with stricter Guards thinking that place more secure because it was near Rochelle and invironed on all sides with the Hugonot Forces The second thing was to sollicite the Catholicks who had acknowledged him to send the Embassie already resolved on to Rome to begin to enter into a Treaty with the Pope and to see if it was possible to satisfie him Wherefore the Catholick Lords desiring that their Embassie might have authority both by the Birth and Wisdom of the person employed chose the Duke of Luxembourg a man of most noble Blood of singular parts and great experience in businesses of the Court The Embassie to the Pope being dispatched the King desirous to shew that he remembred what he had promised to the Catholicks caused the Assembly of the States to be appointed in October following at the City of Tours which the Parliament and Court of
acknowledge the King of Navar for Superior though he should turn his Religion and make show to live as a Catholick to which the Duke of Mayenne not consenting as a thing very different from his practices and intentions the other Deputies that were present spake against it with divers reasons But the Legat urging with wonderful vehemence at last the Archbishop of Lyons said that the States were Catholicks obedient to the holy Church under the superiority of the Apostolick See in such cases and met together in obedience to the Pope and that therefore they would not be so impudent as to go about to bind his hands and presumptuously to declare that which he had not declared preventing his Judgments and declaring the King of Navar irreconcilable to the Church by a vain determination which was out of the Secular Power and wholly proper to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and that therefore they were resolved not to proceed to that Oath lest they should offend their own consciences and the Majesty and Jurisdiction of the Pope and the Apostolick See Which reason with the decency thereof stopt the Legat's mouth and the Duke of Mayenne's intention not to proceed to that Declaration prevailed But upon the Twenty eighth day there came one of the King's Trumpets to the Gate of the City desiring to be brought in that he might deliver a Packet of Letters directed to the Count de Belin Governor of it and being ask'd what his business was he answered freely and publickly That he brought a Declaration of the Catholicks of the King's party addressed to the Assembly of the States and being come before the Governor he gave the Letters into his hand and made the contents of them more fully known among the People The Governor carried the Packet to the Duke of Mayenne who lay troubled in his Bed and not being willing to open it but in the presence of all the Confederates he sent for the Legate the Cardinal of Pelle-vé Diego d Ivarra the Sieur de Bassompiere Ambassador from the Duke of Lorain the Arch-bishop of Lyons Monsieur de Rosne the Count de Belin the Viscount de Tavannes the Sieur de Villars by him newly declared Admiral Monsieur de Villeroy President Ieannin and two of the ordinary Secretaries which they called Secretaries of State in the presence of whom the cover being taken off there was a Writing found with this Title The Proposition of the Princes Prelates Officers of the Crown and chief Catholick Lords as well Counsellors of the King as others now present with his Majesty tending to the end of obtaining Peace so necessary to this Kingdom for the conservation of the Catholick Religion and of the State made to the Duke of Mayenne and the Princes of his Family the Lords and other persons sent by some Cities and Corporations at this present assembled in the City of Paris Having seen the Title and every one being desirous to hear the contents the Writing was read by one of the Secretaries being of this Tenor following THe Princes Prelates Officers of the Crown and Chief Catholick Lords as well of the Council as attendance of His Majesty having seen a Declaration Printed at Paris in the name of the Duke of Mayenne dated in the month of December published with the sound of the Trumpet in the said City upon the Fifth day of this present Month of Ianuary as is found at the bottom of it and which came into their hands a◠Chartres do acknowledge and are of opinion with the said Duke of Mayenne that the continuance of this War bringing the ruine and destruction of the State doth also by necessary consequence draw along with it the ruine of the Catholick Religion as experience hath but too well shewed us to the great grief of the said Princes Lords and Catholick States who do acknowledge the King whom God hath given them and serve him as they are naturally obliged having with this duty ever made the Conservation of the Catholick Religion their principal aim and have then always been most animated with their Arms and Forces to defend the Crown under the obedience of his Majesty when they have seen strangers enemies to the greatness of this Monarchy and to the honor and glory of the French name enter into this Kingdom for it is too evident that they tend to nothing else but to dissipate it and from its dissipation would follow an Immortal War which in time could produce no other effects save the total ruine of the Clergy Nobility Gentry Cities and Countries an event which would also infallibly happen to the Catholick Religion in this Kingdom Thence it is that all good Frenchmen and all those that are truly zealous thereof ought to strive with all their Forces to hinder the first inconvenience from which the second is inseparable and both inevitable by the continuation of the War The true means to prevent them would be a good Peace and a reconciliation between those whom the misfortune hereof keeps so divided and armed to the destruction of one another for upon this foundation Religion would be restored Churches preserved the Clergy maintained in their estates and reputation and Justice setled again the Nobility would recover their ancient force and vigour for the defence and quiet of the Kingdom the Cities would recover their losses and ruines by the re-establishment of Commerce Trades and employments maintainers of the people which are in a manner utterly extinct the Universities would again betake themselves to the study of Sciences which in times past have caused this Kingdom to flourish and given splendour and ornament unto it which at this present languish and are by little and little wasting to nothing the fields would again be tilled which in so many places are left fallow and barren and in stead of the fruits they were wont to bring forth for man's nourishment are now covered with thorns and thistles in summ by Peace every one might do his duty God might be served and the people enjoying a secure Peace would bless those who had procured them that happiness whereas on the contrary they will have just cause to complain and curse those that shall hinder i◠To this effect upon the Declaration which the said Duke of Mayenne makes by his writing as well in his own name as in the names of the rest of his party assembled in Paris where he alledgeth that he hath called the States to take some course and Counsel for the good of the Catholick Religion and the repose of this Kingdom it being clear that if for no other reason yet because of the place alone where it is neither lawful nor reasonable that any other but they of their own party should interview no resolution can proceed from it that can be valid or profitable for the effect which he hath published and it being rather most certain that this can nothing but inflame the War so much the more and take away
how unpleasing to mens minds to hear Treaties were held to introduce the succession of Women and the assumption of new Families to the Crown while there were so many Princes in the Royal Family among which one might be chosen to the general satisfaction that though the King of Navarre was obstinate in Heresie the Prince of Conty insufficient for Government the Count de Soissons lost in the love of the Princess Catherine who was no less an Hugonot than her Brother yet was there the Cardinal of Bourbon who had always with his own danger undauntedly opposed the increase of Heresie that he was a Cardinal and had ever been obedient to the Church so that he could neither be excluded by the Pope nor by the King of Spain that he was in his manly age so that he would be a King without a Guardian and one able to uphold the Government of the Kingdom himself that no great trust was to be had to the Spaniards who had failed so much both in publick and in private that the Ambassadors who promised such mountains of Gold lived themselves very mechanically and without that decency that befitted the Majesty of their King and the greatness of those offers they made that he himself had very great sums due to him and yet could not get so much as a denier from them that they had seen the gallant exploits Count Charles his Army had done that they had so much to do in Flanders they would have no leisure to mind other mens businesses that on the other side the Cardinal of Bourbon's election would of it self destroy and conquer the King of Navarre for there was no doubt but all the Catholicks of that party would follow the Cardinal and the Navarrâ—is would be left alone with the desperate dependence of the Hugonots whereby the French Forces alone would be able to subdue Heresie and establish a Catholick King and a true French-man without having further need of foreign Supplies that it was needful to remember the Bishop of Senlis his words and not confirm men in a belief that whatsoever was past had been done out of interest and ambition but that it was necessary to shew the world that the sole respect of Religion had put Arms into their hands These reasons seconded by his authority wrought a wonderful impression in the minds of the French of themselves inclined to observe the Salique Law and to reverence the Royal Family wherefore the Duke seeing he had drawn the major part of the Deputies to his opinion dispatched the Admiral de Villars with a Writing of Articles with his own hand to confer with the Cardinal of Bourbon who was at Gallion a house of the Archbishop of Roüen's but he was no sooner gone when he sent one post after him to give him order not to make too much haste for President Ieannin and the Archbishop of Lyons together with Madam de Montpensier had put him in mind of another sufficient means to divert the Spanish designs without running so hastily to the election of one that was his Enemy who also by the weakness of his understanding and lightness of his nature would not be very fit to govern in times of so great distraction and that he endangered the dividing of his party for it was very probable the Duke of Guise and his adherents upheld by the Spaniards would not approve that election in which case his third party would be the weakest of them all The remedy they propounded was that of the Parliament whose authority they thought suffâ—cient to hinder the business in agitation wherefore Madam de Montpensier having excited the first President le Maistre to think of some means that the Crown might not fall into the hands of Strangers he as a man of good intentions and who had followed the League for no other end but the Catholick Religion set himself boldly to the enterprise and after the managing of it many days assembled all the Chambers of the Parliament and with full consent of all caused a Decree to be made of this Tenor following UPon the Propositions already made to the Court of Parliament by the Procureur General and the business taken into deliberation in the meeting of the Counsellours of all the several Courts the said Parliament not having as it never formerly had any other intention than to maintain the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion and the State and Crown of France under the protection of a most Christian Catholick French King hath ordered and doth order that this day after dinner President la Maistre accompanied by a good number of the Counsellours of this Parliament shall make remonstrance to my Lord the Duke of Mayenne Lieutenant General of the State and Crown of France in presence of the Princes and Officers of the Crown who at this present are in this City that no Treaty ought to be held for the transferring of the Crown into the hands of Foreign Princes or Princesses that the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom ought to be observed and the Decrees made by the Parliament about the declaring a Catholick and French King executed that the said Duke of Mayenne ought to use the authority that hath been given him to hinder the Crown from being under pretence of Religion transferred into the hands of Strangers against the Laws of the Kingdom Moreover that he ought to provide as soon as may be for the repose of the people by reason of the extream necessity to which they are reduced and in the mean time the said Parliament hath declared and doth declare all Treaties held or that shall be held for the future about the establishment of any Foreign Prince or Princess whatsoever invalid and of no force or effect as being in prejudice of the Salique Law and the other Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom This Intimation or Remonstrance being made in publick by the President unto the Duke of Mayenne though he made shew to resent it and with grave words reprehended the boldness of the Parliament yet it bridled the Spanish Treaty very much for the Assembly of the States which more than any other body ought to have resented this decree of Parliament as made in prejudice of their authority shewed on the contâ—ary that they were not displeased at it and being possessed by the Duke of Mayenne's Agents abhorred the attempt of the Spaniards and inclined to a Truce concerning which they treated now more hotly than ever in the Conference at Surenne Mâ—ch greater was the inclination of the Parisians who tired out with their necessities and seeing no nearer way to their redress than the conclusion of a Truce the sweetness whereof they had begun to taste in that little Cessation of Arms that had been in those quarters impatiently desired an accommodation and raging threatned the Princes and the Assembly unless they took a speedy resolution and being perswaded that the Spaniards would not suffer their Army to come and help the
having been privy to the death of the Prince her Husband and the sentence that had been given against her by Judges that were not competent nor capable to sentence her they demanded that she having till then been kept in prison at S. Iehan d' Angely the King disanulling the first sentence would be pleased to grant that the Parliament of Paris a natural and competent Judge might hear her cause and having discussed the proofs give sentence upon it to which Petition the King answered That if the Princesses Kinsmen would oblige themselves to put her into the power of the Parliament of Paris he would disanul and make void the sentence that had been given and would refer the case to the aforesaid Parliament into whose power the Princess was to be delivered within the space of four months This served for a colour and excuse to take away suspicion from the Hugonots to deprive them of power to detain the person of the Princess and of her Son And the King sent the Marquiss de Pisani to S. Iehan who though the Hugonots murmured at it brought them both away to Paris where the Princess having declared that she would live for the time to come in the Catholick Religion was absolved by the Parliament of that imputation that had been layed against her the Prince of Conde remaining not only in the King's power but instructed and bred up in the Catholick Religion The Duke of Montmorancy came likewise to the City of Dijon and there took possession of his Office of Constable the Hugonots being thus deprived of those props wherewith they had designed to uphold themselves The Pope was by these lively effects very much confirmed of the King's sincerity who already was wholly averse from them and wholly intent to secure the State of Religion within his obedience He shewed the same inclination by the strict orders and particular Commissions which he had given to restore the use of the Mass in all those places from whence it had been taken and he laboured continually in seeking means to restore the estates of the Clergy possessed by others which by reason of the difficulty of the matter proved very hard and troublesome for the Lords and Gentlemen who in reward of their services had obtained them and had already possessed them a great while could hardly be brought to leave them without equivalent recompences which by reason of the number of the pretenders and the narrowness of affairs in a time of so great distraction it was not possible to satisfie yet the King with infinite patience and dexterity studied how to compose things so that if he could not altogether he did at least in part satisfie the Clergy though of necessity many of the principal of them could not be absolutely contented but discreet persons commended both the King's inclinations and dexterous manner of finding a way to compose interests that were so oppositely diverse and repugnant These things brought by fame unto the Court of Rome did opportunely promote the King's interests but much more were they helped on by the contrary circumstances which troubled the mind of the Pope and of that Court for Schism was in a manner totally setled the Parliament continued diligently to hinder that none should go suâ— for Benefices at Rome and whosoever procured any by such sutes did not certainly obtain the possession of them the King by some one of the great Council did still dispatch Spiritual Oeconomies to the Bishopricks and other cures of Souls that were vacant the name of the Apostolick See seemed to be utterly forgotten and the King's Forces prospering it was doubted he would demand Absolution no more the Duke of Nevers having sâ—id publickly at his departure that they should not look to have any more Ambassadors sent to Rome wherefore though the Treaty was set on foot again by means of Cardinal Gondi and that d' Ossat continued to treat with Sannesio and with Cardinal Aldobrandino yet the Pope fearing the mischief that was imminent and considering the example of other States that had withdrawn themselves from the obedience of the Apostolick See was wonderful anxious by reason of the danger of this division To this was added the Kings confederacy contracted with the States of Holland and the League which was still in treaty with England whereupon it was doubted that so near confederacy being made with Hereticks Religion would in some part be injured by it That which the more incited the Pope was the sharp War made by the Turk in Hungary for being constrained to think of the progress of the common Enemy on that side he desired to appease the tumults of France that he might turn all his Forces for the maintenance and benefit of the Commonweal of Christians for all these reasons being resolved within himself to condescend to the Kings benediction to which he thought himself obliged in Conscience he began to think of softning the Catholick King and therefore besides satisfying him in all his demands he resolved to send his Nephew Giovan Francesco Aldobrandino into Spain under colour of treating of the affairs of Hungary but withal to negotiate the absolution of France to which he laboured to bring the King of Spain gently by shewing that he depended much upon his consent In the mean time by the means of Monsieur d' Ossat he secretly let the King know that things were already ripe and that if he sent new Ministers to treat the absolution perchance might be concluded The King desirous to reconcile himself fully to the Church thought at first to send a gallant Embassy but being informed of the Popes intention who desired that the business should pass privately and with terms of very great submission he determined to send only Iaques Davy Sieur du Perron who should treat of matters together with d' Ossat being also desirous in case the business should not take effect that the manner of treating might not make it the more eminent and remarkable These men seasonably making use of the conjuncture of present affairs managed the Kings intentions modestly and dexterously shewing no less the prosperousness of his enterprizes which at last had gained him the whole Kingdom than his Piety and most ardent affection towards Religion from whence proceeded his infinite patience hardened to bear so many repulses as had been given him by the Pope But those that were well versed in the affairs of the World gave loose reins to their discourse concerning those very things which much troubled the Pope and said freely through the Court that in the end the Kings patience would turn into fury and that having subdued his Enemies and made himself a peaceable Master of his Estate it was to be doubted he would care but little to reconcile himself to the Pope or rather it was to be feared that with a dangerous Schism in the Church of God he would attempt to revenge so many past injuries and persecutions and upon these
other discontented Lords The King of Navarre goeth to the Court solliciting the King in the name of the Princes of the blood that they might participate in the Government Queen Blanch Mother to St. Lewis having taken upon her the Government of the Kingdom in the minority of her Son the Barons took arâ—s to maintain the right in those to whom it belonged So did Lewis Duke of Orleans in the time of Charles the eighth The Admiral maketh a proposition to the Male-contents to protect the followers of those opinions in Religion introduced by Calvin and it is embraced Iohn Calvin a Picard preacheth and publisheth in print 128 Principles differing from the Roman Catholick Religion which at first are hearkned to only in curiosity but at last make great impressions in the minds of men and produce great mischief Calvins opinions had their first foundation in Geneva The Reformed Religion began to spread in France in the time of Francis the First Henry the Second was very severe against the Calvinists 1560. The Calvinists use to boast much of the death of Henry the Second The name of Hugonot derived from certain places under ground near Hugo's gate in the City of Toâ—rs whâ—re thosâ— opinions â—irst took growth The manner of the Hugonots proceedings Renaudie a man of a desperate fortune is made Head of the Hugonots Conspiracy 1560. The fifteenth of Maâ—ch was a day more than once appointed for the execution of great designs in France and this day Anno 1560. the Hugonots determined to meet at Blois where the King then was The Conspirators arrive near Ambois where the Court was and are all defeated 1560. After the suppression of the Conspirators in a secret Council held in the Kings Chamber it is resolved to punish the favourers of the Hugonots To get the favourers of the Hugonots into their power it is resolved to call an Assembly of the States at which amongst others the Princes of the blood are to assist The Prince of Conde who was as a prisoner is set at liberty By the death of Olivier Michel de l' Hospital is made High Chancellor Anne of Mâ—morancy with all his adherents goes to the Assembly at Fountain-bleau The King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde go not thither The Assembly at Fountain-bleau The Admiral pâ—esents a Petition from the Hugonots in which they demand erection of Temples and Liberty of Conscience A National Council proposed A general Assembly of the States is resolved upon and the present Assembly dismissed Saga a servanâ— to the King of Navarre is taken prisoner at Estampes with divers Letters about him and being tortured confesseth certain practices against the Crown The Prince of Câ—nde practiseth to possess himself of Lions but without success The three Estates of the Kingdom The Prince of Conde committed to prison The King of Navarre kept 〈◊〉 a prisoner The Assembly of the States begins The Prince of Conde excepts against his trial and appeals to the King but the appeal is not accepted Sentence pronounced against the Prince of Conde The King under the Barbers hands taken with an Apoplexy Charles the IX All the Nobility and the Militia is divided between two Factions Pope Iulio the second excommunicates the Kingdom of France and the Adherents thereof in which the King of Navarre being included he applieth himself to follow the opinions of Beza and Peter Martyr The Constable Anne of Momorancy restored to his Command The Prince of Câ—nde set at liberty and the Sentence pronounced against him declared void 1561 The 〈◊〉 of the States d smissed A kind of toleration permitted to the Hugonots The Kâ—ys of the Kings Palace taken frâ—m the Duke of Guise and delivered to the King of Navaâ—re The private interests and enmities are covered with the vail of Religion and the two Factions take the name of Hugonot and Câ—â—holâ—ck At Rhâ—â—ms a vial is kept with the oyl whereof the first Christian King â—louis was consecrated The Dâ—ke of Guise as first Peer of France is declared to precede all the rest The Peers are twelve six Ecclesiastical and six Secular An â—dict th t no â—oâ—y shoulâ— be mâ—lâ—sted for matters of Religâ—â—n with the reâ—â—itution â—f confiscated goodâ— The Hugonots grow insolent towards the Catholicks The Cardinal of Lorain in the Kings Council inveighs against the Hugonots The Edict of Iuly The Parliament of Paris expels the Hugonots out of the Kingdom The juâ—gment of heresie committed to the Bishops The conferenâ—e of Poissy The divers opinions of the Hereticks There are Eight Parliaments in France 1562. The Edict of Ianuary The Cardinal Hippolito d' Est Legat in France Propositions to exchange Navaâ—re for Sardinia The union of the King of Navarre with the Duke of Guise and the Constable which the Hugonots called the Triumvirat Queen Câ—theâ—ine in opposition to the Triumvirat joins with the Prince of Conde and the Admiral The Queen feigning an inclination to the Hugonots Religion In a conflict between the Duke of Guise his servants and the Hugonots the Duke is hurt wiâ—â— a stone A saying of the Duke of â—uisâ— which made him thought the author of the ensuing War Persons of desparate â—ortunes the incendiaries of Civil Wars The Queen is forced to declare her self fâ—r the Catholicks and at the same time maintains hoâ—es in the Hugonots Charles the IX wept at his restraint Orleans made the seat of the Hugonot Faction The Prince of Conde's Manifest The Parliament of Paris Answer to the Princes Manifest The Answer of the King and Queen The Prince of Câ—nde coynâ— the Plate belonging to Churches An Edict published at the instance of the Parisians to forbid the Hugonot Assemblies in their City or neâ—â— the Court. The Kings Army movâ—s towards Oâ—leans * Brigues a French word signifying factions or contentions The Cardinal of â—hatâ—llin changing his Religion calleâ—h himself Count of Fâ—â—â—vais The Parley between the Queen-Mother and the Prince of Câ—nde The Prince of Conde's demands in favour of himself and the Hugonots The Kings Edict slighted by the Hugonots The Queen perswadeth the Duke of Guise and the Constable and the Mareshal de S. Andâ—â— to leave the Court which they promise The Queen having it under the Princes hand that he woulâ— retire himself the Catholick Lords leave the Camp The Prince of Conde returneth to his Army ROYALISTS and HUGONOTS The Hugonots through the faults of their guides march all night without advancing The Armies face one another and retreat wiâ—hout fighting The Protestants of Germany are Lutherans Conditions offered by Queen Elizabeâ—h of England to the Hugonots That Montgomery who killed Hâ—nâ—â— the Second Blois taken and pillaged by the Kings Army and Tours the first Assault Poictiers taken and saâ—kt Bourges reâ—dred upon condition The Heads of the Hugonot Faction are declared Rebels * Toquesaint an allarum Bell used as the ringing of the bells backwards with us The English received by the Hugonots to Havre de Grace Diepe and Râ—â—en * The
as it let in all the miseries and calamities which with such prodigious examples have for a long time afflicted and distracted that Kingdom so it brought to a miserable end both the Author himself that made the Proposition and all those who led by their own affections and interests consented to it But since the beginning and progress of Calvins Doctrine is fallen into mention under the colour of which so many great and several Factions have been engaged in the Civil Wars of France both for the better clearing the business in hand as also not to be forced often to look back to those beginnings which are so requisite to the understanding of matters of fact it is necessary to make some short relation of it After Martin Luther in Germany opened the way to let in Schism into Religion and new opinions into our Faith Iohn Calvin born at Noyon in Picardy a man of a great but unquiet wit marvellously eloquent and generally learned departing from the Faith generally held and observed so many Ages by our Predecessors proposed in his Books which he published in print and in his Sermons which he preached in divers places in France One hundred twenty eight Axioms so he called them disagreeing from the Roman Catholick Faith The French Wits curious by nature and desirous of Novelties began at first rather for pastime than through choice to read his Writings and frequent his Sermons But as in all businesses of the world it uses often to fall out that things beginning in jest end in earnest these Opinions sowed in Gods Church so crept up that they were greedily embraced and obstinately believed by a great number of people and persons of all qualities in so much as Calvin at the first thought a man of little worth and of a seditious unquiet spirit in a short time came to be reverenced of many and believed for a new miraculous Interpreter of Scripture and as it were a certain infallible Teacher of the true Faith The foundation of this Doctrine was in the City of Geneva situate upon the Lake anciently called Lacus Lemanus upon the Confines of Savoy which having rejected the Government of the Duke and Bishop to whom formerly it paid obedience under the name of Terra Franca and under pretence of living in Liberty of Conscience reduced it self into the form of a Commonwealth or Commonalty From thence Books coming out daily in print and men furnished with wit and eloquence insinuating themselves into the Neighbour-Princes who secretly sowed the seeds of this new Doctrine in progress of time all the Cities and Provinces of the Kingdom of France were filled with it though so covertly that there appeared openly only some few marks and conjectures of it The Original of this dissention began about the time of Francis the First who though sometimes he made severe resolutions against them notwithstanding being continually busied in foreign Wars either remitted it or was not aware how at that time the Principles of that Faith then rather despised and hated than any way feared or taken notice of began by little and little to spread in the world But Henry the Second a religious Observer of the Catholick Faith knowing withal that from distraction of Religion in mens minds would infallibly follow as a necessary consequence distractions in the State used his uttermost endeavours to extirpate the roots of those seeds in their first growth And therefore with inexorable severity resolved that all who were found convict of this imputation should suffer death without mercy And although many of the Councellors in every Parliament either favouring the same Opinions or abhorring the continual effusion of blood made use of all their skill to preserve as many as they could from the severity of this execution notwithstanding the Kings vigilance and constancy was such chiefly by the incitements of the Cardinal of Lorain that he had reduced things to such a point as he would in the end though with the effusion of much blood have expelled all the peccant humours out of the bowels of the Kingdom if the accidents which followed had not interrupted the course of his resolution But thereupon the death of Henry happening unexpectedly which the Calvinists used to preach of as miraculous and magnifie to their advantage In the beginning of Francis the Second his Reign this severity being of necessity somewhat remitted the disease by intermission of the purge grew stronger and as the remedies were gentler and less operative so inwardly it increased and spread it self the more For the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorain who governed in chief continued the same resolutions of severity but it continued not in the Court of Parliament nor were the other Magistrates so obedient to the Regal Authority but over-awed by the number and quality of those that had embraced that Doctrine which they called Reformed and already weary of such cruelty towards their Country-men and kindred silently slackned the rigour and were less diligent in enquiring after them Besides there were many amongst the Counsellors who according to the inclination of the present Government and through desire of change were well pleased to have things so brought into confusion that every one might live with Liberty of Conscience For Theodor Beza Calvins disciple a man of great eloquence and excellent learning having by his Sermons seduced a great number of men and women and many of the chief Nobility and greatest persons of the Kingdom being revolted to that Religion their Assemblies and Sermons were then no more celebrated in Stables and Cellars as in the Reign of Henry the Second but in the Halls and Chambers of the best Gentry and most eminent Nobility These people were formerly called Hugonots because the first Conventicles they had in the City of Tours where that belief first took strength and encreased were in certain Cellars under ground near Hugo's gate from whence they were by the vulgar sort called Hugonots as in Flanders because they went in the habits of Mendicants they were called Geux Others count other ridiculous and fabulous inventions of this name but howsoever it were these Hugonots had not yet any Head nor authority of any Prince to protect them For though the Admiral and other Lords inclined to their opinions they durst not as yet declare themselves but were bridled with the fear of punishment and therefore kept their Assemblies exceeding privately Now the Princes of Bourbon finding France in this state and so agreeing with their interests they greedily embraced the Admirals propositions and unanimously consented to his opinion to make use of this pretext and the opportunity of these conjunctures to perfect their designs and to this end deputed Andelot and the Vidame of Chartres to negotiate their business Andelot was brother to the Admiral a man of great fierceness and much experience in war but being of a precipitate nature and turbulent spirit still mingling and interesting
himself in seditious Treaties and Plots had many times offended the former Kings and but for the protection of the Constable and favour of his brother more than once had forfeited his life and reputation But for these and the like causes removed from Court he had a long time continued to take part with the Hugonots and to give them his aid in their secret assembling themselves to hear Sermons Of like nature and yet more precipitate and more open but not of like valour was the Vidame of Chartres who great in riches leading a licentious dissolute life was become a refuge and sanctuary for all vitious persons and lastly more through capriciousness of his unquiet nature than any sense he had of matters of Religion declared himself an adherent to Calvins Doctrine These as experienced Instruments to stir up Novelties and knowing the places where the Hugonots used to assemble had no great difficulty without discovering themselves to find out men enough fit to convey secret intelligence to those that were interessed in it of the begun design and to put in order and form those things that were to be put in execution who besides their wondrous activity had continual correspondence with those who terrified with fear of danger and punishment cared not for their own safety to molest and subvert the whole world and easily in a short time brought their business to that issue as was intended Practising thus in all parts they disposed the order of their Council in manner as followeth That having assembled a great multitude of those that profess the Reformed Religion they should first of all send and then appearing before the Court unarmed desire the King to grant them Liberty of Conscience free exercise of their Religion and Temples allowed them for that purpose which demands knowing they would be sharply and resolutely denied the armed men which were to be sent privately at the same time out of divers Provinces appearing on a sudden under certain Captains as if it had been a multitude enraged with a denial that ran furiously to take Arms the King being found unprovided and the Court disarmed they should kill the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorain with all those that followed or depended upon any of their name and so force the King to declare the Prince of Conde supreme Governour and Regent of the whole Kingdom who should then remit the Laws made against them and grant them a freedom of their Religion Some believe and have divulged that the chief instruments of this Conspiracy had secret order if their Plots succeeded as they had designed it that they should presently cut in pieces the Queen-Mother and the King himself with all his brothers by these means to clear the way for the Princes of Bourbon to attain to the Crown But not any of the complices having ever confessed this intention but always even upon the rack and otherwise constantly denied that point I cannot give my self leave to affirm it upon the uncertain report of Fame only which is raised and increased according to the several inclinations of men Now the Conspirators having thus ordered their business they presently divided the charges and chief Provinces amongst the Hugonots that they might execute their designs with more order and less noise Godfrey de la Barre Sieur de la Renaudie a man who having past thorow divers fortunes and spent much time in other Countries with his boldness and wit had got a great name amongst the Calvinists and was much followed by them took upon him the chief Government and care of the whole enterprise neither wanting courage to undertake nor understanding to direct so hazardous a design Withal being brought to a low desperate fortune he resolved by these means either to better his condition or lose his life in the attempt He was born in Perigort which people were anciently called Petrocorii of an indifferent good family but for some false dealing in a certain Process was forced to flee his Country and having for many years wandered up and down the World at length came to Geneva and there by the readiness of his wit having gotten into reputation he found means also to return home to his own Country where wasting his fortune in projects and factious companies he brought himself into such a condition that he was at length forced to get his living by the same arts he had formerly ruined both his credit and estate Such was the quality and birth of the chief Head of that Conspiracy with whom many others joined themselves some led by Conscience others thrust on through desire of change and many also invited by the natural humour of the French Nation who cannot endure to live idly To those of best quality amongst these he gave several charges to raise men and to bring them to a place appointed so that having divided to all their several Provinces in this great disorder they procceed in a most orderly method which with all the members agitating severally were notwithstanding each of them in due time to be assisting to their Superiour To the Baron of Castelnaw they committed the care of Gascoigne To Captain Mazares the charge of Bearn To Mesny the Country of Limoges To Mirabel Xaintonge To Coccaville Picardy To Movans Provence To Mallines Brie and Champaigne To the Sieur de S. Marie Normandy and To Montejan Britany Men who as they were all of Noble Families so were they of known courage and reputed principal leading men in several Cities and their own Countries where they lived All these departing from the Assembly at Nantes a City in Britany where under colour of Law-business celebrating Marriages or such like pretences they met together and returning with great expedition every one to the Province allotted him in a few days working with wonderful secrecy they brought a great number of people of several conditions to be at their devotions who without looking further into the matter were assured by their Preachers that the business they had in hand was for the good and quiet of the Commonwealth In the mean while the Prince of Conde who underhand ministred fuel to so great a fire by little journeys went towards the Court to be ready without demur to take such resolutions as were most expedient and conformable to the present occasion But the Admiral with his wonted sagacity preserving himself as it were Neuter to be better able upon all occasions to assist his party being retired to his house at Chastillon made shew of desiring the ease of a private life without any thought of publick business belonging to the Government Which he did not so much that he might secretly favour with his counsel and assistance the common design as through doubt esteeming it too rash and dangerous that it might meet some cross encounter or unhappy end Now the Conspirators not troubled with such thoughts but full of good hope were departed from their houses where they had
the Governours of places and other Magistrates were very watchful that there should be no secret Assemblies in which they perceived all the mischief was ordered and contrived and under pretence of the Hugonots they kept a strict watch upon other people of all sorts and qualities But about the King where there was greatest danger and cause of suspicion were appointed to wait the Duke of Orleans and the Duke of Angoulesme his Brothers Bands of men at Arms commanded by men of fidelity and trust the Duke of Guises Company and his Brothers the Duke of Aumale's the Duke of Lorain's the Duke of Nemour s Prince Lodowick Gonzago's Don Francisco d' Este's the Mareshal of Brissac's the Duke of Never's the Viscount of Tavanne's the Count of Crussâ—l's and Monsieur de la Brosse's to which were added the Prince of Conde's Band and the Constable's for being amongst so many others they might be carefully enough looked over All these which amounted to a thousand Launces were still quartered about the Court to be near the â—ings person and to his ordinary Guard were added two hundred Harquebushers on horseback under the command of Monsieur de Richlieu a man of exceeding fierceness and absolutely depending upon those that governed The Princes Ministers of the Crown many Prelates and Gentlemen eminent in birth or quality were already summoned to the Assembly at Fountain-bleau where those that sate at the Helm proceeded with such dissimulation that all men observing in them rather a timorousness and apprehension of the future events than any thoughts bent to severity or revenge the Conspirators themselves believed they might without any more trouble obtain such a Regulation in the Government as they had designed In the mean time the High Chancellor Olivier dying that dignity was confirmed upon Michel de l' Hospital who to his deep knowledge in the Greek and Latin Letters having added a great experience in affairs of State and being of a cautelous subtil wiâ— the King thought he would prove an excellent Minister for those resolutions that were then in design The Queen used great industry and no less diligence to advance this Creature of her own to that Office notwithstanding the Princes of Lorain would have brought into it Monsieur Morvilliers a man no way inferiour either in reputation or wisdom but who seemed not to desire that place lest he might gain the displeasure of the Queen-Mother who beginning to grow jealous of the greatness of that Family desired to have such a person in so eminent a charge who depending absolutely upon her will might also be of ability to manage those great affairs But the Election of the High Chancellor thus confirmed which for some days kept business in suspence no delays being to be used in the execution of their purposed designs the King with those bands before mentioned and the Court all armed went to Fountain-bleau to celebrate the appointed Assembly with great expectation of all men There arrived two days after the Constable accompanied by Francis Mareshal of Momorancy and Henry Lord d' Anville his sons by the Admiral Andelot and the Cardinal of Chastillon his Nephews the Visdame of Chartres the Prince of Portian and so numerous a gallant company of his friends and adherents that in an open place as Fountain-bleau was he needed not fear either the Kings strength or the Guises power The Prince of Conde and the King of Navarre though kindly invited had already refused to come thither the first through exasperation of mind which more than ever inclined his thoughts to new designs the other having remitted what concerned their common interests to the Constable and the Admiral to whom he sent his Confident Iacques de la Sague with Instructions was resolved to stand at a distance in his own private quiet The day appointed to begin the Assembly being now come after they were all met together in the Queen-Mothers Chamber the King in few words told them his intent which was to prevent the troubles that were rising and to regulate such things as were thought necessary to be reformed Wherefore he earnestly desired every one there present with sincerity and candour to deliver his opinion in what concerned the publick good The Queen-Mother pursued the Kings speech speaking much to the same purpose but more at large exhorting every body there to speak freely their own sense without any respects for the Assembly was called to no other intent but to regulate and reform such things as were requisite for the present and future quiet The Chancellor de l' Hospital made a long set Oration much to the same purpose but descending to more particulars signified it was the Kings opinion and the Lords of his Council that the troubles of the Kingdom did proceed chiefly from the dissentions in Religion and next from the excessive grievances laid upon the people by the Kings his Predecessors and therefore desired every one upon those two points especially to speak his opinion that care might be taken both for the setling of mens Consciences and for paying the debts of the Crown without laying more burden upon the Subject already overcharged but rather find some way to disburden and ease them of their oppressions Yet his Majesty prohibited none if they discovered any other disorders in the Government but that they might and ought freely and plainly to propose and represent to the Assembly whatsoever they thought might conduce to the re-setling the present Distractions in the State After these Proposals for the better information of those that were to speak their opinions the Duke of Guise rendred an account of the Armies and other things committed to his charge and the Cardinal of Lorain related particularly the estate of the Treasury and publick Revenue commonly called Finances and with these Preambles that every one might have time to prepare himself what to say the Assembly was dismissed for that time The next day before they entred upon any business the Admiral more in love with his own Opinions than ever and conceiving if he could add to the Queens apprehensions and the Guises they might with more facility obtain such a full Reformation as was aimed at resolved to set forth the number and force of the Hugonots notwithstanding the late suppression of the Conspiracy and by that means gain the favour and absolute dependance of that party Wherefore rising from his seat and presenting himself before the King he delivered him a Paper and said aloud so that he might be plainly heard by every one That it was a Petition from those of the Reformed Religion who in confidence of his Majesties Edicts in which he permitted all people freely to present their grievances had desired him to present it and though there were yet no hands to it when his Majesty should so order it would presently be subscribed by One hundred and fifty thousand persons The King who by his Mothers precepts had learned the
Art of dissembling graciously received the Paper and with affable speeches commended the Admirals confidence in presenting to him the desires of his Subjects This Paper being read by Aubespine it appeared to be a Petition from the Hugonots by which with many tedious circumstances they desired in substance Liberty of Conscience and Temples to be assigned them in every City where they might freely exercise their Religion After the reading of which the Admiral being returned to his place and the murmur ceased which proceeded from the diverse sense that men had of this proceeding every one was appointed in order to deliver his opinion The Cardinal of Lorain of himself ardent and put on by the obligation of his calling could not forbear to answer the contents of the Petition which he termed seditious impudent rash heretical and petulant concluding that if to strike a terrour into the Kings youth it had been said that the Petition should be subscribed by 150000 seditious persons he made answer There was above a Million of honest men ready to suppress the boldness of such rebellious people and make due obedience be rendred to the Royal Majesty Whereupon the Admiral offering to reply a great contest would have followed to the hindrance of the business intended if the King imposing on them both silence had not commanded the rest to proceed in order to deliver their opinions For so much as concerned Controversies in Religion those that favoured Calvins Doctrine as there were many even among the Prelates that inclined that way proposed that the Pope should be desired to grant a free General Council where the differences in matters of Faith might be disputed and determined by common consent and if the Pope refused to grant it in such manner as was necessary for the present times and the general satisfaction of all men the King ought according to the wise example of many his Predecessors to call a National Council in his own Kingdom where under his protection those differences might be determined But the Cardinal of Lorain and the rest who constantly persevered in the Catholick Religion and were the major part in the Assembly denied that any other Council was necessary than that by the Popes order many years since begun and now newly entred into again in the City of Trent whither according to the Canons and ancient use of holy Church it was free for every body to have recourse and to bring all differences in matters of Religion to be decided by the natural competent Judges and that to call a National Council whilst the General was open would be to separate through the capriciousness of a few desperate persons a most Christian Kingdom from the union and fellowship of the holy Church that it was not necessary to look so far back For the General Council of Trent having discussed and examined the Doctrine of those Teachers that dissented from the Roman Church had already for the most part reproved and condemned it That they should endeavour by the best means that could be to purge the Kingdom and not by hopes or propositions of new Councils increase the disorders and multiply the confusions But if the manners of the Ecclesiasticks or abuses introduced into the Government of the Church of France required reformation or more severe constitutions an Assembly might be called of Divines and Prelates in which without medling with controversies in Faith those disorders might be remedied by common consent This opinion was approved by the major part of voices and finally imbraced by all Then for the concernment of the State after many Propositions and Disputes which proceeded from the divers interests Iohn de Monlâ—e Bishop of Valence having by secret order from the Queen proposed an Assembly of the States both parties willingly consented thereunto The Constable the Admiral and their faction because they hoped from that a Reformation in the Government The Queen-Mother and the Guises because they saw things go on of themselves to their own ends This consultation ended the King by his Chancellor thanked the Lords of the Assembly and forthwith Letters Patents were dispatched by the Secretaries of State to all the Provinces in the Kingdom containing That in the Month of October next they should send their Deputies to the City of Orleans there to hold a general Assembly of the States and order was likewise given to the principal Prelates that in the Month of February following they should all meet at Poissy to reform by common consent those abuses that were introduced in the Government and Ministry of the Church and to take such order that a considerable number of them should go to the general Council of Trent The Assembly ended all were licensed to return to their houses and desired to meet again at Orleans to assist at the Assembly of the States But Iaâ—ues de la Sague the King of Navarre's servant being charged with Letters of Instructions from the Constable the Admiral and the rest of the Adherents directed to his Master as soon as he left the Court returning towards Bearne being gone as far as Estampes was by secret order of the Queen stayed prisoner from whence with all his papers he was privately conveyed to Court The Letters contained only private and general compliments such as use to pass amongst friends and being examined he constantly denied that he had any other commission than what was plain to be seen by the Letters But being brought to the place of torture to draw the truth from him by force not enduring the rack he confessed That the Prince of Conde had advised and the King of Navarre in part also consented thereunto that he should leave Bearne and under pretence of coming to the Court by the way take possession of all the principal Towns thereabouts seise Paris by the help of the Constable his Son the Mareshal of Momorancy being Governour of it make Picardy revolt by means of the Lords of Senarpont and Bouchavaâ—ne and draw Britanny to his party by aid of the Duke of Estampes who being Governour of that Province had great dependances there and so armed and accompanied by the Forces of the Hugonots come to the Court and force the States to depose the Queen-Mother and the Guises from the Government and declaring the King was not out of his minority till he came to 22 years of age create his Tutors and Governours of the Kingdom the Constable the Prince of Conde and the King of Navarre He added to his confession that if they put the cover of the Visdame of Chartres Letters which were taken from him in water the characters would presently appear and they should find there all written that he had said Thus by the confession of one imployed by them and the testimony of the Letters the new designs of the Conspirators were discovered But as the discontented Princes resolved to bring in Innovations increased in power and dependents with so much the more sollicitousness and
consent to his demands to propose things necessary for the good of their order to oblige the common people to new taxes and to give and receive new Laws and Constitutions but when the King is in minority or otherwise uncapable they have authority when it falls into controversie to chuse the Regents of the Kingdom to dispose of the principal Offices and to appoint who shall be admitted to the Council and when the Kings line fails or a descendant of the Royal Family they have power according to the Salique Laws to chuse a new Lord. But besides these supreme Priviledges the Kings have always used in any urgent weighty occasions to assemble the States and to determine of matters of difficulty with their advice and consent thinking not only by a publick consent to make the Princes resolutions more valid but that it was also necessary in a lawful Government and truly Royal that all great businesses should be communicated to the whole body of the Kingdom Now at that time it plainly appearing that through the dissentions among the Princes and differences in Religion all things were full of disorder and had need of speedy remedy the Deputies elected by the Provinces and instantly called upon with reiterated Orders from the Court met together with great diligence at Orleans at the beginning of October where the King himself being also arrived with a great company of the principal Lords and Officers of the Crown he now expected nothing but the coming of the discontented Princes The Constable with his sons stayed in the wonted place at Chantillii the King of Navarre and the Prince his Brother were retired into Bearn and being summoned by the Kings Letters to come to the Assembly of the States they did not plainly refuse it but with divers excuses and many delays put off the time of their appearance This kind of proceeding held the King and all his Ministers in great dispense doubting not without reason that the Princes either suspecting something of themselves or advertised by some Confident by refusing to appear at the Assembly would frustrate all their great designs and preparations which were founded only upon their coming And the Prince of Conde who ruled his actions by the guiltiness of his Conscience it appearing to him a thing impossible but that by the prisoners at Ambois Saga's confession and the Conspirators taken at Lions there was enough discovered to lay open his intents was grown so extreamly jealous that no reasons could perswade him to put himself again into the Kings power or his Ministers the chief of which he knew were all his mortal enemies But the King of Navarre either being less guilty or of a more credulous nature than his brother thought that by going to the States they should easily obtain a reformation in the Government which was the thing they had so much laboured for and that by refusing to go thither they should condemn themselves and leave the field free to the avarice and persecution of the Guises Nor could he possibly believe that in the face of a General Assembly of the whole Kingdom the King yet as it were a Pupil an Italian woman and two strangers would venture to lay violent hands upon the Princes of the Blood against whom the most masculine Kings and most revengeful had ever proceeded with great regard as against persons not to be violated and in a manner Sacro-sancti Wherefore he was of opinion whatsoever came of it to go to the Assembly and to take the Prince with him not meaning to give them that advantage to condemn him in absence without any kind of defence as he was sure they would if he stayed so far off whereas if he were there to sollicite the Deputies himself he hoped his cause if it were not approved of by the rigour of justice yet the equity of his reasons would at least make it be born with and at the last if no better in consideration of his quality and pre-eminence of Blood pardoned All their Counsellours and Friends concurred in this opinion except the Prince's Wife and his Mother-in-law both which constantly opposed it esteeming all other loss inferiour to the danger which they thought evident of leaving their lives there Whilst they were in this debate there arrived on a sudden first the Count of Cursol and afterwards the Mareschal of Saint Andre whom the King had dispatched one after the other to perswade the Princes to come They represented to them that this grave venerable Assembly was called with much expence to the King and great incommodity to the whole Kingdom only in consideration of the Princes of the Blood and to satisfie their instances and complaints That they were obliged to deliver their opinions in regulating the Government and decision of points controverted in Religion businesses of such weight as without the assistance of the chief Princes of the Blood could not be determined That the King had great cause to think himself mocked and the States that they were slighted by the Princes of Bourbon since having so often desired a Reformation in the Government and to have the Hugonots cause examined now that the time was come and the States assembled for that purpose they took not any care of going thither as it were contemning the Majesty of that Assembly which was the representative Body of the whole Kingdom that hereafter they ought not to blame any body but themselves if they were worthily excluded from any part or charge in the Government since they would not vouchsafe to come to receive that portion which the King with the approbation of the States thought good to assign them and shewing themselves thus manifestly averse to the Kings service and good of the Crown they ought not to wonder if quick resolutions were taken to suppress and extirpate those roots of discord and apparent designs of innovation That the King was resolved as he meant to gratifie such who shewed themselves respectful and obedient to him so he would bind those to a necessary and forced obedience that had any intents to separate themselves from his Councils or to stir any commotions in the Cities and Provinces of the Kingdom Of which delinquency he would think the Princes of Bourbon guilty if they took no care at all to shew their innocence but with their absence and contumacy should confirm the reports of fame which being never believed either by the King or his Council yet his Majesty desired for the honour of the Blood-Royal that with true demonstrations of duty and loyalty and a real union for the publick good they would testifie as much to all France which with wonderful expectation had turned her eyes upon the actions of the present times This Message was delivered from the King to the Princes of Bourbon which had little moved the Prince of Conde resolved not to venture his person in a place where his enemies were the stronger if necessity had not forced him to break that resolution
real command and essential Government of the Kingdom to which being added the honourable release of the Prince with the suppression of his enemies and hope to recover an estate befitting his quality and birth there was not any doubt at all to be further made They added that their affairs for the present were in so doubtful a condition that putting themselves upon the rigour of the Laws against such potent enemies and with the prejudice of their past machinations it was rather to be feared they would be utterly ruined than advanced to those honours they desired that the States then at Orleans depended wholly upon the Queens will and the Guises by whose means they were with great regard assembled for which cause they were for the most part united and joined with them wherefore it was greatly to be feared if their cause were remitted to the arbitrement and determination of the States that they being incensed by their former practices would exclude the Princes of the Blood from the Government and commit it to the Guises as persons they could more confide in upon which would follow the inevitable destruction of the whole family of Bourbon That it was necessary to stop this precipice with moderate Counsels and shewing they desired nothing but what was just and reasonable by yielding to the Laws clear themselves from suspition and their former contumacy and although the change proposed with the Catholick King were very uncertain and doubtful yet it would be great imprudence any way by pretending to the Government of other States to weaken the hopes of recovering his own and the inheritance belonging to his children These reasons wrought upon the King of Navarre of himself inclined to such kind of thoughts but he was spurred on to the contrary by the instigation of the Prince his Brother though rather with a violent passion of revenge than any founded reason Notwithstanding there being joined to that party which perswaded an accord the authority of the Duke of Montpensier and the Prince de la Rochesur-yon both of the same family of Bourbon but who being many degrees removed from the Crown had not interested themselves in these late businesses the King of Navarre inclining to come to an agreement with the Queen proposed by the saâ—e persons that treated the Accommodation besides the three Conditions offered two others The first that the Guises should be deprived of all places of command at Court The other that Liberty of Conscience should be granted to the Hugonots When Calvins Doctrine was first preached the seeds thereof were planted in the family of Henry King of Navarre and Margaret his wife father and mother to Iane the present Queen and as the minds of those Princes were ill-affected to the Apostolick See being deprived of their Kingdom under pretence of Ecclesiastical Câ—nsures thundred out by Pope Iulio the Second against the Kingdom of France and the adherents of the same with which Navarre was then in confederacy so it was likeliest they should apply themselves to that Doctrine which opposing the Authority of the Roman Bishop by consequence concluded those Censures invalid by vertue whereof they had lost their Kingdom Wherefore the Ministers so they call them of Calvins Religion frequenting the house of those Princes and there teaching their Opinions they made such an impression in Queen Iane that departing from the rights of the Catholick Church she had wholly entertained and embraced the Religion of the Hugonots Whereupon being married to Anthony of Bourbon at the present King of Navarre she not only continued in the same belief but had in great part drawn her Husband to that Opinion being besides perswaded by the zealous eloquence of Theodore Beza Peter Martyr Vermeil and other Teachers that went freely into Bearne to preach their new Doctrine And the Prince of Conde the Admiral and other principal men of the Faction of the Princes of the Blood having at the same time partly through Conscience partly through interests of State embraced those Opinions with so much the greater constancy the King of Navarre persevered to continue the protection of the Hugonots For this cause he desired of the Queen in the Treaty of Accommodation between them that Liberty of Conscience might be granted to the Calvinists and she who thought all other things inferiour to the evident danger wherein she saw the Kingdom to be lost both to her sons and her self not to interrupt the Treaty of agreement would not absolutely deny those two Conditions though very hard ones but shewing that to deprive the Guises of their charges at Court was immediately contrary to the Accord then in agitation and to the thought of reducing the wavering estate of the Kingdom into peace and repose for they being armed and powerful would never suffer so great and manifest an affront but joining with the Catholick Faction and the greater part of the States would to maintain their dignity soon have recourse to Arms notwithstanding she obliged her self that with time and art she would continually lessen their authority and power which they being by degrees deprived of their Governments would soon fall to nothing And for so much as concerned the liberty of the Hugonots being a thing of too great importance to be granted upon so little deliberation and which the Parliaments and the States themselves would undoubtedly oppose she was content to promise secretly that governing by common consent with the King of Navarre she would by indirect by-ways and upon the emergencies of occasions which might happen every day so work under-hand that by little and little they should in great part obtain their desires The Queen promised these things being forced by the present necessity yet with an intent when the Government was established and the King of Navarre appeased to observe none of them but delaying the execution of them with her wâ—nted artifices at length with dexterity to render them altogether vain For she thought it not expedient for her own interests and the preservation of her sons wholly to suppress the Guises who served marvellously to balance the power of the Princes of the Blood and to permit a Liberty of Conscience she knew it would not be done without great scandal to the Apostolick See and all other Christian Princes nor without great disorder and dissention in the Kingdom but reserving many things to the benefit of time and future industry she endeavoured by all manner of means to provide for and remedy the present distractions Now the Accommodation being in a manner confirmed upon these Conditions the King of Navarre declared that he would not conclude any thing without the consent and authority of the Constable who was already near upon his arrival so that it was necessary to return to the old arts to overcome this last impediment esteemed by many no less difficult to master than the former Wherefore the Queen who very well knew the nature and inclination of the Constable thought by restoring
not so much for the importance of the thing or the injury received which at the first was otherwise determined in the Kings Council as because they manifestly saw that the King of Navarre's intention which drew along with it the Queens consent was wholly to suppress and tread under foot their greatness But knowing they were thought to be men of passion and ambition and seeing themselves not able in a private dispute to deal with the Princes of the Blood who had then in their hands all the Kings force and authority they dissembled the affront done unto them and made shew only of being moved and offended at the tacite toleration that was permitted to the Calvinists covering in this manner with a pious pretence under the Vail of Religion the interests of private passion So by degrees the discords of great men were confounded with the dissentions of Religion and the Factions were no more called the discontented Princes and the Guisarts but more truly and by more significant names one the Catholick and the other the Hugonot party Factions which under the colour of piety administred pernicious matter to all the following mischiefs and distractions The Queen Regent and the Constable held the Kings party as it were in the middle of a balance and the Constable though he hated Calvinism and lived conformable to the Roman Church nevertheless both in respect of his Nephews and to preserve the publick peace was contented that they should proceed warily in matters of Religion until such time as the King being come to age should be able to govern himself But to confirm in the mean while the Kings Authority and Empire although in minority it was thought expedient by those that governed that he should be acknowledged with the usual Ceremonies belonging to the Kings of France Wherefore they resolved to carry him to Rheims and in that place where the holy Oyl is kept with great veneration which served at the Coronation of the first Christian King Clonis to cause him to be anointed or as they commonly call it Sacré and from thence to conduct him to the City of Paris there to reside as the Kings for the most part are accustomed in the principal City of the Kingdom At the Ceremonies of the Coronation there arose a new strife for precedency between the Princes of the Blood and the Duke of Guise For these pretended to the first place as they were first in dignity before any whosoever and the Duke of Guise as first Peer of France pretended in waiting at the Ceremony to precede every man and though the Kings Council determined in favour of the Duke of Guise because at the Crowning of the King the presence and assistance of the Peers which are twelve six Ecclesiasticks and six Secular is requisite and the Princes of the Blood having not any thing to do their attendance is not necessary notwithstanding they being apt to take fire at every little spark this was enough very much to incense and exasperate them In the mean while the Admiral and the Prince of Conde had used all possible endeavour to draw the Constable to the protection of their party but though Francis Mareschal of Momorancy his eldest son who was streightly united with them used great industry to perswade his Father yet nothing could move his constancy being resolved not to make himself in his old age head of a Faction or an Author of new dissentions in Religion Wherefore the Admiral always an Inventer of subtile counsels thought with himself that he would make him concur with them by some other way At Pointoise a Town seven leagues from Paris the Assembly was held of certain Deputies of the Provinces to consult of a means to pay the debts of the Crown which by reason of the past Wars amounted to a very important sum and although the Mareshal of Momorancy presided in this Assembly yet the Admiral had some of his nearest Familiars that were of it by whose means he had the commodity to cause any thing to be proposed there that he pleased Wherefore the Brothers of Coligni and the Prince of Conde resolved by means of their Confidents to propose in the Assembly That all those who had received any Donations from the Kings Francis the First or Henry the Second should be obliged to restore them into the publick Treasury making account that in this manner without imposing new Taxes they might pay the greatest part of the debts which within and without the Kingdom occasioned both to the publick and particulars so great trouble They made this Proposition because the partakers of the late Kings bounty were the Guises the Dutchess Diana the Mareschal S. Andre and the Constable And for those they desired to see the effect of it to their utter ruine but for the Constable it was designed to put him only in fear and necessitate him to unite himself with the Faction of the Princes to avoid the danger of losing his estate which was the fruits of so many years sweat and labour and such was the animosity of the Factions that even his Nephews made themselves the Ministers to bring these streights and cares upon their Uncle But as Counsels too subtile and forced use often to produce contrary and unthought-of ends so this attempt had an effect much different from that which the contrivers thereof designed for in this restitution of Goods the Constable and Guises having an equal interest Diana who was joyned in affinity with both of them having already regained a confidence with them began as concerned in the same business to treat of it with the Constable and as she was a woman of great wit well instructed in what she was to do ill-affected towards the Queen and greatly terrified with the restitution which was spoken of she used her skill to pass from this to other discourses tending to a reconcilement with the Catholick Faction and the Princes of Lorain and from a consult how to hinder the proposed restitution coming to inviegh against the Admiral and the Prince of Conde who was suspected to be the Author of it at last they fell to a deploration of the present state in which under the rule of a Pupil King and a stranger woman things were governed with such pestiferous and destructive Counsels that to promote ambition and private passions the publick peace and tranquility were destroyed with introducing shamelesly into the Kingdom those heresies which being condemned by the Catholick Church were so carefully punished with sword and fire by the just severity of the late Kings Nor made she an end with this condoleance but wen◠on with the same efficacy that the whole Kingdom was extreamly amazed and very much troubled that one of the house of Momorancy which first received the Christian Religion who in the course of his past life had with great praise of Piety and Justice executed the chiefest Authority of the Kingdom should now as if he were charmed by
and believing after their own fashion and now the most Christian Kingdom and first-born of the Church was ready to turn Schismatick to separate it self from the obedience of the Apostolick See and the Faith of Christ only to satisfie the capritious humours of a few seditious persons Upon this subject he so enlarged himself with his wonted eloquence by which he used to prevail in all disputes that not any of the Hugonots favourers being able to answer the reasons he alledged but the King of Navarre holding his peace the Queen-mother not replying a word and the Chancellor startled and confounded it was resolved with great alacrity of all the Council who were exceedingly scandalized at the excessive license of the Hugonots that forthwith all the principal Officers of the Crown should assemble at the Parliament at Paris there in the Kings presence to debate these matters and resolve upon such remedies as were most necessary for the future It was impossible to hinder them from coming to the Parliament which was appointed upon the thirteenth day of Iuly for the King of Navarre durst not openly oppose it lest by declaring himself a Hugonot he should gain many Enemies and the Queen-Mother although she desired not to see the Catholick party increase in strength yet she was very much perplext in mind and above all things apprehensive lest the advancement and establishment of heresie should be imputed to her The contestations in the Parliament were very great and although the Protectors of the Hugonots employed their uttermost endeavours to obtain them a Decree for Liberty of Conscience by which Declaration they pretended that these stirs and dissentions would cease yet all was in vain For indeed it being clearly not only against the intention and authority of the Catholick Church but also contrary to the ancient customs of the Kingdom and the Councellors of the Parliament being exasperated by the continual complaints which were brought them from all parts against the insurrection of the Hugonots It was with a general consent expresly ordered that the Ministers should be expelled out of the Kingdom with a prohibition to use any other rites or ceremonies in Religion than what were held and taught by the Roman Church and all Assemblies and Meetings forbidden in any place either armed or unarmed unless in the Catholick Churches to hear Divine Service according to the usual â—ustom And to give some balance to the other party the same Edict contained that all Delinquencies found in matter of Religion before the publication thereof should be pardoned and that for the future all accusations or complaints of Heresie should be brought to the Bishops their Vicars or Surrogates and the Civil Magistrates to be assisting to them upon all occasions and that they should not proceed against those convict of Heresie further than banishment but abstain from any corporal punishment or effusion of blood This Deliberation comprehended in a solemn Edict approved and subscribed by the King the Queen and all the Princes and Lords of both Factions absolutely restrained the liberty of Religion and gave heart to the Catholick party which was not a little dejected But the Prince of Conde and the Admiral grieving at the depression of the Hugonots in whose number and force they had founded the strength of their Faction not able other ways to hinder the execution of the Edict which being imbraced with great affection by the Parliaments and the greater parts of the inferiour Magistrates they durst not oppose they advised to procure that the Calvinist Ministers should desire a conference in the Kings presence accompanied with his Prelates to propose and examine the Articles of their Doctrine hoping by indirect ways to bring it so about as again to introduce a liberty of Religion This demand of the Hugonots was opposed by many of the Catholick Prelates and in particular by the Cardinal of Tournon shewing that it was useless to dispute matters of Faith with men so extreamly obstinate and who persisted in opinions condemned by the Holy Church yet if they had a mind to have their reasons heard they might address themselves to the General Council at Trent where under safe conduct they should be permitted to propose and dispute their opinions But the Cardinal of Lorain was not against it either moved through hope by evident reasons to convince the Doctrine of the Hugonots and by that means disabuse the Consciences of simple people or set on as those that were emulous said with the vanity to shew his learning and eloquence and to render himself in such a publick Assembly so much the more eminent and renowned Howsoever his intentions were certain it is that he not contradicting the Ministers demand drew to his opinion the other Prelates and finally they all consented to the King of Navarre who being desirous to hear a solemn dispute for the setling of his own Conscience sollicited it with great earnestness in favour of the Hugonots Safe conducts then being sent to the Ministers that were retired to Geneva and Poissy a Town five leagues from Paris appointed the place for the conference besides the King and the Court there came thither on the Catholick party the Cardinals of Tournon Lorain Bourbon Armagnac and Guise and with the Bishops and Prelates of best esteem many Doctors of the Sorbon and other Divines sent for from the most famous Universities of the Kingdom There appeared for the Hugonots Theodore Beza head of all the rest Peter Martyr Vermeilo Francis de St. Paul Iohn Raimond and Iohn Virelle with many other Preachers which came some from Geneva some out of Germany and other neighbouring places There Theodore Beza with great flourishes of Rhetorick having first proposed his opinions and the Cardinal of Lorain with strength of Reason and authority of Scripture and of the Fathers of the holy Church strongly opposed him The Council of State thought it not fit that the King who being but young and not yet able to judge or discern of the truth should come any more to the Disputation lest he should be infected with some opinions less exact or less conformable to the Doctrines of the Catholick Church Wherefore the Dispute from being publick by degrees grew more private and finally after many meetings brake off without any conclusion or benefit at all The Catholick party got only this advantage that the King of Navarre himself remained little satisfied with the Hugonots having discovered that the Ministers agreed not amongst themselves about that Doctrine which they too unanimously preached but that some followed strictly Calvin's Opinions others inclined to the Doctrine of Ecolampadius and Luther some adhering to the Helvetian Confession others to the Augustan at which uncertainties being very much troubled from thence forward he began to leave them and incline to the Roman Religion But the Hugonots got much greater advantage by the Conference to which end only they desired it For being departed from the Diet they
divulged abroad that they hâ—d made good their Opinions convinced the Catholick Doctors confounded the Cardinal of Lorain and gotten licence from the King to preach Whereupon they began of their own authority to assemble themselves in such places as they thought most convenient for their purpose and to celebrate their preachings publickly and were frequented with such a confluence of the Nobility and common people that it was not possible any longer to suppress or hinder them And if the Magistrates molested them in their Congregations or the Catholicks attempted to drive them out of their Temples they were grown to that insolence that without respect of any authority they took arms to right themselves Whereupon cruel contentions arising with the name of Heretick and Papist the whole Kingdom was turned up-side down the Magistrates opposed in their Jurisdictions the People disquieted the Collectors for the Kings Revenue not suffered and in the midst of a full peace were seen the effects of a tacite but destructive War Those that sate at the Helm moved with this necessity and finding that the severity of the Edict of Iuly had rather increased than diminished the disorders they called another Assembly of all the Eight Parliaments of the Kingdom to consider the state of every particular Province and by common consent to make such Ordinances as should be thought most expedient for the setling of this business Which continually varying with the interest of State and passions of great men it is no marvel though after so many and such divers orders taken it became more confused and disordered For through inconstancy and often change it could not receive that form which proceeds only from constancy and an exact obedience to the supreme power This Assembly met in Paris in the beginning of the year 1562 where the Queen consenting as altogether intent to balance the Factions and not to suffer the one to advance or to oppress the other lest she should remain a prey to that which got the superiority and most of the Council approving it partly perswaded that so great a multitude moved with the zeal of Religion could not easily be restrained partly moved with pity to see so much blood spilt unprofitably that famous and so much celebrated Edict of Ianuary was made by which was granted to the Hugonots a free exercise of their Religion and to assemble at Sermons but unarmed without the Cities in open places and the Officers of the place being present and assistant The Parliaments though at first they refused to accept this Edict and the Magistrates greatly opposed it notwithstanding by reiterated Orders from the King and his Council it was at length registred and published by way of provision with this express clause and condition Until such time as the general Council or the King himself should order it otherwise This Edict dismayed the Heads of the Catholick party and not willing that the World should believe they consented to what was done the Duke of Guise the Constable and the Cardinals amongst which the Cardinal of Tournon was lately dead with the Mareshals of Brissac and S. Andre left the Court already contriving how they might hinder the execution of the Edict and oppose the Hugonot Faction But because they saw that whilst the King of Navarre stood united with the Regent they had no manner of right to intermeddle with the Government of the Kingdom and therefore whatsoever they should do would prove of no effect they proposed to themselves to dissolve that union And knowing that the Queens thoughts and intentions were disposed to continue with the same power till her Son came of age they thought it more easie to gain the King of Navarre It hindred not but rather advanced the design that they were absent from the Court. For the business being of such difficulty and length it might be managed with the greater secresie and there came in under hand to treat it Hippolito d' Est Cardinal of Ferrara the Popes Legate and Don Iuan Manriquez Ambassador from the Catholick King who being favoured by the Counsellors of that Faction found an easie way to promote their intentions The King of Navarre was already very much averse to the Hugonots Religion by reason of the different opinions he found amongst those of that sect about the points in controversie Wherefore after the conference held at Poissy having there not found the same constancy in Theodore Beza and Peter Martyr Vermeil which they used to shew in their Sermons when no body opposed them he sent for Doctor Baldwin a man skilled in holy Scripture and versed in the disputes of Religion by whom he was wholly taken off from the Helvetian and Augustan Confession and perswaded to re-unite himself to the Religion taught in the universal Catholick Church And although he consented to the Edict of Ianuary he did it rather through an old opinion That mens Consciences were not to be forced and through the perswasions of those who affirmed that it was a means to quiet the troubles and tumults in the Kingdom than for any particular liking of it having already an intent to reconcile himself with the Church Which inclination of his being known to many by means of his near Counsellors of late disposed to serve secretly the Catholick party it gave courage to the Legate and the Spanish Ambassador to enter into their proposed Treaty But to accompany the Spiritual Considerations with profit and Temporal Interests they jointly proposed that repudiating Queen Iane his wife with a Dispensation from the Pope by reason she was manifestly tainted with Heresie the Guises should obtain for him the Queen of Scotland their Neece widow to Francis the second who besides her youth and excellent beauty brought with her a Kingdom But seeing that through love to her children he consented not to the Divorce they went about to introduce that Treaty so often proved vain to give him with certain Conditions the Isle of Sardinia for Navarre knowing that it was the trial which as it touched nearest would work most inwardly with him And although the hopes thereof were almost quite lost yet the Treaty being never absolutely broke off the Ambassador Manrique with the wonted arts began so effectually to revive the thoughts and belief of it that he was soon raised to new hopes For besides the ordinary assurances of the Catholick Kings affection they were gone so far that they already treated the manner of the change and the quality of the Tribute that in acknowledgment of superiority he should pay to the Crown of Spain seriously disputing upon the Capitulations and Articles of Agreement as if the Treaty were meant really to be effected That which furthered the Catholicks design was his natural inclination by which he was disposed to plain honest counsels It availed them that he began to discover the passions and interests which were covered under the vail of Christian charity and the cloke of Religion
that the Edict of Ianuary was intirely observed with full Liberty of Conscience to those of the pretended reformed Religion notwithstanding it depended wholly upon the Kings will to call in those Edicts whensoever he should think sit especially that of Ianuary made by way of provision and which was accepted by the Parliaments only for a time That the Hugonots had of themselves violated the Edict made in their favour because contrary to the form thereof they went to their assemblies armed without the assistance of the Kings Officers conditions expresly mentioned in the same And besides this rashness they were likewise so bold as in all places to raise tumults and commit disorders and slaughters Wherefore their rebellion could not be excused with so slight a pretence seeing many Towns were openly seized upon Souldiers raised the Munition consumed Artillery cast Moneys coyned the publick Revenues spent Churches thrown down the Monasteries laid desolate and infinite other proceedings no way agreeing to the Duty of Subjects but express acts of Felony and Rebellion Wherefore they exhorted the Prince of Conde that following the example of his Ancestors he should return to the King abandoning the society of Hereticks and factious persons and not so cruelly wound the bosom of his own Country the welfare whereof as Prince of the Blood he was obliged to maintain with the hazard of his own person even to the last period of his life The Constable likewise and the Guises made an Answer in their own behalf and after a long narration of the services they had done to the Crown concluded that they were ready not only to depart from the Court but to enter into a voluntary exile upon condition that the Arms taken up against his Majesty might be laid down the places kept against him delivered up the Churches that were ruined restored the Catholick Religion preserved and an intire obedience rendred to the lawful King under the Government of the King of Navarre and the Regency of the Queen-Mother After which Declarations past on both sides the King and the Queen together by the advice of the Council made another Answer to the Prince of Conde and caused it to be divulged in print in which they avowed That they were in full liberty and that they had voluntarily removed the Court to Paris to remain there in great security and to advise with the Officers of the Crown how to remedy the present disorders That they were ready to continue the observation of the Edict of Ianuary and to see it should be entirely kept until such time as the King came of Age And since the Catholick Princes whose loyalty and vertue was sufficiently known to all France were contented to retire themselves from Court That the Prince of Conde nor his Adherents had any manner of excuse longer to keep at such a distance and in Arms but that they ought presently to put both themselves and the places they possessed into obedience of the King which if they did besides a pardon for what was past they should be well lookt upon by their Majesties as good Subjects and punctually maintained in all their priviledges and degrees Whilst these things were in agitation the Queen endeavoured to bring it so to pass that both parties to colour their proceedings and not to seem to condemn themselves of any violence to the Kings person should retire to their several charges and leave the Government of the State to her and the King of Navarre who being of a facile nature was a fit instrument for the establishment of her Sons in the Kingdom But after much Treating and many Declarations on both sides all was reduced to this point That neither of them would be the first to disband their forces and upon this cavil they made large Propositions in writing without concluding any thing in fact At the same time that these Manifests were published to the world and every man busie about the Treaty the Prince of Conde and the Admiral used means to draw all the greatest Towns and those that lay most convenient for them to their party To which purpose having scattered men of understanding and trust in the several Provinces they with divers policies by the assistance of the Hugonots and other seditious persons which abounded in all parts of the Kingdom easily made themselves Masters of the principal Cities and other strong places of greatest consequence With these practices revolted the City of Rouen the residence of the Parliament of Normandy and in the same Province Diepe and Havre de Grace situated upon the Ocean on that Coast that looks toward England In Poictou and Touraine with the like skill they got into their hands Angiers Blois Poictiers Tours and Vendosme In Daulphine Valence and at last after many attempts the City of Lyons also and in Gascoigne Guienne and Languedoc where the Hugonots swarmed most except Burdeaux Thoulouse and some other Fortresses they had in a manner possessed themselves of all the Cities and walled Towns By which Insurrections all France being in an uproar and not only the Provinces but private houses and families divided amongst themselves there ensued such miserable accidents that every place afforded spectacles of desolation fire rapine and bloodshed And because the Contributions they had from the Hugonots though they gave very largely and their own private Revenues with the pillage they had in those Towns that they took was not sufficient to maintain the charge of the War the Prince of Conde made all the Gold and Silver in the Churches to be brought to him and coyned it publickly into money which was no little help to them For the ancient piety of that Nation had in every place adorned the reliques and filled the Temples with no small Treasure Nor was their diligence less to provide Munition and Artillery For in the Towns which they surprised and particularly in Tours having found a great quantity they sent it to Orleans to supply their present occasions where having appointed the Convent of Franciscan Fryars for a Magazine they kept there in very good order all the Stores and Provisions that they made with exceeding industry for the future But the Governours of the Kingdom having resolved and determined a War with no less diligence brought the Catholick Army together near about Paris where entering into consultation what they should do concerning the Edict of Ianuary though there was some difference in their opinions they all concluded it should be observed partly not more to sharpen the humours already too much stirred and partly not to add strength or colour to the Hugonots cause who whilst the Edict was maintained had no manner of reasonable pretence to take Arms. But because the People of Paris reverencing as in the greatest troubles they have ever done the Catholick Religion instantly desired that no Congregations of the Hugonots might be permitted amongst them First to take away an occasion of tumults and dangeâ—s in the principal City which
good order to the assault which being begun with great fierceness by the assailants and received with no less resolution by the Hugonots continued with great slaughter on both sides from twelve of the clock at noon till the evening the Catholicks not being able to make themselves Masters of the wall The night after the assault those of Diepe endeavoured to put succours into the Town to which purpose the Sieur de Corillan being advanced into a wood not far off with four hundred firelocks he thought by the benefit of the night to delude the guards and to steal in at the gate that answers to the lower part of the River But being discovered by Monsieur d' Anville who with his light horse scoured the fields he was with little difficulty defeated and routed and the Town remained hopeless of any aid Wherefore having already so many days sustained such hot skirmishes and the violence of the Cannon and it being therefore known that they within were reduced almost to nothing the twenty sixth of October in the morning about break of day the Catholicks not to lose more time went very fiercely but in good order to make another assault which they of the Town through weariness and weakness being not able to withstand Sancte Coulombe he that took the Bastion upon the Mount was the first with his men that passed the breach and entred into the City right against the Celestines street though mortally wounded and falling upon the place within three days after he ended his life At the same time Villers Regiment forced their passage at another breach and Sarlabous entred at the Street of St. Claire but not without some difficulty by reason of a barricado of cask that was made in the way After these that were the first entred furiously the whole Army and with great slaughter of the Souldiers and Inhabitants sackt the Town in the heat of their anger sparing no persons whatsoever but putting all to the Sword both armed and unarmed only the Churches and things sacred by the great diligence and exact care of the Commanders were preserved from violence The Count of Montgomery when he saw things in a desparate condition and the Town reduced into the power of the enemy getting into one of the Gallies that brought the succours wherein he had before imbarqued his wife and children passing down the River through all the Catholicks Cannon saved himself in Havre de Grace and from thence without delay passed over the Sea into England There saved themselves with him Monsieur de Columbiere and some few of his servants all the rest being left to the discretion of the Conquerour came to divers ends Captain Iean Crose who had introduced the English into Havre de Grace being fallen into the Kings hands was as a Rebel drawn with four Horses Mandreville who from being the Kings Officer carrying his Majesties money with him becamâ— a follower of the English and Augustine Marlorat who from an Augustine Frier turned to be a Hugonot Minister were both condemned to be hanged Many were slain and many remained prisoners in the Army who afterwards redeemed themselves for a ransom The City continued forty eight hours at the mercy of the Souldiers the third day the King making his entry at the breach together with the Parliament and the Queen his Mother who in the heat of the sack sent all her Gentlemen and the Archers of her guard to take care that the women which fled into Churches might not be violated there was an end of the slaughters and rapines committed by the Army which being drawn out of the City quartered in the neighbouring Villages In the mean while the King of Navarre through the pain of his wound finding no rest either in body or mind would by all means imbarque upon the River to go to St. Maure a place near Paris whither by reason of the wholsomness of the Air and privacy he used often for recreation to retire himself and nothing prevailing that the Physicians could say to the contrary he caused himself to be carried into a boat accompanied by the Cardinal his Brother the Princes de la Roche-sur and Ludovico Gonzaga with some few servants amongst which some were Catholicks and others Hugonots and the principal among them Giovan Vicenzo Lauro then a Physician by birth a Calabrian who was afterwards Bishop and Cardinal But he was scarce arrived at Andeli a few leagues from Rouen when through the motion of the journey his feaver increasing upon him he began to lose his senses and in a short time after died He was a Prince as of high birth so of a noble presence and affable behaviour and if he had lived in other times to be remembred amongst the most famous men of his age But the sincerity and candour of mind with which he was indued and his mild tractable disposition in the distractions of a Civil War held him all his life-time in care and pain and many times doubtful and ambiguous in his deliberations For on the one side being drawn by the headlong violent nature of his Brother and spurred on by the ardour of his Faction in which he was the principal person and on the other side restrained by his love of justice and a natural inclination disposed to peace and averse from civil broyls he appeared many times fickle in his resolutions and of a wavering judgment For at the first he was reckoned and persecuted amongst those that fought to disturb the quiet of the Kingdom and afterward was seen head of the contrary Faction bitterly pursuing those that were up in arms And for matters of Religion sometimes through his Wives perswasion and Beza's preaching inclining to the Calvinists party sometimes through the general opinion and the Cardinal of Lorain's eloquence to the Catholick Religion he became mistrusted by both parties and left behind him an uncertain doubtful report of his belief Many were of opinion that being in his heart a Calvinist or rather inclining to that which they call the Augustan Confession yet nevertheless his vast insatiable Ambition withdrew him from that party which perceiving the Prince his Brother through his high spirit and resolution was of much greater reputation amongst them made him chuse rather to be the first among the Catholicks than the second among the Hugonots He died in the two and fortieth year of his age and in such a time when experience had made him so wise as would perhaps have produced effects very contrary to the common opinion that was conceived of him He left behind him his Wife Queen Ieane with the title and relicks of the Kingdom of Navarre and only two children Henry Prince of Bearne then nine years old and the Princess Catarine an Infant who remaining at Pau and Neraâ— with their Mother by whom they were very carefully brought up at the same time received deep impressions of the Hugonot Religion Now whilst so much blood was spilt on both sides
their Kingdom From this journey arose another benefit of great importance that by visiting the principal Cities and informing themselves particularly what condition they were in they might take order to secure them with new Forces or the change of Magistrates and Governours so that at another time they might not apprehend their revolt Besides this they hoped that by appeasing the tumults and satisfying the complaints and grievances of the people the King would greatly augment his authority and so gain the affections of his Subjects that by degrees they would turn to their ancient loyalty which by nature and custom they used to pay with such devotion to the persons of their Soveraigns The voyage was also râ—quisite in regard of Queen Ieane For she after her Husbands death being wholly abandoned to the worship and belief of the Hugonots had by publick Edicts and with open violence taken away the Images out of the Temples banished the Priests possest the Churches and thrown down the Altars commanding that all the People subject to the Principality of Bearne should live according to the Rites and Ceremonies of Calvins Religion At the noise of which proceedings the Catholick King either watching all occasions to conquer the reliques of the Kingdom of Navarre or else through an apprehension that the infection of Heresie coming so near might penetrate into his Country of Spain made great complaints thereof to the Pope advertising him without further delay to provide against so great an inconvenience And the Pope moved not only by the advice and exhortations of the King of Spain but also the open prejudice the interests of the Apostolick Sea received thereby first kindly admonished the Queen by the Cardinal of Armagnac a near kinsman and ancient dependent upon that family not to introduce such an intolerable innovation and afterwards seeing those admonitions profited nothing sent out a Monitory whereby he required her to desist from persecuting the Catholick Religion and to return within the Term of six months into the bosom of the Church or else threatned when the time was expired to expose her to the Ecclesiastical censures and grant her Country to those that could first conquer it The King of France openly declared himself against the Monitory alledging that the States of Iane being held directly of him the Pope could not through any fault in her who was simply a Feudatary make a grant of them but that they devolved immediately upon him as the Supream Lord. By which opposition the vehemency and ardour of the Pope being somewhat abated Queen Iane continued so much the more resolute by new Laws and promulgation of new Orders to banish the Catholick and establish Calvin's Religion But the King not willing that any Act of his should give the Spaniards a colourable pretence to intermeddle with businesses on this side the Mountains which separate France from Spain or whilst he was busied with the Insurrections of his Subjects that such a large passage should be opened to enter into his Kingdom gave order to the Parliaments of Thoulouse and Bourdeaux that they should oppose the attempts of the Queen of Navarre pretending that she could neither make new Laws nor introduce a new Religion in those States without the consent and permission of the King of France who was the chief Lord. Which though it were true of Nerac Oleron and the County of Bigorre yet it was not so for the Principality of Bearne that had been many times brought into controversie and always declared independent upon any but the King of Navarre But the state of the present affairs and the apprehension of the future to prevent the growing disorders caused these disputes to be revived which hath been so long buried and decided Wherefore the King and the Queen thought it very material in visiting all parts of the Kingdom to pass likewise upon those Confines to try whether they could alter Queen Iane in her opinions or if they could not effect that to bring away her Son Prince Henry that being first Prince of the Blood he might not be brought up in the Doctrine of the Hugonots whereby to prepare new protection and support for the men of that Faction These be the reasons that moved them to undertake this Voyage But not to discover to those upon whom they had designs what was the end or secret intention of this Visitation they made shew and were content every body should think that the King only through a youthful vanity to shew himself in all parts of the Kingdom and to taste several delights in several places desired to make this progress and that the Queen consented thereunto through an ambition to let the World see the Magnificence of her Government and through a desire to visit her Daughter the Queen of Spain Wherefore with an apparence much different from their inward designs they made publick and plentiful Preparations of sumptuous Liveries of all manner of things for several kinds of Huntings for Stage-Plays and Royal Entertainments with a great train of Courtiers fitted for Pomp and Delights Which things when they were ready not farther to delay the business in hand as soon as the season of the year would permit they went through Brye and Champagne to the City of Bar placed upon the confines of Lorain whither came to receive them the Duke himself with the Dutchess Claudia his Wife the Kings Sister and Daughter to the Queen There by Rascalone and the Ministers of the Duke of Lorain the Queen began to treat of an interview with the Duke of Wittembergh the chief of the Protestant Faction in Germany believing if she could treat in person with him and the other Princes of the same Religion by her Arts to draw them to such a confederacy with the Crown of France that they should not need for the future to fear any opposition from them But the Duke of Wittembergh through the infirmities of age refusing to come they began though with less hope by way of Treaty to perswade him and the other Princes to receive pensions from the King with honourable Title and other large Conditions conceiving that in reason they would rather desire to have certain Stipends and assured Conditions from the King than the uncertain promises and vain offers from the Hugonots Notwithstanding the Count Palatine of Rhine Wolphangus Duke of Deux-ponts and the Duke of Wittembergh inclining to favour the Hugonots though more for the common interest of Religion than any other consideration refused to accept pensions of the Crown of France and only with good words promised in general not to send any Aids to the Faction of the Male-contents except in case they were molested in their Liberty of Conscience On the contrary Iohn William one of the Dukes of Saxon and Charles Marquess of Baden either through emulation of the other Princes or else moved with the profit proposed accepted the Kings Stipends promising to serve him in his occasions with a
the Garison and to use all possible diligence to secure the Town who providing with great care and rigour to hinder the Assemblies of the Hugonots they were exceedingly offended and murmured thereat in all parts The like suspicion was at the same time had of Avignon which the Kings of France through common respects and interests have ever no less than their own taken into their care and protection For all those who dissented from the Roman Catholick Faith being by order from the Pope expelled that City they retired to the adjacent places in Provence and Languedoc where they practised underhand to surprize it and so far their design was advanced that they had already intelligence to possess themselves of one of the Gates but the business being discovered by the vigilance of the Citizens the Cardinal of Armagnac who was Governour there causing diligent search to be made after the complices apprehended some of them and sent Scipione Vimarcato post to the Court to render an account thereof to the King who sent a positive command to the Count of Tende Governour of Provence to Monsieur de Gordes Lieutenant of Dauphine and to the Viscount of Ioyeuse Lieutenant of Languedoc that they should furnish such forces as were necessary for the securing of it by which means the attempt of the Hugonots at length proved vain who not being daunted with this ill success were still ready to imbrace any new occasion having likewise laid a plot to enter into Narbon and indeed their practises kept all the Provinces and Fortresses of the Kingdom in perpetual apprehensions but especially the King and Queen who seeing the fire already kindled in so many places reasonably enough feared the flame thereof would at length burst forth with greater violence and in some place or other cause a notorious ruine The Hugonots were no less bold with their pens than their swords for at the same time a Minister who was born at Orleans preached seditiously against the Kings Authority and had likewise printed a Book in which he maintained That the people of France were no longer obliged to be obedient to the King because he was turned Idolater and for this reason affirmed That it was lawful to kill him from which impious diabolical seed afterwards sprang up in other times and in other persons that pernicious Doctrine which with such horrible perversion of all humane and divine Laws instructed men under the pretence of Piety and Religion to imbrue their hands in the Blood of their lawful Kings by GOD's Ordinance appointed over them as His Deputies And perhaps by this Doctrine which sounded well in their ears because agreeable to their designs the Admiral and the rest of his party were perswaded to plot not only against the Queen-Mother but even against the Person of the King himself of which either truly or falsly he was accused by a Gentleman who being imprisoned for another great offence sought to obtain his pardon by discovering that he and two other Gentlemen were seduced and suborned with money by the Admiral to kill the King when they should find a fit opportunity and though at the first there was not much credit given to what he said yet being confronted with those whom he named as Complices with unexpected Questions he so amazed and silenced them that the King was put into an exceeding jealousie yet the proofs not being sufficient for so great a conspiracy the business was passed over with silence and the Gentleman for his other offences condemned to die To this great suspicion was added this other accident that the Queen-Mother going one morning out of her Chamber to Mass there was found at her feet a long Letter directed to her self in which she was threatned that if she changed not her course and suffered not those of the Reformed Religion to enjoy full Liberty of Conscience she should be murthered as the Duke of Guise was formerly and Maynard President of the Parliament of Paris who at the beginning of the tumults about Religion for having passed a severe Vote against the Hugonots was killed at Noon-day with a shot it never being known by whom Wherefore the Queen was admonished to guard her self from the wrath of GOD and the desperate resolution of men All these things laid together and continually multiplying on all sides exceedingly incensed and exasperated the King who as he grew in years conceived still a more inveterate hate against those who obstinately opposed his will wherefore his nature suiting with the Duke of Alva's counsel and the Hugonots not ceasing continually to offend and provoke him he was every day in secret consultation with his Mother to find some prompt expedite remedy to extirpate this evil The Queen remained doubtful or rather of a contrary opinion and much more the Chancellor de l' Hospital being both of them averse to those dangerous violent proceedings as altogether disagreeing to the disposition of the French insomuch that together and apart they earnestly desired and advised the King to be patient and dissemble his anger even the Cardinal of Lorain himself with his Brothers and Nephews though they were very well pleased to see him so passionate yet wished he would have kept himself more reserved until some seasonable fit opportunity had been offered But there was no end of the complaints of the people nor of the jealousies and dangers stirred up by the Heads of the Hugonots all parts abounded with bloody mournful dissentions the Prince and the Admiral sometimes leaving the Court sometimes returning but ever with some new complaints or pretensions gave great occasion both of jealousie and offence and the King being passionate and furious could no longer indure them so that at length it was resolved together with policy to imploy force and to bridle the excessive Liberty of the Rebellious Faction And the Catholick King sending at the same time the Duke of Alva Governour into Flanders to curb the insolencies of those who under a pretence of Religion but truly through the hate they bare to the Spanish Government had at once withdrawn themselves from their obedience to the Catholick Church and the temporal Jurisdiction the Treaty of Bayonne was renewed and by consent of both Princes an Agreement made that by mutually aiding each other they should endeavour the suppression of such eminent persons who were the Incendiaries to nourish Rebellion in their several Dominions The Duke of Alva went with great force towards the Low-Countries which in divers places border upon France so that this occasion served the King and Queen for pretence to arm who feigning to have great apprehensions of the Spaniards gave present order to hire a considerable number of Swisses commanded all the Provinces to have their forces in a readiness levied men in Lyonoise under colour of sending divers companies of French Infantry into the States beyond the Mountains and getting money from several parts made a bargain with certain Italian Merchants to furnish
danger she passed began to make overture of a Treaty for an Accommodation by Monsieur de S. Sulpice a person in whom she reposed much confidence and that was not ill thought of by the Hugonots who not shewing themselves altogether averse from peace there went to them in a place equally distant from both Armies the High Chancellor the Mareshal of Momorancy and la Vieux-Ville Monsieur de Morvilliers and the Bishop of Limoges to whom though they proposed insolent exorbitant conditions such as Conquerours use to impose upon the Conquered yet to gain the benefit of time they artificially spun out the Treaty still giving them hopes of condescending to their desires The Propositions of the Hugonots were these That the Queen-Mother should have nothing to do in the Government That those who till then had managed the affairs should render an account to them of their proceedings That the King should disband all his Forces That all strangers should be sent out of the Kingdom and particularly the Italians to whom they attributed the invention of their new Impositions and Gabelles That the Edict of Ianuary should be reauthorized and punctually observed with a free exercise of the Hugonot Religion in all places and particularly in Paris That Metz Calais and Havre de Grace should be consigned to them for their security That all Taxes should be taken away That a general Assembly of the States should be called That Justice should be done them against the Princes of Guise by whom they said they were persecuted and calumniated and other things not unlike these which seeming rather ridiculous than matter of hate chiefly that Article in which they demanded a present disbanding of the Kings Forces whilst they had an Army on foot at the Gates of Paris afforded no hopes at all of an accommodation yet the Queen sending every day new persons to treat according to her design drew out the business in length and gained time to free her self from so great an exigence Nor were these delays displeasing to the Hugonots who thinking it more probaâ—le to prevail by a Siege than by strength did what they could to stop all the passages to the City hoping rather by famine than force to reduce it into their powers and in the mean while expected a supply of men from their party which were raising with exceeding diligence in all parts of the Kingdom But these aids that were hoped for on both sides bred grievous and dangerous Insurrections in the Provinces For in Normandy Picardy and Champagne which lie nearest to Paris and environ it on all sides the Hugonots were assembled together in great multitudes with a resolution to succour their party and the Governours did the same for the King so that being kept in play there they could not go to join with the Army before Paris by which commotions the Villages and Towns were pestered with Souldiers and the ways so broken that all intercourse and traffick was hindered and destroyed At the same time the Hugonots possest themselves of the City of Orleans and the Fortress which being scarcely finished and ill guarded was easily reduced into their power The taking of this place was of very great importance for besides the benefit of having so considerable a City so near Paris they found there three Cannons and five Culverins which was very advantageous to the Army that before had never a piece of Artillery In Burgundy they took Auxerre and Mascon but the last not without some blood for the Catholicks made a valiant resistance In Daulphine they got Valence Lyons was full of tumults and the Sieur de Ponsenac taking arms in their favour brake the ways and fomented the commotions within the City The Count de Montgomery surprized Estampes which was of so much more consequence because near Paris In Languedoc Nismes and Montpellier were revolted to the Hugonots Metz a strong place of very great importance upon the Frontiers of Lorain was upon the point of revolting Monsieur de Disans who commanded the Garison having declared himself for the Hugonots whereupon not only the Mareshal de la Vieux-Ville the Governour of that place was constrained to leave the Court but the Duke of Guise also took a resolution to march that way Upon the coasts of the Ocean they made themselves Masters of Diepe and in Gascony they were so strong that Monsieur de Monluc having such an enemy to deal with could not send those aids that were intended to Paris These stirs that were not without much blood-shed rapine and frequent encounters retarded for some days both the Kings supplies and the recruiting of the Hugonots Army But the first that arrived were the Kings Forces for Timoleon Count of Brissac and Philip Strozzi who commanded the Infantry though Andelot and Muy having left the Camp on purpose lay in the way to hinder their passage yet coasting the Country through Woods and Vineyards and having carriages to flank them arrived safe in Paris with four Regiments of Foot and the Catholick Nobility at the news of the Kings being besieged came together from all parts in great diligence to the Court. The King having now no more occasion to dissemble sent an Herauld to summon the Prince and the rest of his Confederates assembled at St. Dennis within the space of four and twenty hours to lay down their arms and return to their obedience or else to pronounce them Rebels and Traytors At the appearance of the Herauld who brought the Summons in writing the Prince of Conde in a fury protested If he said any thing that toucht upon his Honour he would presently cause him to be hanged to which the Herauld knowing himself backed with the Royal Authority answered boldly I am sent from your Master and mine nor shall words terrifie me from executing my Commission and put the Writing in his hand which being read the Prince said he would return an answer within three days but the Herauld replyed with the like boldness as before that he must resolve within four and twenty hours so that the same Herauld being sent again the next day carried back an answer in much milder terms than ordinary the Heads of the Hugonots professing They were resolved still to remain his Majesties loyal Subjects nor to desire any thing but the conservation of their Propriety their Religion and their Lives and only demanded such conditions as they thought necessary for security of the same which they would ever acknowledge as testimonies of his Royal favour and goodness This kind of proceeding renewed the hopes of an Accommodation whereupon it was concluded that the Constable should the next day have a conference with some principal persons of that party so that going out of the City with about two thousand Horse when he was in the mid-way toward St. Denis he commanded his company to stand and advanced himself accompanied only by the Mareshal de Cosse his Son Momorancy and l' Aubespine Secretary of State The
learn what was said she began to make her excuses to their Ministers but had a long private conference to that purpose with the Venetian Ambassador who being less interessed and more moderate than the rest was likeliest to credit her reasons wherefore beginning with the original of things she related to him at large every particular circumstance That King Francis the Second her eldest Son being very young when he came to the Crown and of a disposition rather to be governed than to exercise the charge of a King was forced of necessity to confer upon her the Supream Power in managing the affairs that it might neither fall upon the Princes of Bourbon not only the chief pretenders to the Crown but infected with Heresie and inclined to favour it nor yet upon the Guises men full of ambition and high pretences who nevertheless were so far Masters of the Kings will in regard of his Marriage with their Neece that she was constrained to admit them to a great part in the administration of the Government and in many things to yield to them for fear they might to the prejudice of the publick and her own private disgrace have cast her out of the Court and perhaps out of the Kingdom also That she had nevertheless ever endeavoured so to carry matters that the Kingdom might remain in quiet and enjoy the blessing of peace under a pious religious King and tender of the preservation of his people if the violence of the Prince of Conde and the malitious subtilty of the Admiral had not disturbed the course of things by turning not only against the Guises with whom they professed an open enmity but even against her self contriving through hate by wicked practises to deprive her of her life That the conspiracy of Amboise being discovered when all the Council concurred to proceed with extream severity she used her uttermost endeavour that a moderate way might be taken to quiet those troubles forgetting through desire of the common good her own private injuries and dangers That the Prince having continued to raise Insurrections in the Cities and Provinces and to plot even against the King himself at length fell into her hands at which times she ever proposed ways very far from cruelty or revenge saving the King of Navarre and divers others that were privy to the Princes counsels which was manifestly to be known when the Kings infirmity began to be mortal for the Princes of Guise pressing very earnestly that the sentence of death might be put in execution against those of Bourbon she resolutely opposed it approving rather gentle means than violent sharp remedies That she being afterwards left with the King a young Child not obeyed and her other Children yet as it were in the Cradle and her self a stranger with very few Confidents but an abundance of persons of interest about her though she had more need than ever to guard her self from those who plotted some one way some another the ruine or division of the Kingdom and her death and her Childrens yet overcome by so great and so streight a necessity to preserve the peace maintain the Crown and her Childrens Patrimony and to gain time till â—he King came of age she many times suffered the Princes fury and the insolencies of the Hugonots but that the impatience of the great ones with their discords and enmities the ambition of the Princes of Lorain and the contumacy of the Hugonots had at length raised a War to avoid which God was witness with her how much she had done and suffered that seeing the Kingdom through the infection of Heresie in a general combustion and the English and Germans called in to invade it she resolved to try whether by a resolute War she could extinguish and eradicate this evil and not be wanting in any thing that might be justified by Religion she had resolved to put it to a Battel which her Letters written to the Constable that were certainly amongst his Papers for she knew he kept them would still testifie That in the Battel the Constable was taken prisoner and the Mareshal of St. Andre killed and though the Victory inclined to the Kings Party with the taking of the Prince of Conde yet the Admiral remained still with a considerable Force to which was added the succours sent from England and a fresh powerful supply that came out of Germany That since this hapned that accident to the Duke of Guise whereby the Kings Party were deprived of a Head because for heâ— to command the Army was neither agreeable to her Sex or profession and there was not any body else fit to be trusted with so great a charge whence being led by the perswasions of many and particularly by the advice the Duke of Guise gave her just at his death to which she gave so much the more credit because at that time men use to forget private interests and speak truth succeeded a Peace by granting to the Hugonots a Liberty of Conscience though for no other end but to stay those enormous outrages desolations plundrings rapines sacriledges violences and tyrannies that destroyed the whole Kingdom hoping time would spend that humour which she was very well assured proceeded rather from private enmities and desire of â—ule than from love of Religion That she knew divers Princes very much blamed her for this Treaty by the same token there wanted not those who raised doubts concerning her belief but that she being satisfied in her own Conscience having placed her hopes in God expected from him her Justification That it could not be denied but the peace had rid the Kingdom of the Reiters who cruelly wasted the Country and driven the English out of Havre de Grace who were neasted there and given the poor people time to breathe from so many troubles and calamities by which they were ruined and devoured That the Peace brought one great advantage by taking from the Hugonots all manner of pretence to rebel That many things were done and suffered for no other purpose but to reduce the great ones to reason and to mitigate the fury of heresie trying divers means to arrive at this just holy end and to maintain the union of the Kingdom so profitable to Christianity and establish Peace so beloved of mankind but no remedies or agreement prevailing the Hugonots at length came to the taking of Arms That she had used all possible endeavour speedily to assemble the Kings Forces that the Enemy might not have time to receive supplies from abroad That she had very much pressed a Battel as it followed at St. Denis but with so little success that it was notoriously known things were afterward in a far worse condition than ever That since she had procured of the King to make the Duke of Anjou General of the Army to be assured no private inâ—erests should hinder the publick good That she hoped on Christmas-Eve last there would have been an absolute decision of the differences and
dissentions in the Kingdom That her Son had not failed in his part who though he were young and not accustomed to inconveniences had marched a whole night with a resolution to fight but that which she had formerly feared in the General was fallen out in the Counsellors for the Enemy had time given him she knew not how to pass the Meuse and join with the Germans That all things were running on to ruine and destruction which she had ever so much abhorred for she saw certainly that this body of France losing so much blood on all sides could not escape a violent death That the Siege of Chartres had produced an unavoidable necessity either to hazard the whole Kingdom upon the cast of a Die against an Army of desperate Gamesters or else to endeavour to put an end to these mischiefs by a Peace That by this Capitulation the Germans were again dismissed time given to take breath the Enemy divided the danger removed for the present and the care of the future left to Gods Providence with some lively reasonable hopes at length to attain to the desired end and that one day the candour of her intentions would appear and the justness of her designs But though the Ambassador communicated these reasons to whom he thought good and the Senate ever favouring Peace disliked not this counsel yet the more turbulent Spirits forbore not to find fault with the Accommodation and to make sinister constructions of the Queens intentions Nevertheless those that governed the affairs agreeing upon it and the Capitulation being signed on the 20 of March the Peace was published with these conditions That those of the pretended Reformed Religion should have free exercise of their Religion in all parts of the Kingdom according to the former Act of Pacification and that all Edicts published since to the prejudice thereof should be held as void That the Prince of Conde the Admiral and the rest should not be liable to those sentences which had passed against them the King declaring he was certified whatsoever had been done was with very good intentions and for the publick good That the Hugonot Lords should be restored to their Estates and that they should send away Prince Casimir with his Army the King contributing a certain sum of money towards their payment but before they left the Confines of the Kingdom the King should dismiss all the Swisses the Italian Forces both Horse and Foot and those the Catholick King sent into France That of the money which was disbursed to Casimir part should be held as a gift from his Majesty and the rest be repaid within a certain time by the Prince of Conde and the Hugonots Lastly That all the Commanders and Gentlemen of the Religion might retire whither they pleased enjoying their offices and goods without any let or contradiction Which Agreement being published by the Parliaments the Articles began to be put in execution but neither the one side nor the other proceeded therein with that readiness and candour as was necessary for the quiet of the Kingdom on the contrary both sides endeavouring what they could to hinder it interposed difficulties and impediments upon every the least thing whatsoever for the Hugonot Lords who consented to the Accommodation against their wills though they had dismissed Prince Casimir who having received the pay promised by the King was marched towards Lorain and from thence after much spoil done in the Country retired into his Fathers Dominions yet they came not to an entire restitution of the places but still held Sanserre Montauban Albi Millaud and Castres and the Cities of Rochel denying that they were to submit to a Capitulation made without their consent not only refused to admit the Governour and Garison sent them by the King but prepared with much diligence to defend and fortifie themselves The Prince and the Admiral not daring to go to the Court and much less to remain disarmed were retired the one to Noires and the other to Chastillon and there stood upon their guard to watch for an advantage or to imbrace any occasion whatsoever and still maintained a Negotiation with the Protestant Princes of Germany to enter into a new league and to make new levies Many of the common Souldiers who knew they could not be safe at their own houses and had not wherewithal to live or subsist assembled upon the Confines of Picardy with a pretence to pass into Flanders to aid those that were up in Arms there a thing expresly forbidden and which the King had by divers severe Edicts prohibited but having put themselves under the command of Monsieur de Coccaville they got possession of the Castle of St. Veleri in the County of Caux a place opportunely situated as well for a passage into the Low-Countries as to hold a commerce with England which was conceived they durst not have done without the approbation and incitement of the Prince of Conde and the other Hugonot Lords On the other side the King alledging that all the places were not returned to their obedience neither dismissed the Swisses nor disbanded the Italians but with sundry exceptions and under divers pretences restrained in many things the liberty of Religion granted to the Hugonots who were many of them ill treated by the people and many though in appearance for other reasons punished by the Magistrates and driven out of the Cities At which time the King and the Queen consulted perpetually what course was to be taken to free themselves from these troubles and then was first established and not before that Council which is called the Cabinet Council which consisted not of those persons which by their birth or priviledge of their places are usually admitted but of a few choice men that the King liked to whom he imparted secretly in his own private Chamber his most hidden inward thoughts The first chosen to this confidence besides the Queen-Mother upon whom the deliberations for the most part depended were the Duke of Anjou the Kings Brother the High Chancellor de l' Hospital Lewis de Lansac Iohn de Morvilliers Bishop of Orleans Sebastian de l' Aubespine Bishop of Limoges Henry de Mesmes Seignieur de Malassise the President Renate dâ— Birague and Ville-Roy Secretary of State These consulting together of the present affairs through the diversity of reasons found it a very hard matter what to resolve for taking Arms again the same difficulties would arise which in the greatest fervour of the War made them chuse and conclude a Peace and on the other side it was not possible by policy to put the former counsels in execution for the Heads of the Hugonots were not in any degree disposed to return to their obedience and to make sure of their persons was not at all easie for neither the Prince the Admiral Andelot nor any of the rest the chief amongst them would be perswaded to come to Court but being full of jealousies kept themselves armed in
getting secretly on horse-back with their Wives and Children accompanied only with two hundred Horse that they might go the faster and not be so easily discovered they marched in great diligence towards Rochel end left Captain Bois behind with so many Horse more to hinder as much as was possible the advancing of the Enemy if he offered to follow them that so they might have time to save themselves and by good fortune through the extraordinary drought of the Summer the waters were so exceeding low that they might foord the Loire a great rapid River without any danger at Rouen which otherwise all the Bridges being possessed by the Kings Forces they could not possibly have passed Captain Bois had not the like success who being followed by Martinengo and overtaken near the River his men were without much dispute absolutely broken and defeated and he flying to a certain Castle not far off was constrained to yield himself at discretion to Martinengo who sent him prisoner to the Court But the Prince and the Admiral who had foorded the River long before without any impediment marching an incredible pace arrived without being overtaken in a few days at Rochel a place in all considerations most proper to make the principal seat for their party their place of Arms and their Arsenal for the War for the Princes having lost those great strong Towns Orleans and Rouen which lay so convenient to found and maintain the Faction it was necessary for them to provide some other place which being situated in a rich fertile Country had the commodity likewise of a Haven nor could they chuse any more advantagious for them then Rochel for possessing that Port and the Neighbouring Islands that were fruitful and populous they might at pleasure receive succours out of Germany Flanders England Scotland Britany and Normandy all Countries full of their partisans and settle themselves in a Town very hardly to be taken from them so that in the streights they were then in there was not much doubt to be made of the place whither they should retire Wherefore being received with great joy by the Bourgers of Rochel and by many of their chief Ministers who were retired thither before for their safety they began to dispatch Curriers and Letters into all parts summoning their Friends and Adherents to come in to them without delay as well to secure their own persons from the treacheries of their Enemies as to unite themselves and form such a body of an Army that they might be able to resist those Forces which they knew were intended against them There was no need of many invitations for at the report only of the flight and danger of the Prince of Conde all those of the same Faction began to rise and that they might be ready as soon as they were called upon presently took Arms even those very persons which at the conclusion of the Peace were so violent for it now as that Nation is of an unconstant voluble disposition being weary of lying idle a few months already desired a War and were more ardent than the rest to imbrace it So the sign being given within a few days they assembled all their Forces together at Rochel Those of Poicâ—ou under the conduct of Messieurs d' Ivoy and Blosset those of Perigorâ— under Soubise and de Puviaut those of Cabors under Piles and Clairemont those of Normandy under the Count of Montgomery and Colombiere and those of Britany under the Vidame of Chartres and Lavardine Andelot and la Noue having in their passage over the Loire had divers skirmishes with the Duke of Montpensier and Monsieur de Martigues though in three or four encounters they lost many of their men yet they arrived safe with a good number of Horse at the same place At length the Queen of Navarre either doubting no less than the rest her own safety or desirous to animate and strengthen her party and to advance the fortune of the Prince her Son now fifteen years of age having raised a considerable number of Horse and Foot in Bearn came her self in person to the general rendezvous at Rochel Only Odetto late Cardinal of Chastillon who lived at Beauvais and was encompassed with the Kings Forces not thinking it possible to make such a long journey in safety to join with the rest went disguised in a Mariners habit to the Sea-side and from thence passed with much danger into England where being received with great respect by the Queen he afterwards did very good service to his party remaining in that Court as Agent for the Hugonots But the Hugonot Lords having in a short time raised a great Army about Rochel according to their old custom before they would do any thing to justifie their reasons and give a fair pretence for their proceedings published a Manifest in which after a long Narration made of all the injuries done in divers places and at several times to those of the Reformed Religion setting forth at large the great danger they were continually in whilst they continued unarmed to be abused and oppressed concluded at last That they had taken Arms only for the defence of their Liberties Lives and Religion which under God they professed without any other end or design desiring still to live as Subjects in obedience to his Majesty so they might be secured for their Lives and Consciences At the same time Queen Iane published certain Letters directed to the most Christian King the Duke of Anjou and the Cardinal of Bourbon in which repeating the same things the Hugonots had set forth in their Manifest she declared That she could do no less than join with the Prince of Conde and the rest of the same Religion with her self as well for the maintenance of that Doctrine in which she only believed as to secure her self from the treacherous designs which the Cardinal of Lorain on the one side and the Spaniards on the other had continually upon her life and her Sons and upon the miserable relicks of the Kingdom of Navarre which reasons though they were set forth with great flourishes of Rhetorick yet it appeared plainly she either invented or added to them and that nothing moved her more than the exceeding desire she had that Calvin's Religion flourishing and increasing her Son should become the Head of that Faction as the Prince of Conde then was and as her Husband the King of Navarre had been formerly But the most Christian King and the Queen his Mother seeing in a moment all the Hugonot Commanders not only retired into a place of security and advantage but an Army raised on a sudden and a War begun which with so many arts and dissimulations they had sought to avoid plainly perceived the secrets of the Cabinet Council were revealed nor could any body be suspected thereof save only the High Chancellour who besides his not consenting to what was resolved upon concerning the Prince and the Admiral it was known his
order them according to his own mind nor did he suffer himself to be guided by any other person whatsoever wherefore the Princes of Bourbon the Admiral and the rest of their party needed not fear to suffer any prejudice by the authority of their Adversaries who though they continued at Court did now live there as Subjects not as Masters having no power to do any thing more than duty and reason permitted not daring to meddle with those matters to which they were not called With these Treaties on every side full of deep dissimulation began the year 1571 in the beginning whereof the Commissioners returning to Rochelle carried back the Conditions they had obtained and many interpretations of the Edict touching the exercise of Religion all favourable to their party wherewith the Princes being satisfied and in part also the Queen of Navarre only the Admiral remained doubtful and incredulous till he saw more real demonstrations But the King and the Queen desirous once to accomplish their determinations resolved to make use of more powerful Engines and to try more secure efficacious means to induce the Hugonot Lords to come to Court wherefore having sent to Rochelle Monsieur de Byron who from Field-Mareshal was for his great valour made General of the Artillery they propounded to the Queen of Navarre for the better establishment and confirmation of the ancient Consanguinity and present Peace concluded with her that the Lady Marguerite the Kings Sister should be given in Marriage to her Son the Prince of Navarre after which conjunction there would be no more cause to doubt of the love and concord between them nor of those prerogatives and honours which as first Prince of the Blood did justly belong unto him nor would any body be so bold as dare to interpose or sowe dissention between two so near Allies They propounded to the Admiral and the Count of Nassau who for his security remained with the rest at Rochelle that the King desirous at last to make an end of Civil Broils seeing that by reason of the warlike nature of his people he could not so easily do it without beginning at foreign War to busie the minds and employ the forces of his Souldiers had resolved in revenge of those many injuries received to make War with the King of Spain against the Low-Countries which were full of Commotions and ready to receive the Government of any other Prince and therefore not knowing any more faithful Counsellors or more proper instruments for that business than the Admiral and the Count of Nassau so principal a man banished out of those Countries he desired both of them to come to Court that he might communicate his designs with them and take that resolution which by common consent should appear best grounded and most profitable The King and the Queen believed as it was true that the hope of this War would work sensibly upon the Admiral and therefore gave order to treat more effectually upon that than any other particular These things were propounded very discreetly by Monsieur de Byron who though in the War by his great valour and industry he had done much harm to the Hugonot Faction yet by his counsels in the Treaties of Peace he had shewed himself very favourable to their interests perhaps through a secret envy which many at that time bore to the greatness of the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorain who in that very conjuncture of time having agreed secretly with the King seemed to be very ill satisfied with the conclusion of the Peace and the favours done to the Hugonots but much more because the Duke of Guise having from his childhood conceived hopes to obtain in marriage the Lady Marguerite the Kings Sister and to that end had long courted and served her now saw her destined to the Prince of Navarre his Enemy and it was true that the Duke of Guise had been many years very much in love with the Lady Marguerite and no less beloved by her again whereupon it was commonly believed that there was not only a particular friendship between them but that already they had with reciprocal promises contracted themselves together secretly but whether the ardour of the Duke of Guise's affection were in part abated as it often happens that men who are easily enamoured as easily forget their passion and prove unconstant or that governed by the counsel of his Uncle he preferred his own greatness and the Admirals ruine before all other considerations yielding at that time to the Kings desires he consented privately that the Lady Marguerite should marry the Prince of Navarre but in outward appearance shewing himself infinitely offended and troubled at it he increased the satisfaction and confidence of the Hugonot Lords and the King with the like dissimulation a quality wherein he much excelled seemed many times unsatisfied even with the Government of the Queen his Mother of whom he knew the Hugonots were not a little mistrustful and much more did he seem displeased with the Duke of Anjou his Brother and to shew an open desire by some occasion to get him from the Court he had moved the Admiral that by the means of Monsieur de Beauvais his Brother who had been Cardinal and lived then in England there might be a treaty of marrriage begun between the Duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth with certain Conditions belonging to the matter and exercise of Religion which they did not so much with hope to conclude it for the Queens disposition was sufficiently known to encline but little to the yoke of Matrimony and to the Government of a stranger Husband as partly to beget more assurance in the minds of the Hugonots partly to shew a desire of putting the Duke of Anjou as far as possibly could be from the Government of the Kingdom partly also out of a suspicion that the Queen of England the minds of women being variable might perchance agree to marry with the Prince of Navarre who was of her own Religion and upon whom she might impose such Laws and Conditions as she pleased which would strengthen the Hugonot party with new interests and more powerful assistance for which cause the Duke of Anjou was propounded that in case she resolved to marry she might have occasion to make choice of him not only because he was a greater Prince but also of greater reputation and riper years and which best might suit with the Queens inclinations of a person most exactly handsom And because the Lady Marguerite not considering the interests of State but led wholly by her own affection refused any other Husband but the Duke of Guise it happened that one night when there was a Ball he coming into the great Hall gallantly attired and adorned with exceeding rich Jewels the grace of all which received an addition from his affable behaviour and noble carriage the King who stood at the door without shewing any of his accustomed favours asked him Whither he went
more by the fear of being prevented by the Queen of Navarre and the Princes who already were setting things in order to go to Court took his journey with a great train of his Dependants and came unto the King before whom humbly bowing himself and kneeling down in token of greater humility he was received with as great demonstrations of love and affection It was very remarkable that the Admiral who was grown old in ambitious thoughts and high pretensions now conscious of the errours he had committed should in the Theater of all France and in the very presence of his own principal adherents bring himself to so publick a pennance as to be seen with tears in his eyes kneeling at the feet of that King which in times past he had so heinously offended and despised But it was much more remarkable that a King so young and of so hasty cholerick a nature seeing the man before him who so often had brought the power of his Crown and Kingdom to such doubtful hazards should know so perfectly how to dissemble that calling him Father and lifting him up with his own hand he made all the World believe he was heartily and sincerely reconciled to him After these great demonstrations of favour followed effects correspondent to them for the King commanded 100000 Franks which amount to ten thousand pounds sterling to be paid him presently out of the Treasury to make up those particular losses which he had suffered during the late Wars and assigned him an Annuity of those Ecclesiastical Revenues which belonged to the Cardinal his Brother who died in England a little before that time and gave him all his rich and costly houshold-stuff which as the goods of a Criminal had lately been confiscate And though all other Admirals in Council and publick Ceremonies had ever given place to the Mareshals of France yet for his greater honour it was the Kings pleasure that he should sit next Monsieur de Momorancy who was the first Mareshal and above all the rest To Teligny Cavagnes and to all his dependants and followers the King voluntarily did many favours and at Councils in his own lodgings and abroad in publick he was still encompassed by many of them All graces and favours were granted by their intercession nor was there any thing so difficult which the Admiral with a word might not bring to a speedy and happy issue which was proved in the person of Villandry a young Gentleman who playing with the King had so exceedingly offended him that he was therefore condemned to die for having denyed his pardon to the Queen-Mother the Queen his Wife the Duke of Anjou and the Duke of Montpensier at the first word of the Admiral he was set at liberty and restored to his former degree of familiarity in the Court. With this assurance and to increase it the more the enterprize of Flanders was presently set on foot for the effecting whereof the Mareshal of Momorancy was sent into England to treat of a reciprocal confederacy with the Queen and the Count of Schombergh into Germany to exhort the Protestant Princes to accept pensions and to unite themselves with the Crown of France against the Spaniards These things resolved on which all were managed by the Admirals advice and direction he with the Kings leave went to Chastillon to order his private affairs and so return to Court to perfect matters already agreed upon About this time being the beginning of the Year 1572. arrived the Legat Alessandrino to hinder the progress of these resolutions which tended manifestly not only to the ruine of the Spaniards then imployed for the defence of Christendom in War by Sea against the Turk but much more to the destruction of the Catholick Religion and the establishment of the Hugonots Great were the contestations that passed in this interview for on the one side the Legats reasons were home and evident and on the other side the Kings answers were so obscure and ambiguous that the business seemed not possible to be determined without alienating his mind utterly from the Pope to whom it appeared most intolerable that the most Christian King who he hoped mindful of so great assistance received from him would have favoured the Christian League now by making an unseasonable War against the King of Spain should be an occasion of breaking it and a means of giving so great opportunities to the common Enemy of doing mischief to all Christendom But it seemed no less strange unto him that so much money having been spent and so much blood shed of late years to suppress the Calvinist party the King now perverting all his old determinations should put all good Catholicks away from him and of a sudden give himself a prey to the Hugonots treating Leagues and Confederacies with foreign Princes excommunicated by the Apostolick Sea to the damage and prejudice of those that were most firm and affectionate to the Romish Religion Nor was he at all satisfied by the Kings answers who sometimes urging the weak and troublesom estate of his Kingdom excused the peace concluded with the Hugonots sometimes with obscure words that might receive a double interpretation affirmatively promised that at last all should end to the satisfaction of the Pope and the benefit of the Catholick Religion which nothing abated the doubtfulness of the Legats mind seeing his words and actions so different Yet ceased not the King with most effectual demonstrations to try all means possible to content him honouring him in publick making much of him in private using all manner of art and industry even to the presenting him a wonderful rich Jewel with his own hands which the Cardinal refused to accept saying That by his Majesties unexpected falling from the Zeal of the Catholick Religion all his most valued and precious Jewels were no more than dirt in the estimation of all good Catholicks the sharpness of which words and many other open signs of distaste were not a little resented by the King knowing the bottom of his own intentions Nor could this so hard a knot have been unloosed without a manifest breach especially because the dispensation was absolutely denyed had it not been for the news of the Popes desperate sickness for which cause the Legat departing suddenly businesses remained still uncertain and undetermined Pius Quintus being dead about the latter end of April Gregory the Thirteenth of a more mild easie nature succeeded in the Chair who in the beginning of his Papacy perswaded by the Cardinal of Lorain who partly to seem discontented at the Court of France partly to manage the present affairs with more secrecy was gone to Rome granted the Bull of dispensation but in such form as did not then satisfie the Cardinal of Bourbon and after brought in question the validity of the Contract but the King and Queen not looking so narrowly to the Dispensation having the Popes consent in what manner soever it were sollicited now to
This was the second errour committed at Court in procuring the reducement of Rochel for in stead of using force at first whilst the Citizens were doubtful and uncertain and the City then not so well fortified and provided of Ammunition they fearing to renew the War and perchance slighting that business as a thing of no difficulty tryed to effect it by a Treaty and first by sending Monsieur de Byron they increased the courage and obstinacy of the inhabitants and then by imploying Monsieur de la Noue they furnished them with a Commander which was their greatest want Now because they knew at last that policies and perswasions failing it was necessary to use force and found that their example encouraged Nismes Sanserre Montauban and some other lesser places surprized by the Hugonots to make the like resistance the King being resolved though too late by one means or other to end the business gave order that Monsieur de la Chastre Governour of Berry without further delay should besiege Sanserre that the Marquess de Villars being at last declared the King of Navarre's Lieutenant should go into Guienne that Monsieur de Ioyeuse in whom the King and Queen confided very much should undertake Nismes and other places adjacent and that Philippo Strozzi and Monsieur de Byron whose arts they either knew not or nevertheless would not deprive themselves of his valour should lay close siege to Rochel whither also the Duke of Anjou was presently to march with all the Forces of the Kingdom Of these Monsieur de la Chastre a man very well affected to the Catholick Religion and a dependant of the Guises encamped presently before Sanserre a City within the Government of Berry near the Loyre and by help of that River easily to be relieved from many places but when he saw the fierce assaults he made against it were all fruitless though bloody resolving to take it by famine he encompassed it so closely on every side that after the patient endurance of a great deal of misery in a tedious siege of eight months it was forced to yield at last having felt all the necessities which can possibly be born by humane nature The Marquess de Villars again confirmed Admiral in the place of Gasper Coligny went into Guienne with the same resolution where chasing the Hugonots from every place and recovering the Towns which they had taken he drove them all into Montauban where he shut them up so close that they were reduced to great extremity and held out more through wilfulness than power to defend themselves On the other side the Mareshal d' Anville without whom Ioyeuse could do nothing because having left the Court he resided personally in his Government being averse from the total ruine of the Hugonots both because he knew himself not much favoured by the King and to have been in great danger of being made one in the Massacre at Paris nourished other thoughts in his mind and seeking to spin out the business by artificial delays contrary to the opinion of Monsieur de Ioyeuse and many other Commanders he let alone Nismes the seat and foundation of the Hugonots and besieged Sommier a little inconsiderable Town in that Country and though he took it at last to save his own reputation yet he lost so much time and so many men before it that he was fain afterwards to be only an idle Spectator of the event of things But the chief expectation was of the siege of Rochel every one knowing that the taking of it would be the utter destruction of the Hugonots wherefore it having been already streightly besieged many weeks by Strozzi and Byron at length the Duke of Anjou came thither also in the beginning of February 1573. and with him all the Cavalry all the Infantry both French and Swisse and the greatest part of the Catholick Nobility with wonderful preparation of all things necessary for the taking in of a place of strength There was in the Army the Duke of Alancon the Kings third Brother the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde to take all hopes from the Rochellers of the protection of the Princes of the Blood there were also the Dukes of Montpensier Aumale Guise Mayenne his Brother of Nevers Bouillon d' Vzes and Longueville the Prince Daulphine the Count de Maulevrier the Mareshal de Cosse the Bastard d' Angoulesme the Count de Retz Monsieur de Monluc and all the Commanders and Gentlemen that had any reputation in War so that it plainly appeared they all believed the safety of the Kingdom and the sum of all businesses to consist in the success of that enterprise The Rochellers having had time to fortifie the City exactly well and to provide themselves at leisure of all things necessary against so great preparations were resolved to hold it out to the last man and had given the charge of the Government to Iaques Henry the Mayor with a Council of Citizens and the care of their defence to Monsieur de la Noue The seat of Rochel is wonderful strong by nature environed with Fenns for the space of many miles towards the Land having only one way to it on the North-side that led to a gate of the City which was fortified after the modern way with moats walls bulwarks and ramparts exceedingly favoured by the situation and drawn in an excellent form to guard and flank one another Art and Nature concurring equally to make it impregnable Toward the Sea it hath a very fair Haven but so ordered by Nature that the way to it is by many Bays and Points commanded by several winds so that which way soever it blow Ships may come in from one place or other nor can a great and powerful Navy hinder the entrance of them for the shore being very flat and shelvy on every side and without other ports they cannot lie there with any safety nor ride at anchor to block up the Haven by reason of the long and frequent tempests of that Sea so that it is in a manner impossible to keep the City from relief that way and as it was very easie to besige it by Land so it was most difficult to storm or assault it for on that side which is dry and firm though the situation without is so high that it almost commands the Town yet the fortifications were so near so high so many and so firmly wrought together that to force an entrance was almost impossible besides just within the works there was an open large place so convenient that the defendants might there draw up in bodies and march in order to receive the assault Such was the situation and strength of that place and such the preparations that were made against it nor did the issue of the siege differ from what was expected of it for the onsets and assaults made against the City in the space of five months were almost innumerable the Duke of Anjou sparing neither
forward by the Sieur de Balagny who under colour of travelling to see the World stayed there and had gotten the acquaintance of many principal men of that Kingdom it was afterwards managed with more life by Ioan de Monluc Bishop of Valence and Guy Sieur de Lansac and other persons of less quality but not of less esteem appointed to treat with the States of that Kingdom The greatest impediment which the Kings Agents found was the opposition of the Evangeliques of that Kingdom in Poland they so call the followers of the new opinions in matter of Faith who had but small inclination to the Duke of Anjou partly because the Victories he atchieved had been against those of the same belief partly because the Massacre of Paris variously spoken of by the Protestants in those places so far remote made them fear that being chosen King he would molest and disquiet those that were averse from the Apostolick See and not of the Catholick Religion whereof they knew he was so sincere a Professour The fears of the Evangeliques were fomented by the Letters and Embassies of many Protestant Princes of Germany much displeased at the slaughter of the Hugonots in France and ill-affected to the Duke of Anjou's greatness For which cause the King endeavoured by divers writings and by means of his Embassadors to remove the opinion which was commonly held that the Massacre of Paris was contrived long before-hand attributing the business as sudden and accidental unto the temerity of the Admiral who seeing himself wounded by his Enemies began rashly to plot a new conspiracy against all the Royal Family and declared that he would tolerate a Liberty of Conscience though not the free profession of Calvin's Doctrine nor did this seem sufficient but fearing more to exasperate the minds of the Protestants and Evangeliques he began to proceed more coldly in the enterprize of Rochel lest the Duke of Anjou taking it by force should stir up more hatred against him and by the desolation of the City should increase the difficulties of his Election which seemed to be in a fair way of coming to a happy issue Nor was the King alone of this opinion but his Embassadors in Poland and particularly the Bishop of Valence very much pressed the King that to facilitate that business he would proceed more gently against the Hugonots in France For these respects new treaties of agreement were begun with the Rochellers yet still continuing their assaults and batteries till news came that upon the ninth day of May Henry Duke of Anjou was with a general consent elected King of Poland Wherefore he seeking to come off from that siege with such moderation that his reputation might be safe and the minds of his new Subjects not unsatisfied from whom he endeavoured to remove all suspicion of his taking away their Liberty of Conscience he proceeded not so violently against the Hugonots who quite tired out and in despair of defending themselves any longer forgot their wonted constancy and were desirous to obtain their peace This was favoured by the natural inclination of the Duke who was weary of the toils of War and desirous not only to return to the pleasures of the Court but also shortly to go take possession of his new Kingdom Wherefore the City having often sent their Deputies into the Camp to treat after many difficulties they agreed at last upon the Eleventh day of Iuly that the City should yield it self unto the Kings obedience with these conditions That the King should declare the inhabitants of Rochel Nismes and Montaban to be his good and faithful Subjects and should approve of all that they had done from the month of August the year before being 1572. until that present time pardoning all faults and enormities whatsoever had been committed during the Civil War by the said Inhabitants their Souldiers or Adherents declaring all to be done by his order That in those three Cities he should allow the free and publick exercise of the Reformed Religion they meeting together in small numbers and without Arms the Officers appointed for that purpose being there amongst them That in all other outward matters except Baptism and Matrimony they should observe the Rites and Holy days observed and commanded by the Roman Catholick Church That the King should confirm all the Liberties Immunities and Priviledges of those three Towns not permitting them to be in any part diminished altered or violated That the Rochellers should receive a Governour of the Kings appointment but without a Garison who might freely stay there inhabit go and return into the City at his pleasure and that they should be governed by the Laws Ordinances and Customs with which they had been governed under the Kings of France ever since they were Subjects to that Crown That they should break all Leagues Friendships Intelligences and Confederacies whatsoever within or without the Kingdom not lending any relief or assistance to those which should continue up in Arms though of the same Religion That the use and exercise of the Catholick Religion should be restored in those Cities and all other places whence it had been taken leaving freely unto the Church-men not only the Churches Monasteries and Hospitals but likewise all the profits and revenues belonging to them That all Lords of free Mannors through the Kingdom might in their own Houses lawfully celebrate Baptism and Matrimony after the manner of the Hugonots provided the assembly exceeded not the number of ten persons That there should be no inquisition upon mens Consciences and that those who would not dwell in the Kingdom might sell their Estates and go live where they pleased provided it were not in places that were Enemies to the Crown and that for the observing of these Articles the said three Cities should give hostages which should be changed every three months and always should follow the Court. When these Conditions were established and the hostages given which by the Duke were presently sent to Court Monsieur de Byron the Governour appointed by the King entred Rochel with one of the Publick Heralds took possession of the Government and caused the Peace to be proclaimed after which the Duke of Anjou now King of Poland having dismissed the Army went with a noble Train of Princes Lords and Gentlemen unto the City of Paris where assuming the Title of his new Kingdom and having received the Polish Ambassadors he prepared for his journey to go take possession of the Crown In the mean time Sanserre which was not comprehended in the Capitulation of the Rochellers because it was not a free Town under the Kings absolute Dominion as the rest but under the Seigniory of the Counts of Sanserre being reduced to extream misery by famine without all hope of relief yielded it self to Monsieur de la Chastre who having by order from the King to gratifie the Polish Ambassadors pardoned all their lives fined the Town in a certain sum of money to be
the Prince of Conde commanding the Foreign Army the Duke of Alancon had no power but what they pleased to confer upon him who making shew to honour him very much for his title of the Kings Brother in all other things reserved to themselves as well the priviledge of resolving as the authority of executing he having nothing left him but the weak dependence of some few Male-contents About this time the German Army marched toward Burgongne against which the Duke of Guise not being yet cured of the wound he had received on his face Charles Duke of Mayenne advanced with the Kings Forces which being much inferiour to the strength of the Enemy he still encamped in safe Quarters near the Suburbs of those Cities where he passed endeavouring to cut off passages and spoil the ways which of themselves were much broken by the extremity of ill weather in the Winter-time by that means to hinder their progress as well in marching as of being able to take any place that was of importance for the War whereby the Prince of Conde always receiving damage as well in his Quarters as in sending out to forrage and very much annoyed by the hail and snow which fell in great abundance was forced to move slowly and in a very close Body endeavouring by the pillage of the weakest places to satisfie the greediness and supply the wants of his Souldiers wherein as his discreet conduct plainly appeared being able in so tender an age to govern an Army made up of several Warlike Nations and keep it within the unusual limits of obedience to military discipline so likewise the prudence and industry of the Duke of Mayenne was very remarkable who not of much riper years neither sparing any pains nor avoiding any sufferance in so sharp a season either in his own person or his Souldiers did with admirable diligence keep still close to the Foreign Army and oppose their march with so much carefulness that except some few open places which were quitted no City nor walled Town felt the calamities and miseries of the German incursions and it happened that he having one night when it was late given order to march away from a place where his Army was quartered to prevent the Enemies advancing some Companies of Foot not only terrified by the obscurity of the night which was exceeding dark but also by a thick storm of hail snow and rain together refused to go along with the rest of the Army that marched in order under their colours with infinite patience which being told the Duke of Mayenne he caused them all to make a halt and commanded the Cavalry to cut those mutinous Souldiers in pieces which being performed without delay as he confirmed that discipline in his Army which Civil Wars as they are wont had for a long time corrupted and destroyed so did he give a testimony of that severe gravity which ever after was proper to that Prince in all his other actions in the War But neither could the valour of the General nor the discipline of the Army with so great a disadvantage of strength absolutely hinder the progress of the Germans wherefore notwithstanding all rubs and delays they at last joined with the Duke of Alancon about the beginning of March in the confines of Bourbonois who having mustered his Army which he found amounted to the number of 35000 fighting men went to Moulins where with the Prince of Conde Monsieur de la Noue the Deputies of the King of Navarre and the Mareschal d' Anville he began to advise what was fittest to be done the Commissioners appointed for the Treaty of Peace being returned from Court and the Mareschal of Momorancy the Duke of Montpensier and Monsieur de Bellieure being there for the King both parties consented though for diverse respects and with several intentions to the conclusion of peace which though it were opposed by the Mareschal d' Anville who having already procured his Brothers liberty and established himself absolutely in the Government of Languedoc was not willing by an Accommodation to return to that obedience from which as a thing of danger he had by force and â—unning withdrawn himself yet the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde who were not pleased to see the Duke of Alancon enjoy that place which they were wont formerly to possess and took it ill that he should reap the fruits of their past and present labours desired the Agreement might be concluded by which means he returning to the Court and into his Brothers favour the chief power of that party would remain in them believing that as by his continuance on their side he did much prejudice their authority and also greatly hinder the execution of important designs so if on the other side he could obtain from his Brother the command of the Catholick Army he by his want of experience would give them many occasions to advance and establish themselves wherefore their inclinations and the nature of the Duke of Alancon prevailing it was in the end resolved That they should propose the Articles of their demands unto the King which if they were accepted they would conclude a Peace but if rejected they would resolutely continue the War Their demands proposed were very high and exorbitant but the Kings inclination to Peace and the desire of the Council to obtain the same were great enough to digest them all both to free themselves of the eminent danger of a Foreign Army and take away those vast expences which the Treasury being empty fell all upon the poor miserable Subjects as also to ease themselves of that burthen which had so generally tyred mens minds and bodies wherefore the Queen already ghessing at the Kings designs having by many conjectures founded the depth of his intentions came her self in person as her custom was into the Duke of Alancons Camp about the beginning of May and there setled the conditions of Peace which by a decree of 73 Articles were ratified by the King and solemnly published upon the fourteenth of May he himself being present in the Parliament This was the fifth Peace concluded with the Hugonots by which after the accustomed clauses belonging to the approbation and oblivion of all that was past full Liberty of Conscience and the free exercise of their Religion without exception of times or places was granted to the Hugonots with a power of erecting Schools or Colledges or calling Synods of celebrating Matrimony and administring the Sacraments with the same freedom as was allowed to the Catholicks All men of the Reformed Religion were permitted to execute any places or offices and enjoy any dignities of what quality soever without that distinction and precedency of the Catholicks which had formerly been observed promises were made to settle a Court of Justice in every Parliament half whereof should be of the one and half of the other Religion to judge the causes of the Hugonots eight Towns were granted to the
promises to observe at the time of his Consecration and Coronation with protestation not to do any thing against that which shall be ordained and setled by the States Thirdly To restore unto the Provinces of this Kingdom and to those other States which are under it those ancient Rights Pre-eminences Liberties and Priviledges which were in the time of Clovis the first most Christian King or yet better and more profitable if any such can be found under the said protection In case there be any impediment opposition or rebellion against that which is aforesaid be it from whom it will or proceed it from whence soever it may those that enter into this Covenant shall be bound and obliged to imploy their Lives and Fortunes to punish chastise and prosecute those that shall attempt to disturb or hinder it and shall never cease their endeavours till the aforesaid things be really done and perfected In case any of the Confederates their Friends Vassals or Dependents be oppressed molested or questioned for this cause be it by whom it will they shall be bound to imploy their persons goods and estates to take revenge upon those that shall have so molested them either by the way of justice or force without any exception of persons whatsoever If it shall come to pass that any man after having united himself by Oath unto this Confederacy should desire to depart from it or separate himself upon any excuse or pretence which God forbid such Violaters of their own Consciences shall be punished both in bodies and goods by all means that can be thought of as Enemies to God Rebels and Disturbers of the Publick Peace neither shall such revenge be ever imputed unto the aforesaid Associates nor they liable to be questioned for it either in publick or in private The said Associates shall likewise swear to yield ready obedience and faithful service unto that Head which shall be deputed to follow and obey him and to lend all help counsel and assistance as well for the entire conservation and maintenance of this League as for the ruine of all that shall oppose it without partiality or exceptions of persons and those that shall fail or depart from it shall be punished by the authority of the Head and according to his Orders to which every Confederate shall be obliged to submit himself All the Catholicks of several Cities Towns and Villages shall be secretly advertised and warned by the particular Governours of places to enter into this League and to concur in the providing of men arms and other necessaries every one according to his condition and ability All the Confederates shall be prohibited to stir up any discord or enter into any dispute among themselves without leave of the Head to whose arbitrement all dissentions shall be referred as also the determining all differences as well in matters of goods as good name and all of them shall be obliged to swear in this manner and form following I swear by GOD the Creator laying my hand upon the holy Gospel and under pain of Excommunication and Eternal Damnation that I enter into this holy Catholick League according to the form of that Writing which hath now been read unto me and that I do faithfully and sincerely enter into it with a will either to command or to obey and serve as I shall be appointed and I promise upon my life and honour to continue in it unto the last drop of my blood and not to depart from it or transgress it for any command pretence excuse or occasion which by any means whatsoever can be represented to me The Copies of this League framed with so much art by the Guises that making a shew to obey and maintain the King took from him all his obedience and authority to confer it upon the head of their Union were very carefully and with much cunning dispersed by the hands of discreet wary men and such as were deeply engaged to them so that by little and little it began to spread in every place the cause or original not at all appearing whereby making very great but hidden proceedings because custom had already disposed mens minds to a desire of novelties they easily and in a short time drew all those into one body whom either for zeal of Religion dependance of interest desire of change or hatred of the Hugonot Princes they thought fit to bind together in that League and Confederacy But it being necessary to provide moneys for the nourishment and maintenance of that United Body and to find out some protection of great power and authority to shelter and defend it from the Kings forces the Lords of Guise turning their eyes out of the Kingdom thought that both for their Religion and themselves it was as lawful for them to make use of the help and favour of foreign Princes as it had been for the Hugonots to require the assistance of the Queen of England and the Princes of Germany and therefore they began secretly to treat at Rome for protection and in Spain for men and money nor did they find in any place any averseness to their desires for the Pope being displeased at and affraid of the Peace concluded with the Hugonots willingly gave ear to those things which might conveniently oppose their establishment and the Catholick King grown jealous that the designs of the Duke of Alancon would at last break out upon Flanders and that the King to quench the fire of his own house would be content to kindle it in his Neighbours willingly concurred to foment those in France who laboured to renew the War hoping that the discords in that Kingdom might one day give him an opportunity of some grand design and in the mean time preserve the peace and quietness of all his own Nicholas Cardinal de Pelle-ve bred up in the house of Guise treated the interests of this Union at Rome which by Gregory the Thirteenth a man of great candour and goodness but of a facile nature was hearkened unto with much readiness it pretending nothing but Faith Religion Charity Zeal to the publick good correction and reformation of abuses though in effect it contained private passions mingled with particular interests which not being unknown to the Court of Rome many discoursing of so new and high a design ascribed the cause of it to a desire the Guises had to govern the Kings will who excluding their help and counsel shewed that he would rule as it pleased himself others drawing the business another way attributed it to their care of conserving their own greatness which they had with so much sweat and labour been so long a building up Nor did there want those who passing yet further perchance through the malice they bore to that party taxed the Heads thereof to aim at vaster ends which whether true or false were after published to be the deposing of the King himself as a dissolute incapable mean-spirited man and in time to settle the Crown in
to take away that Prerogative and settle it in a certain number who should have power to conclude and determine all businesses without contradiction or appeal Wherefore the Deputies of the Nobility and Clergy partly consenting and the Deputies of the Commons not altogether opposing they thought it unfit to dispute openly whether the States were superiour to the King or no a very ancient question though disproved by the manner of holding the States and always deluded and made vain by the Kings authority but to petition the King that for the dispatch of all businesses with speed and with the general satisfaction he would be pleased to elect a number of Judges not suspected by the States who together with twelve of the Deputies might hear such motions as from time to time should be proposed by every Order and conclude and resolve upon them with this condition that whatsoever was jointly determined by the Judges and Deputies together should have the form and vigour of a Law without being subject to be altered or revoked The King was not ignorant of the importance of that demand and though he was inwardly much displeased that they went about to deprive him of the power which was naturally â—his and from a free King bring him to the slavery of his Subjects yet by how much greater the force of that storm was with so much the more dexterity endeavouring to overcome it he answered graciously that as often as the States should offer any propositions or demands he would without delay hearken to the twelve Deputies which he gave them power to nominate and that as soon as he had maturely weighed their reasons they should have a speedy and resolute answer to determine whatsoever was necessary for their general contentment and that for the better satisfaction of them all he was willing to deliver unto the States the names of such as were admitted to his Councils to the end that they might know the qualities of those persons by whose advice he meant to govern which he would consent to do by the example of any of his Predecessors but to confirm and ratifie whatsoever others should determine without himself it was not possible for him ever to yield to in any manner it being contrary to all precedents observed by the King his Predecessors The States being excluded from that hope and despairing of being able to compass their desires since the cunning of the demand was taken notice of tuâ—ned another way and began to propose That matters of Religion might first of all be decided for it being once established to admit no other but the Catholick which neither the King himself would dare to oppose nor any of the Deputies though there were many of them who secretly were of another mind all hope of Peace would be laid aside and the War with the Hugonots presently be resolved on Wherefore the Archbishop of Lyons proposing for the Clergy the Baron de Senecey for the Nobâ—lity with the consent of Pierre Versoris one of the principal Deputies for the Commons a man depending upon the House of Guise and one of the chiefest sticklers in the League â—he Clergy concurred in this Vote That the King should be moved to prohibit the exercise of any other than the Roman Catholick Religion and that all sorts of people subject to the Crown should be forced to live according to the Rites of that Church the same Proposition was followed by many of the Nobility who suffered their Votes to be swayed by the will of others though many of that Order 〈◊〉 against not the integrity of the Roman Catholick Faith but the taking up of Arms desiring the preservation of Religion and reducing of such as were out of the way but by those means which might be used without War The Commons assented to this last opinion because the burthen of the War lay chiefly upon the meanest people as Merchants Tradesmen and Husbandmen nor could any of the Deputies who in particular reaped fruit by those troubles and being engaged with the Heads of the League did therefore obstinately follow the Vote of the Prelates have power to perswade any of them to change their verdict for Iean Bodin a man famous for learning and experience in State-affairs one of the Deputies of the Commons of Vermandois and who was secretly induced by the King to contradict the Church-men in that particular endeavoured by a long discourse to make appear unto the Assembly how ruinous and fatâ—l the new taking up of Arms would be repeating from the beginning all the dangers and miseries of the late Wars which made a very deep impression in the minds of the third Estate and would have done the like in both the other Orders if their Consciences had been absolutely free and sincere but meeting with men who were not only carried by the zeal of Religion but whose opinions were byassed and pre-ingaged it was determined by plurality of voices that request should be made unto the King to establish only the Catholick Religion in the Kingdom and to exclude for ever all communion with the Hugonots Nevertheless Bodin procured certain words to be entered in the Records of the Order of Commons to certifie their desire of unity in Religion without the noise of Arms and the necessity of War This motion of the States being propounded to the King who had already sounded the secret practices of the Assembly made him resolve no longer to oppose knowing that the plurality of voices would be clearly against him but to delude the propositions of the Deputies for by opposing he saw those Arms of the Catholick League would be turned upon him which were then prepared against the Hugonots wherefore seeking obliquely to hinder that determination he proposed to the States and perswaded them that before it were enacted Commissioners ought to be sent to the King of Navarre the Prince of Conde and the Mareschal d' Anville who by true substantial reasons should perswade them to obey the will of the States without returning again to the fatal hazard of Arms hoping by such delays to find some remedy against that resolution which he saw the major part of the Deputies was obstinately bent upon To that purpose they chose the Archbishop of Vienne Monsieur de Rubempre and the Treasurer Menager Commissioners to the King of Navarre the Bishop of Autun Monsieur de Momorine and Pierre de Rate to the Prince of Conde the Bishop of Puits the Sieur de Rochefort and the Advocate Toley to the Mareschal d' Anville to know the last resolution of every one of them But the King of Navarre having notice which way the States inclined and seeing so terrible a storm preparing against him whilst the time was spent at Bloys in consulting and things were drawn out in length by diversity of opinions and other obstacles which were interposed he being resolved to make ready for War busied himself in gathering Souldiers with infinite diligence from all
parts and in seising upon many places convenient for the defence and maintenance of party which succeeding according to his desires he had possessed himself of Bazas Perigâ—eux and St. Macaire in Guienne Chivray in Poictou Quimperley in Bretagne and with a more Warlike than numerous Army laid siege to Marmande a great Town seated upon the bank of the Garonne near to Bourdeaux and therefore very commodious to strengthen that place which was the only principal City of that Province that made resistance In the mean time the States Commissioners being come unto him he gave them audience at Agen in the beginning of the year 1577. with demonstrations of great honour and respect There the Bishop of Vienne having eloquently declared the resolution of the States to suffer no other but the Catholick Religion in the Kingdom of France exhorted him effectually in the name of all the Orders to come unto the Assembly to re-unite himself in concord with the King his Brother-in-law to return into the bosom of the Church and by so noble and so necessary a resolution to comfort all the Orders of the Kingdom by whom as first Prince of the Blood he was greatly esteemed and honoured and afterward inlarging himself he represented the several commodities of Peace and the miserable desolations of War The King of Navarre with succinct but solid words replyed punctually That if the happiness of Peace and miseries of War were so great and many as he alledged the States ought therefore sincerely to establish that Peace which was before concluded and not by new deliberations and by revoking Edicts already made to kindle again the sparks of War which were almost extinguished That it was an easie matter to discourse of the rooting out of a Religion by the Sword but experience had always shewed it was impossible to effect it and therefore it was to be esteemed a more discreet advice to allow a spiritual Peace thereby to obtain a temporal one than by disquieting mens Consciences to fancy the conservation of an outward Peace That for his part he was born and brought up in the Religion he professed and he believed still that it was the right and true Faith but yet when by sound reasons urged to him by men of understanding and not by force and violence he should find himself to be in an errour he would readily repent his fault and changing his Religion endeavour the conversion of all others to the belief of that Faith which should be acknowledged the true one Therefore he prayed the States not to force his Conscience but to be satisfied with that his good will and intention and if that answer were not sufficient to content them he would expect new and more particular demands for the better answering whereof he would presently assemble a full Congregation of his party at Montauban but in the mean time while he saw all things prepared to make War against him he was constrained to stand armed upon his own defence to prevent that ruine which he plainly saw contrived by his Enemies The Prince of Conde's answer was very different for having received the Commissioners privately he would neither open their Letters nor acknowledge them for Deputies of the States General alledging that that Assembly could not be called the States General which wanted the Deputies of so many Cities Towns and Provinces and which treated of violating mens Consciences by force of shedding the Blood-Royal of France and suppressing the Liberties of the Crown to comply with the desires of strangers who were so hot upon the prosecution of their own intolerable pernitious interests of ambition and private ends that it was a Conventicle of a few men suborned and corrupted by the disturbers of the publick Peace and therefore he would neither open their Letters nor treat with their Commissioners The Mareschal d' Anville gave an answer not much unlike but something more moderate the Deputies having found him at Montpellier For having represented to them that his heart was real as any mans to the Catholick Religion wherein he had been born and would continue as long as he lived he told them that it would be both vain and impossible to prohibit the exercise of the Reformed Religion granted by so many Edicts and confirmed by so many Conclusions of Peace and that by blowing up the flames of War the destruction and ruine of all parts of the Kingdom would be continued but that it ought to be consulted of in common in a lawful Assembly of the States General of France and not in a particular Congregation as that of Blois where only the Deputies of one party were met together and therefore he did protest against the validity of whatsoever should be there decreed or resolved The Commissioners returned to Bloys with these answers in the beginning of February and the Duke of Guise being come thither to give a colour to the business on his part the inclination of the States appeared manifestly ready to disanul the late Edict of Pacification and resolve upon a War with the Hugonots Wherefore the King not willing to draw the hatred of all the Catholick party upon himself nor give them cause to suspect the sincerity of his Conscience making the Pope and all Christendom believe he held intelligence with the Hugonots which jealousie would have endangered the Catholick League to take Arms of themselves without his Authority and disorder the whole state of things Besides being advised by the Bishop of Lymoges and Monsieur de Morvillier two of his principal Councellors he determined since he could not by open resistance hinder the designs and progress of the Catholick League which already had taken too deep a root to make himself Head and Protector of it and draw that Authority to himself which he saw they endeavoured to settle upon the Head of the League both within and without the Kingdom hoping that he being once made Moderator of that Union in time convenient means would not be wanting to dissolve it as a thing directly opposite to his intentions Wherefore shewing a great desire to extirpate the Hugonot Faction and making all believe that he was highly offended with the Princes answers he caused the Catholick League framed by the Lords of the House of Lorain to be read published and sworn in the open Assembly where they themselves were present establishing it as an Irrevocable and Fundamental Law of the Kingdom Then he declared himself principal Head and Protector of it with loud specious protestations that he would spend his last breath to reduce all his people to an unity in Religion and an entire obedience to the Roman Church Thus did he labour to avoid that blow which he saw he could not break by making resistance But the King having for many days shewed a wonderful desire to suppress the Hugonots purposed with one mortal blow to try the constancy of the Deputies for having sent his Brother the Duke of Alancon and
set down the causes why the Duke of Guise and his adherents endeavour to renew the Catholick League which before was almost laid aside The Reasons they alledge for themselves The quality of those persons that consented to and concurred with the League The design of drawing in the Cardinal of Bourbon and his resolution to embrace it Philip King of Spain takes the protection of it The Conditions agreed to with his Agents at Jain-ville The Popes doubtfulness in ratifying and approving the League and his determination to delay the time The King of France consults what is to be done for the opposing of that Vnion and the opinions differ He sends the Duke of Espernon to confer with the King of Navarre to perswade him to embrace the Catholick Faith and return to Court The King of Navarre at that Proposition resolves to stand firm to his Party The League takes occasion by that Treaty and makes grievous complaints They of the Low-Countries alienated from the King of Spain offer to put themselves under the Crown of France The King is uncertain what to do in it but at last remits them to another time King Philip entring into suspition of that business sollicites the Duke of Guise and the League to take up Arms To that end Forces are raised both within and without the Kingdom The King tries to oppose them but finds himself too weak The Cardinal of Bourbon leaves the Court retires to Peronne and with the other Confederates publishes a Declaration They draw an Army together in Champagne seize upon Thoul and Verdun The City of Marseilles riseth in favour of the League but the Conspirators are suppressed by the rest of the Citizens the same happens at Bourdeaux Lyons Bourges and many other places in the Kingdom side with the League The King answers the Declaration of the League he endeavours to disunite it by drawing many particular men from that Party as also the City of Lyons but seeing his design succeedeth not to his mind he resolves to treat an Agreement with the Confederates The Queen-Mother goes into Champagne to confer about it with the Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Bourbon After many Negotiations the Peace is concluded The King of Navarre publisheth a Declaration against the League and challengeth the Duke of Guise to a Duel He passeth it over and makes the Declaration be answered by others The Duke of Bouillon and Monsieur de Chastillon go into Germany to stir up the Protestant Princes in favour of the Hugonots The King consults of the manner of effecting what he had promised in the Agreement with the League The opinions differ and there ariseth great discord about it among his Councellors He resolves to make War against the Hugonots and coming to the Parliament forbids all other except the Roman Catholick Religion He sends for the Heads of the Clergy and the Magistrates of the City of Paris and with words full of resentment demands money of them for the War He prepares divers Armies against the Hugonots Pope Gregory the Thirteenth dies Sixtus Quintus succeeds him who at the instigation of the League declares the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde to be Excommunicate and incapable to succeed in the Crown This Excommunication is diversly spoken of in France Many write against it and many in favour of it FRom the ashes of the Duke of Alancon the half-extinguisht sparks of the League began again to be kindled and burn afresh for the King by his policy in the Assembly at Blois and after by the delight and benefit every one received in Peace and by keeping down the Heads of the Hugonots and holding them at a distance having taken away the opportunities and specious pretences of the Lords of Guise it was of it self grown old and in very great part decayed and dissolved And though those Lords being stung to the quick by the excessive greatness of the Kings Minions and continually stirred up by the jealousie of his proceedings had failed of no occasion that might conveniently blemish his actions and bring themselves into reputation yet matters had till then been rather in unsetled debates than certainly concluded and had consisted more in words than in actions But now by reason of the Duke of Alancons death and that the King after having been ten years married had no probable hope of issue affairs began to be very much altered For as the King of Navarre's being first Prince of the Blood and so nearest the Succession of the Crown did spur forward the readiness of the Guises his old corrivals and natural enemies so likewise it afforded them a fair occasion to renew the League that they might take a course betimes to hinder the Kingdom from falling into the hands of the Hugonot Prince to the universal ruine of the Catholicks and the total overthrow of Religion Wherefore the disgusts they received at Court and the suspicion which for many years they had conceived concurring to sollicite them and this emergent occasion offering a fit opportunity they began again not only to repair the old structure but also to contrive and build up new designs The disasters which the Lords of Guise received at Court were many For besides seeing themselves excluded from the Kings favour and from the administration of State-affairs wherein they were wont to hold the first place and whereof they now did not at all participate as likewise being so little able to do any thing for their dependents and adherents because the King reserved unto himself alone the disposing of all Gifts and Honours they were also highly offended at the greatness of these new men who not favoured by the lustre of ancient Families nor raised by the merits of their own actions but only by the liberality of their Prince were advanced so high that with a sudden splendour they eclipsed all those Honours which they with infinite pains and dangers had attained to in the course of so many years And though the Duke of Ioyeuse by his Marriage with the Queens Sister was allied unto the House of Lorain and seemed in many things to be interessed with them yet they disdained to lie under the shadow of anothers protection where they were wont to see an infinite number of persons shelter themselves under the favourable wing of their Power and Authority To this was added that the Duke of Espernon either through his own natural instinct or the hopes of raising himself upon the ruines of the Great Ones or through the friendship which he had held from his youth with the King of Navarre who was most averse from any familiarly with them seemed to despise and undervalue the merits and power of so great a family and failed not upon all occasions to sting and persecute them on the other side obstinately favouring and in all opportunities maintaining and assisting the Princes of Bourbon Whereupon it was commonly believed that he to abase the credit and lessen the reputation of the
of Alancon and the Queens barrenness which in the space of ten years had had no Son whereby the King dying without Heirs of the House of Valois the Crown fell to the Princes of Bourbon and in the first place to the King of Navarre a relapsed Heretick and an open Enemy to the Roman Religion He urged that his coming to the Crown would be the universal ruine of Religion and the total conversion of all France to the Rites and Opinions of Calvin and therefore shewed how all good Catholicks were obliged to look to it in time and to prevent the terrible blow of that imminent subversion and if they had gathered themselves together ten years before to hinder the Prince of Conde from entring upon the Government of Picardy much more ought they now to assemble and combine themselves to keep the King of Navarre from entring not into a City or Province alone but into the possession of the whole Kingdom He endeavoured to prove that his Introduction to the Crown would be very easie for the King perswaded by the Duke of Espernon and his other favourites by whom he was wholly governed and induced by them to favour advance the party of the Princes of Bourbon would in his own life-time bring him in by little and little without resistance That therefore he had granted peace to the Hugonots while in that low condition and extraordinary weakness their extirpation was evident to all the world That therefore he deluded the constant and general resolution of the States at Blois by his arts unsinewing and by his delays untwisting the joint will and consent of all the French Nation That therefore when sometimes he had been constrained to make War against the King of Navarre he employed the Mareschal de Byron who though a Catholick in outward appearance was yet by many former proofs known to be a favourer of the Hugonots and interessed in their Faction That therefore he had lately taken Geneva into his Protection shewing clearly to all the World how little he esteemed the Catholick Religion and how much he was inclined to the Enemies of the holy See and of the great Bishop of Rome That therefore he had excluded all the Catholick Lords from any access to the Court or administration in the Government particularly those who had spilt so much blood for the preservation of the Kingdom and Religion and had brought in a new people that were privy to his designs and friends to the House of Bourbon That therefore he deprived all the old servants of the Crown of all their Offices and Honours of the most principal Governments and most suspected Fortresses to put them into the hands of men that were Catholicks in shew but really partial to Hereticks and inwardly adherents to the King of Navarre That therefore without remorse or compassion he daily oppressed the poor Subject with new Taxes and intolerable Grievances lest when occasion served they should be able to make resistance and oppose his pleasure and their own slavery And though the King made an outward shew to do otherwise and to be of another mind yet that men of understanding ought not to let themselves be deceived by his dissimulation who did but feign himself to be wholly addicted to a spiritual life and altogether taken up with the zeal of Religion For they that had penetrated to the depth of those businesses knew certainly that they were but a cloak and mask which which under colour of devotion contained abominable hypocrisie and that appearing full of mortification cloathed in a penitent Frock with a Crucifix in his hand in the streets in his private lodgings he gave himself over to the unbridled lusts of the flesh and to the perverse satisfying of his loose depraved appetite From which things set forth with many specious reasons and adorned with many and those most particular circumstances he concluded it was necessary to provide against that mischief betimes to underprop the house before it fell upon their heads wisely to unite themselves for their own defence and to pull down and destroy those designs before they were brought unto perfection These were the reasons of the Lords of Guise among which that they mentioned about the protection of Geneva was that the King having been desirous to renew that Confederacy with the Swisses which they for many years have held with the Crown of France the Protestant Cantons had refused to accept it unless the King would take Geneva into his protection who considering the affairs of the Marquisate of Saluzzo being then in disorder and the friendship of the Duke of Savoy suspected and uncertain because he was nearly allied unto the King of Spain having taken to Wife his Daughter the Infanta Katherine that if he should have a passage in his power whereby without setting foot in another mans house he might make use of the Swisses assistance it was necessary for him to embrace the protection of that City from the Territories whereof the passage is free to those places upon the confines of France he resolved at last to consent unto it forced by necessity but against his will and with much suspension of mind being both by nature and custom most averse from having to do with the Hugonots But that which was spoken concerning the Kings secret dissoluteness though it were not altogether without ground by reason of his amorous inclination to the Ladies of the Court yet was it by the reports of his Enemies amplified and enlarged to such vices and debauches as were very far both from his nature and custom and among the common people there went such extravagant tales of his licentiousness as caused at the same time both laughter and loathing in those that were acquainted with his most secret hidden practices Now the Duke of Guise either really moved with a zeal to Religion or drawn by the interests of his own greatness or else perswaded by both respects jointly united having framed his design and ordered his reasons with so fair an appearance made use of popular eloquent men to divulge them from their Pulpits and infuse them in private discourses among the people thereby to win their affections and procure the enlargement and spreading abroad of the League Among these the chief were Guilliaume de la Rose a man of powerful eloquence who came afterward to be Bishop of Senlis Iehan Prevost chief Priest of St. Severins a man of rare learning and copious eloquence Iehan Boucher by birth a Parisian a man in the same City Curate of St. Bennets Parish one Poneet a Fryar in the Abbey of St. Patrick at Melun Don Christin of Nizza in Provence and Iehan Vincestre all famous Preachers and finally most part of the Jesuits displeased perhaps that the King having at the first used them very familiarly was afterwards turned away from them to the Order of the Fueillants and Hieronimites And as these prosecuted the business of the League in Paris the same
Religion and bitter Enemies to the Hugonots whereof some really believing as was pretended that the total ruine of the Roman Religion was at hand and some desiring the destruction of Heresie did not only promote the League ardently in their own persons but used all their endeavours to lead on the people and increase the Adherents of that Faction to these were joined also certain Gown-men who under the colour of Religion covered both unquiet thoughts and ambitious covetous desires of working their own greatness Among these was Iehan Maistre President in the great Chamber of the Parliament of Paris a man of great honesty and sincerity Estienne de Nully President of the same Court Honorat de Laurent Councellor in the Parliament of Provence Iehan Quiere afterward called Sieur de Bussy then Atturney in the Court of Parliament of Paris a man wonderfully followed and of great authority among the people Louys d Orleans a principal Advocate in the same Court and a man of singular learning Charles Hauteman an Agent of the Bishop of Paris and a man of very great riches la Chappelle Martel Son-in-law to the President de Nully Estienne Bernard an Advocate in the Parliament of Dyjon Rolland one of the Treasurers of the Finances Druart an Advocate in the Court of the Chastelet Cruce a Proctor of the same Court Compans and Louchart Commissaries in the Court of Paris and many other men of the Long Robe who were in very great credit and reputation among the common people This body so composed of two so different qualities of persons the Sword concurring with the Nobility and Gentry and the Gown with Clergy-men and Lawyers was strengthened and knit together as with Nerves and Bones by the Adherents and Dependents of the House of Guise who insinuating themselves into every place did effectually stir up mens minds to enter into that League for besides the Lords of the House of Lorain there were likewise joined in it the Cardinal de Pelleve the Commendatory Dieu a Knight of Ierusalem Claude Baron de Senesay the Sieur de Bassompier Pierre Iannin President in the Parliament of Dijon the Baron de Medauit the Chevalier Bertone the Sieur de Antraquet de Riberac de Rony de Nissy de la Barge de Bois Dauphin de Chamois de Beauregard de Menetille Monsieur de St. Paul and Sacromoro Birago both Colonels of Foot and an infinite number of others both Prelates Barons and Commanders who acknowledged the rise of their fortunes to proceed from the favour and power of the House of Lorain But because the Duke of Guise having learned by the experience of all former times and by the examples of the late actions of the Hugonots that through the natural inclination of the French those commotions could have but a weak foundation which had not the protection of a Prince of the Blood he began to seek about to pick out and perswade one of them who furnishing him with the authority and right of the Royal Family should be of such a nature and condition as to let himself be wholly governed by him There was none more proper for his designs nor more ready to receive that impression than Charles Cardinal of Bourbon the third Brother of Anthony King of Navarre and Louyâ— Prince of Conde deceased for having been always most observant of the Catholick Religion and an open Enemy to the Hugonots it was easie to draw him by the respect of Religion to consent unto that Union and make himself Head of the League but he was also of so mean a Capacity and of so meek gentle a disposition that the Duke of Guise might without difficulty turn and winde him at his pleasure and that which was more important than all the rest being the eldest Prince of the blood and Uncle to the King of Navarre he might bring the inheritance of the Crown in question and pretend that the King dying without Heirs the succession of right belonged to him and therefore he was very fit and proper to foment the pretensions of the League which principally did profess to exclude the King of Navarre and the other Princes that were Favourers or Followers of Heresie from the succession of the Kingdom Nor did fortune fail to offer the Duke of Guise his industry a convenient meanes of obtaining his desires with much facility Andre Sieur de Rubempre a man of swolne thoughts and of a vain nature but one who by his industry and politick way of living and clothing himself after a fashion that was conformable to the Cardinals humour was become very gratious with him and reckoned among his chief servants and favourites The Duke of Guise by means of the Advocate Louys de Orleans and of the Abbot of S. Owyn brother to Pellicart his Secretary caused those reasons to be infused into this man for which his Patron might pretend to the Crown of France urging that the Representation so the Lawyers call it is of no validity in collateral degrees and that therefore the King of Navarre could not represent the person of Anthony his Father the eldest Son and heir to the Kingdom of France but that without doubt it belonged unto the Cardinal yet alive and not to his elder Brother who was dead so many years before Besides that the King of Navarre being a relapsed Heretick and by the Canon-Laws uncapable of inheriting the most Christian Crown of France and the other Princes of the Blood being likewise followers and favourers of Heresie and therefore incurred the same incapacity of the Succession it was not to be endured that the vain cautious respect of not doing injury to the right of his Nephew should suffer it to fall into other hands and therefore his succession was not onely just because the Laws had so disposed it but also pious and honest because necessity so required not to exclude the Royal Family and at the same time to preserve the Catholick Religion To this they added that though the Cardinal was nearer to decrepidness then old age and that the King of France was yet in the flower of his youth yet in respect of the short lives of his Brothers the weakness of his own constitution and the continual debauches by which he was half wasted and consumed the Cardinal was likely to out-live him and come to the possession of the Crown before his Nephew and might transfer it upon the Cardinal de Vendosme who also was his Nephew bred up by him in the Catholick Religion and that with so much integrity and sincerity of life that among so many Hereticks and Favourers of Hereticks he alone shewed himself worthy to attain to the rule of so Christian a Kingdom as that of France Which things alledged by them not onely in words but in their Writings folded up among a number of examples and amplified with the ornaments of their wonted eloquence did easily make impression in Rubempre desiring rather to be the Minion
unbeseeming the piety of the most Christian King and the eldest Son of the Holy Church would draw on consequences of greatest moment the alienation of all the remaining part of the Catholicks and the revolt of the City of Paris so constant to the true Religion and so natural an enemy to the Hugonots the addition of greater Forces to the League which could receive no better news nor greater nourishment the making authentick all those lies and scandals which till then had been spread abroad against the King's designs and real intentions That it would colour and justifie the Spaniard's Protection of the League necessitate the Pope to declare himself in favour of it as soon as the Enemies of the Apostolick Sea should be united with the King That the most important near and inland Provinces of France would be lost by staying for the supplies and assistance of those that were far remote at the utmost confines of the Kingdom Nor was the strength of the Hugonots great or their aid secure who on the one side were exhausted and unable to go forth of their Native Provinces where they could hardly subsist of themselves and on the other side they could not easily in so short a time unite themselves with the King faithfully and sincerely who had ever been their bitter enemy and their fatal terrible persecutor That the fresh memory of the bloody Massacre at Paris whereof he was esteemed the chief author and as it were the sole executer would be more prevalent with them then the present demonstrations which by many suspicious men would be interpreted cunning and dissimulation to catch them that were unwary again suddenly in the net And finally that the Proverb was true Different natures never sute well together Wherefore they judged it to be a much better resolution to give satisfaction to all in general and to the Lords of the League in particular the major part whereof they knew had for private disgusts consented to that publick Commotion for the Lords of Guise being quieted and the other principal men of the Kingdom satisfied the colour of Religion vanishing and growing stale the League would of it self be broken and dissolved insisting that the causes being taken away the effects would cease of themselves and shewing by many particulars that it was in the Kings power to disunite the League by giving and granting to the Heads and other Confederates of his own accord those things which they strove for but were uncertain to obtain by War The Queen-Mother consented to this advice as the most secure of less noise and less scandal and being experienced in the several revolutions of so many years thought it no less destructive than opprobrious to forsake the more favourable more certain more powerful and more constant Party of the Catholicks to follow the almost desperate fortune of the Hugonots And this was the common vote and general opinion of the ordinary sort of Courtiers who are wont every where but most especially in France to discourse very freely of the highest deliberations of their Masters But the Authority of the Duke d' Espernon and of the other Minions was very great and they foresaw their own assured ruine in that satisfaction which was motioned to be granted unto the Lords of the League because it could not be given them without divesting the Favourites of that greatness and authority and of those Offices which they enjoyed so that of them all only the Duke of Ioyeuse consented to an Agreement with the Catholick League partly through the hatred which he bore to the Duke d' Espernon who was infinitely before him in the Kings favour partly because being nearly allied unto the House of Lorain he thought at the fall of all the rest he alone should be able to hold his place and keep upon his feet Besides this advice was very contrary to the designs and inclinations of the King himself being thereby obliged to throw down at one instant all that he had been so many years in building up for by consenting to the satisfaction of the Guises and their Confederates he must be brought to put that authority those Fortresses and Offices into their hands from whence he had so long been disengaging but a part of them by little and little with infinite cost and industry and so by consequence must himself destroy his first resolution of the total ruine and extirpation of both Factions Therefore he would more willingly have concurred to oppose the League and unite himself to the Hugonots if the sting of his own conscience the unseemliness of the thing and the resistance of the Queen-Mother had not made him absolutely abhor it Wherefore his mind remaining yet doubtful and his determination suspended he resolved in the mean time to sound the King of Navarre more perfectly and find out the strength of the Hugonots endeavouring to perswade him to reconcile himself to the Church with the other Princes of Bourbon which if he could compass he thought he should destroy the foundation of the League and reduce the Guises into a very hard and dangerous condition For the principal point of the Succession of the Crown failing which gave colour and credit to the affairs of the League and he uniting the Forces of the House of Bourbon sincerely to himself should remove the obstacle of Rome the concourse of the foolish multitude who believed the business only to concern the defence of the Catholick Religion the abetting of Religious Orders and so compose all those stirs He hoped also that many particular men and perhaps the very Heads of that Party would be drawn by respect and shame from those practices which then would have no other foundation left but the ambition and unjust desires of the Great Ones and that by taking away the fuel the flame which then blazed so high and spread so far would in a moment be extinguished To this end he dispatched the Duke of Espernon under colour of going to see his Mother who being old lived in Gascogne to confer with the King of Navarre believing that for his own interest he would effectually labour to convert him to the Catholick Religion for if he did not he saw the King inevitably necessitated to satisfie the Lords of the League and abase the greatness of his Favourites among which he held the chiefest place But the Duke of Espernon being come into Gascogne to the King of Navarre and proposing very large Conditions in the Kings Name if he would resolve to turn Catholick and come to Court the doubts and consultations were no less there than they had been before in the Court of France for Monsieur de Salignan and Monsieur de Roche-Laure Confidents to the King of Navarre perswaded him earnestly to trust the King to reconcile himself to the Catholick Church and return to Court as first Prince of the Blood alledging that that was the way to conquer his Enemies without Arms or Dispute to recover the
in those Provinces which were held by the Lords of the House of Lorain to raise both Foot and Horse in all diligence that with such mighty Forces they might give a beginning to their intended designs But the King who could neither frame his mind to join with the Hugonots nor to give satisfaction to the confederate Lords expecting counsel from the Benefit of time went on with slow preparations rather setting a gloss upon his cause and justifying himself than hindring the progress of the League For besides the publick Prayers and Processions continually made to beseech God to grant him a Son being advertised from many several places at the same time of their so frequent raising and drawing armed men together he thought it sufficient to send forth a Decree published the 28 of March to all the Governours of Provinces wherein after having with his wonted preambles testified that all his actions were led by a desire of the publick peace and tranquillity and that he had begun to provide for the ease of all his people by fitting remedies which some Enemies of quiet laboured to oppose and hinder He did expresly forbid all raising and gathering together of Souldiers commanding that the Leaders of them should be rigorously chastised and that at the ringing of the Toquesaint the Gentry and Commons should rise to defeat prosecute and cut them in pieces delivering as many of them as they could into the hands of Justice to receive the condign punishment of their insolency and insurrection Which Edict only caused those that drew Forces together to be acknowledged his Enemies but neither hindered nor stopped the proceedings of the Confederates But in the end it being necessary to make other provisions more fit for the quality of the present times after long doubt and uncertainty he resolved to oppose the designs and attempts of the League by himself alone without any intelligence with the Hugonots hoping to have so much strength as would be sufficient to restrain them and thinking that the Hugonots would not only be natural indifferent spectators of the event without troubling or molesting him but that without other union or confederacy they would give both heat and life unto his enterprises But he scarce began to put this resolution in practice when the deceit of that expectation appeared in the weakness of his Forces for though the Sieur de Fleury Brother-in-law to Secretary Villeroy who was then the Kings Ambassador in Switzerland had in a short time raised ten thousand Foot of that Nation for his Majesties service yet they being to match thorow the Provinces of Burgogne Champagne and Lyonois which were possessed by the Heads of the League their passage was very uncertain and difficult and Gasper Count of Schombergh who was sent to raise some German Cavalry being forced to pass thorow the same Provinces was by Commission from the Duke of Lorain taken prisoner for the Duke being spurred on by the hopes of getting Metz Thoul and Verdun Cities upon the confines of his State and long ago taken away by the Kings of France from the Dukes his Predecessors had at last changed the determination of standing Neuter which he had observed in all the late combustions and consented to the League of the Lords of his own Family Nor were matters any more successful within than without the Kingdom for the Nobility divided by the respect of Religion and their old sidings not yet forgotten but revived by these new Commotions came in very unwillingly and in small numbers unto the Kings party the people ill-affected to his name did not administer any help unto his necessity and the Kings Revenues not only interrupted by the rumour of Armies but purposely intercepted by the Heads of the Faction were in great part diminished so that he was every way destitute of the sinews of the War The Heads of the League taking courage from these difficulties of the Kings began boldly to gather Forces and to give a beginning to the execution of their intended purposes The first breaking forth was the departure of the Cardinal of Bourbon from the Court who under colour of keeping Lent at his Bishoprick of Rouen went to Gallion a fair house four leagues from the City where he was received by a great number of the Gentry of Picardy and for his security conducted to Peronne the womb that gave birth unto the League where the Duke of Guise being come to meet him with the Duke of Mayenne his Brother as also the Dukes of Aumale and Elbeuf they published a Declaration which though it spoke in general under the Name of Catholick Peers Prelates Princes Lords Cities and Corporations of the Kingdom of France was yet subscribed by the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon alone The Declaration contained precisely these words IN the Name of God Almighty the King of Kings Be it manifest unto all men That the Kingdom of France having for fourteen years last past been tormented with a pestiferous Sedition raised to subvert the ancient Religion of our Fathers which is the strong bond of the State such remedies have been applied as have proved more fit to nourish than cure the disease such as have only had the name of Peace but have not established it to any except those that had molested it leaving honest men scandalized in their Consciences and engaged in their Fortunes And in stead of a remedy for these mischiefs which in time might have been hoped for God hath permitted that the late Kings have died young not leaving as yet any Children able to inherit the Crown and to the grief of all good men hath not yet been pleased to give any to the King that now reigneth although his good Subjects have not and will not cease their most earnest Prayers to beseech God of his mercy to send him some so that his Majesty being the only Son remaining of all those which his Divine Goodness gave unto Henry the Second of famous memory it is too much to be feared which God forbid that his House to our great misfortune will be extinct without hope of Issue and that about the establishing a Successor in the Throne great tumults will arise thorow all Christendom and perhaps the total subversion of the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion in this most Christian Kingdom where it would never be endured that an Heretick should Reign for as much as the Subjects are not bound to acknowledge or submit themselves to the Dominion of a Prince fallen from the Christian Catholick Faith the first Oath which our Kings do take when the Crown is set upon their heads being to maintain the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion by which Oath and not otherwise they afterwards receive that of their Subjects Loyalty Yet since the death of my Lord the Duke of Alancon the Kings Brother the preâ—ensions of those who by publick profession have ever shewed themselves Persecutors of the Catholick Church have been so favoured and
upheld that it is exceeding necessary to make some wise and speedy provision against them for the avoiding of those very apparent inconveniencies the calamities whereof are already known unto all the remedies to few and the manner of applying them almost to none and so much the rather because one may easily judge by the great preparations and practices every where the raising of Souldiers as well without as within the Kingdom the withholding of Towns and strong places which long ago should have been delivered up into his Majesties hand that we are very near the effects of their evil intentions being sufficiently informed that not long since they have sent to treat with the Protestant Princes of Germany for the procuâ—ing of Forces to the end that they may more easily oppress all good men as their designs aim at no other end but to secure and possess themselves of necessary means to destroy the Catholick Religion which is the common interest of all especially of the Great Ones who have the honour to hold the first and chiefest Offices and Dignities of this Kingdom and whom they labour to ruine in the Kings life-time nay more by his authority to the end that there being no body left who for the time to come can be able to oppose their desires they may more easily work that change of the Catholick Religion which they endeavour to enrich themselves with the Patrimony of the Church following the example of what hath been done in England Moreover all the world knows very well and plainly sees the actions and deportments of some who having insinuated themselves into the favour of the King our Sovereign whose Majesty hath ever been and shall be to us most holy and sacred have in a manner totally possessed themselves of his authority to maintain that greatness which they have usurped favouring and advancing by all means possible the effects of those aforesaid changes and pretensions and have had both the boldness and the power to remove from the private conversation of his Majesty not only the Princes and Nobility but all that naturally are most near unto him not admitting any but such as are their own dependents wherein they have advanced so far that none of them now have any part in the Government and Administration of the State nor the whole power belonging to their places some having been deprived of the Titles of their Dignities and others of the Authority though the empty imaginary names be still left unto them The same likewise hath been done to many Governours of Provinces Commanders of strong Holds and other Officers who have been forced to leave and resign their places in consideration of certain sums of money which they have received against their wills and desires because they durst not contradict those that had the power to constrain them to it A new example and never before practised in this Kingdom to get Offices by money from them to whom they had been given for a reward of their Loyalty and faithful service and by this means they have made themselves Masters of all Forces both by Sea and Land Nor do they cease to endeavour the like daily to others that are in possession so that there is not one of them who is not in fear or who can assure himself that his place shall not be taken from him notwithstanding that having been bestowed upon them for their deserts they cannot nor ought not to be deprived of them by the Laws of the Kingdom unless for some just and reasonable consideration or that they have failed in something that depends upon them and that such their fault be proved by the means of Justice Moreover these men have drawn into their own hands all the Gold and Silver out of the Kings Coffers into which they put only the smaller sums of the general receipts for their particular profits keeping all the Great Ones at their own devotion as also all those that have the management of them which are the true ways to dispose of this Crown and set it upon whose head they please And by their avarice it is come to pass that abusing the easiness of the Subjects they have exceeded all bounds laying still heavy Taxes upon the poor common people not only equal to those the calamities of War had introduced which have not at all been lessened since the Peace but much more grievous ones by infinite other Impositions growing daily from the greedy appetite of their unbridled wills Indeed some glimpse of hope appeared when upon the frequent cries and complaints of the whole Kingdom the Convention of the States General was appointed at Blois which is the ancient remedy of home-bred evils and as it were a Conference between the Prince and People meeting together upon the terms of their due obedience on the one side and of the due protection on the other both sworn both born at the same time with the Royal Name and Fundamental Rules of the State of France but this deaâ— and laborious enterprise produced nothing saving the authorizing of the evil counsel of some who feigning themselves to be good Polititians were indeed wonderfully illâ—affected to the service of God and the good of the Kingdom who not being contented to turn the King by nature most inclined to piety from the holy and profitable resolution which he had made at the most humble request of all his States to unite his Subjects in one only Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion to the end they might live in that ancient piety wherein this Kingdom had been established preserved and afterwards increased to become the most powerful of all Christendom which then might have been effected without danger and almost without resistance they perswaded him quite contrary that it was necessary for his Majesties service to weaken and diminish the authoâ—ity of the Catholick Princes and Lords who with exceeding zeal had infinitely hazarded their lives in fighting under his Banners for the Defence of the said Catholick Religion as if the reputation which they had gained by their vertue and loyalty had been a means to render them suspected in stead of being honoured and esteemed Thus the abuse which began to swell by little and little is since fallen like a torrent from so violent a precipice that the poor Kingdom is even upon the point of being overwhelmed by it having but very slender hopes of safety for the Order of the Clergy notwithstanding all the Assemblies and just Remonstrances which they could make is now oppressed by extraordinary Tenths and Impositions besides the contempt of the sacred things of the Holy Church of God wherein now all things are taken away and polluted the Nobility brought to nothing enslaved and unnobled and evâ—â—y day miserably burthened with infinite payments and unjust exactions which they â—ust pay to their exceeding damage if they will sustain their lives that is to say eat drink and clothe themselves the Cities the Kings Officers and the common people so
Governor of that Province who was then at Aix at whose coming which was speedy though with no more then two hundred Horse the People following his authority with a very great concourse the Fort de la Garde was taken and in it the Consul Daries and Captain Chabanes who the next morning were executed by which severity the City was kept free from those dangers and under the Kings obedience The like success had the designs upon the City of Bourdeaux in Guienne for the Confederates attempting to make themselves Masters of it by means of the Castle commonly called Chastea de la Trompette whereof the Governor was the Sieur dâ— Valliac one of those that had signed to the League the Marescal de Matignon Lieutenant to the King of Navarre in the Government of that Province but a Catholick depending upon the King and residing in the Town having had notice of all that was plotted made show of holding a general Councel in the Palace to communicate unto all some Orders received from the Court and among the rest drew thither also the Sieur de Valliac who did not yet so much as dream himself to be at all suspected There having made them that were met together acquainted with the revolt that was contriving he imprisoned Villiac and at the same instant caused Artillery to be planted against the Castle threatning to put the Governor of it to death if they within should dare to shoot against the Town by which threats and the resolute nature of Matignon Villiac being terrified commanded his men presently to deliver up the Fortress which with new Fortifications and a strong Garrison was ever after kept at the Kings devotion under the command of Matignon But these successes were little considerable in comparison of the frequent revolts which followed in other parts of the Kingdom for those of the League beginning freely to declare themselves the Sieur de Mandelott Governor of Lyons had taken and demolished the Cittadel there the Sieur de la Chastre had put Bourges into the power of the League the Sieur d' Entraques having driven those of the Kings party out of Orleans had made himself absolutely Master of it the Count de Brissac with the City of Angiers and others of his Government had manifestly united himself with the Confederates the Duke of Guise in person had possessed himself of Mezieres a City of importance in the Confines of Champagne the Duke of Mayenne had taken the Castle and City of Dijon in Bourgogne and at lengrh with a strong Army they were come to Chalons in Champagne the place appointed for their Magazine of Armes and for the basis and foundation of the War There they determined to expect the Forces both Horse and Foot which had been leavied in Germany with Spanish mony and which they had intelligence began to move towards Lorrain and whilst they advanced the Duke of Guise leaving the Duke of Mayenne to Command the Army with the Dukes of Aumale and Elbeuf himself with a select number of Horse was gone to Peronne from whence with infinite demonstrations of honour he conducted the Cardinal of BOVRBON to Chalons to give reputation with his Name and Presence to the proceedings of the League to show him in the Army and to make use of him as of a shield and bulwark in the future War Against these so powerful and so near prepartions of the League the King made opposition both by words and actions as much as he was able and first of all he answered their Declaration with another of the following tenure ALthough the King hath by Letters and Commands already many times admonished his Subjects not to let themselves be perswaded nor counselled by some who endeavour to stir them up and intice them into their Association and by so doing to lead them astray from their own repose and hath likewise offered and promised Pardon to those who being already engaged should withdraw themselves as soon as they were informed of his intentions yet his Majesty having to his great discontent understood that notwithstanding his said Commands and favourable advertisements some of his Subjects do not cease to enter into the said Associations induced thereto by divers interests but the most part dazled and deceived by the fair specious colours which the Authors of those Insurrections give to their designs His Majesty hath thought fit for the universal good of all his Subjects and for the discharge of his own Conscience towards God and of his reputation toward the World against those artifices to set forth the light of Truth the true consolation of the good and capital enemy of the bad to the end that his Subjects being guided by the cleerness of it may know and discern in time and without impediment the Original and end of such Commotions and by that means may come to avoid those miseries and calamities both publick and private which are like to arise from them The Pretences which the Authors of these stirs do take are principally grounded upon the Restauration of the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion in this Kingdom upon the disposing of the Dignities and Offices thereof to those to whom they are justly due and upon the good honour and disburthening of the Clergy Nobility and Commons All which things are by real not disguised effects known to every one to be so dear and precious to his Majesty that none can truly doubt of his intentions therein so that it doth not appear it was necessary to stir up his Subjects to put them in arms and raise forreign Forces to make him consent to the Articles which they shall propose in case they be just possible and profitable for his People For as concerning Religion His Majesty before he came to the Crown hath too often exposed his own life fighting happily for the propagation of it and since it pleased God to call him to the Government of this Kingdom hath too often hazarded his State unto the same end and used his best means with the lives and fortunes of his good Subjects and Servants to perswade them at this present and to gain their belief that no man whosoever in this Kingdom or elsewhere of what profession soever he be hath more Piety and Religion in his heart than he hath alwayes had and by the Grace of God ever will have And if according to the example of the King his Brother of famous memory and of many other Princes of Christendom whose Kingdomes and States have been troubled with different opinions in Religion his Majesty with the prudent advice of the Queen his Mother of my Lord the Cardinal of Bourbon and other Princes Officers of the Crown and Lords of his Councel who then were near about him pacified the Tumults that were amongst his Subjects about matter of Faith waiting till it should please God to unite them all in the bosome of the Holy Church it doth not therefore follow that his fervour and devotion in what
King that was as well a Catholick as legitimate and natural But that it was much more unfit for him being first Prince of the Blood to be the instrument whereby the ancient Enemies of his House should extinguish the remainder of the Royal Family That he should consider that he being old and of an age not likely to have children the House of Bourbon would be quite extinct by the suppression of his Nephews that it seemed very strange to every good man that he who all the rest of his life-time had been an Author of peace and concord how having as it were one foot in the grave should make himself the Author of War Blood Discord and Insurrection That it would be much more acceptable to God and much more commendable among men that he being united with the King to the same holy end should endeavour to withdraw his Nephews from the way of perdition and rather to reconcile them peaceably to the Church than to suppress and bury them in the total ruine and destruction of the Kingdom That he should not doubt nor suspect the reality of the Kings intentions who both openly and privately was always a Catholick and affectionate unto Religion for as concerning the Hugonots he would send him a blank to write what he would so for his own particular he would always honour and respect him as a Father being wont to say that amongst all that great multitude of the Confederates there was not one honest man but the Cardinal of Bourbon These Reasons alledged and revolved in a mind full of right intentions and uncorrupted ends were not far from effecting what they aimed at nor from bringing him to a thought of re-uniting and reconciling himself to the King by means of the Queen whom he held in the highest veneration but while he was in doubt having as a man of no great reach nor policy given some suspition of it to the Cardinal of Guise in the discourses and consultations that passed the Duke of Guise was presently recalled whose spirit did animate the whole body and move every member of that Union and though by his authority he settled the Cardinal of Bourbon's resolution yet seeing that the Swisses advanced daily and that the Duke of Mayenne had but small Forces to oppose them and considering that to make up the Pay of his German Souldiers great store of money was necessary to the furnishing whereof the Spaniards concurred not with that readiness that he imagined for being involved in the War of Flanders they could hardly supply so vast an expence and having found at last that the disuniting of the League was attempted by secret practices the members whereof were already wavering he judged that delay was his mortal Enemy as he had ever thought and therefore desiring to put a fair gloss upon his taking up of Arms to justifie his ends and to take away those scruples which had been sowed in the Cardinal of Bourbon's mind and which already were not only divulged but also had taken deep impression in many others he took a resolution to propound a very plausible offer That he desired nothing but an Edict against the Hugonots that no other Religion but the Catholick should be permitted in the Kingdom that they should be incapable of all Offices and Dignities of what kind soever and that there might be an assurance they should be persecuted with Arms renouncing all other security and conditions and offering also himself to lay down all Offices and Governments possessed by him or any of his to take away all suspition of cavillous interests This Proposition wrought two wonderful effects to his advantage one that it confirm'd the Cardinal of Bourbon whose loss would have taken away the greatest foundation of the League the other that it brought the King to a necessity of accepting the Proposition lest he should manifestly put himself on the wrong side and absolutely alienate also the remaining part of the Catholicks who were already something mistrustful of him and as concerning other securities and advantages of his Family he knew very well if the King made War with the Hugonots he must of necessity re-unite himself with the Catholicks and with the House of Guise that had all the Forces in their hands and that he must be so far from consenting that they should lay down their Offices and Governments that he should be forced to give them yet others and confer the chief Commands of the Armies upon them and in conclusion he saw that the whole perfection of his designs would necessarily follow upon the War with the Hugonots and it was so true that the War with the Hugonots and his Greatness were firmly linked together that he was always able with marvellous opportunities to advance his own Enterprizes in such manner as no other interest should appear outwardly save that of Religion So this last determination being set down in writing they presented it to the Queen the ninth day of Iune subscribed by the Cardinal of Bourbon and the Duke of Guise the Queen was not much astonished at it having long ago foreseen that the Heads of the League could not take a more expedient resolution but she dispatched away the aforesaid Myron to the King with the same Declaration giving him to understand that it was necessary for him to consent unto it in matter of Religion to avoid the present danger and to disunite the Forces of the Confederates for that in the execution there would afterwards be so many difficulties interposed that time it self would bring sufficient opposition but that by not consenting to it he should assure himself besides the universal hatred and detestation to be quickly oppressed and forced to harder conditions since that the Duke of Mayenne was already gone to hinder the entry of the Swisses and while they were retarded the Duke of Guise making haste to join with his Germans would be upon his march towards Paris with thirty thousand fighting men where nothing else was to be expected but the manifest Rebellion of the City and the general Revolt of the whole Kingdom which would constrain him to flee to those places that were possessed by the Hugonots of whose good will and Forces he could not assure himself Thus the doubt of retarding the Swisses troubled both Parties for on the one side the Queen feared the Duke of Mayenne would be able to stop them and on the other the Duke of Guise feared lest he should not be strong enough to oppose them which reciprocal fear perswaded both Parties to consent unto a Peace The King having received the Declaration and the Council of the Queen sent Secretary Villeroy presently unto her and a little while after the Duke d' Espernon to the end that the Agreement might be received and established with the best conditions that could be Wherefore the Queen being come to Nemours with the Princes of the League they concluded upon these Conditions the seventh day of Iuly That
Religion and their own Consciences wherefore it was not fit to reduce the publick Cause to a particular Duel an effect very contrary to the end they had propounded to themselves and with other such like reasons they opposed those alledged by the King of Navarre who being advertised of the conclusion of peace between the King and the Lords of the League writ Letters to the King which were published in print grievously complaining that whilst he to obey his Majesties command laid upon him by Letters under his own hand had forborn to take Arms or to undertake any new enterprise an Agreement was established with his Enemies with condition to break the Edicts of Peace already published and contrary to promise already made again to begin the War against the Reformed Religion That he earnestly exhorted and besought the King to consider that to comply with the passions of those that rebelled against him he took Arms against his good and faithful Subjects and Vassals and that he should foresee how the destruction of his whole Kingdom was contained in that War which was preparing against him but that if he did persist to contrive his ruine he could do no less by the Law of Nature than defend himself and he hoped that God for the justness of his Cause would deliver and preserve him from the persecutions of men and one day make his innocence manifest to the whole World Besides this he writ other Letters to the Nobility others to the People and others to the Parliaments excusing himself blaming the League and labouring to make appear that he having punctually observed the conditions of Peace was now contrary to them unjustly assaulted After which Declarations having called unto him the Prince of Conde and the Mareshal d' Anville whom he knew to be no less persecuted than the Hugonots they established with common consent all that was to be done for their own defence and the maintenance of those places which they held of their party and because they already knew by so many proofs that nothing was more available for their defence than the supplies of men out of Germany which diverted the power and forces of their Enemies into very remote places they presently made a dispatch to the Protestant Princes to treat and conclude a strong Levy and that charge was undertaken by the Duke of Bouillon who as in his own inheritance derived from his Ancestors had setled himself in Sedan an exceeding strong place upon the Confines of Champagne and Lorain and by Monsieur de Chastillon Son to the Admiral de Coligny who was Governour of Mompellier for the Hugonots and was now secretly gone out of Languedoc disguised unto Geneva In the mean time the King in private with his Mother and the Cabinet-Council consulted about the manner of executing the Agreement with the League Secretary Villeroy with whom Bellieure and Ville-quier concurred was of opinion that the King had no better nor surer way to extinguish the combustions of his Kingdom and frustrate the designs of the Guises than sincerely to imbrace the War with the Hugonots to manifest to all the World his zeal toward the Catholick Religion and the ill will he bore to the Calvinists to put Offices into the hands of the most flourishing Nobility of his Kingdom to settle the form of Petitions of granting favours and of the disposal of moneys after the old way observed by his Predecessors and to satisfie their designs in particular who were alienated from him out of discontent because they were not able to do any thing at Court they shewed that this was the way to disfurnish the League of all pretences to draw the applause and love of the people to himself who because they saw him averse from those ends did now adore and follow the Lords of Guise as Defenders of Religion and Restorers of an indifferent equality and of the general quietness that it was necessary at last to take away that worst Schism of discords sowed first and principally by the Hugonots and to re-unite unto himself all his Subjects and Vassals in the same charity in the same Religion for the same unanimous universal end and in conclusion that he could neither more honourably nor more easily ruine the League than by doing well carrying himself sincerely and shewing himself altogether contrary to what the Heads thereof had divulged of him for by that upright manner of proceeding he might cross more designs and take away more followers from the Guises in one day than he could do by cunning dissimulation and politick inventions in the whole course of his life though it should last a hundred years The Queen-Mother inclined though warily to this advice for knowing her self to be already reported a favourer of the Guises and a persecuter of the King of Navarre for her Daughters sake she would not shew her self partial on the Catholick side and being angry though secretly that the King as it were not trusting her absolutely had sent the Duke of Espernon to Nemours for the conclusion of the business negotiated with the League she was very reserved in shewing her opinion perhaps doubting she should lose her authority with her Son or as some said desiring to see him intangled in those troubles that he might once again acknowledge the helpful hand wherewith she assisting in the Government with prudence and moderation had so often withheld the imminent ruine of the Crown But the King was otherwise inclined and utterly averse from the opinion of his Councellors The reasons that perswaded him to the contrary were two one that being to make War in good earnest against the Hugonots it could not chuse but be both long and difficult it was necessary to put Offices into the hands of the Guises which would increase their power and gather them Dependents besides the glory of the Victory would be attributed to them it being evident that they had constrained him by force to consent unto the War the other that the Hugonot party being destroyed which bridled their power and hindred the excessive strength of the Guises he should be left a prey unto their Force which would then have no restraint nor would they ever be without pretences to take up Arms though that of Religion were taken away it not being likely that such ready wits and such daring spirits should want other inventions These were the reasons alledged by the King but to them were secretly joined his most bitter hatred nourished a long time and now much more incensed against the House of Guise his inclination to his Minions whose grace and power his heart would not suffer him to abase his covetous desire of disposing the wealth and revenues of the Kingdom his own way to satisfie the prodigality of his mind and the continuation of his old resolution to destroy both Factions in the end by keeping them up against one another Nor to say the truth was he much to be blamed for having seen the
boldness of the Guises and of so many others their Abettors and Followers he could not bring his mind to increase their Authority and augment their Power again and on the other side to deprive himself of the use of those he had bred up for his purpose and of the assistance of his greatest Confidents with evident danger to be exposed to their discretion since they might easily find out other occasions to prosecute the course of their designs already begun Wherefore after some uncertainty he leaned to the opinion of the Duke d' Espernon the Mareshal de Retz and the Abbot del Bene who being a Florentine by extraction and Son to the Nurse of Charles the Ninth was by the quickness of his wit risen to very great trust and favour resolved in appearance to satisfie the Capitulations made with the League but cunningly to interrupt and hinder the execution of them for though he had formerly endeavoured to suppress the Hugonots nor could their preservation please him yet now he would not seem to make War against them at the request of others and constrained by his own Vassals nor suffer the honour and glory thereof to redound wholly to the Lords of Guise This Counsel had not only an unfortunate event as for the most part those actions use to have which go in the new deceitful paths of subtil inventions out of the beaten road but it had also a difficult and unlucky beginning for from it there presently arose a difference and distrust even amongst the Kings Counsellours themselves the Duke of Espernon jealous of his Masters favours and desirous to hold fast his own greatness beginning to hate and persecute Monsieur de Villeroy by whom he had his first beginnings and instructions in the Court and with whom he had till then lived in very great friendship taxing him to have been corrupted with money and promises by the Duke of Guise and that he held secret intelligence with him and therefore was author of that advice which perswaded the King to extirpate the Hugonots to reduce matters of Government to their ancient form and to re-unite himself sincerely with the Catholicks of the League which signified nothing else but the abasing of the Greatness and Authority of the Favourites And that distaste indeed took birth from the time that the Duke had hindred the marriage of Alincourt Villeroy's Son to Madamoiselle de Maure a very rich Heir of that Family to match her with a Kinsman of his own called Monsieur de Bellegarde Son to Monsieur de Termes for which cause Alincourt being offended sided with the Duke de Ioyeuse and by him was made Cornet of his Company of Gens d' Arms and afterwards that discontent was continued in the Duke of Espernon by having seen the King approve of the demolishing of the Citadel at Lions at the perswasions of Villeroy as he said though indeed it was to draw the Sieur de Mandelot to his Party Yet these reciprocal distastes had been but secret and some hope there was they might wear away till upon occasion of this advice they began to discover themselves and it passed so far that the Duke of Espernon not only began to hate the High Chancellour Chyverny and the Sieur de Ville-quier the Kings old Favourites and well-deserving Servants but he began also to sow suspicions of the Queen-Mother as though by ancient inclination she were affectionate to the Lords of the House of Guise and sought by fomenting the Commotions of Civil War to keep the liberty of her Son in a perpetual Wardship that being forced by such streights and diâ—ficulties he might make use of her for the Government and maintenance of his Kingdom These jealousies and that discord breaking forth in that conjuncture which required union and concord in process of time made the King lose a great part of his best and wisest Servants and necessitated a great many others to incline to favour the Duke of Guise by reason of their hatred to Espernon and their desire to see him abased and which imported most of all they were the cause that the King gave not so much credit as he was wont to the Counsels of his Mother and that made her often to hold her peace and often to comply against her own opinion lest she should alienate her Son utterly from her But the King spinning on the thred of his design appeared solemnly on the nineteenth of Iuly in the Parliament and caused a decree to be published wherein revoking all other Edicts made at several times in favour of the Hugonots he prohibited any other Religion except the Roman Catholick in all Towns and places of his Kingdom he banished all the Preachers and Ministers of the pretended reformed Religion out of his confines within a moneth after the publication and commanded that all his Vassals should within the term of six moneths conform themselves to live according to the Rites of the holy Church and to make publick profession of the Catholick Faith or if they would not do so they should depart the Kingdom and be effectually gone out of his Confines within the said term which six moneths being expired the Hugonots should be proceeded against with capital punishments and confiscation of their Estates as Hereticks and Enemies of the publick Peace and those of the aforesaid Religion should be declared incapable to attain to or hold any Degree Office or Dignity in the Kingdom that all Chambres mi-parties and tri-parties should be taken away which had been established by the Edicts of Peace in their favour and that they should restore all places granted to them for their security and give them up without dispute or delay into the Kings obedience that all Princes Peers Officers of the Crown Parliaments Governors and other Ministers should be obliged to swear to the performance of this Decree which should be irrevocable and perpetually to be observed At the Kings coming out from the Parliament he was received by the People with joyful cries to shew their satisfaction and contentment at the Edict which had been published but he with a troubled countenance seemed to take small delight in those Acclamations which were made to flatter him out of season and it was observed by many that contrary to his ordinary affability he neither daigned to return any salutation to the Provost des Merchands nor to the other Heads and Officers of the People of Paris which he doing to shew he cared little for their volubility and inconstancy and because he would do nothing to comply with others gave matter to the Guisards to exclaim that inwardly he favoured the Hugonots and that by meer force he was drawn against his own Genius by the zeal and industry of the Lords of the House of Lorrain to denounce War against them The King of Navarre the Prince of Conde and the Marescal d' Anville being met together at St. Paul answered the King's Edict with a new protestation
manner of proceeding with him was kindled with so great indignation that contrary to his wonted câ—stom and first design he answered the Ambassadors of himself with so much sharpness and resentment that instantly they were wonderfully dashed and the next day after without other audience with small honor and as little satisfaction they were dismissed The discourse of the Ambassadors in substance contained a long complaint That the King to satisfie the unjust desire and perverse ambition of the Pope and of certain Princes and Communalties of his Kingdom had broken his word with those of the Reformed Religion and taken away that Liberty of Conscience which he had formerly granted and established by so many Decrees That therefore the Princes of Germany who were interessed and united in the same Religion intreated him to put an end to the War and disturbance of Armes granting both Temporal and Spiritual peace to all his Subjects whereby he might escape the just wrath of God due to such as break their word and might also give them occasion to preserve their ancient friendship with the Crown notwithstanding which they were streightly obliged to provide for the safety of those who without fault of theirs being in distress did implore the aid of those Princes that agreed with them in the confession of the same Faith On the other side the King's Answer contained That having been called and chosen by God to the just profession of his Crown he had also authority not depending upon any body to establish Laws publish Decrees grant Licenses and make fitting Provisions according to the qualities of times and the need of his Subjects and therefore might also revoke change alter and retract them at his pleasure as he was best directed by his Divine Majesty wherefore he did give the lie to whosoever went about to tax him to be a breaker of his word if for the interest of his Subjects and good of his Kingdom he had revoked a liberty granted conditionally and but for a time and that as he had formerly done so he would raign freely for the future marvelling that any should presume to interpose and meddle in the Government of his People and in the Authority of his Person That this was his last resolution neither was it needful for them to stay any longer to hear any other particulars from him The Ambassadors urging to have that Answer given them in writing he angerly refused to do it and giving order that they should be conducted to lodge at Poissy went the next day after being the ninth of September to the City of Paris There notwithstanding the resolute answer given to the Protestant Princes already divulged every where and the progress of the War against the Hugonots already kindled in so many places the mindes of the common people were more then ever enflamed against his person and proceedings which were publickly inveighed against in Pulpits and particularly slandered in private meetings for it being already spread abroad by the Preachers and Heads of the League and rooted in the minds of the Parisians that the King favoured the King of Navarre and the Hugonot party and sought by under-hand means at the sute of his Minions to bring him to the succession of the Crown and to establish them in the free profession of their Faith the hatred conceived upon this occasion was afterwards increased by the frequency of Taxes and Impositions and the continued exalting of the Duke d' Espernon and the other Favourites who not only were highly suspected but extremely hated by the greatest part of the Citizens Wherefore besides the suggestions of the Duke of Guise who kept the Sieur de Meneville perpetually in the City for that purpose the chief of the people being in favour of the League kindled of themselves to conspire both against the Actions and Person of the King had framed a Counsel of such as were most interessed consisting of sixteen persons because the chief Wards or as they call them the Quarters of the City were so many which was to rule and moderate the progress of that business and the mindes of the common people La Chapelle Martel Iehan le Clerc Sieur de Bussy President Nully and Charles Hotman were from the beginning as Heads and Presidents of this Councel and all Trades were brought into it by means of certain men chosen by them one of each profession who being admitted to this Councel made their relations and received their orders concerning whatsoever was resolved by the Sixteen as well for the defence of the City as the service of the League and to oppose themselves against the designs of the King and his Favourites The meetings of this Councel was at first in the Colledge of Fortet commonly called the Cradle of the League afterward they assembled themselves in the Covent of the Dominicans or Jacobines and at last for fear of being suspected and discovered they met not any more together in any certain determinate place but sometimes in one private house sometimes in another with wonderful secrecy But nevertheless all these things were known unto the King by the relation of Nicholas Poulain who as we have said before moved either by hope of reward or by the sting of conscience made the King acquainted with every particular by means of Monsieur d' O and the High-Chancellor for as a chief instrument in the Union of the Parisians he knew the most hidden counsels that were plotted in that Congregation But they of the League not yet finding that their practises were discovered and being fomented and swelled with promises by the Duke of Guise and Don Bernardino Mendozza the Spanish Lieger at Paris their boldness passed so far that besides having possessed the whole scope of the City listed secretly those men that were fit to bear Armes and made great provisions to arm them they had also begun to communicate with other principal Cities of the Kingdom to raise and unite them in the same Conspiracy which being by inveterate use and custome grown to an unbounded liberty they began already to think not onely of seising upon strong Towns and Fortresses but went so far as to dare conspire against the Kings own Person that they might be able afterwards to order the affairs of the Kingdom at their pleasure and as the League should think fit It happened that this counsel of the League being held one day in the Jesuites Colledge a Proposition was made by the Confederates in the name of the Spanish Ambassador to surprise the Town of Boulogne a Fortress in Picardy seated upon the Shore of the Ocean Sea then under the Government of the Duke of Espennon and in his name kept by the Sieur de Bernay with the Authority of Governor The Proposers alledged that the Catholick King being about to set forth a mighty Fleet to go for England was content that using his Forces in favour of that League they should land in France
Grapes of which that Nation being exceeding greedy they disordered their Squadrons and ran confusedly to satisfie their gluttony and so much the more because the Duke of Guise's handful of men made by him contemptible to their pride nor did they think they could meet with any thing that could do harm to so much a greater number well armed well mounted well provided which was true but wonderfully ill ordered and disciplined The number of Commanders made opinions differ about the way they should march for some counselled that following the easiness of the ways and the abundance of victuals they should go on thorow Champagne to Brye and to the Isle of France as far as the City of Paris to strike the very heart of the Catholick party and not to linger about matters of small importance experience having shewed that the Hugonots had never had hope of victory but when they had entered the very bowels of the Kingdom and brought terrour and damage to the City of Paris but others knowing that they wanted a General who was capable to manage the weight of that imployment and that therefore all their marches were difficult and dangerous perswaded to move streight towards the head of the River Loyre to pass over it above la Charite or at some other place thereabout and to go without delay to join with the King of Navarre without whose conduct and command they despaired of effecting any enterprise The last opinion prevailed and with that intention crossing the Provinces of Champagne and Bourgongne about the end of September they took the direct way toward la Charite to pass the River there as the Duke of Deux-ponts had done at the same place and because the Count de la Mark died about that time of a natural death the charge of the Van-guard was given to Monsieur de Chastillon The Duke of Guise followed the track of the Germans and though his Brother the Duke of Mayenne were joined with him with the Forces he brought out of his Government of Bourgongne and though the Marquess du Pont had followed him also with no contemptible number of Gentlemen whereby in all he had fifteen hundred Horse and little more than three thousand Foot yet because he had no Body of an Army he quartered always in advantageous places keeping near the Germans that he might not lose any opportunity which he watched for with extream diligence and impatient desire to fight but the Duke of Mayenne following his old stayed resolutions and the Marquess du Pont instructed by his Fathers admonitions did opportunely allay his forwardness shewing him that the whole fortune of the House of Lorain was reduced to that small handful of men and would run into a manifest ruine if he should be so rash as to assault the Enemy with Forces so infinitely inferiour that he could give no greater joy nor contentment to his Enemies than to offer up the whole being of their Family to spoil and havock by so certain a danger the event whereof whatsoever it could be would overthrow his Forces for ever that it was a business of long â—mature deliberation and which could never be sufficiently pondered and discussed to hazard all his former labours all his present Estate and all his future hopes upon the cast of a Dye with so much disadvantage and with what strength with what number of Horse and Foot would he assail an Army of sixteen thousand Horse and twenty thousand German Foot flanked with four thousand of the choicest French Firelocks that it was no small matter if they could be able to defend the principal Cities and the walled Towns of those Provinces which were under their Government and that he alone ought not to assume that charge to himself which principally concerned the King of France and which never had been assumed by so many others who upon occasion of other German Armies had had the care of the Frontiers and who preserving only the places of consequence had let the storm flie where the principal Armies were and where the whole sum of businesses did reside These considerations abated but extinguished not the ardour of the Duke of Guise who having vaster thoughts and higher designs did within himself alone press forward the effecting his own resolutions for having undertaken to be Patron of the League assumed the care of the popular cause and conceiving hopes of ruining his adversaries and making himself not only Arbitrator and Moderator of the Kingdom but also the glorious Restorer of the Roman Catholick Religion he foresaw he should grow less in reputation and lose his credit within and without the Kingdom if the King and not he should win the Victory over the Germans which would turn the scale and make him Superiour that should obtain it besides suspecting that the King held secret intelligence with the Hugonots he feared that the Reiters joyning with the King of Navarre and the King being on the other side with a strong Army in the field they might catch him between them and therefore he aspired with all the powers of his mind to destroy or at least weaken that Army before it could come to the consummation of that design finally the desire of glory which in him was most ardent and unmeasurable would not let his mind be in quiet if he did not make his valour famous in so conspicuous an occasion Wherefore sometimes marching before sometimes beside sometimes behind the Enemy with unwearied diligence both in himself and in his Souldiers he used all his uttermost endeavours to incommode and distress them by putting them upon a necessity of quartering close together by protracting and retarding their march and finally by striving to bring them to a scarcity of provisions But the abundance of Wine Grapes Fruits and Flesh whereof there was great plenty in those Provinces did more harm to the Germans than all the labour and industry of the Duke of Guise for by excess and surfeiting in a Country differing from their natural climate such frequent dangerous diseases were gotten into the Army that their number daily decreased and their march was not a little slackened to which the rains of Autumn being added which were wonderfully immoderate in the beginning of October did much increase the mortality and in that deep dirty Country the ways were so broken that it was most difficult for so great a multitude to march being as they were wont exceedingly ill ordered and commanded The same rains did also hurt the Duke of Guise's Army and so much the more because being in continual motion they did perpetually suffer by the ill weather But though the Souldiers were without shoes and almost without clothes and their horses tired and almost quite spoiled yet the great confidence they had in their Commander and seeing him the first in all incommodities and sufferings made every one undergo them willingly and because they were all old Souldiers hardned to the toils of War the diseases did not
convenient remedies for the publick need and the quiet of all men in particular to reunite themselves sincerely and principally under his obedience forsaking all Novelties condemning all Leagues Practices Intelligences and interessed Communications which both within and without the Kingdom had disturbed both him their lawful and natural Soveraign and the mind and tranquillity of all good men for as he pardoned and would forget all that was past so for the time to come he would not endure it but account it as an act of absolute Treason And insisting upon that Proposition he enlarged himself a long time concluding with grave and effectual words That as he sincerely laboured for the good of his Subjects and resolved to persecute and tread down Heresie to favour those that were good to restore the splendour and force of Justice to advance Religion to uphold the Nobility and to disburden the common people so he earnestly prayed and conjured every one of them to assist him with their good Counsels and sincere intentions in that so necessary regulation of all things for if they should do otherwise minding intelligences and particular practices and consenting to the interests of factious men they would stain themselves with perfidiousness and Treachery and would be brought to give an account of it before God's Tribunal making themselves guilty and blame-worthy to humane justice with the perpetual infamy of their names unto posterity This Speech of the King 's stung the Duke of Guise to the quick and all those of his party and so much the more when they saw him resolved to have it Printed wherefore the Archbishop of Lyons endeavoured to disswade him from it saying that it was better to lose a few words though never so elegantly composed then to lose the hearts of many of his Subjects who felt themselves injured thinking that he had not forgotten what was past but would tax them in the presence of all France and condemn them of perfidiousness and Rebellion Yet notwithstanding that the King would have it known to all men what he had said to the Congregation of the States and caused his Speech to be Printed which served wonderfully afterward to excuse those things that followed Some have written that the King perswaded by the Archbishop of Lyons had cut off many things from the Press and taken away many words which he had spoken in his Oration But I my self who was present and heard every word very near can certainly affirm that as much was Printed as was spoken but the expressions being quickned by the efficacy of his action and tone of his voice were much more sharp and moving then when they came forth in Print wanting that life and spirit with which they were delivered After the King's Speech followed the Oration of Monsieur de Monthelon Garde des Seaux who according to the ordinary custom praising the King's intention repeated at large the same things which he had spoken To which with demonstrations of great humility and obedience the Archbishop of Bourges answered for the Order of the Clergy the Baron de Seneschay for the Nobility and the Prevost de Merchands of Paris for the third Order of Commons After which Replies the Assembly was dismissed and the second Session adjourned till the Tuesday following That day was famous for the Oath which the States took to receive for a Fundamental Law of the Kingdom that Edict of the Union which the King had published in the Moneth of Iuly before whereby reuniting to himself all his Catholick Subjects of the Kingdom he swore to persevere till death in the Roman Catholick Religion to promote the increase and preservation of it to employ all his Forces for the rooting out of Heresie never to permit that any Heretick or favourer of Heresie should Reign not to elect into Places and Dignities any but such persons as made constant profession of the Roman Catholick Religion and would have all his Subjects to Swear and promise the same who being so reunited unto him he forbade to joyn themselves in League or company with any others under pain of Treason and being held violaters of the Oath they had taken with other particulars wherein abolishing the memory of all things past he made himself Head of the Catholick League and Union and incorporated all the Orders in their proper natural obedience The circumstances of this Oath were remarkable for the King himself spoke concerning it with grave and fitting Speeches and the Archbishop of Bourges made an Exhortation to the States shewing the greatness and obligation of the Oath which they were to take Beaulieu the new Secretary of State inrolled an Act of that Oath in memory of so solemn an action after it was done they gave thanks to God publikly in the Church of St. Saviour all which demonstrations which many thought were used to extinguish the memory of things that were past served after to excuse and authorise those things that were to come for notwithstanding all these obligations whereby the adherents to the League bound themselves to forsake all former attempts and machinations and to tie themselves sincerely in obedience to the King and notwithstanding all his Protestations in the publick Assembly of the States to forget what was past but severely to revenge the future they did not at all slacken their pretensions and contrivances but pursued them with effectual practices and the Duke of Guise aspired to the express name of Lieutenant-General which he had not been able to obtain from the King though he had gotten almost the same power to be joyned to his former title of Grand Maistre and the rest ceased not to treat with the States that the Government might be reformed in such manner as leaving unto the King onely the name and outside of a Prince the sum of businesses might be managed by the Duke and his Dependents of the League and even the Deputies of the States mingling themselves in the interests of the Factions plotted and laboured for the same things without any regard to so many and so solemn Oaths and with manifest scorn and contempt to the King's Name Person and Majesty Wherefore the event plainly shewed the art the King had used in the Assembly of the States for knowing the obstinacy of the Confederates he by the bonds of publick Oaths Acts and Ceremonies which in appearance redounded all in favour of the League but secretly contained a most sharp sting against it cunningly spread the net to catch them in those faults and crimes wherewith they had protested not to stain themselves for the time to come and which he had declared that he would severely punish and chastise There wanted not many who believed that if the Duke and the Deputies with the other Heads of the League had after these Oaths given over the enterprize they had begun and having laid aside their private interests and old passions had proceeded sincerely for the future the King
did the business end there but to give form to their proceedings the Parliament being assembled again upon the Thirtieth day of Ianuary they made an ample Decree to unite and combine themselves for the defence of the Catholick Religion the safety of Paris and those other Cities that should enter into that League to oppose the power of those who having violated the publick Faith had in the Congregation of the States taken away the lives of the Catholick Princes and defenders of the holy Church to take just revenge for their murther and do justice to those that were injured and finally to defend the Liberty and Dignity of the States of France against all persons whatsoever without exception which Decree was subscribed and sworn to by the Presidents and Counsellors of the Parliament by the Duke of Aumale Governour the Prevost des Marchands the Eschevins of the City and afterwards by a great number as well of the Gentry and Clergy as of the common people and this confederacy with the wonted name and title of the League was also called the Holy-Vnion After this Decree Madam de Guise the late Duke's Wife came to the Parliament where having in her wonted form made her complaint and demanded Justice for the Murther committed upon her Husband and the Cardinal her Brother-in-law reckoning up all the services which the House of Guise had done to the Catholick Religion and to the Crown and exaggerating the cruelty of that slaughter under the Publick Faith and in the presence of the States-General of the Kingdom The Parliament all the several Chambers being solemnly assembled decreed that Justice should be done her and chose two Counsellors who with the publick solemnities should form the Process forbidding all other to meddle about taking any information in that business which they added because they knew that there was diligent inquiry made by the King's order concerning those things which had been done by the Princes of Lorain in their life-time At the Insurrection of the Parliament and City of Paris as at a Beacon or signal of War the greatest Cities and most warlike people of France took arms likewise and rose with a very great and universal commotion for as the news of the death of the Princes of Lorain and of the resolutions of the Parisians was divulged from hand to hand so like a dangerous fire spreading all abroad did this popular tumult successively dilate it self in such manner that not onely Orleans and Chartres which had taken Armes from the beginning but Meaux Crespy the Castle of Pierre-font Corbeil Melun St Denis Pontoyse Senlis Creil Clairmont and all the Towns about the Isle of France joyned themselves to the Union of the Parisians with the same inclination revolted the City of Rouen with the greater part of the Parliament of Normandy Louviers Mante Vernon Lisieux Ponteau-de-Mer Havre de Grace Honfleur Eureux Foâ—geres Falaise Argentan Montivilliers Dreux and except Caen and the Country of Constantine all the Cities and strong places of that rich spacious Province Picardy followed the same example where Amiens Cambray Abbeville Soissons Laon and many other places sided with the Vnion Champagne a Province governed by the Duke of Guise did the like for Rheims Troye Vitry Chasteau-Thierry and all the other Towns except Chalon took part with the League without any demur Nor were mens minds any quieter or the people more moderate in Bourgongne for Dijon with the Parliament of that Province Mascon Lux and many other Towns betook themselves to the same party The like did the Parliament of Aix the head of Provence which was follow'd by Marseilles Carcasonne and Narbonne as also by the City of Bourges where the Law is chiefly studied Mans a principal Town in the Confines of Anjou and many other lesser Villages In Gascogne the Parliament and City of Tholouse took Arms violently to which many other places joyned themselves In Auvergne the Count de Randan with Clairmont Montferrant St Porcin Isoire and other Towns and Fortresses followed likewise the party of the Vnion In Bretagne the Duke de Mercoeur Governor thereof forgetting that he was Brother-in-Law to the King and by him enriched exalted and put into that Government being drawn not onely by the interests of his Family but his own private pretensions which by his Wife he had unto that Province took part with the League Nantes a City of great consequence revolting with him as also Vannes Quimberlay and in a manner all that Province full of Nobility and riches In Guienne the tumult was exceeding high at Bourdeaux a very great City where the Governor of the Province resides and which is the seat of the Parliament But the Mareschal de Matignon who held that Government in the King's name with his wonted courage and prompt resolution made so brave an opposition that having driven out the seditious and got the upper hand with little blood he retained it happily at the King's devotion Yet Agen Perigueux and many other Towns of that Province went over to the League The City of Lyons was the last that rose by reason of Colonel Alfonso Corso his resistance and the opposition of the Swisse and Italian Merchants But the great abundance of common people got the best at last so that they generally resolved to turn to the party of the Vnion and to call the Duke of Nemours who had escaped from prison at Blois and had had that Government conferred upon him by the King to gratifie the Duke of Guise a while before his death The example of the Cities and common people was followed by no small number of the Nobility in the several Provinces drawing with them not only the Train of their Tenants and Peasants but also many Castles and strong Holds in which both for their security and decency the Gentry use to inhabit in all parts of France So that the party of the League was not onely grown very great by the conjunction of the principal Cities but was also strengthned by the abetting of the Nobility in whom for the most part the Forces of that Crown consist By the commotion of this Universal Insurrection as it were miraculously foreseen and foretold by the Queen-Mother upon her Death-bed all the Provinces of the Kingdom were divided and dismembred in such fort that not onely Cities were against Cities and Castles against Castles but also Lords Gentlemen and meaner persons against one another became enemies in such a furious hostile manner that treading down the Laws breaking the bond of common charity and driving away the Magistrates from all places they of themselves without expecting order from their superiors began a most fatal cruel Civil War with fire slaughter blood and rapine For neither the Commotions of the Cities nor the inclinations of this or that particular man being yet know every one mingling his private interests and revenges in the publick combustions did after their own wills fortifie places that were
favoured and exalted their family as he desired to do again for the time to come and that therefore he prayed him not to let himself be guided and transported by his affection to his Brothers but to remember that he had been forced by those attempts which he certainly knew had ever been unpleasing to him as one averse from the ambition and evil designs of his Brothers that for that reason he had ever desired to exalt him and had alwayes conferred upon him the commands of his Armies because he knew him to be far from those wicked arts which the others had intended to practice He exhorted him to persevere in that good and laudable resolution not to make himself an instrument to divide the Catholick party and tear in pieces their common Countrey nor to joyn himself to the ambition of factious men from which even in the fervour of his youth he had ever been averse but shewing that he made more account of the general good and his own duty towards his Prince than of those private passions which use to draw and govern mean vulgar spirits he would sincerely unite himself to him to preserve the peace of the Catholicks and make War against the Hugonots which if he would consent unto he offered him all manner of security and the most reasonable satisfaction he could desire But the Duke's mind was already set upon other thoughts never believing that he could be secure much less favoured by the King who gave him those fair words because he was escaped out of the net and seeing the great distractions of the Kingdom he hoped for a much higher power and greatness then what his brothers had possessed wherefore his inclinations and hope meeting both together in the same end and thinking that it so became his honour he leaned toward revenge and the command of that faction which resolution was absolutely concluded after that Madam de Montpensier not valuing her own health nor the inconveniency of the season came with great speed to Dijon whose vehement effectual exhortations and the Letters of the Duke of Aumale and many others of the faction exciting him he at last determined to consent to the taking up of Arms and to prosecute the designs of the League making himself Head of the Holy-Vnion The resolution being taken he presently gave order to the Sieurs de Rhosne de St. Paul Chamois and d' Eschavoles to receuit their Regiments of French Foot and began to summon the Nobility and Gentry his dependents and to win the hearts of the people in every place And because the foundation consisted in the City of Paris the Duke determined to go thither with Madam de Montpensier the way being now secure by the taking of the Castle of Orleans and by the revolt of Bourges Troye and Chartres The Duke passed through all these Cities gathering Forces and drawing men together some raised with his own Money some brought in by his friends and adherents and some furnished by the People and being already grown to the number of Four thousand soldiers and Five hundred Gentlemen he came upon the fifteenth of February into the City of Paris There the Duke and Chevalier d' Aumale putting themselves willingly under his authority and the Councel of the Vnion with most ready consent of the Citizens acknowledging him for their Head the Parliament having assembled all the Chambers Bernabe Brisson first President of the League making the Proposition declared him Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France giving him except the name the very power and authority which uses to be natural to their Kings which yet they intended should continue but till the States-General of the Kingdom should determine otherwise they being appointed to meet in the City of Paris in the month of Iuly following Thus the Duke of Guise's death did with admirable facility and the universal inclination of that party produce that power in his brother which he with so many toils and so long machinations had so eagerly laboured for in his life-time yet never could obtain it for himself Upon the two and twentieth of February the Duke took possession in the Parliament of this extraordinary dignity having taken a publick Oath to protect and defend the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion against every one To preserve entire the State belonging to the Crown of France To defend the Priviledges of the three Orders the Clergy Nobility and Commons and To cause the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom to be observed as also the authority and power of the Parliaments After which Oath many Prayers and Processions having been made he chose and appointed the Council of the Union consisting of Forty of the most eminent perspicuous persons of the League which with his assistance was to treat of and conclude all the most weighty businesses the Council of Sixteen being nevertheless still left and particularly appointed for the especial Government of Paris Having taken the command of the League upon him the Duke began to increase the Body of his Forces to form an Army of them with which he might march whither need should require But in every Province he allotted both Forces and Commanders to order the affairs of the League and to make War against those who were yet of the Kings party Bretagne was governed by the Duke de Mercoeur who not at all moved with the Kings and his Sisters Exhortations to unite himself unto them was very strong and powerful having with his authority made all that Province to revolt except the Parliament of Renes and some few Towns and little Castles In Normandy it hapned otherwise for though the greatest part of the Towns had declared for the League yet the Nobility held of the Kings party so that the Heads were few and divided The Sieur de la Londe at Rouen Andre Braneace Sieur de Villars at Havre de Grace Long-champ at Lisieux and the Baron d' Eschaufour in the Country of Perche Wherefore the Duke sent the Count of Brissac thither with authority to command them all The Duke of Aumale who was Governour of it went into Picardy a divided Province yet one of the most favoured by the League because it bordered upon the Territories of the Catholick King The Count de Chaligny and Col. St. Paul an old Servant bred up in that Family went into Champagne a Province destined in succession of his Father to the young Duke of Guise who was yet in prison The Viscount de Tavannes an old experienced Souldier had order to command in Bourgongne the particular Government of the Duke of Mayenne The care of Lyonois was given to the Duke of Nemours and in his absence to his Brother the Marquess of St. Sorlin The command of Berry continued under the Sieur de la Chastre who being Field-Mareschal in the Duke of Nevers his Army assoon as he could free himself of that obstacle followed the party of the League as he had formerly
more afraid than all the rest With these reasons the Princes of the League endeavoured to animate the Pope and he receiving news daily from many places of the tumultuous insurrections in France as a man not well vers'd in Government and ignorant how easily popular commotions are extinguished gave the King already for absolutely lost nor would he shew himself a favourer of the weaker side to the dishonour of himself and of the Apostolick See as the Spanish Ambassador and those of the League did perpetually urge unto him In the mean time the King anxious and sollicitous about the determinations at Rome kept his resolutions in suspence and seemed to have laid down the courage of a Lion which after the death of the Duke of Guise he made shew to have taken up again for the Duke of Nevers who made War in Poictou against the Hugonots having in this interim taken Ganache could not after the news of the death of the Lords of Lorain keep his Army composed for the most part of men depending upon the League from dissolving of it self and therefore the Duke being returned to Court the King straightned for money and inclined to an agreement did not think of setting his Army again on foot but minded only thoughts of peace having desired the Cardinal Legat to interpose for the attaining of it promised to refer all businesses to the Popes arbitrement which condition the Legat having made known to the Duke of Mayenne and moved him to yield to a Truce that the accommodation might be negotiated at Rome he denied to consent unto it alledging that he could no more trust him who notwithstanding so many Sacraments and Ceremonies violated the Publick Faith and the Law of Nations in the face of the Assembly of all the States of France and that this was another trick of the Kings to gain the benefit of time by means of the Truce being now unarmed and unprovided That the Legat ought not to make himself the instrument of that deceitful policy for it tended to the prejudice of the Catholick Religion and of Ecclesiastical Liberty perfidiously trampled under foot and violated but that it was rather fit to expect the resolutions from Rome where he had given the Pope information of all occurrences But having at the same time received the Duke of Mayenne's refusal of the Truce and the Ambassadors Letters from Rome which contained the Popes stiffness and obstinacy in desiring to have the prisoners and the King not knowing how to release them without fomenting the present distractions For it was certain that they of the Union having already declared him to have forfeited his Crown would have elected the Cardinal of Bourbon King the face of affairs was altered and the King thinking he had used all possible means even to his own dishonour to appease the Pope began to change his resolution lest he should be suppressed without defence by the power of his Enemies This necessity was so apparent that even the Duke of Nevers who had ever perswaded him to satisfie the Pope lest he should divide the Catholick party had not any reason to alledge against it the urgency of affairs did by force constrain all opinions to take to one side or other Wherefore the Count de Soissons who a few days before had defeated some Troops of the League being come to Blois with certain Forces and having begun to introduce a Treaty of Agreement with the King of Navarre applied himself diligently to that business The King as he had always been was averse from this Agreement his nature being as a man may say incompatible with the commerce of the Hugonots But necessity shewed there was no other way and all his Counsellors said with one accord That it was needful for him to resolve and take some course if he would not be left alone between two potent Enemies who one on this side and the other on that side of the Loyre had made themselves Masters of all places And with what Moneys with what Friends with what Armies and with what Forces could he at the same time contend with both Factions That it was clear which way soever he turned himself he should have one Enemy before him and another behind him and that his Kingdom being divided and likewise foreign Princes between the two Religions he with a new example should have them both his Enemies That in this division whilst others usurped the Royal Authority on either side he remained without Forces without Treasury without Money and that he was now what he had ever feared to be dry between two Rivers That he had done as much as well he might to appease the Pope That he had forgotten his own dignity to agree with those that were up in Arms and to give such satisfaction to Rebels and Despisers of his Name as they deserved not That he had with unheard-of patience born the injuries of the People the invectives of the Preachers the villanous insolencies of the Factions the presumptuous Decrees of the Sorbonne and exposed the Royal Majesty to the pleasure of the remnants of the House of Guise That he had done that at Rome which never any King had yielded to do not only to ask absolution in writing for a reasonable just and necessary action but also offered to refer all all differences to the Popes arbitrement What was there more to be done but only by reason of the appetite of the Spaniards who governed all in the Court of Rome and of the fierce obdurate nature of the Pope to expect to be miserably torn in pieces by his Enemies without defence and to have those outrages committed upon his own person which had been done unto his Statues at Paris and Thoulouse That now indeed was the time to shew the Heart of a Lyon and making use of the King of Navarre's assistance De inimicis suis vindicare inimicos suos That this was neither a new nor an unheard-of thing That King Charles his Brother often nay he himself in less extremities had granted Peace to the Hugonots and that the last breach was not occasioned by his will and consent but by the conspiracies and violences of the League That he had in vain taken away the lives of the Brothers of Guise if he must be in the same fear of them now they were dead and if that obstacle being taken away he endeavoured not to bridle the seditious to recover his own power and finally to restore peace and tranquility to his Kingdom And the King of Navarre already knowing that the occasion required and necessity forced the King to that resolution did by favourable Writings and Declarations open the way unto it For many Towns of Poictou and Xaintonge having yielded themselves unto him after the departure of the Duke of Nemours he had in all of them forbidden any harm to be done unto the Catholicks and wheresoever he had to do suffered them to enjoy Liberty of Conscience favouring and
infinite importance and which should redound to his very great contentment The Count not knowing the Frier but hearing how the City stood affected and that many plotted to bring in the King believing the business to be true which he professed to deal in made no difficulty of granting him the Letter with which departing upon the last day of Iuly in the Evening he went from the City into the King's Camp where he was presently taken by the Guards but he saying he had business and Letters to communicate to the King and having shewed the superscription was brought to Iaques de la Guesle the King's Attorney-General who executed the Office of Auditor of the Camp The Sieur de la Guesle having heard the Frier and knowing that the King had returned when it was dark from discovering the Enemies Works told him It was too late for that night but the next morning he would bring him to him without fail and that in the mean time he might stay for his security in his Lodgings The Frier accepted the invitation supped at Table with la Guesle cut his meat with a new Knife with a black Haft which he had about him Eat drank and slept without care And because a Prophesie ran not onely thorough the Army but thorough the whole Kingdom That the King should be killed by a Frier he was asked by many if perchance he came for that end To whom he answered without disturbance That those were not things to be jested withal in that manner In the morning upon the first day of August Monsieur de la Guesle went to the King's Lodgings very early and having told him the Friers desire to speak with him was commanded presently to bring him in though he was not yet quite ready but still without his Buff-coat which by reason of his Arms he was wont to wear and having on onely a thin Taffaty Doublet all untrussed The Frier being brought in while they both withdrew to a Window on one side of the room he delivered the Letter from the Count de Brienne which the King read and having bid him proceed to tell his business he feigned to feel for another Paper to present it and while the King stood intentively expecting it he having drawn his wonted Knife out of his sleeve struck him on the left side of the Navel and left all the blade buried in the wound The King feeling the blow drew forth the Knife and in drawing of it made the wound wider and presently struck it himself up to the Haft in the Friers Forehead who at the same time la Guesle running him thorough with his Sword fell instantly dead and was no sooner faln but Momperat Lognac and the Marquess de Mirepoix Gentlemen of the Kings Chamber who were present at the fact threw him out of the Window where by the common Soldiers he was torn in pieces burnt and his ashes scattered in the River The King was carried to his Bed and the wound was not thought mortal by the Chirurgions Wherefore having called his Secretaries he caused an account of the business to be given to all parts of the Kingdom exhorting all the Governors not to be dismaid for that he hoped he should be cured within a few dayes and be able to ride The same he did to the chief Commanders and Principal Officers of his Army and having presently sent for the King of Navarre committed to him the care of his Army and the diligent prosecution of the enterprise But at night he felt wonderful great pain in his wound and fell into a Fever Wherefore having called his Chirurgions and search being made they found his Intrails were pierced so that they all agreed his life could not last many hours The King who desired to know the truth being told his danger caused Estienne Boulogne his Chaplain to be called and with very great devotion made Confession of his sins But before Absolution his Confessor having told him that he had heard the Pope had published a Monitory against him and therefore he should satisfie his Conscience in the present extremity He replied That it was true but the Monitory it self contained that in case of death he might be absolved that he would satisfie the Popes request and promised faithfully to release the prisoners though he should believe it would cost him his Life and Crown With which satisfaction the Confessor absolved him and gave him the Sacraments the same night The King feeling his strength decay caused his Chamber-doors to be set open and the Nobility to be brought in who with abundance of tears and bitter sighs shewed publick sins of their grief And turning toward them the Duke of Espernon and the Count d' Auvergne his Nephew standing by his Bed-side he said with an audible voice That it troubled him not to die but he was grieved to leave the Kingdom in so great disorder and all good men afflicted and persecuted That he desired no revenge for his death for from his first years he had learned in the School of Christ to forgive injuries as he had done so many in times past But turning to the King of Navarre he told him That if that custom of killing Kings should grow in use neither should he by consequence be long secure He exhorted the Nobility to acknowledge the King of Navarre to whom the Kingdom of right belonged and that they should not stick at the difference in Religion for both the King of Navarre a man of a sincere noble nature would in the end return into the bosome of the Church and the Pope being better informed would receive him into his favour to prevent the ruine of the whole Kingdom At last he embraced the King of Navarre and said repeating it twice over Brother I assure you you will never be King of France if you turn not Catholick and if you humble not your self unto the Church after which words having called his Chaplain he in the presence of them all rehearsed the Creed after the use of the Roman Church and having Crossed himself began the Misâ—râ—re but his speech failing him in these words Redde mihi laetitiam salutis tui he yielded up the Ghost contentedly having lived Thirty six years and reigned Fifteen and just two months In his death ended the line of Kings of the House of Valois and the posterity of Philip the Third surnamed the Hardy and by vertue of the Salique Law the Crown devolved to the Family of Bourbon nearest of the Blood and descended from Robert Count of Clermont the second son of St. Louis The whole Army being wonderfully grieved at so sad so fatal an accident and especially the Nobility who accompanied the death of their Prince with tears which came from the bottom of their hearts but on the other side the Parisians shewed profuse signs of joy and some among the Great Ones who had till then worn mourning for the death of the Lords of Guise did
himself be elected and declared King of France by the party which he commanded urging to him that he ought not to omit that so great so opportune occasion of transferring the Crown into his Family which had formerly been possessed by his Ancestors he being already acknowledged the Head and obeyed by the principal Cities of the Kingdom by so great a number of the Nobility and by the greater part of the Clergy They said the Controversie was between him already acknowledged and obeyed by those of his party and a Prince of a different Religion whose Inheritance might with reason be called in question both because of the distance of degrees and of his being an Enemy to the Church for which considerations he would never be sincerely loved nor firmly obeyed by those very Catholicks that seemed to adhere unto his party That indeed now at first they had out of anger for the Kings death been perswaded to follow him but that Catholicks and Hugonots being incompatible among themselves it would not be long before the memory of former hatreds would be renewed by which their blood being again set on fire they would quickly be separated and divided by the interests of Conscience and their own natural enmities That it was necessary to provide a manly warlike and Catholick King to whom they might securely run as from time to time they should grow discontented finding their errour and leaving that party That the Cardinal of Baurbon decrepid with old age and kept in prison was in neither of those conditions fit for that business That the Duke would be accused of want of courage if he should be faulty to himself in so fair an occasion For they are poor-spirited men that count excess of Moderation a vertue whereas men of a noble mind love and favour bold and generous designs That there was both honour and profit in it nay also possibility and conveniency and that the Duke could neither be excused to himself nor to his posterity if he neglected that good which God so miraculously presented to him They urged that to declare the Cardinal of Bourbon King was the true way to establish the King of Navarre in the possession of the Crown for so they confessed the Kingdom to belong to the House of Bourbon and the Cardinal dying who was already in the last minutes of his life the lawful Succession could not afterward be denied to his Nephew and though the pretence of Religion remained that was an objection which he would be able to take away at his pleasure by turning Catholick and hearing one Mass and though he should persevere in his Religion yet the other Princes of that House who were Catholicks would succeed and suffer no opposition that it was best to oppose the very first point and assume unto himself that which he inconsiderately went about to confer upon another that now the opportunity was ready and easie which perchance within a few days would not be so for the King of Navarre had promised to turn Catholick within six months and in the mean time it was possible his Nephew the Duke of Guise might be set at liberty who being Heir of the Family might perchance oppose his Greatness his own interests having more power with him than the respects which was due to his Uncles age and many labours that it was needful to undertake boldly and suddenly before the King of Spain the Pope the Duke of Lorain and Duke of Savoy had time to think and lay their plots to turn the course of affairs their own way for he being once elected and declared they would be necessitated rather to maintain him than take part with the King of Navarre a Heretick and an enemy to Spain for Navarre to the Pope for Religion to the Duke of Lorain for the Duke of Bouillon's Lands possessed by him and to the Duke of Savoy for the protection of Geneva and for the Marquesat of Saluzzo finally they argued that since the toyls and dangers were certain and that he was to bear the weight of them it was much better to undergo labour and hazard for his own interests and greatness then to promote the exaltation of another and to uphold a frail weak imprisoned unknown Prince from whom he was not certain to obtain any thing This specious counsel favoured by self-love was opposed by Villeroy and President Iannin with whom the Duke consulted about all things not that they did alledge against it either Right or Justice things of very small consideration when the debate is about a Kingdom but onely urging the impossibility That the Parisians the People and Cities of his party were terrified with the late businesses having seen the Duke so few dayes before brought to the last extremities and looking desperately with them for his own destruction That they had lost much of the opinion they had and were not now so ardent as they were at first in the cause of the Vnion That they desired to have a Prince powerful in men and money that might be able to defend them and secure them from the King of Navarre and his party and therefore they had turned their eyes some upon the Duke of Savoy some upon the Duke of Lorain many upon the King of Spain himself nor did any thing else withhold them but the right and justice of the Cardinal of Bourbon esteemed the lawful Successor for these considerations move and are able to do much more among the common people then in the minds of the great Ones which respect being taken away there was not like to be any who would not rather chuse to obey a King of Spain held so potent a Monarch and that had so many wayes to gratifie and reward his subjects then a petty Duke of Mayenne who had no other strength then what the Union of those Forces afforded who had elected him their Head with what force with what moneys with what Armies would he maintain the Crown against the King of Navarre and the greatest part of the Nobility united with him with those of the King of Spain of the Pope of Savoy or of the Duke of Lorain The House of Bourbon being excluded there was none of them but pretended better right to the Crown than he for the Infanta of Spain was Daughter to a Sister of the deceased King the Duke of Savoy Son to one of his Aunts the Duke of Lorain was head of the Family and had Sons by another Daughter of France and the Pope if he were moved by zeal to Religion ought to be more pleased by how much a more powerful Prince it had to defend it and if he were moved by interests he might hope for much more from any of those other Princes than from the weakness of the Duke of Mayenne That an enterprise was not to be undertaken which was neither generous favourable nor magnanimous but rash precipitate and dishonourable which together with the loss of his fortune would cost him also
which were Lorenzo Bianchetti and Philippo Sega who after were Cardinals Marc Antonio Mocenigo Bishop of Caneda a man well versed in affairs and highly esteemed by the Pope Francesco Panigarola Bishop of â—sti a Preacher of great renown and Roberto Bellarmino a Jesuite of profound and admirable Learning To the choice of these men the Pope added Bills of Exchange to the Merchants at Lyons for three hundred thousand Crowns with Commission to the Legat to dispose of them according to need and occasion but particularly to spend them for the Infranchisement of the Cardinal of Bourbon upon which he shewed his mind was fixed more than upon any other thought whatsoever But this so ardent resolution was cooled in the very beginning and the Pope was put in doubt by Letters that arrived from the Duke of Lâ—â—cembourg wherein he gave him notice that by the French Nobility who in a very great number followed and acknowledged the King of Navarre to be the legitimate King of France he was chosen Ambassador to his Holiness and the Apostolick See to inform him of the causes which had moved the minds of all good French-men to that acknowledgment and to require from him as from a common Father the proper means and remedies for the Peace and Union of the whole Kingdom By which Letters the Pope did not only find that what the Agents of the League had represented unto him was vain viz. That the major part of the Kingdom was joined to the party of the Union and that only a few desperate persons followed the King of Navarre but he also conceived some hopes that by the way of Pacification an end might be put to the miseries and discords of the Kingdom those that were gone astray might be reduced into the bosom of the Church and his aim of having a lawful Catholick French King might be attained without submitting the afflicted people of France any longer to new dangers and calamities of an obstinate War Wherefore being also excited by the diligent informations which were given unto him by the Venetian Ambassadours intent upon the preservation of the Crown of France he returned favourable Answers to the Duke of Luxembourg and the French Nobility which were in the Kings Camp assuring him that he should be well respected and kindly received and exhorting them to persist constantly in the Catholick Religion as in their Letters which came with the Dukes they asserted they would do and that they would continue it even to the effusion of their blood And yet the Agents of the League especially Frison Dean of Rheims lately sent thither by the Duke of Mayenne urging him not to delay the Legats expedition for that these were artifices of the King of Navarre to take him off and gain the benefit of time he dispatched the Legat towards France but with Instructions very different from his first designs For whereas before all the endeavours tended to the confirmation and freeing the Cardinal of Bourbon now passing over his name in silence the design was only to re-unite by any means whatsoever the Catholicks under the obedience of the Church and establish a Catholick King to the general liking without naming the person To these Commissions set down in a Writing dated the Fifteenth of October were added particular express Advertisements to the Cardinal Legat to shew himself no less neutral and dis-interessed in the Secular Pretensions of the Princes than most ardent and zealous concerning Religion and not to value one person more than another provided he were a French-man obedient to the Church and generally liked by the Kingdom Nay more at his last coming to receive Instructions the Pope added and repeated it effectually that he should not shew himself an open Enemy to the King of Navarre so long as there was any hope that he might return into the bosom of the Church But these Advertisements were very contrary to the principal scope of the Embassie which was to uphold the Catholick party of the League as the foundation of Religion in that Kingdom a thing often repeated in his Instructions and which was always the aim from the beginning but which the Pope pretended to have altered in his last directions so that the substance of the business changed in the variety of circumstances as it often happens did so disturb the execution that it was afterwards governed more by the diversity of accidents than by any firm determinate resolution The Advertisements of Cardinal Moresini differed not much from the Popes Instructions for being met by the Legat Gaetano in the City of Bolognia he as vers'd in the interests of the Kingdom gave the Legat a particular account of the intentions of Spain of the pretensions of the Duke of Mayenne of the weakness of the League composed of various different humours and of the Kings Forces which had more secure foundation in the concurrence of the major part of the Nobility than the party of the Union had in the conspiracy of the common people The same was told him at Florence by Ferdinando Great Duke of Thuscany who being perfectly informed of the interests which were on foot in the Kingdom of France perswaded him to keep himself Neuter and not to refuse those overtures of Agreement which might be with the profit of the Catholick Religion and the reputation of the Pope But both the advice of Cardinal Moresini and the Great Dukes counsel were suspected by the Legat doubting that the one sought to make him fall into the same faults whereof he was accounted guilty in the Court of Rome and that the other did not counsel him sincerely Wherefore as a man bent with severity to sustain the greatness and power of the Church and accustomed to the affairs of Italy where the Popes authority by the piety of the Nation and the nearness of the Princes is held in high veneration he firmly perswaded himself that by the meer terrour of Spiritual Arms he should keep all the Catholicks at his devotion and excluding the King of Navarre make a King to be declared and obeyed wholly depending upon the Apostolick See and neerly joyned and obliged to the Crown of Spain to which both by his ancient breeding and the new practices of the Conde de Olivares the Spanish Ambassador at Rome he was infinitely inclined He was the more confirmed afterwards in this his thought that all ought to depend upon his Authority when being arrived at Turin he saw that the Duke of Savoy did with exquisite terms of submission intreat him as one that might dispose of matters at his pleasure to consider his right to the Crown of France as born of Margaret Sister to King Henry the Second by whose right the course of the Salique Law having been formerly interrupted he alledged the Crown ought rather to be confirmed to him than to any other that in antient times had pretended title by the womans side and alledging his deserts to the Apostolick See since that
still with continual pains and exceeding great charge he endeavoured to subdue the City of Geneva the basis and foundation of Calvinism he laboured to win the protection of the Legate who not being well informed how matters went did not take notice that the Duke brought on his pretensions that way because he had no better prop to uphold them and strove to get into favour with the Pope and Legate to draw supplies from them of men and money whereby he might bring those of Geneva under his yoke and fortifie and establish himself in the possession of the Marquesate of Saluzzo against whosoever should at last be elected and acknowledged King of France wherein he saw he could not have a more safe Protector than the Pope But the Cardinal Legate being come into France was not long before he found effects contrary to his opinion for having sent to require Colonel Alfonso Corso not only to forbear molesting Grenoble and Valence which Cities alone held for the League in Dauphine but also that as a Catholick and a Stranger he should forsake the King's party and joyn with the Vnion that trial proved vain for the answer he received was That he was indeed a Catholick and an obedient Son to the Apostolick See in Spiritual things but that having made his fortune as a Soldier in the service of the King of France he could not desist from following him and following him he was bound to do that to Grenoble and Valence which he thought fit for the affairs of the Prince whom he served By which answer the Legat was a little dashed who was so much the more troubled when being come to Lyons he found the business of the League in such disorder by the King 's prosperous success that he was so far from obtaining any thing else that he could neither have security nor convoy to prosecute his journey for the Count of Brissac appointed at first by the Duke of Mayenne to meet him and secure his passage was necessitated to face about and imploy himself in the affairs of Normandy and Monsieur de la Bourdaiâ—iere to whom that Commission was given afterward had been defeated by the King's Forces under the command of the Sieur de Pralin near Bar upon the Seine so that being reduced into very great perplexity he knew not by what resolution to steer his course so various were the things that represented themselves to his consideration The Duke of Nevers being retired home and not interessed on either side invited him to come into his State where standing neuter as befitted one that represented the Apostolick See he might freely take those wayes that should appear most convenient to him and this determination seemed to agree with the Popes intentions and instructions On the other side the Duke of Mayenne ceased not to sollicite him to come to Paris shewing him that without the authority of his name and without those helps which were hoped for from him the League was in danger to be dissolved and to be subdued by the King's Forces and by consequence not only the City of Paris but all the rest of the Kingdom would remain oppressed by the Hugonot party The King did not at all despair but that if he could not be wrought to come into the places under his obedience he might at least be perswaded to stay in some Neutral Town out of the way and perchance to go to the City of Avignion till he saw the issue of the Duke of Luxembourgs Embassie at Rome to forward which hopes he had caused to be published That if the Popes Legat who was reported to be coming should take his journey toward him every one should receive honor and reverence him taking care neither to offend him nor any of his followers and should by all means give him safe conduct and security But if he went towards the quarters of the League he did expresly forbid every one to acknowledge him for a Legat or to receive him into those places that were under his obedience upon pain of Rebellion But the Legat did not only think it unsafe to go to the Duke of Nevers a weak Prince who had neither Fort nor principal City wherein he might shelter himself from the snares of the Hugonots and unhandsome to return back But also he esteemed it much more indecent and prejudicial to abandon the Catholick party and by that demonstration utterly to confound and deject the mindes of those who were for the League with a manifest increase of the King's Forces and reputation from whence a greater mischief would have followed in Spiritual then in Temporal Matters because to the Popes dishonor the Catholick party would have been abandoned through his default and the King who at that time for fear of his enemies made shew both in words and actions that he would turn Catholick would be left free with power to do what he pleased without respect of any Body and finally he thought with himself that he was come into France not onely to compose the Discords but principally to endeavor the suppression of the King of Navarre an enemy to the Church and the election of a new King depending wholly upon the Pope as a friend and confident to the Kingdom of Spain This opinion had so much power with him that being grounded upon decency and not finding any obstacle to the contrary in his Commission he resolved at last to satisfie the party of the League and to go on without delay to Paris Wherefore seeing the Duke of Mayenne extreamly taken up with Military employments he sent Monsignor Bianchetti to the Duke of Lorain to demand a Convoy of him for his safe passage which being obtained without difficulty passing by Dijon and Troys he came upon the Twentieth day of Ianuary into the City of Paris being received with most solemn pomp and lodged in the Bishops Palace richly and sumptuously furnished with the King's stuff taken out of the Lodgings of the Louvre At his arrival he caused the Popes Breve of the Fifteenth of October to be published wherein after an honorable commemoration of the merits of the Kingdom of France toward the Apostolick See and of the reciprocal benefits and kind demonstrations of it towards the most Christian Kings in all times and after having compassionately deplored the present troubles and calamities he attested that with the counsel of the Cardinals he had chosen Cardinal Gaetano Legat to the Kingdom of France with power to use by the Divine assistance all means which by him should be thought fit to protect the Catholick Religion to recall Hereticks into the bosome of the Church to restore the peace and tranquillity of the Kingdom and finally to procure that under one onely good pious and truly Catholick King the people of the Kingdom might to the glory of God live in quietness and tranquillity after so many dangers and calamities of War Wherefore he did pray and exhort all the Orders
continue united with the rest of the Confederates That he should not disgust the Pope nor alienate the Catholick King nor the Duke of Lorain That he should not be abashed for the ill success of the beginning but hope that as God had revenged the Blood of his Brothers so he would give him assistance to establish Religion and exalt his state to the greatness he hoped for The Duke was moved on the one side by the justness of the Proposition of those of the Kings party as also by his anger at the instability and impertinency of the Parisians The scarcity of money afflicted him for want whereof he knew not how to pay his Foreign Forces nor how to satisfie the demands of all the Garrisons and all the Governors who addressed themselves to him for whatsoever they needed but the cunning and obdurateness of the Spaniards troubled him more than all the rest who having caused the Sieur de la Mothe Governor of Graveline to come out of Flanders with Supplies to the very Frontiers of the Kingdom denied to make him advance any further or to pay any sum of Money for the maintenance of the War if the Catholick King were not first declared Protector of the Crown of France with authority to dispose of the principal Dignities as well Ecclesiastical as Civil which they called Las Marcas de Iusticia whereby he would have power and superiority over the League which things seemed to him so exorbitant so prejudicial to the Crown and so unfit that neither he himself could endure to hear of them nor did he believe that any of the Confederates except the Parisians would condescend unto them knowing that it was a putting off the Bridle into the hand of the Catholick King to give him leave to guide the event of things whithersoever he pleased at last to direct them But on the other side the doubt of being left alone and forsaken the uncertainty of the Kings Conversion and of his Word the ancient enmity stirred up against him and much more the hope of attaining the Crown for himself at last did not suffer him to consent to the Marquiss de Belin's Propositions Wherefore he sent him back to his imprisonment with general ambiguous words and cut off the proposed Treaty of Agreement And to remedy as much as in him lay the disorders of present affairs partly by importunity partly by cunning partly by terror of Arms he caused the Council of the Vnion to be very much moderated which from the beginning was composed of seditious persons and such as did not depend wholly upon him and would have the Archbishop of Lyons newly set at liberty by Captain du Gast for a great sum of money and come to Paris to execute the Office of High Chancellor and in that quality to be President of the Council and brought into it the Sieur de Villeroy and President Ieannin Men that were his Confidents and averse from condescending to the will of the Spaniards and increasing the number he put in so many of the principal Gentlemen that he did no longer fear the insolency and instability of the common people in those deliberations which occurred daily and yet to satisfie all in appearance he caused a Decree to be made in the Council by which the Princes Peers Mareschals of France Governors of Provinces Officers of the Crown and the Three Orders of the Kingdom were appointed to meet at Melun in the Moneth of February following to hold the States-General there where all present affairs should be deliberated and resolved on wiâ—h the common consent Which appointment though men of understanding saw that in respect of the confusion of the War it was like to prove vain it not being possible either to meet or stay together in a place that was in the middle of the combustion served nevertheless to bait the common people who are sooner catched with vain but specious things then with such as are serious and substantial With the Spaniards who importuned him most earnestly for the Declaration the Duke held another temper excusing himself by the coming of the Cardinal Legat who already was very near without whose assent and presence he said it was not fit to conclude a business of so great moment and fed them with hopes so artificially and with so much dissimulation that they not distrusting the inclination and ready consent of the Legat it was easie to perswade them to stay his coming Neither therefore would they make the supplies advance or disburse any sum of money alledging the same reason that for their parts they would stay for the approbation of the Cardinal Legat. But because the Parisians straightned with scarcity of Victual murmured exceedingly nor did it appear that in that they were much to blame the Duke drawing together all the Forces he had in being laid siege to Pontoise to open on that side a passage for the provisions of Normandy In the mean time the Cardinal Legat arrived with whom the Duke of Mayenne having had an interview at Paris many of the principal Lords who were nearest at hand being there present and among the rest Cardinal Gondi who since the King's death being retired to Noysy a house of his Brothers the Mareschal de Retz had kept himself neuter they began to treat of the progress of the affairs of the League The Spaniards above all insisted upon declaring the Catholick King Protector and upon the Marks of Iustice they demanded for him and were fomented by the Council of Sixteen who affirmed there was no other opposition against it but that of the Duke of Mayenne and that the whole party would willingly concur to satisfie the Catholick King as he from whom they acknowledged the security of Religion and their own safety On the other side the Duke resisted with the major part of the Nobility and with the Counsellors of Parliament who were resolved not to consent unto it And some inconveniency might have sprung from it if Cardinal Gaetano had not put the Spaniards in mind That it was no time to stand upon those demands nor to force the wills of the French unseasonably That it would make them agree and reconcile themselves to the King of Navarre who not being wanting to himself proposed large and advantageous conditions That the maturity of the business was to be waited for and mens mindes were not to be put into suspicions unseasonably for that without doubt the event would be the dissolution of the League with the danger of Religion and ruine of the whole enterprise That it was needful first to withstand the Arms and progress of the King lest he by means of those discords should have time to establish himself andthen that danger being removed neither ways nor occasions would be wanting to satisfie the Catholick King 's interests which he in due time would advance and favour with all his power And it fell out very opportunely that about the same time either
the name of Religion did sway and govern the Lords of the League how under that pretence they sought to rob the lawful Successor of the Crown to bring it into the power of stranger Princes or to divide it into many parts and so Canton the Kingdom which as in it self it was unjust by all Laws both divine and Humane so would it prove exceeding prejudicial to Religion it self and to the See of Rome which would come to lose that Crown that had ever held the protection of the Church and bring it into the hands of many weak impotent Princes and Tyrants or else unite it with the too great power of the Spaniards to the general ruine That it was much more just much more easie and much more profitable for the benefit of Christendom to invite and perswade the King to his Conversion which he not only shewed himself inclined to with those means that were sutable and convenient for his honor and which befitted a King of France but to which he was also brought by the necessity of his affairs finding daily how little he could promise himself from the Hugonots toward the attaining of the Crown since that in all his most weighty occurrences he had for the most part been attended and followed by the Forces of the Catholick Lords who would fall off from him at last if he should not resolve to return into the Church which considerations accompanied with all theiâ— circumstances set forth and amplified by the Dukes eloquence made a deep impression in the Pope to which another motive of the Ambassadors being added that his Holiness should not think the Catholicks that followed the King to be few and weak but the best soundest and most considerable part of France and that with the League there concurred very few of the Gentry but a rabble of mean disorderly common people and that not onely men of better quality but also in a manner all the chiefest Prelates of the Kingdom followed the Kings party upon caution of the promise he had made to turn Catholick and forsake the rites of Calvinism stirred up in the Popes consideration besides the fear of losing the Kingdom of France and increasing the greatness of the Spaniard this other weighty respect also not to exasperate so much Catholick Nobility united together which it was most difficult to overcome by force but to seek by milde remedies and gentle wayes to win the King and procure the union of the Kingdom by the means of peace and the Ambassador having affirmed unto him that the Cardinal of Bourbon Lenon-court and Gondy together with the Archbishop of Bourges and other Prelates had offered the same considerations to the Legat praying and exhorting him to stand neutral till matters being come to the knowledge of his Holiness he might have been able to have given him such Commissions as he should have thought most convenient The Pope began to suspect no less than others that Cardinal Gaetano was too much enclined to favour the designs of the Spaniards and therefore did no longer give that belief which was requisite unto his Letters and withheld his hand from furnishing them with more money wherefore the Legat being encompassed with many difficulties either to take off that suspicion that lay upon him of his depending too much upon the King of Spain or seeking to recover that name of Neutral and dis-interessed which perchance he might more wisely have maintained from the beginning or endeavouring to hinder the siege of Paris as he affirmed and told the Spanish Ministers invited the Mareschal de Byron to a meeting with him at Noysy a Castle of Cardinal Condy's a dayes journey from Paris to find out some remedy to put an end to the present miseries which not displeasing the King for whom it was by all means good to shew an affection to the Apostolick See and that he was not backward to do what lay in him to put an end to the War the interview was agreed upon and performed within a very few dayes There met on the Kings side the Mareschal de Byron the Baron de Giury Secretary Revol the Sieur Liancourt and de la Verriere And on the other the Cardinal Legat the Sieur de Villeroy the Marquiss of Belin and other Lords of the League Their reception was very honorable on both sides but the event fruitless For the Legat trying either to perswade the Catholicks to forsake the King or without any sure foundation of peace to delay the siege of Paris which was already set in a way and on the other side the Mareschal labouring to get the Cardinal Legat to come to the King and exhort him to turn to the Catholick Religion with security to bring all his Subjects unto their obedience who had alienated themselves for respect of Religion intentions so diverse could not agree and the wisdom of both parts did not suffer the one to make it self superior to the other so they parted again without fruit or conclusion the Legat having neither obtained the name of Neutral nor the revolt of the Catholicks from the King nor the diverting of the siege which perhaps was his principal aim in the procuring of that meeting Yet neither was all treating utterly broken off by this parting for the Sieur de Villeroy either with a hope of concluding a good Accommodation or for the same end of delaying the Kings coming did with the Duke of Mayennes consent introduce a Treaty of this business with the Sieur de Plessis Mornay a great Confident and ancient servant of the Kings but being a Hugonot very unproper for the present business But the King not losing time for all the Treaty of Peace and knowing that by how much more the Enemy was straitned so much more advantageous would be the conditions of Agreement was wholly intent upon taking in those places near the City and upon making himself master of all those Passes by which provisions were brought thither in shutting up the Passages of the Rivers and cutting off the ways into the Country by this means to obtain that by the necessity of hunger which was in a manner impossible for him to imagine could be done by force of Arms. To which end marching with his Army from Mante upon the Twenty ninth of March he possest himself without difficulty of Cheureuse Montl'hery Lagny and Corbeil all places proper to block up the City and upon the fifth of April sate down before Melun Melun is a little Town but well fortified seven Leagues distant from Paris through which run two Currents of the River Seine and therefore is divided into three parts by the Stream and onely joyned together by Bridges Monsieur de Forone was in it with sixty Horse and Five hundred Foot but little provision of things necessary for their defence and by terror of the Victory not of too resolute a courage Yet made they a shew as if they would stand out and the rather because Five
hundred Townsmen well armed and experienced were joyned with them But the Raveline of the Gate being battered with seven pieces of Cannon and two very great Culverines the Kings Foot now accustomed to master great difficulties assaulted it with so much fury that though the breach was very narrow and high from the ground yet entred they both the Raveline and the Gate killing above sixty of the defendents who retiring into the further part beyond the second Bridge and opposite to the Town set fire on the place they quitted to keep the assailants who were at their heels from being able to follow them many houses were burned and the rest furiously sacked by the violence of the Soldiers But the other part of the Town whither the defendents were retired being altogether deprived of the means of making resistance agreed to yield as it did if within two dayes there came no relief The King being lodged there personally in the Suburbs the Sieur de Villeroy having a safe conduct came unto him and perceiving that the Sieur du Plessis for fear the King should change his Religion did not go on heartily in the Treaty of Agreement he had obtained leave by the means of the Sieur de la Verriere to have admittance to the King himself and to that end was come thither unto him The Duke of Mayenne who was already gotten to Soissons had refused at first to give way that Villeroy should enter into this Treaty thinking it might be ascribed to want of courage in their present fortune but afterward whether he sought by making the Spaniards jealous of a peace to stir them up to the giving of greater and more resolute supplies or that he hoped to delay the siege of Paris by the hope of an Accommodation or that he sought by this means to penetrate into the Kings designs and intentions or that all these ends moved him together he permitted Villeroy to meet and to introduce that negotiation for which purpose being come to Melun and kindly received by the King he began with his wonted efficacy not accompanied with very deep Learning but naturally copious and powerful in speech to represent unto him how being anxious for the danger and calamity of his Country and desirous to see it out of those ruinous distractions wherein it perished miserably he had obtained leave from the Duke of Mayenne Head of the party of the League to come unto his Majesty to see if any remedy could be found whereby discords being composed and buried a happy Peace might be procured that he hoped nay was certain that His Majesty would have no less desire to end the Civil Wars and restore the former quiet and tranquility to that Kingdom which God Nature and his Valor had destined to him that the onely means to attain so great a good was very easie and depended wholly upon his own will for the sum consisting onely in the point of Religion the Duke of Mayenne proffered to acknowledge and obey him as soon as he at the Petition of the Catholicks not at all for fear or for their threatnings should resolve to return into the bosome of the Holy Church Wherefore upon his will depended not onely the setling of peace in the Kingdom but also the making himself the most flourishing most powerful most obeyed and most reverenced Prince that France had seen of many years that the present conjuncture of time was very seasonable for that resolution for having conquered and overcome his enemies with the Sword it could not be said that his conversion was caused by fear or that he imbraced the Catholick Religion by force but that good would be attributed to his own will his own conscience and his own election That this opportune and wholesome effect would make his Victory twice as fruitful and happy as his vertue had made it glorious and magnificent and he might thereby attain that true end which ought to be proper to all Victories especially those in Civil Wars which is The enjoying of Peace for that goodness of his would bring more Cities under his subjection in one day than he could take by the force of his Arms though victorious in the course of his whole life That by prosecuting Victory with the Sword would ensue an infinite number of mischiefs and lamentable calamities the ruining of Fortresses sacking of Cities slaughters of Men desolation of Countries which all redounded to his own loss who naturally was the master of them but the War ending by this conversion the Victory would redound to the general security tranquility safety and happiness which ought to be more dear to him being a lawful Prince than all the Victories that could be imagined in the World That His Majesty ought to consider though his Victory had been great and signal yet had it neither dismayed the Cities nor terrified the adherents of the League in such manner that any of them had been moved by it to forsake their party and yield themselves up to his devotion the reason whereof was only the power and command which Religion hath in the hearts of men which perswaded every one to suffer all the calamities which could be presented to imagination rather than put their soul and conscience in danger but if the common people of their side perswaded by this respect were so constant he might think by consequence that the Duke of Mayenne and the other Heads of that party the Pope and the Catholick King would be much more constant being resolved to employ all their Forces for the securing of Religion That he knew well and had often had experience of it in his Hugonots that the respect of Religion is so great that it makes mens minds invincible and can neither be tamed by Arms nor Force That it would be a prudent consideration to foresee how much use strangers might make of this pretence of Religion for their advantage which if in former times it had perswaded the Hugonots to make Agreements with the English it would be no wonder if the urgency of present necessity should force the Catholicks to consent unto the demands of the Spaniards That this danger ought to be foreseen and prevented by securing mens Consciences and not reducing them to utter desperation That his Majesty should set before his eyes how many Cities he must of necessity assault how many Provinces he must subdue how many other Armies he must conquer how many Fortresses he must take in before he could settle himself King in peace by means of War And that he might overcome all those difficulties in one day by satisfying his subjects in point of Religion That his Victory had been great but that it was necessary to secure it from the inconstancy of fortune which he might do not by hazarding new enterprises but by moderation and the satisfaction of his subjects That time and opportunity invited him to that worthy and holy resolution and not to stay till the Duke and the
other Heads of the League should be so nearly engaged and interessed with the Catholick King whose assistance was necessary while the War continued that they would no longer have power to dispose of themselves in conclusion That both duty and profit were joyned together in this resolution for having received so great a blessing from God it was no longer time to defer his Conversion since now by the favour of his Divine Majesty he might do it with reputation and glory and without suspicion of baseness of mind or meanness of spirit The King answered graciously That he commended the Sieur de Villeroy's intention to endeavour the peace of the Kingdom and was glad to hear that the Duke of Mayenne was well disposed to it That he acknowledged the Victory he had obtained first from the hand of God and then from his Nobility That God the Protector of Justice and Right had protected his Cause and that those invincible Lords and Gentlemen that followed him had been the instruments of his Divine mercy That the Kingdom appertained to him of right by a direct and natural succession and by a lawful way known to all so that forraign Princes were most manifestly to blame for disturbing him in the possession of it and much more his Subjects for denying him their due obedience That he had never offended any nor deserved so unjust an opposition as was made against him That he had alwayes moderately and modestly defended himself and had done neither violence nor injury to forraign Princes nor to the Subjects of the Crown for which they now had any reason to revenge themselves but that when he called to mind the miraculous power and merciful favour of God wherewith he had preserved him in the times of his weakness and miseries and had defended him from so many and so long persecutions when the whole World seemed to have conspired against him he could not believe his Divine Majesty would leave so great a work unperfect but was assured in himself that he would look upon the justice of his Cause and those Prayers which he to that end always made unto him from the bottom of his heart and therefore he neither feared the Arms of Spain nor the Forces of Rebels but trusted in God and the faithfulness of his Nobility that he should ruine and defeat them That he knew well modesty and moderation were more profitable in Victory than at another time but he neither pretended to oppress nor wrong any body but only to make himself be rightfully obeyed by those who by nature were his subjects and put under his authority That his aim was to be King indeed as he was by right and that the end of the D. of Mayenne and those that followed him ought to be to live in peace security and honor under the obedience of that King which God and Nature had appointed for them by lawful succession That in this he was ready to give them all security and all satisfaction and to afford them a gracious share in his favour without ever calling to memory what was past That he desired to conquer rather by pardon benignity and liberality than by the Sword as well because it was the shorter way as because it was sutable to his genius and nature averse from blood and revenge and inclined to do good unto his Subjects and to pacifie the troubles of his Kingdom That it belonged to him to give the Law unto his Subjects and not to receive Conditions from them yet nevertheless if jealous of their Consciences and of Religion they desire to secure it any way he would give them all convenient satisfaction and that the candour and firmness of his Faith was already known to every one by many proofs which having never broken for the time past he was most fully resolved never to break for the time to come That the Princes Lords and Gentlemen that followed him which were much more numerous than those that followed the Duke had contented themselves with the promise he had made them and with the security he had given them that they should live peacefully in their conscience liberty and religion and that therefore the others ought to be contented with the same and being secured in their own particulars ought to permit him to think of his own salvation by those means which it should please the Lord to inspire into him in a seasonable time and a fitting convenient manner Then he asked the Sieur de Villeroy if he had seen his Promise and Declaration made after the death of the late King who answered him That he had and that the Duke of Mayenne and the other Lords of his party had seen it likewise but that they all believed they could not in conscience upon any condition whatsoever obey a King that was not a Catholick but of a different Religion from that which they held by succession from their ancestors To which the King replied That he was neither Infidel Pagan nor Idolater that he adored and served the same God with the Catholicks and that he esteemed the Religion in which he had been bred up not to be incompatible with the Roman That in such a case as concerned his Conscience and Salvation God was to work and not men That it ought to be done by kind gentle instruction and not with Sword and Pistol That if he had not yielded to turn in the late King's time when he saw his ruine and destruction before his face much less would he do it at the request of those that rebelled against him now that by the favour of God he had the upper hand That he was not obstinate but would yield to the truth and be informed and instructed in it yet that he would satisfie his Conscience in it and if he left freedom of Belief unto his Subjects it was not fit that he should be constrained by them to do that in a rash humour which ought to be done with maturity of deliberation and in the time prefixed by God's Divine will and pleasure That he was a man of Conscience and one that esteemed more the salvation of his Soul than all earthly things and therefore he would go very circumspectly about that business with due and convenient cautions The Sieur de Villeroy replied That because he was by all accounted a Conscientious Prince affectionate to his Religion every one doubted so much the more that being setled in his Kingdom he would not tolerate his Subjects to live in a Religion different from his and which he held to be false and damnable That he had ever heard say and even by Theodore Beza himself in the Conference at Poissy that the belief of the one is further from the other than Heaven is from Earth but that those Disputes were not to be made with Arms That his Majesty had alwayes said he would cause himself to be instructed but never came to the act of that instruction That there wanted not
Prelates and Doctors who in a short time might certifie him of the truth That it was not good to foment War any longer and let Discords run on without end but by the observation of his promises to comfort all his Subjects as well those that had gotten the Victory as the others who for the zeal of Religion stood alienated from him Finally That it could no longer be said that either contumacious or seditious persons were cause of the War things being now reduced to that point that it was in his Majesties power to give Peace by his Conversion which if he should not do after so many promises all future evils and calamities would be imputed to him and to no other body These last words pierced the King's mind to the very quick who answered That he would take the Opinion of his good and faithful servants that followed him and that therefore he would confer with them about it and give his resolution the day following At which time he being already upon the point of his departure from Melun sent for the Sieur de Villeroy and bad him return to the Duke of Mayenne and tell him That he took in good part what had been delivered from him that he desired to be reconciled and to do good to every one and particularly to the Duke of Mayenne and all the rest of his Family if by them he should be assisted to settle peace in the Kingdom as they might easily do and that in it he would give them all reasonable satisfaction That for the point of Religion he had already contented those Catholicks that followed him who were many of great extraction of exceeding great strength and of profound wisdom to whose determination he thought all the rest might accommodate themselves That if they desired to have more security and caution for the preservation of their Religion and safety of their Consciences he was ready to give it most fully having taken into consideration all that he had represented to him but that he could not proceed to treat further with him having no power nor authority at all from the Duke of Mayenne to conclude any thing but if Deputies and Commissioners should be sent unto him with sufficient power he would willingly admit them use them well and endeavour to give the Dukes party the greatest and most compleat satisfaction that might be out of his great desire to free his people from the afflictions and calamities of Civil War The Sieur de Villeroy answered That his Majesties consideration of not treating but with such as had power to conclude was very prudent and reasonable but that he should remember the Duke of Mayenne was not absolute Master but Head of his party which hath relation to all the other members without whose consent he could not acknowledge his Majesty to be King of France nor determine in point of Religion That it was necessary for him to confer with them and that they should resolve together how his Majesty having been so many years Head of his party had by his own experience found that that could not be done without delaying time it being needful to unite those that were interessed from so many several distant Provinces That while the War was so hot it was impossible to make that Assembly wherefore a Cessation of Arms was necessary or at least a sufficient number of passes to draw those together who were to deliberate about the sum of affairs At the naming a Cessation of Arms the King replied suddenly That that was not to be spoken of for he would not by any delay lose the fruit of his Victory nor slacken the progress of his Arms having had experience of how great importance that was to the whole business but that for the manner of assembling his party he left the thought to the Duke of Mayenne being resolved not to forbear the prosecution of his Arms no not for a moment With this answer and such like discourses had with the Mareschal de Byron Villeroy departed without any conclusion either of Peace or Truce and all the endeavours used to divert the siege of Paris proved ineffectual Wherefore the King to whom Cressy and Moret weak places had surrendred themselves and Provins a rich Town but not strong though chief of the Province of Brie and but twenty leagues from the City of Paris marched to Nangy where having re-united his Army which had been divided to gain these places he advanced upon the Fifteenth day of April to take other Towns which might streighten and block up Paris Montereau Bray Comte-Robert and Nogent upon the Seine yielded without resistance but Mery a little place having had the boldness to stand out was by the violence of the Souldiers most furiously taken and sacked There remained on that side the City Sens a great Town and affectionate to the League seated upon the Confines of Brie and Bourgogne wherein were the Sieur de Chanvalon and the Marquiss Fortunato Malvicino but they agreed not well together for Chanvalon sought an opportunity to go over to the King and to make his peace by giving up the City into his hands but the Marquiss on the other side would defend it as his honour obliged him having as a stranger no other aim but to shew himself a gallant Souldier and to do service for the Duke of Nemours being Lieutenant of his Troop of Gens d' Arms wherefore Chanvalon having treated secretly with the Mareschal d' Aumont and exhorted the King to come before the Town siege was laid unto it the Cannon planted and they began to batter with hopes that some tumult might arise among the Citizens in favour of the King but having to try the constancy of the Defendents made an assault which the Marquiss and those of the Town resisted valiantly the King not willing to lose time about that place which was not very necessary and interrupt his design upon Paris wherein consisted the sum of his affairs raised the siege without delay and minded the taking and fortifying of those other places which might cut off the passage of provisions to Paris In the mean time the Cardinal Legat anxious and sollicitous both for his own danger and the imminent siege of the Parisians had caused a new Treaty of Agreement to be introduced between the Bishop of Ceneda and the Mareschal de Byron for which purpose the Bishop came to Bray to confer with the Mareschal and as one who because he was a Venetian and so of a Country favourable to the Kings affairs had freer access than any other he treated with a great deal of liberty about his Conversion and afterwards descended to speak about a Cessation of Arms by means whereof they might have leisure to negotiate Peace maturely on either side but this attempt was no less vain than the rest the King being resolved not to delay the progress of his Arms and by how much the more the Enemy laboured for it so much the
thence to go on to the Duke of Mayenne the Head of the Catholick party to see if they could find out some way of accommodation and therefore they who had willingly undertaken so honourable an imployment for the general good and safety exhorted his Majesty to hearken to those Conditions which were fit for the security of Religion and the common peace of the Kingdom but that he should not think that for any suffering or danger in the World the Parisians would ever accept of any Agreement which should in the least manner be prejudicial to their Conscience and Religion being resolved rather to die a corporal death than injure or blemish the spiritual life of the Soul for which they were ready to suffer any kind of Martyrdom which yet they did not fear being certain to be powerfully relieved within a few dayes Here Cardinal Gondy though in himself affectionate to the King's party added many other things to make it be believed that not driven by necessity but moved with a charitable zeal of Universal Concord they were chosen Deputies by the City and Council of Paris to find out a way to the quiet of the Kingdom Which things being spoken in publick and amidst a great concourse of Soldierly Nobility did so disgust every one that heard him that the respect of the King could not so restrain the French impatiency but that it broke forth sometimes into laughter sometimes in words of disdain hearing a Message more proper for a dis-interessed or a conquering people than a City reduced to the last inevitable calamities of hunger And the King either through his own Spirit or excited by the general resentment which had as it were prescribed him the tenor of his Answer replied readily That he knew very well the common people of Paris had the knife at their throat and that howsoever the true meaning of the Embassie were palliated yet were the Deputies come indeed to find some remedy for the extremity of the condition they were brought to but that the contents of their message was very different from what it ought to have been That if the Senate of Venice a State not depending upon any body but it self yet by its antient resolution alwayes a Mediator of Peace among Christian Princes had interposed to conclude a Peace between him and the Duke of Mayenne it would not have seemed strange to him and he should have taken it in good part but that the common-people of one of his own Subject-Cities who having forgot their natural duty had shewed themselves contumacious and rebellious against him should dare to usurp the name of a Council and presume to be the Mediators of Peace and Concord was a thing so ridiculous on the one side and so worthy of scorn and punishment on the other that it would be no small matter if from his clemency they should be able to obtain pardon for themselves without medling any further in the business And here with many expressions wherein he was naturally very happy desiring also to give satisfaction to the Nobility that heard him he said divers other things to shew that he desired Peace out of his own goodness and clemency and for the preservation of the people which God had committed to his Government but that he neither feared the War nor the powerful succours which the Parisians fancied in their own imaginations And finally concluded that he would be contented to lose one finger from his hand upon condition the War between him and his Enemies and Rebels might be ended with the Sword the day following but that he would gladly give two that by the way of Peace every one would acknowledge their own duty After which words the Deputies were led forth into a room prepared for them and the King retired to advise with his Council The High Chancellor Chiverny shewed that the Kings answer had been very sharp and high and that though that scornful resolute behaviour seemed fit in publick yet now in consulting the matter calmly that stile was to be altered not to lose that end which had till then been endeavoured with so many labours That the Kings aim was to bring the City of Paris under obedience but not with the desolation of the Citizens nor with force of Arms but that the way of siege had been chosen as well by reason of the strength of the people united for their defence as not to destroy the greatest and richest City of the whole Kingdom Wherefore now that the Parisians being tamed by hunger began to treat of an Agreement reason perswaded to use them gently and not to stand upon any Conditions but provided they would but yield the most large and honourable Capitulation that could be was to be accepted of and that if the desire of saving Paris induced the Duke of Mayenne and others of his party to embrace an Agreement it was not a thing to be contemned but rather to be wished for Wherefore he was plainly of opinion that the Deputies should be moderately treated with in private touching an Accommodation and also that they should be permitted to go on to the Duke of Mayenne to see if they could draw him to consent to Peace The Mareschal de Byron approved the first part of the High Chancellors counsels which was to give any conditions whatsoever to the Parisians provided they would submit to the Kings obedience so much the rather because by long watchings and continual sufferings the Forces of the Army were much tired and lessened and diseases in regard of the season began already to be very rife in the Camp But he was not of opinion that the Deputies should have leave granted them to go on to the Duke of Mayenne shewing that that was a prolonging of the time till the relief should arrive out of Flanders That the negotiating of a General Peace was a thing that required long time and much maturity which could not stand with the present business That it was good to strike the Iron while it was hot and to straighten the Parisians till hunger forced them to think of their own safety For Paris being subdued the foundation of the League was taken away and it would afterward be most easie to make an Agreement with the Duke of Mayenne and the rest of his party All the rest concurred in this opinion and therefore the Deputies being called after many discourses this was the conclusion That if Paris would yield the King would give them full satisfaction in the securities and other matters they desired of him but that he would not receive Laws from them in what concerned his Conscience and Conversion which he reserved to his own freedom and to the inspirations of God neither would he give way that they should go treat with the Duke of Mayenne he being resolved not to treat any Agreement except concerning the City of Paris And finally he caused a Writing to be given unto them penned by Secretary Revol
Pietro Gaetano and the Spanish one of Alfonso Idiaques to stay in France and absolutely to obey the Duke with whom he also left Four hundred Horse and One hundred Walloon Carabines which Supplies added to the German Tertia of Collalto paid by the King and to the other French forces he thought a sufficient Body to uphold the affairs of the League especially in a time when the King having divided his Army for want of Money and because of the past misfortunes was manifestly declining The End of the Eleventh BOOK THE HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars of France By HENRICO CATERINO DAVILA. The TWELFTH BOOK The ARGUMENT THe Twelfth Book relates the various Turbulencies in several parts of the Kingdom the progress of the Duke of Mercoeur in Bretagne and of the Duke of Savoy in Provence and Dauphine The King takes Corby he is troubled in mind by reason of the contrary importunities of the Catholicks and Hugonots of his own party He sends the Viscount de Turenne into England and Germany who raises a great Army to bring it into France the Spring following The Duke of Mayenne also is no less troubled than the King The Parisians attempt to surprise St. Denis but effect it not and the Chevalier d' Aumale is killed there The King on the other side attempts to surprize Paris and that design likewise proves vain Pope Sixtus Quintus being dead Gregory the Fourteenth succeeds who declares himself favourable to the affairs of the League and dispatches his Nephew the Duke of Montemarciano into France with strong Supplies The King in the mean time besieges and takes the City of Chartres The Duke of Mayenne not having strength to relieve that place marches towards Champagne takes Chasteau-Thierry and goes to Rheins to confer with the Duke of Lorain Marsilio Landriano the Popes Nuncio arrives there he publishes a Monitory against those that follow the King from whence divers alterations do arise The young Cardinal of Bourbon tries to form a third party of Catholicks to bring himself to the Crown the King advertised of it applies divers remedies to that important accident The Duke of Mayenne makes an attempt upon Mante which takes not effect The King besieges Noyon and after many encounters it not being relieved he takes it The Popish and Spanish Forces pass the Mountains they assist the Duke of Savoy and there happen several encounters The Duke of Guise escapes from his imprisonment at Tours The King and the Duke of Mayenne advance the King to receive the Duke to oppose the Viscount de Turenne and the Germans in Lorain The Armies draw near to one another at Verdun The King having received the Viscount with the Supplies retires The Council of Sixteen make an Insurrection in the City of Paris and cause the first President of the Parliament and other Counsellors to be executed The Duke of Mayenne hastes thither brings the City into obedience and punishes the Delinquents The King marches into Normandy lays siege to the City of Rouen defended by Monsieur de Villars and a great number of choice Souldiers and Commanders the various accidents of that siege are related The Duke of Parma with the Spanish Army marches to relieve that place The King with part of his Army goes to meet him they encounter one another and fight at Aumale the King is wounded his men routed and he has much ado to save himself Villars sallying out of Rouen enters the Trenches and gains the Artillery The Duke of Parma advances but finding the City secured by that sally resolves to retire and watch his opportunity The King returns to Rouen and renews the siege The Duke of Parma also returns to bring relief and the King his Forces being wasted rises from the siege and marches to the Banks of the River Seine MEns minds were no less inflamed nor the revolutions of the War less bloody in the other parts of the Kingdom than they were in those places where the chief Armies lay for the affections of Religion mingled in their hearts with particular interests and with the already inveterate animosities of the Factions every one forward of himself as in his own cause and as in a controversie that concerned him did with all his power apply thoughts to the exercise of Arms. Wherefore the War was made both by the Heads and Governours of the two parties and by private persons of their own voluntary accord with the same contention thorow every Province but with various successes and different fortune on both sides The principal and most dangerous commotions were in Bretagne a great and rich Province well peopled full of Gentry considerable for the greatness of its Cities and convenient for the benefit of the Ocean Sea along the coasts whereof it extends it self towards the North. Henry of Bourbon Prince of Dombes Son to the Duke of Montpensier a youth of exceeding high courage was for the King and had the name of Governour for him but there were so few Towns under his obedience that if it had not been for the help of lower Normandy which confining with that Province held of the Kings party and was governed by the Duke his Father he would either have been driven out of the Province or easily suppressed by the greater forces of the League On the other side Emanuel of Lorain Duke of Mercoeur governed the party of the Vnion who had not only from the beginning been as Governour of the Province in possession of the best Cities and strongest holds but also pretending that the Dutchy of Bretagne it self belonged to his Wife Mary of Luxembourg Countess of Ponthieure he had a wonderful great dependence of all those who rather desired a Prince of their own than the union with the Crown of France which was not very pleasing to them and longing above measure to establish himself in that possession with the opportunity of present affairs he had negotiated secretly in Spain by the means of Loreno Tarnabuoni a Gentleman of his who was sent by Sea unto that Court and had obtained that the Catholick King should send and pay Four thousand Foot for his assistance upon condition that Blavet should be consigned to him for his security a place as then not considerable but which with the benefit of a very large Port fortified and improved by the Spaniards came by little and little to be of exceeding great consequence not only to the affairs of that Province but also of the whole Kingdom Which as soon as it was known to the Prince of Dombes though his Forces were but weak so that till then he had only exercised himself in actions of small importance to keep the Kings name alive in that Province yet now helping with art in so great need he turned himself to oppose the entrance of strangers And having routed Three hundred of the Duke of Mercoeurs Light-horse which were going to join themselves with his Army he assaulted Annebont suddenly a place near
designs and forwarding the progress of the Duke of Savoy By whose example the City of Marseilles which following the footsteps of the Parliament had with a readiness in the people called the Duke before began now to repent themselves and to mutiny On the other side the King grieved to see Foreign Forces brought into that Province had given order to Les Diguieres that leaving the City of Grenoble in Dauphine besieged as well as he might he should march with the greatest number of men he possibly could to meet Monsieur de la Valette in Provence Whereupon Les Diguieres accustomed from his youth to fight with the difficulties and ambiguities of Fortune having left the posts about Grenoble well guarded to continue the siege already begun many months before went with Four hundred Horse and Two thousand Foot in relief of the Provincials and kept the Duke of Savoy in trouble and disquiet who half forsaken by the Catholicks of the Provence and but slenderly supplied by the Spaniards who were not too well pleased with his proceedings went spinning out the time in petty encounters having dispatched Monsieur de Ligny into Spain to set his affairs in order with the Catholick King and the Sieur de la Croix to the Duke of Mayenne to excuse what was past and to confer about the manner of carrying himself for the time to come His affairs were much more prosperous in the Territories of Geneva where having to do with the Forces of those Citizens which were not very powerful and with Commanders of small fame and experience Don Amadeo had often routed the Enemies in the field beaten up their Quarters taken many â—astles overrun and sacked the Country and finally straightned the City on all sides which with frequent and effectual importunities sollicited for relief sometimes from the King of France sometimes from the Canton of Bearne On the contrary the War in Dauphine went on prosperously for the King for though the Duke of Savoy's Counsellors and Commanders united with those of the League which were in that Province made great resistance yet were they not so strong as Colonel Alfonso Corso and Monsieur Les Diguieres who after he had stopt the precipice of affairs in Provence being returned to the siege of Grenoble streightned that City in such manner that after having suffered many months the besieged about the end of the year agreed to surrender upon condition not to be molested in their Consciences Goods or Liberties that the City should be preserved in the Catholick Religion and in the State it then was and on the other side that they should acknowledge King Henry the Fourth for their lawful Prince by whose appointment they should receive a Garison and a Governour At this time the King freed from the Spanish Army and from the late fear of the Duke of Parma was come in his return to St. Quentin where watching with his wonted diligence for all opportunities he took a resolution suddenly to assault Corby a Town seated upon the River Somme and convenient to bridle the City of Amiens the Head of that Province which held of the party of the League With this design he removed his Camp from the Walls of St. Quentin in the dusk of the evening but in his march finding all the Country up and that the Villages furiously rung their Toquesaints he could not get to the Walls of Corby till within an hour before day There the hope of effecting his intent appeared no less uncertain for they found the whole Town in arms and the defendents with Torches and Fires ready to sustain the assault whereof they had been advertised by the cries and tumult of the Country people And yet Monsieur d' Humiers coming up with the Regiments of St. Denis and Parabiere about break of day caused a Petard to be fastned to the Iron Gate of a Channel that came out of the Town on the lower side which falling suddenly by the violence of the fire the Foot advanced some to the Channel which was frozen some with Scaling-Ladders to the Wall adjoining to give the assault which though it were constantly received by the defendents who ran together boldly to hinder their entry at their Iron Gate and to make good the Walls yet the Sieur de Belle-Fourtiere Governour of the Town being slain in the first encounter and many of the stoutest Souldiers falling after a most bloody fight of three hours the Town remained in the Kings power who after his late misfortunes thought he had concluded the year very prosperously From Corby he marched to Senlis seated just upon the way which leads from Picardy towards Paris and there in the beginning of the year he began to dispose his counsels to set his affairs in order and find means to dissolve and subdue the League But he was no less troubled which way to keep his Catholicks than he was to draw together sufficient Forces to overcome the Enemy for having promised from the Autumn of the year Eighty-nine that in March following he would call an Assembly to the end he might be instructed in the Catholick Faith with that honour that befitted his person and not having been able to perform his promise because the chief actions of the War hapned in that time the battel of Yvry and after that the siege of Paris and the coming of the Spanish Army to his loss now That by their departure and by the diminution of the Enemy he seemed to be in a quiet condition he was called upon by the tacite consent of discreet persons to observe his promise and those that had not so much respect or that were affectionate to Religion murmured publickly and complained as if they were deluded and deceived But more openly the Parliament of Bourdeaux which with much ado had been drawn to the Kings obedience by the Mareschal de Matignon's diligent care and arts of governing now seeing his Conversion was deferred began to resent it and at this time had sent their first President and two Counsellors to beseech his Majesty to take a final resolution the Catholicks not being able to quiet their Consciences unless they saw him reduced to the true Religion held for so many Ages by all the most Christian Kings his glorious Predecessors Which Commission having been fully and effectually performed by the Deputies though the King seemed to take their Petition in good part and answered it favourably yet inwardly being troubled and stung to the quick he saw not what course he might take as a middle way which might give satisfaction to both parties He saw the foundation of his affairs was setled in great part upon the Hugonots for his command was no where more full than in the places under their obedience and the Catholick Provinces divided between themselves were shared between the two Factions so that neither declared absolutely for him He argued within himself from the example of things past how much
received into Paris not being in all both Spaniards and Neopolitans above One thousand and three hundred Foot a number fitter to sasatisfie the people in appearance than to bridle the City Nor being yet able to wean himself from his conceived hopes as soon as he had received the safe-conducts he dispatched them with Letters added to all the Provinces that they should meet together in the City of Rheims in Champagne not to apply themselves to Peace as had been agreed but to make election of a new King which as soon as it was known and divulged abroad the King finding himself deceived since now the talk was of assembling the Deputies to his prejudice which he had permitted to meet together to treat of a re-union and peace between the two parties having made grievous complaints thereof to Villeroy he recalled his safe-conducts and gave command that all the Deputies that should fall into the hands of any of his party should without delay be put to death which nevertheless would not have hindred the Duke of Mayenne from calling the Assembly But things not being yet ripe nor disposed fully in the manner he desired under pretence of that fear the Convocation of the States was suffered to vanish insensibly of it self The Dukes hopes were augmented by the Declaration of Gregory the Fourteenth who as the resolutions of Popes are almost ever hot and earnest at their first coming in despising that flegmatick humour which Sixtus not to foment with the colouâ— of Religion the interests of those who were in greatest power had in the latter end of his life expressed in the affairs of France shewed himself wholly inclined to favour and promote the progress of the League accounting it necessary so to do for the safety of Religion and the reputation and greatness of the Apostolick See and desirous that Hercole Sfondrato his Nephew newly by him invested in the Title of Duke of Montemarciano should with military actions and eminent command increase in reputation and riches he decreed to send him with numerous Forces in assistance of the League and had therefore given order that Horse and Foot should with all speed be raised in the Territories of the Church for the payment of which though he found great contradiction in the Consistory of Cardinals he resolved to take those moneys which having with extream diligence been gathered together by Sixtus were kept in the Castle of St. Angelo and to spend what should be requisite as in the greatest and most urgent occasion the Church could have And at the same time he appointed Legat to the Kingdom of France Monsignor Marsilio Landriano a Prelat of Milan his Confident and a man that was wont as they say stoutly to assert the liberty of the Church Which things after they were resolved on and set in order he sent several Messengers with speed to the Duke of Mayenne and to the Bishop of Piacenza whom he had in the mean time confirmed Vice-Legat in France promising to them both plentiful supplies of men and money that they might be able not only rooting out heresie to secure the Kingdom from imminent danger but chusing a Catholick peaceable King and one obedient to the Church to compose discords in peace and restore tranquillity and repose to the people already wearied out and ruined with the calamities of War and because the City of Paris had with infinite merit shewed it self by proof to be the true Metropolis of the Kingdom and the constant Bulwark of Religion he professed That he would imploy his utmost endeavouas to ease it of its grievances and settle it again in its first splendor of riches and greatness These Letters did not only rejoyce the Vice-Legat and confirm the courage of the Duke of Mayenne and so much the more because with them the Pope sent an assignment of Fifteen thousand Crowns a month to be paid by the Merchants of Paris and Lions but being published in Print to the whole party did also fill every one with infinite expectation seeing that the new Pope stood not like Sixtus doubtful and unresolved what he should determine to do but declaring himself resolutely shewed he was an open Enemy to the King and an effectual Protector of the Union adding also deeds to words while he was scarcely sought unto That which increased the hopes of the Duke of Mayenne no less than the Popes forwardness was the cunning of the Duke of Parma who persisting in his design of drawing out the French Wars in length to make advantage at last of their weariness and weakness and therefore not willing that the Duke of Mayenne remaining inferiour in strength should lose courage and resolve to make an Agreement with the King seemed not to like well of those things which Mendozza and Don Diego d Ivarra who were in Paris managed particularly without the Duke and with frequent Messages assured him that he was setling the affairs of Flanders that he might be able with all speed to march with his Army into France promising him that he would dispose of things in such manner as they with a joint consent should resolve without taking notice of the opinions of others the Commissions being such which he had from the Catholick King For confirmation of which things to those men the Duke of Mayenne sent to him he shewed preparations for the gathering of an Army and the lists of Forty thousand fighting men to enter into Picardy for the payment of which and to supply the League plentifully with money according to the desires of the French he affirmed a course was taken in the Court of Spain and that he expected the assignment for it every hour By which the Duke of Mayenne being encouraged and returned to his wonted hopes had dispatched his Secretary Baudoin Sieur des Portes to Rome the second time with order to sollicite the Pope to hasten away the Duke of Montemarciano who was to pass thorow the States of the Duke of Savoy and the County of Bourgongne streight into Lorain to oppose the Forces which were preparing for the King in Germany by the Viscount de Turenne and the Prince of Anhalt and to the same effect he dispatched an express Messenger into Spain to President Ieannin who was already gone to that Court to the end that he might obtain from the Catholick King that the Forces which that year were to pass from Milan into Flanders should join in Lorain with those of the Pope for the same purpose hoping assuredly that the Germans finding a brisk opposition at the Confines so that they might not be able to advance and unite themselves with the King and the Duke of Parma with the Forces of Flanders entering into Picardy the League would quickly and very easily remain victorious In the mean time he had invited the Duke of Lorain and the other Lords of his Family to meet at Rheims to the end that with their general liking and consent things might
none might make a sinister interpretation of that resolution but should know that all was done for the advantage of the Catholick Religion not to suffer himself to be reduced to a necessity of giving them greater liberty than what had been granted and established in the times of his Predecessors That every one should weigh the state of present Affairs the Forces which the Pope and the Catholick King sent against him necessitating him to make use of the Supplies of the Protestants to whom he could not with reason deny some just satisfaction if he would be upheld by their blood by their moneys by their endeavors and by their assistance That this should not retard his Promises nor in the least manner prejudice the Catholick Religion which he would constantly favour protect and maintain The major part of voices assented to the Kings proposal some others were scandalized at it and particularly Charles Cardinal of Vendosâ—e who his Uncle being dead made himself be called Cardinal of Bourbon who saying that he could not with a safe conscience be present at that determination made shew as if he would have gone away but being not followed by the other Prelates and sharply recalled by the King he came back though not much to his reputation and sate down again The Archbishop of Bourges and the Bishop of Nantes President de Thou the High-Chancellor and many other Catholicks demanded that the Edict for liberty of Conscience might not be absolute but that a clause might be added to it to shew it was intended to be in force until such time as Peace being obtained the differences of Religion might be accommodated to reunite all the Subjects in one and the same belief which being willingly consented to by the King the Edict was made and some dayes after published and Registred in the Parliaments of his Party Those of the Council did not much resist this Declaration as well because they saw the urgent need the King had to make use of the Protestants as because they perceived the opposing of it would have produced no good besides the Hugonots already enjoyed that indeed which was now granted to them in writing But those Soldiers that were affected to the Catholick Religion and that had not heard the reasons of it took marvellous great offence at it and began almost openly to be disgusted and so much the more because the Cardinal of Bourbon and other great ones fomented that discontent and with words not onely in private but publickly oftentimes stirred up mens minds to a resentment The Cardinal of Bourbon had already long before entertained a thought of framing a Party of Catholicks different both from the League and from those that followed the King This thought was sprung up in him from the consideration that the Kings obstinacy in not turning his Religion did not onely make his own possession of the Crown more difficult but also deprived the whole Royal Family of the just pretensions it had to the inheritance of the Crown since that all of them as followers of an Heretick were excluded from it together and they of the League began already to discourse of breaking the Salique Law and of calling other Princes to the Crown who had nothing to do with the Royal Consanguinity and this thought perplext and troubled him much more than the rest because his Cousen the Prince of Conde being then as it were yet in swadling-clothes and of the Hugonot Religion and his elder brother the Prince of Conty both by reason of a great imperfection in his speech being not very fit to govern and because he had been cut for the Stone in his childhood accounted unable to get children he thought the nearest hopes of the Crown belonged to himself because the Count de Soissons the third brother was younger than he and the Duke of Montpensier was much farther from the Succession than they From this meditation and the disdain it wrought in him he began by little and little to nourish a desire of withstanding that prejudice and to make himself a Faction that might bring him to the election of the Kingdom since neither the Pope could oppose the person of a Cardinal nor the Catholick King refuse him as an Heretick nor could they of the League in the end deny him due obedience He had imparted this thought to Iehan Touchard Abbot of Bellozanne who from his Infancy had been his Tutour a man not at all of Pedantique breeding nor of a mean dull understanding but full of lively active spirits and well versed in the discipline of the Court This man looking after the advancement of his own greatness in being his Masters instrument fomented the Cardinal's designs and regulated his pretensions with good instructions counselled him to proceed secretly and very dexterously till he had gotten followers and adherents and teaching him to make use of the conjunctures of times which would offer him fit and profitable opportunities And that he might have assistance in the raising of so eminent a design having discovered the business to Iaques Davy Sieur du Perron a young man of mean birth but of most profound learning and therefore from the first received and well looked upon in the Cardinals Family and Scipio Balbani a Lucchese one who having spent many years unfortunately in Traffique was of a Merchant become a manager of affairs in Court they applied themselves with all their utmost endeavours to the framing of that third party To this end Perron under shew of complement went to the Duke of Longueville and the Count de St Paul brothers who being descended from the Royal Family but by Progenitors that were not legitimate calling themselves of the House of Orleans were zealous Catholicks and kept themselves united with the Princes of the blood for the maintenance of the Crown and having represented unto them the considerations of that prejudice which from the obstinacy of the present King did fall upon their common interests drew them cunningly to the same opinion and to hold secret intelligence and correspondence with the Cardinal On the other side Balbani under colour of his own private affairs went to Rome to make excuses to the Pope for the Cardinals abode in those places that were of the King's party which was to no other end but onely to exhort and perswade him to his conversion which being now protracted contrary to the common expectations and to so many promises he had made the Cardinal not willing to offend his own Conscience sent him to excuse it to his Holiness and to pray him to protect the Royal Family which ought not to forfeit its rights for the obstinacy of one man and that when the Cardinal should once be made certain of his hope that the Apostolick See would suffer no other to be King but a Catholick of the legitimate stock of St. Lewis he would declare himself with the Catholick Nobility and Commons and deprive the King of the greatest strength of
of each party That afterwards time and occasions would of themselves minister remedies proportionable to the disease and the means of getting one day out of those Labyrinths The King best liked this advice which was also confirmed by the Mareschal de Biron to whose opinion all serious matters were at last referred Whereupon he presently dispatched Letters to the Cardinal of Bourbon and the other Lords of the Council that they should come to him to the Camp he having need of their help and assistance and removing the Count de Soissons from the Government of those parts he sent to Govern Poictou and Tourain the Prince of Conty a man not engaged in the plot and already excluded by his own Brothers For the Count de Soissons also angry because the King having often promised him his own Sister the Lady Catherine to Wife did now refuse to give her him assented to the Cardinals designs with hopes also that though he were the younger Brother yet being a Lay-man the Election which the Catholick Princes of the Blood should make might fall upon him Whereupon the Cardinal being come to the Camp before Chartres and continuing to come to the Council hapned to be present at the Edict which was made in favour of the Hugonots which he opposed both by his gestures and words and after it was passed ceased not to talk sinisterly of it to perswade the Catholicks to comply with him Nor could the King so easily have dis-entangled himself from that tumult if an engine framed by the League to do him hurt had not proved of admirable advantage to him Landriano the Nuncio was come to Rhems being sent by the Pope with Monitory Letters directed to the Prelates that followed the Kings party and to the Nobility Cities and people of the same party wherein after the wonted Prefaces and having copiously exaggerated and detested the Error which the Catholicks especially the Clergy committed in following and fomenting a King that was a relapsed and excommunicated Heretick and in voluntarily putting upon their own necks the miserable yoak of the servitude of Heresie he did at last with pregnant words ordain and expresly command the Clergy under pain of Excommunication of being deprived of their Dignities and Benefices and of being used as Sectaries and Hereticks that within a certain time they should withdraw themselves from those places that yielded obedience to Henry of Bourbon and from the union and fellowship of his Faction and admonished and exhorted but in the end also commanded the Nobility and People that forsaking all and leaving those places that acknowledged the Hereticks they should retire among the Catholicks and such as obeyed the Apostolick See in the true unity of the Faith The whole Monitory was full of grave and exquisit words high and threatning expressions sharp and rigorous commands and in sum such as seemed not to sute much with the present time wherein the Kings Forces went on prosperously and the affairs of the League were diminished both in strength and reputation wherefore being taken into consideration by the D. of Mayenne and the principal heads of his party many were of opinion and particularly Monsieur de Villeroy that it was good to defer the publication thereof till another time when the Arms of the Confederates being in greater credit and reputation they might hope to reap some fruit by it But the Nuncio little versed in the affairs of France and accustomed to measure things by the opinions of the Court of Rome the Bish. of Piacenza also though he was better experienced in the present businesses yet wholly intent to please the Pope and win his favor and the Spanish Ministers being perswaded by hatred and inticed with a desire to see things every day more disturbed were resolved that the Monitory should be published The French Lords considered that it was not only a thing very difficult but also not by any means to be hoped for that the Prelates and the Nobility who had their wealth dignities and Prelacies in the Kings hands should resolve to forsake them to satisfie the Pope their number being but small now adayes who for their souls sake are content to fâ—rgo their estates that moreover they had already from the beginning expected these commands and menaces from the Pope and had prepared their minds to bear them That the more they were forc'd the more obdurate they would be and losing all hope of ever being received into the Popes favor would become more obstinate in following their party and labouring to get the Victory That it was needful to allure them and draw them cunningly not to terrifie them and drive them into utter despair Thaâ— such-like threats would be proper after a Victory to give them colour and occasion upon that pretence to fall from the King when his affairs were languishing but not now when being powerful and flourishing it was not to be believed that any body would forsake him That prudent resolutions were not to be grounded upon probabilities but truths nor ought things to be regulated according to the opinion of those that judged afar off but by the judgment of men who besides their long experience in affairs were present upon the place it self The Popish and Spanish Ministers thought these things were spoken out of a common charity to the Nation not because they were true and the Duke of Mayenne who had set all his hopes upon the coming of the Forces out of Italy and Flanders and would not distaste those Princes referred himself to them and therefore without delaying the Monitory was presently published which produced the same effect the French Lords had foretold for the King having called his Council wherein he would have all the Prelates that were in Mante and the most conspicuous persons of his Army to be present complained grievously of the course which the Pope took with him at that present praised and commended the moderation of Sixtus who being made sensible that the discords grew from the ambition and covetousness of dividing the Kingdom and not from zeal and affection towards Religion had forborn to give assistance to the League and tacitely granted him time to think of turning opportunely to the Catholick Faith cherishing and graciously hearkning to those who followed him for a good end and for the service of God of Justice and of their Country as the Duke of Luxembourg could give full testimony He declared his intention to observe what he had sincerely promised to the Catholick Nobility in the beginning of his Reign he excused himself that he had been hindered by the heat of War from using those means which he thought fitting both for the importance of the business and the quality of his Person and at last exhorted all the Clergy Nobility and Commons to use all their uttermost endeavors to conserve the immunities and priviledges of the Gallique Church not to suffer that Kingdom to be divided and dismembred which they had
would first draw all the Soldiers into Arms and make a diligent discovery without that the Duke having had the advantage of above an hour and half could not afterward â—e overtaken by those that followed him which confirmed the jealousie some had that the King had secretly commanded he should be permitted to escape since that all those dayes Letters and Messages were without restraint suffered to come to him and Presents to be sent among which was the Pie with the Silk Ladder in it without which his escape could not have been effected This news being brought to the Heads of the two parties as it did not displease the King who hoped some good would grow out of that evil so did it pierce the Duke of Mayenne to the quick especially in that present conjuncture of time wherein he was diffident of the Spaniards and of many French of the party who were ill-satisfied with him yet dissembling this affliction and not losing courage having expressed fitting joy for the freedom of his Nephew he exhorting him as soon as he could to come unto him thinking that not being well informed of matters nor known to many as soon as he should be with him he would yield to his age prudence and the possession wherein he was of governing all things and having recourse to art to bridle the arts of the other Confederates he presently by the means of Monsieur de Villeroy caused a Treaty of Intelligence to be begun with the Cardinal of Bourbon and the other Princes of the blood whom he knew by the relation of the Sieur des Portes to be discontented with the King and to try to set on foot a third and different party judging that he should by that means beget a jealousie in the Spaniards and necessitate them to consent if not to all at least to many of his demands Nor was Villeroy being alwayes desirous that the War should end in an Accommodation slack by the means of his brother the Abbot de Chesy to promote that Treaty which with hopes and imaginary Conditions was artificially kept alive But the King who had got an inkling of the business standing between the machinations of these which did necessitate him to his conversion and the earnest desires of the English and of the Princes of Germany who urged him to give them places in his Kingdom and securities 〈◊〉 the liberty of Religion wherein they pretended that he must still persevere if he would have their assistance was no less afflicted than the Duke of Mayenne which affliction increased much after he was arrived at Sedan for the Moneys of England were not yet disbursed and the Germans had therefore delayed their coming so long that it was thought the Popish and Spanish Forces would get into Lorain before them and to his other troubles was added that Charlotte de la Mark Heiress of that Dutchy being kept in that City of an age ripe and marriageable he was forced to take a revolution of matching her lest the Duke of Lorain preventing him as he had a most earnest desire should give her to Wife to one of his sons As the importance of that Dutchy and particularly of the City of Sedan did necessitate the King to provide that it might not fall to the Duke of Lorain so did it keep him in great doubt to whom he should give that Lady in Marriage who carried with her the possession of a State of so great consequence Carlo Gonzaga son to the D. of Nevers aspired to this Match confining with her Lands by the Dutchy of Retelois whereof he bore the title but her being of the Hugonot Religion as likewise the People and Gentry of those places was the cause the King would not resolve to satisfie him lest he should alienate that party from him and discontent those whom he laboured to keep with so much pains and industry On the other side he doubted lest the D. of Nevers of a nature apt to take disgusts should be offended if he should propose any other Match of inferiour quality to his son Which contrary considerations after they had held him some dayes in suspence it being necessary to resolve at last he concluded to marry her to the Viscount de Turenne as well because of the confidence he had in him as because he was of the same Religion and much more to reward him for his excellent service done in raising and bringing in the forreign Army but it presently produced that effect which the King had before apprehended for the D. of Nevers was incensed to such a height that he began to encline to those that pressed his conversion and to hold secret intelligence with the Cardinal of Bourbon the D. of Longueville his son in Law and with the rest of the new party who made shew to move principally for Religion which they said was trampled under foot and themselves deceived while notwithstanding all promises those were advanced in strength and power who openly professed to live and die Hugonots Nor was there any other remedy for this mischief save to be incessantly in action and not to suffer idleness to give nourishment to those thoughts but to let victorious enterprises put to silence and quiet those spirits which were yet kept hidden in the brests of men for which cause he laboured so much in solliciting the march of the German Army and in sending them those sums by little and little which with infinite diligence he had been able to get together from several parts that in the end he joyned with them before the Popish and Spanish Armies were come up to cross that union as the D. of Mayenne had ever striven and endeavoured to do so great an errour that it rendered vain all those so vast expences made and so many labours undergone for the gathering together and bringing in of those Forces for they having inconsiderately spent their time in Savoy to attend businesses that did no ways advance the sum of the War arrived not soon enough to hinder the King 's joyning with the Germans upon which depended the principal point of the War of this year Now the King united without opposition with the Viscount de Turenne and having taken many Castles about Metz and Sedan at last assaulted Attigny a great Town into which all the riches goods and Cattel of the neighbouring places were reduced and having very prosperously taken it he gave all the pillage which was very great unto the Germans who being ill provided of Money were refreshed and quieted for some time after which booty the King alwayes ready to embrace valiant counsels thought good to try whether the Commanders of the League had a heart to come to a Battel wherefore having known that the Forces of the Pope the Duke of Lorain and the Duke of Mayenne were also at last joyned together at Verdun he would needs draw up to them and provoke them by his presence and all other possible means to
put it to a day judging the Italian Forces to be yet raw and the Duke of Lorain's not well assured and therefore no way be compared to his Wherefore being departed from Attigny upon the first of October he quartered that night with his Van-guard at Grandpre upon which day Monsieur d' Amblise who commanded part of the Lorain Forces having marched from Montfaulcon joyned with the Army of the League The next day aâ—â—ut noon the King arrived with his Army within sight of Verdun spreading his â—â—uadrons largely imbattelled along the Plain On the other side they of the League who were encamped without the City drew themselves up in Battalia under the Walls the Italians having the right Wing the Duke of Lorain the Battel and the Duke of Mayenne's French the lâ—ft yet the Duke himself commanding and ordering the whole Camp as he pleased At the first arrival there began so great and so hot a skirmish between the two Armies that many of the Commanders themselves thought it would be a Battel for the Sieurs de Praslin de la Curee d' Arges and the Baron d' Giury with the Kings Light-horse in sour Divisions advanced to the very face of the Enemy to skirmish being seconded on the right hand and on the left by the Count de Brienne and the Sieur de Marivaut with Two hundred Cuirassiers and on the other side Cavalier Avolio Ottavio Cesis and Ascanio della Cornia were likewise advanced with the Popes Light-horse and the Sieur d' Amblise seconded them with a Body of Lorain Lances But though the skirmish was very fierce in the beginning the Sieur de Praslins Horse being killed under him and the Sieur de la Curee thrown to the ground with the shock of a Lance the Italians behaving themselves very gallantly every where yet were the Dukes of Lorain and Mayenne resolved not to fight because the Catholick Kings Forces that were come out of Italy following their wonted Counsels had denied to follow them and were marched streight to joyn with the Duke of Parma and the Popes Swisses were not above Three thousand Wherefore not thinking themselves strong enough to deal with the Kings Army in so open a place as is the Plain that lies before Verdun the skirmish by their order cooled by little and little and they drawing back their men under the Walls yet without shew of fear the King took up his Quarters and entrenched himself within sight of the Town and of their Army All sorts of provisions came in plentifully to the Camp of the League and the City furnished them with many conveniences not onely for victual but for lodging under cover whereas the King in the midst of an enemies Country and the weather being very rainy suffered both for want of victual and conveniency nor could his Soldiers accustomed to another kind of Discipline endure the hardship and incommodities of lying in the field in so contrary a season To other things was added a most cruel storm that night with thunders whirlwinds and infinite rain which spoiling all the Soldiers Huts and overflowing all the Plain put the whole Army in wonderful confusion Wherefore next day the King after he had stood firm in Battalia for many hours and none of the enemies appearing in the field faced about with his Army and marched back to quarter again at Grandpre There the Germans were like to have mutinied not being paid the money that had been promised them Wherefore the King who could now do no less than perform his promises to the Queen of England that he might receive the other Two hundred thousand Ducats having made provision at Sedan with the Jewels and credit of the Princess Charlotte of a certain sum of money to quiet his Germans took without delay the way towards Normandy to besiege at last the City of Rouen The Duke of Mayenne contrary to whose expectation the Popes forces had so long delaid their coming and who had also seen the King of Spain's march streight towards Lorain without making any stay presently dispatched the Count de Brâ—ssac to the Duke of Parma to protest unto him that if he entred not into the Kingdom or sent not such Supplies as should be sufficient to oppose the King the affairs of the League and the state of Religion would be very much endangered and that he should not be able to hinder many from making their peace as seeing the slowness and ill counsels of the Confederates they daily threatned The Duke made this protestation more at large to Diego d' Ivarra who was there present shewing him the wonderful ill effect which the delays and secret practices of the Spaniards did produce for if all the Catholick Kings expences and forces which he had granted severally to this man and to that in Bretagne Provence Savoy and Languedoc haâ— been put into one Body and all imployed to the root of the business and to the Spring-head of affairs the victory over the King would thence have ensued and also the suppression of their Enemies in all places but whilst the division of the League was endeavoured whilst his counsels were not believed and whilst the Duke of Parma would not advance the King had found opportunity to receive his Foreign Forces and now being grown powerful he over-ran all France at his pleasure to the admiration and grief of all good men But these Protestations and Reasons not availing with Diego d' Ivarra who had received another impression and was otherwise inclined and the cause from whence this hardness proceeded being clearly seen by the relation of President Ieannin the Dukes of Lorain and Mayenne not being able any other way to hinder it agreed together though secretly in this general to keep close and united together and not to suffer that any should be admitted to the Crown not only who was a stranger but who was not of their own Family and that if they were constrained to yield to any other persons a Prince of the Blood of the Catholick Religion should be chosen and never to consent either to the alienation or division of the Kingdom With this firm resolution confirmed also by a Writing which they signed the Duke of Mayenne set himself in order to prosecute the War and being departed from Verdun with the Popes Army and his own and with the Supplies he had obtained from the Duke of Lorain who gave way that the Count de Vaudemont the Count de Chaligny and the Sieur de Bassompierre should follow him he took the way toward Champagne that he might not go too far from the Confines till he heard the determinations of Flanders When the Duke was arrived at Retel in Champagne the Duke of Guise came up to him accompanied with Six hundred Horse all Gentlemen who upon the same of his being at liberty were come in to him and though at his arrival their greetings and outward actions shewed kindness and confidence in one another
they were weary of Contributions which the greedy nature of the Duke of Mayenne did often multiply beyond what was fit the disbursing of them afterwards not excusing the weight of those burdens with his honour and equity Wherefore some of the chief of the Sixteen that were most affectionate to the party whom they called Zealots began to contrive the way to abase the authority of the Parliament that they might be able more easily to dispose of the affairs of the City and put it either under the Duke of Guise or the immediate protection of King Philip. The Spanish Ministers assented to or rather concurred in this attempt and no less than they the Bishop of Piacenza who since the Popes death was wholly turned to favour Spain and the principal men were the Sieur de Bussy Governour of the Bastille the Sieur de Cromay Counsellor of the Great Council Commissary Louchart Ameline an Advocate Olivier a Treasurer Boucher a Divine Father Commolet a Jesuite and divers others of the same condition After many consultations and debates among them by advice of the Bishop of Piacenza they chose four of the Sixteen who should go to the Duke of Mayenne to carry their complaints and to demand that the Council of State might be replenished with sufficient faithful men and such as the City might confide in That that Council might always reside in Paris That the Treasurers Accounts might be over-looked and especially of one Ribes that kept the Duke of Mayenne's particular Coffers That this might be done by select persons approved of by the Council of the Vnion That the Gabelles might be taken away which were newly imposed by the Governour Belin and the Prevost des Merchands That the City-Garison might be payed and increased for their security and finally That President Brisson against whom they carried a whole heap of complaints and some other principal men of the Parliament might be put out of their Offices and severely and exemplarily punished and rooted out as Traitors and Rebels These four Deputies came to Rheims at the time when the Duke of Mayenne was gone into Lorain and having waited for him many days they at last found him at Retel where having been heard by him they were at first sharply reprehended as men that demanded too much and aspired unto an absolute power but afterward not to exasperate them utterly he used them more favourably in their other audiences shewing them that whilst he was busied with the Enemy he had not leisure to attend those matters that in due time and place he would come personally to Paris to give them all possible satisfaction and that in the interim they should abstain from medling with new designs which put all things in confusion and doing themselves harm did wonderfully advantage the Enemy But these men being returned to Paris not much edified by the Dukes Answer and particularly offended at his first reprehension of them in stead of moderating increased the boldness of the rest exclaiming afresh against the Duke and saying it was necessary to take some resolution for that they found him wholly averse from their intentions wherefore all of them boiling with anger thinking themselves undervalued by the Duke and at last being resolved either to abase or absolutely to change the Parliament that they might govern the City their own way they began to stir up the people perswading them that Religion was betrayed and that the Parliament endeavoured to put the City into the hands of the Navarrois It happened that Brigard one of the first Fomenters of the League at Paris having been accused as if having changed his mind he held intelligence and plotted secretly in favour of the King was by the instigation of the Sixteen violently cast in prison but in the mean time while they proceeded slowly against him with due proofs he found means either by money or his own industry to escape out of the place where he was kept and also to get secretly out of the City and out of the hands of his Enemies which thing seemed very foul to the Council of Sixteen and thinking he had been maliciously let go by the Judges themselves who made his Process being raised to the height of their fury and with this incentive fomented by the Spanish Ministers and by the Garison which depended on them they put the people in Arms upon the fifteenth of November in the morning and without further consideration being led by the Sieur de Bussy and Commissary Louchart having taken and blocked up all the ways that led to the Palace of Justice they took prisoners the first President Brisson Claude l' Archer and Iehan Tardif one Councellor of the Chastelet and the other of the Court who were the same men that had made the Process of Brigard these being brought fast bound to the Chastelet the same day without any lawful form of Process but some precipitate informations taken by the Sieur de Cromay were strangled in prison and the next morning ignominiously hanged up in publick upon the Gallows Then as if they had obtained some signal Victory running up and down the City with the common people armed and furious they set their Guards in many places and threatned to take the same course against many others The Governour desiring to put some stop to these proceedings being also advised to it by the Dutchesses of Nemours and Montpensier began to try whether the strangers of the Garison would obey him but having found them all disposed to favour the Council of Sixteen and their present actions and Alessandro de Monti having freely said that he would not stir against those who sincerely managed the Cause of God and of all good men he thought it a better way to go out unarmed to parly with them and to endeavour to appease the people and in part remedy those mischiefs that were like to follow But neither did this succeed for they valued him but little and the Prevost des Merchands much less desiring ardently to put them both out All the sixteenth day was spent in this tumult and on the seventeenth in the morning their Council being met in the house of a Divine named Pellettier Curate of St. Iaques de la Boucherie they resolved to put themselves freely under the King of Spain's protection and in the mean time to present some Articles to the Council of State for the Government of the City which by all means they would have accepted and put in execution The Articles contained That a Court of Justice should be formed of men of their party which should proceed against Hereticks and Favourers of the Navarrois thinking with the Judgments and Executions of this to destroy and annihilate the Parliament That all Commerce with those of St. Denis should be broken which the Duke of Mayenne had established to facilitate the concourse of victuals That the Imposts upon Wine should be taken away and that the Account of all those
lives but at last his backwardness was ascribed to an irregular ambition and to a desire of continuing in the power he held at that present neither could he without grievous complaints nor without danger of discord and disunion refuse any longer to call the Assembly wherefore turning his thought to remove that scandal from whence arose all the discontents with the Spanish Ministers he considered that as to deny the meeting was dangerous and now at length odious to every one so the difficulties that would spring up and those which he would artificially interpose should be so many that the States should dissolve and end of themselves without coming to any determination and in the mean time they might afford him conveniency and opportunity either to revive his authority or else to find means of reconciliation with the King if so be he could not bring to pass that the Kingdom should fall to his posterity Wherefore as the Spaniards did now show a desire to satisfie and honour him and the same did the Legat by Commission from Rome so he showing that he would grant that in courtesie which he would not yield to for fear nor for threatnings wrote to the Legat and to the Duke of Parma that now the time to assemble the States was ripe he would give satisfaction to the Princes who had sollicited him with so much earnestness and would come at last to a resolution and therefore they should endeavour to get Commissions from Rome and Spain because within a few months the Deputies should be convened for which effect he dispatched Letters to every Province and every Bailiage to the end they might chuse Deputies to meet in the place that should be appointed for the holding of the States-General At the same time the King had caused Cardinal Gondi to treat concerning his passage into Italy and had required the Catholicks of his party to appoint an Ambassador to the Pope which though some opposed alledging That the Parliament had decreed that for the time to come none should send to Rome upon any emergent occasion yet the King answered That the Decree was made in the Papacy of Gregory the Fourteenth but that he granted leave to send to the present Pope so the Marquiss of Pisani was chosen and Cardinal Gondi was contented to take that journey to satisfie the King and to procure the general repose of the Kingdom This determination did in great part stop the resolution of the Catholicks who were attentive to see what that Embassie would produce being partly satisfied in that the King began already to treat of reconciling himself to the Pope and the Apostolick See The Decree which the King made about this time concerning the disposing of the Benefices of the Kingdom did help much to appease them for after that the Parliaments of Tours and Chalons had decreed that for the conferring and confirmation of them none should go any more to Rome and after that the Congregation of the same Prelats had made the Declaration in favour of the King those Benefices that became void were disposed of to all kind of persons without regard in reward of their expences in requital of their labours and for particular inclination and the administration of Spiritual Matters was by the Grand Council assigned to one of the Priests of the Diocess with title of Spiritual Oeconome Which was not only against the Decrees of the Cannons but scandalous and dangerous contrary to the good of the people and very near the custom of the Hugonots Renaud de Beaune Archbishop of Bourges a man of exceeding great learning and singular eloquence had thought that he having the name of Patriarch that title they use to give to the Archbishop of that City it was very easie and no less reasonable that the authority of disposing the Benefices of the Kingdom should be conferred upon him as Spiritual Superiour of the Galliae and that he should hold that degree thorowout all France which the Pope holds over the Universal Church and as this thought had long been nourished in his mind so had he attempted all those means which he thought proper to effect his design to this end at his exhortation the Popes Bulls had been so sharply handled to this end those that represented the Apostolick See had been so hotly proceeded against and to this end the disorder in conferring of Benefices being now represented and the abuse of those Oeconomes chosen by the great Council a Temporal Magistracy whom it concerned not to judge of Spiritual sufficiency it was endeavoured in that heat of mens minds that a resolution might be taken and that a Prelate might be constituted in the Galliae Superiour to all the rest in power and dignity to whom that election should be committed But the Cardinal of Bourbon and the other Catholick Lords exclaiming that this was an express way to alienate themselves from the Apostolick See to make the Kingdom Schismatical and for ever to cut off all hopes of an Accommodation that they would never endure it and that as soon as ever that Decree should be made they would take some course to secure their own affairs The King declared publickly That he would not take away the obedience from the Apostolick See and that if not to foment the evil it had been decreed That Money should not be carried to Rome to the end War might not be made upon the Kingdom with its own blood and substance that had been established by way of provision as long as the Popes should persist to oppose the lawful Successors of the Crown That he did not intend nor mean there should be any innovation but to maintain Ecclesiastical Matters and the Religion and Priviledges of the Gallique Church in the same being he had found them at his coming to the Crown And finally he caused the Council to decree That the Bishops every one in his own Diocess should create the Administrators of Spiritual Matters and that where the Bishopricks were vacant the Metropolitan should supply that defect and for want of him the nearest Bishop which did exceedingly quiet the minds of the Catholicks and did also for some time stop their resolutions In this interim Matters of War went not on more slowly than the Councils and Treaties of Peace for the Duke of Mayenne being cured of his indisposition at Rouen was come forth with part of his Forces to lay siege to Ponteau de Mer a place which because it was near did incommodate and straiten the Commerce of that City and on the other side Monsieur de Villars was likewise gone to besiege the new Fortress of Quilleboeuf to open totally the passage and navigation of the Seine being displeased besides the impediment and inconvenience of it that the Hollanders and English should nest themselves in that place very opportune to receive their Ships and seated in the midst between his Governments of Havre de Grace and Rouen
coming to the Crown to the time of Byron's death which were the most difficult most important and as a man may say the Foundations of his Reign but that in the prudence and vigilance of this man consisted all the life and spirit not only of counsels but also of enterprises and action But yet those that emulated him forbore not to attribute many disorders to his fault and particularly that not desiring for his own ends that discords should be quieted but that the Wars should continue because while they lasted he governed the Kings mind and all the affairs of the Kingdom and not stirring much for matters of Religion for which from his youth he had shewed himself to care but little he was the occasion that not only the Civil Wars continued with so great a both publick and private ruine but that the King with arts and promises deferred the so necessary effect of his Conversion He was slain in the beginning of the sixty and fifth year of his age being entire in mind strong in body full of careful diligence and indefatigable in Military exercises After his death the whole charge of the Army remaining to the Duke of Nevers the siege of that Town began to be set in order and the King having received the news of what had happened after he had spent many hours in tears and publick condolings with great celerity moved to return to the Camp There were also three hundred Walloon-Foot of Berlotte's Tertia come from Rheimes to enter into the Town for the relief of the besieged the conservation of that place seeming to be of great concernment to the Confederates These marching that way and being already near their entrance were overtaken by the Baron de Byron who to revenge his Fathers death had set forward to the Camp before all the rest and not willing to pretermit that occasion of cutting those Foot in pieces which he found in the field without any convoy of Horse ran furiously to assault them The Foot were not at all dismayed being part of them Pike-men and the rest Musketiers and Fire-locks and getting into a hollow way shut up on both sides by two high Banks of Earth as it were by two Ramparts made an halt and facing about fiercely received the charge of the Horse with their Pikes and in the mean time their Companions mingled among them with their shot failed not to fire incessantly upon them so that two Captains of Horse and many Gentlemen being killed it seemed very difficult to force them Monsieur de St. Luc came up with another Squadron of the Kings Cavalry which marched toward the Camp who thinking it a great shame that so few Foot should make resistance in the field rushed forward to make the same attempt but being received with the same constancy he was repulsed no less than the others And much worse did it happen to Monsieur de Giury who came up last with the Light-Horse for going to make the same charge he left his own Lieutenant dead upon the place with above sixty of his men so that the Foot being no longer molested with the Cavalry came out of the hollow way and went up an Hill all full of Vines from whence without delay they were to march down to the Moat of the Town towards the West corner But in this time the King himself coming coming up with the rest of his Forces and seeing the affront his Horse received from so small a party of Foot ran forward gallopping to the very edge of the Moat and though the Town ceased not to play both with their Artillery and Muskets yet passing swiftly by he went to charge the Foot who being come down from the Hill were already gotten into the Plain whereby their way being so cut off that they could not get under the Walls they were surrounded on every side and after a long and valiant resistance were at last cut in pieces though with the loss of above two hundred of the Kings side and above two hundred more wounded The same day he straitned the siege on all sides and without losing time began to hasten the taking of the place and because the besieged had laboured all those days that were past to fill their Moat with Water that they might gain more time to bring their Works to perfection he imployed his first study to divert the Water another way which spent three days time but the passage was no sooner opened to drain the Moat when the Baron de Byron impatient to stay for the effect of the Artillery which nevertheless were planting by the industry of Monsieur de St. Luc gave a scalado to a great Tower newly made defensible by those within and being come up close together so that they fought only with their Swords he renewed the assault so obstinately twice or thrice that at last he carried it with great slaughter on both sides but whilst in lodging his men there the Earth was throwing up to shelter them from the Town he was sore wounded with a shot in the shoulder That Tower and the other defences being taken one after another the Artillery having made an open breach in the old Wall the defendents began to remember that they had not sufficient Forces to sustain the assault and therefore having sent to capitulate the second day they concluded to march out free with their Baggage but to leave their Colours which the King by all means would have in respect of the Spanish Ensigns of the Count de Bossu which for reputation the King desired to have in his power The Town was delivered up into the hand of the Duke of Nevers Governour of that Province upon the Ninth day of August From Espernay the Army went to take in Provins a City of Brie which for the unequalness of the situation and the greatness of its circuit was not very defensible being full of Gardens and Vineyards very thinly peopled and very ill provided of Souldiers and yet things proceeding slowly and the siege not pressing all the rest of the month was spent about it and it came not into the Kings power before the second of September The next thing that lay fit for the Army to besiege was Meaux whereof as being nearer to Paris and opportune to straiten that City not only the Parisians were exceeding jealous but even the Duke of Mayenne himself who being come to Beauvais dispatched the Sieur de Vitry thither with Eight hundred Foot and Three hundred Horse who together with the Sieur de Rantilly Governour of the Town and with the ordinary Garison laboured in such manner that it was made very defensible which the King considering and judging that the taking of it would be difficult and a work of time resolved passing beyond Meaux along the bank of the River Marne which leads to Paris to raise a Fort in the middle of the River in an Island called Gournay to the end that standing between
both it might hinder their commerce and the navigation of the River whereby without loss of time in besieging Meaux he might reap the same or perhaps greater fruit This was the thought of the Duke of Nevers who having had the care of executing it applied himself to it so diligently that within a few days the work began to rise apace the Fortification being made in the likeness of a Star with five acute Angles and an high Platform raised in the midst The King with his whole Army was quartered upon the Bank of the River where forcing the Peasants of all that Country round about and making his Foot Souldiers work by Companies in their turns he endeavoured to have the Fort made defensible On the other side the Parisians anxious because of that impediment which would bring them into a worse condition for matter of victual and increase that dearth to extremity wherewith the City was already much afflicted ceased not to stir up the Duke of Mayenne to oppose the raising of that Fort so prejudicial to the common interests nor did the Duke desire less than they to be able to oppose it but the small Forces he had with him constrained him to proceed slowly For it was necessary first to stay till the neighbouring Garisons were drawn together and after they were met the Count de Colalto's Germans who were many Pays behind mutinied against him and without them he could not move with any hope of good success The Germans at last were quieted a certain sum of money being paid them but in the mean time many days were past whereby the Duke of Nevers had so much the more leisure to bring the Fort into a posture of defence and so much the more difficult became the attempt of hindering it and yet the Duke advanced on the other side of the River intending to fight and to possess an Abby which standing over the River he might afterward batter the Fort from thence as from a Cavalier but the Sieur de Praslin and the Count de Brienne being in it with a very great number both of Horse and Foot they skirmished hotly for the space of two whole days together before the Duke could seat himself in a convenient place to oppugn it and as soon as the Artillery was brought and planted the King appeared who had been indisposed some days at St. Denis at whose coming a Bridge of Boats being put over the Garison in the Abby was so re-inforced that those that defended it were not content to sally fiercely every hour to skirmish with the Army of the League but had also lodged themselves with many trenches in the field and with them had brought themselves even under the Dukes Redoubts and to the same Post where the Artillery were placed wherefore it appearing not only difficult but in a manner altogether impossible to gain the Abby defended by so numerous a Garison and relieved and sustained from the Kings Camp by the conveniency of the Bridge of Boats the Duke not persisting obstinately retired to quarter in the Village of Conde there to expect the Sieur de Rosne and Colonel St. Paul whom he had sent for with the Foreign Forces and with those of the Province of Champagne judging it impossible to oppose the Kings Army if his own were not much encreased by the arrival of those Supplies but having expected them in vain from the 16. till the 22 of September he retired at last to Meaux without being able to hinder the perfecting of the Fort from whence that he might not lose his time unprofitably and that he might give some ease to the afflicted Parisians he went after not many days to besiege Crespy a place of the County of Valois and having taken it without more dispute he made the passage more easie and more secure for some quantity of victual which might be carried into Paris from that fertil Country round about While the Heads of the Parties entertain themselves with these petty actions one to straiten the City the other to enlarge it from want of provisions the Treaties of each side went on with more heat than matters of War The Kings mind was intent upon the affairs of Rome having from the Popes Equity and Prudence conceived great hopeâ— that he might reconcile himself to the Church but he wished rather that the business should pass by way of Composition and Agreement than by means of Humiliation and Pardon and therefore desired That the Venetian Senate and the great Duke of Thuscany should interpose as Mediators to negotiate that Reconciliation with the Apostolick See The treaty whereof standing thus in suspence withheld the minds of the Catholicks till the end were seen and did not alienate the Hugonots who were not yet sure that the agreement would be effected but were rather full of a reasonable hope that that manner of treating at Rome would not bring forth any fruit at all Cardinal Gondi having conferred with the King in his passage and having with his pasport taken his voyage thorow the places that were of his party had made some stay at Florence desiring that some of the Cardinals might first be gained by the Great Duke The Marquiss de Pisany took his journey at the same time and having passed the Alps was come to Desenzano upon the lake of Garda a place belonging to the Republick of Venice to procure that the Senate by means of their Ambassador might first break the yâ—e in introducing the Treaty with the Pope But these attempts were yet very unseasonable for the things that were still acted in France by the Kings Council and the Parliaments of Tours and Chalons where they had damned the Popes Bulls and the Commission given concerning the Legation of the Cardinal of Piacenza and many other Declarations of such-like nature gave small sign of the Kings Repentance and Conversion and had put the Pope as it were in a necessity of protecting the League and of resenting those injurious demonstrations which had been attempted against him with so little respect as well for the security of Religion as for the reputation of his own person nor could he yet secure himself that the King who for the time past had been so obstinate in his belief could so all of a sudden sincerely turn Catholick but he doubted that it was a meer fiction to establish himself in the Kingdom and therefore he judged it to be his office by length of time and by many Arguments and Conjectures to make himself certain of his inward Conversion that he might not compleat the destruction of Religion by a precipitate determination and such a one as was little seemly for the dignity of his Person and that opinion the World had conceived of him To this was added the power of the Spaniard who possessed the greater part of the Cardinals the obligation the Pope himself had to that party which had brought him to the Papacy whereupon he was necessitated
try what they could do upon that place but the taking of it proved so difficult being defended by the Sieur de St Offange that after Two thousand and five hundred Cannon-shot and the loss of much time and the best Soldiers of the Army the rains of Autumne falling and the Duke of Mercoeur's relief drawing near they were at last constrained to rise without having obtained their intent But the Duke having held the Enemy in suspence by taking several ways and by making shew of turning sometimes to one place sometimes to another came suddenly to Quintin whither 700 Germans were gotten who were under the command of the D. of Montpensier in those parts and having found them unprovided of those things which were requisite to make a long defence he forced them to yield with express conditions to go out of the Province and not to serve any more against him a thing which proved very hurtful to the King's affairs for he had no Foot that were more forward more expert nor better disciplined than they The loss of the King's party was augmented by the defeat of the English who being as they still are wont afflicted with grievous diseases and brought to a very weak estate had obtained leave of the Duke of Montpensier to go to Danfront in lower Normandy to change the air and to recover their strength by rest but being set upon in the way by the Sieur de Bois-Dauphin with the Garrisons of Laval Craon Fougeres and of the near adjacent places they were so shattered that of so great a number hardly 200 remained alive On the contrary the affairs of the League in Lorain went on unsuccessfully for while the Duke of Bouillon who had taken Stenay with a Petard and possessed some lesser places at last went to relieve Beaumont besieged by Monsieur d' Amblise General for the Duke of Lorain the Armies encountred fiercely and the Lorainers losing their Trenches and Artillery were utterly routed and dispersed after which business the Duke of Bouillon took Dun suddenly by having likewise fastened a Petard to the gate and overrunning all the Country without hinderance had put the Forces of the League in very great confusion In this condition of affairs began the year 1593 the general dispositions of mens mindes as well of the one side as the other being more inclined to the setling of affairs than to the management of Armes The first novelty of this year was the Duke of Mayenne's Declaration made from the December before but not published before the fifth of Ianuary in which making known his intention in assembling the States of his party he prayed and exhorted the Catholicks that followed the King's party to unite themselves to the same end with him and to take some course for the safety and peace of the Kingdom It was of the tenour following CHarles of Loraine Duke of Mayenne Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France To all persons present and to come Greeting The inviolable and perpetual observance which this Kingdom hath had of Religion and piety hath been that which hath made it flourish above all others in Christendome and which hath caused our Kings to be honoured with the name of Most-Christian and First Sons of the Church some of them having to obtain that so glorious Title past the Seas and gone as far as the utmost bounds of the earth with most powerful Armies to make War against the Infidels and others of them fought often against those that sought to introduce new Sects and Errors contrary to the faith and belief of our fore-fathers in all which Expeditions they were alwayes accompanied by the Nobility who voluntarily exposed their lives and fortunes to all dangers to have part in that onely true and solid glory of having helped to conserve Religion in their Country or to establish it in places far remote where the Name and Worship of our Lord was not yet known from whence not onely the fame of the valour and zeal of the whole Nation resounds in all parts but by the example of it other Potentates have been stirred up to follow in the honour and danger of so worthy enterprises and of so laudable atchievements After this ardor the holy intention of our Kings and of their Subjects was not at all cooled nor changed till these last dayes that Heresie hath been secretly introduced into this Kingdom and increased in such manner by the means which every one knows that there is now no more need to set before our eyes that we are at last fallen into so lamentable a misfortune that the Catholicks themselves whom the Union of the Church ought inseparably to joyn together have by a new prodigious example taken Arms against one another and disunited themselves in stead of joyning together for the defence of their Religion Which we judge to be come to pass by the wicked impressions and wonted artifices Hereticks have made use of to persuade them that this War is not for Religion but to destroy and usurp the State though we have taken Arms being moved thereunto by so just a grief or rather being constrained by so great a necessity that the cause thereof cannot be ascribe d to any others than the authors of the most wicked disloyal and pernicious counsel that was ever given to a Prince though the King's death happened by a blow from Heaven and by the hand of one man alone without the help or knowledge of those that had but too much cause to desire it and notwithstanding we had made protestation that all our aim and desire tended onely to preserve the State to follow the Laws of the Kingdom by acknowledging for King the Cardinal of Bourbon the nearest and first Prince of the Blood declared so to be in the life-time of the late King by his Letters-Patents verified in all the Parliaments and in that quality designed his Successor in case he should die without male-children which obliged us to confer that honor upon him and yield him all kind of obedience fidelity and service as our intention was to do if it had pleased God to free him from the captivity he was in And if the King of Navarre from whom alone he could hope for that good had been pleased obliging all Catholicks to set him at liberty to acknowledge himself as King and to stay till Nature had brought his dayes to an end making use of that occasion to cause himself to be instructed and to reconcile himself to the Holy Church he should have found all the Catholicks united and disposed to yield him the same obedience and fidelity after the death of the King his Uncle But he persevering in his Errors it was not possible to do it if he would remain under the obedience of the Apostolick Roman Church which had excommunicated him and deprived him of all the rights he could pretend to the Crown Besides that by so doing we should have broken and violated that antient
custom so religiously kept for so many ages and through the succession of so many Kings from Clouis till this present not to acknowledge any King in the Royal Throne who was not a Catholick and Obedient Son of the Church and who had not promised and sworn at his Consecration and at his receiving the Crown and Scepter that he would live and die in it defend and maintain it and extirpate Heresie with his utmost Forces the first Oath of our Kings whereupon that of the obedience and fidelity of their Subjects is grounded and without which so zealous they were in Religion they would never have acknowledged that Prince who pretended by the Laws to be called unto the Crown A Custom judged so holy and necessary for the welfare and good of the Kingdom by the States held at Blois in the year 1566 when the Catholicks were not yet divided in the defence of their Religion that it was by them held as the principal and fundamental Law of the State and it was established by the Kings will and authority that two of every Order should be deputed and sent to the K. of Navar and the Prince of Conde to represent unto them from the States the danger they put themselves in by forsaking the Holy Church and to exhort them to reconcile themselves unto it and to denounce unto them that in case they did not if they should chance to succeed unto the Crown they should be perpetually excluded as incapable Nor is the Declaration which was afterward made at Rouen in the year 1588. confirmed in the Convocation of the States last held at Blois that this antient Law and Custom should be inviolably observed as a Fundamental Law of the Kingdom any thing else but a simple approbation of the judgment given upon that point by the foregoing States against which he cannot object any just suspicion to condemn or reject their opinion and authority So the late King received it for a Law and promised and swore to the observing of it in his Church and upon the precious Body of our Lord as likewise all the Deputies of the States did in the last Assembly not onely before those inhumane murthers which made it infamous and fatal but also afterward when he no longer feared those that were dead and when he despised those that remained whom he held for lost and in despair of all safety having done it because he knew himself to be bound and obliged to it by right as all superiors are to follow and conserve the Laws which are as the principal Pillars or rather the Foundations of their State Therefore the Catholicks of the Vnion cannot be justly blamed who have followed the Decrees of the holy Church the example of their Ancestors and the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom which do require the profession of the Catholick Faith as an essential and necessary quality in that Prince that aspires to the Crown by being next of blood because he is King of a Kingdom which is gained to Iesus Christ by the power of the Gospel which it hath received so many ages since and in the form as it is Preached in the Roman Catholick Apostolick Church These reasons have made us hope though some appearance of duty retained many Catholicks with the late King that after his death Religion the strongest bond of all other to joyn men together would unite them all for the defence of that which ought to be more dear to them than life But against all humane belief we see the contrary is come to pass for it was easie in that sudden moment to perswade them That we were guilty of his death of which we never so much as thought That honor obliged them to assist the King of Navar who published that he would revenge it and promised them that he would turn Catholick within six months and being once engaged in it the injuries which Civil War produces the prosperous successes which he hath had and the same calumnies which the Hereticks have continued to publish against us are the true causes that have kept him in it till this present and that have given the Hereticks means to proceed so far that Religion and the State are in manifest danger thereby And though we long foresaw the mischief this division would bring that it would be the cause of establishing Heresie with the Blood and Arms of the Catholicks and that this could onely be hindered by our Reconciliation which we for this end have sought with so much earnestness yet hath it never been in our power to attain it so much have mens mindes been transported and possessed with passion that they have hindered us from using the means of our own safety We have often caused them to be entreated that they would enter into conferences with us as we offered to do with them to take some course in the business We have caused to be declared both to them and to the King of Navar himself upon some proposition made for the quiet of the Kingdom That if leaving his error he would reconcile himself to the Church to his Holiness and to the most holy See by a trueâ—unfeigned conversion and by actions that might give testimony of his zeal toward our Religion we would most willingly have added our obedience and all that is in our power to help to put an end to our miseries and would have proceeded with such candor and sincerity that none should justly have been able to doubt but that such was our true intention These overtures and Declarations have been made at such times when we were in greatest prosperity and had means to undertake greater matters if we had had such a thought in our mind rather than to serve the publick and seek the general quiet To which he answered as it is known to every one that he would not be forced by his Subjects calling the Prayers that were made unto him to return into the Church by the name of force which he ought rather to have taken in good part and as a wholesome admonition which represented to him his duty to which the greatest Kings are no less obliged than the meanest persons of all the Earth for when a man hath once received Christianity in the true Church which is ours whose authority we will not put in doubt with any whosoever he can no more go out of it than a Soldier enrolled can depart from the Fidelity which he hath promised and sworn to without being held for a desertor and violator of the Laws of God and the Church He likewise added to the said Answer That when once he should be obeyed and acknowledged by all his Subjects he would cause himself to be instructed in a free general Council as if Councils were necessary to condemn an error so often reprobated by the Church especially by the last Council of Trent as solemn and authentick as any other that hath been celebrated these many ages And God having permitted
that he should have the advantagâ— after the winning of a Battel the the same Prayer was reiterated not by us who were not then in a condition to do it but by persons of honor desirous of the publick good and repose of the Kingdom as it hapned likewise in the siege of Paris by Prelates of great authority who moved by the Prayers of the besieged disposed themselves to go unto him to find some remedy for their miseries At which time if it had been resolved or rather if the Holy Ghost without whom none can enter into his Church had so put into his mind he might have caused the Catholicks to hope much better of his conversion who justly do suspect a sudden change and are sensible in a thing that so nearly touches the honor of God their lives and consciences which can never be secure under the dominion of Hereticks But the hope he then was in to subdue Paris and by consequence with the terror of his Arms and the means which he promised to himself he should find in it to possess the rest of the Kingdom by force made him reject that Counsel of reconciling himself to the Church which might have united the Catholicks and preserved Religion But after that the City was freed by the help of the Princes and Lords of a good number of the Gentry of the Kingdom and of the Army of the Catholick King who hath alwayes with his Forces upheld this Cause for which we are most obliged to him sent under the Command of the Duke of Parma a Prince of happy memory sufficiently known by the reputation of his name and of his great deserts he ceased not nevertheless to enter into his first hopes because this forraign Army assoon as it had raised the siege went out of the Kingdom and he having commanded his own party drew together a great Army wherewith he made himself Master of the field and then caused openly to be published without dissembling it that it was a crime for any to intreat him or speak to him about Conversion before they had acknowledged him and taken the Oath of obedience and fidelity to him that we were obliged to lay down our Arms to present our selves before him so naked so disarmed to beseech him and to give him absolute power upon our lives and fortunes and upon Religion it self to use it or abuse it as he pleased by our baseness putting it in eminent danger whereas by the authority and means of the holy See the help of the Catholick King and other Potentates who assist and favour this cause we have alwayes hoped that God would be so merciful to us as to preserve it who all would have had nothing more to do in our affairs if we had once acknowledged him and this quarrel of Religion would have been decided with two much advantage to Hereticks between him the Head and Protector of Heresie armed with our obedience and the whole Forces of the Kingdom and us who should have had nothing to resist him but bare weak supplications addressed to a Prince more desirous to hear them than to provide for them But how unjust soever this will is and though the following of it is the true means to ruine Religion yet among those Catholicks that assist him many have suffered themselves to be perswaded that it is rebellion to oppose him and that we ought rather to obey his Commands and the Laws of that temporal policy which he would establish anew against the ancient Laws of the Kingdom than the Decrees of the holy Church and the Laws of his Predecessors from the succession of whom he pretends to the Crown who never taught us to acknowledge Hereticks but on the contrary to reject them and make War against them and not to hold any to be more just and necessary than it though it be exceeding dangerous Here let us remember that he himself often took Arms against our Kings to introduce a new Doctrine into the Kingdom That many defamatory Books and Writings were made and published against those that opposed it and counselled to extinguish the growing evil betimes while it was yet weak That then he would needs have his Arms to be believed just because for matter of Religion and Conscience and that we defend an ancient Religion received into this Kingdom assoon as it began and with which this Crown grew till it became the first and most potent of all Christendom which we know very well cannot be kept pure inviolable and without danger under a Heretick King though at first to make us lay down our Arms and make him absolute Master he dissemble and promise the contrary Late examples reason and that which we find every day ought to make us wise and teach us that Subjects willingly follow the life customs nay and even the Religion of their Kings to maintain themselves in their favour and to have share in the Honors and Benefits which they alone can distribute and that after they have corrupted some with their favours they have alwayes means to constrain the rest by their power and authority We are all men and that which hath once been accounted lawful though it were not shall afterwards be so again for another cause which shall appear to us no less just than the first that made us erre Many Catholicks have thought that for some consideration they might follow an Heretick Prince and assist to establish him nor hath the sight of the ruine of Churches of Altars and of the Monuments of their fathers whereof many died fighting to destroy the Heresie which they maintain nor the present nor future danger of Religion been able to divert them How much more suspected ought his Forces and adherents be to us if he already were established King and absolute Master since that in such a case every one would be so afflicted and tired or rather ruined with the late unhappy War that provided they might but live secure in repose and also with some hope of reward they would chuse rather to suffer any kind of trouble than make opposition with danger Some are of opinion that in a such case all the Catholicks would unite themselves unanimously to conserve Religion and that therefore it would be an easie matter to interrupt the design of whosoever should attempt Innovations Certainly we ought to desire that happiness but yet we dare not hope it on such a sudden but admit that the fire being extinguished there should in one instant remain no heat in the embers and that Arms being laid down all our hatred likewise should be quite extinct yet it is most certain we should not therefore be exempt from all other passions which sometimes make us run into errors and that the danger would always hang over our heads of being in spite of us subject to the motions and passions of Hereticks who finding that they had the advantage of having a King of their own Religion which is as
much as they desire would by force or art do whatsoever they had a minde to And if the Catholicks at this present would well consider the actions that proceed from their advice they might see it clearly enough for the best Cities and Fortresses that are taken are put into their power and into the hands of persons who have at all times shewed themselves favourers of them The Catholicks that reside in them are every day accused and convicted of supposed crimes the sole but concealed cause thereof being onely the opposition which hitherto they have made against their designs which they by a false name call Rebellion The principal Offices fall into their hands and it is already come even unto the Crown The Bulls of our Lord Gregory the Fourteenth and Clement the Eighth full of holy Precepts and fatherly admonitions given to the Catholicks to separate them from Hereticks have not onely been rejected but with all contempt trampled upon by Magistrates who unjustly give themselves the name of Catholicks for if they were such indeed they would never abuse the simplicity of those that are so For to make use of the example of things done in this Kingdom at such a time when the business was about introducing matters that were against the liberty and priviledge of the Gallique-Church is very different from our case the Kingdom never having been reduced to so great an unhappiness since it received the Faith as to endure an Heretick-Prince or to see any of that quality pretend right unto it and if they thought those Bulls had any difficulties in them they being Catholicks ought to have proceeded by Remonstrances and with that respect and modesty which is due unto the Holy See and not with so much contempt and so many blasphemies and impieties as they did but perchance they thereby intended to shew those who know how to be better Catholicks that small reckoning is to be made of the Head of the Holy Church to the end that they may afterward be so much the more easily excluded In evil men proceed by degrees they alwayes begin with that which either is not evil or at least is evil in a lower degree the next day they rise higher and at last arrive at the top of all Thence it is that we know God to be highly incensed against this poor desolate Kingdom and that he will yet punish us for our sins since that so many actions which tend to the ruine of our Religion have not been able to bend them nor the many and often repeated Declarations made by us especially within these few dayes that we will refer our selves in all things to what it should please his Holiness and the holy See to determine concerning the King of Navarr's Conversion if God gave him the grace to leave his errors which Declarations ought certainly to give undoubted testimony of our innocency and sincerity and justifie our Arms as necessary for our own safety Yet they forbear not to publish that the Princes united for the defence of Religion tend onely to the ruine and destruction of the State though their actions and the Propositions made by the common consent of them all especially of the greatest that assist us be the true and most secure means to take away the cause and means from whosoever should aspire to it The Hereticks have nothing else to lay hold of but the Catholick King 's relief which they complain of and look upon with an evil eye and would take us to be better Frenchmen if we would forbear making use of it or to say better more easie to be overcome if we were disarmed To which it shall suffice us to answer them that Religion afflicted and put into exceeding great danger in this Kingdom had need to find out that support that we are bound to publish this obligation and to remember it for ever and that imploring the aid of so great a King an Ally and Confederate of this Crown he hath not required any thing from us and we likewise on our parts have not made any Treaty with any whosoever within or without the Kingdom in diminution of the Greatness and Majesty of the State for the conservation whereof we would precipitate our selves willingly into all kind of dangers so it were not to make an Heâ—etick master of it a wickedness which we abhor as the greatest and most abominable of all others And if the Catholicks who assist them could but lay aside this passion depart from Hereticks and joyn themselves not with us but with the Cause of our Religion and in common seek remedies to preserve it and to provide for the safety of the State we should without doubt find the conservation of both and it would not be in the power of him that had an ill intention thereby to prejudice the State nor to make use of so holy a Cause as of a specious but unjust pretence to gain honor and authority We therefore beseech and conjure them in the name of God and of this very Church wherein we protest we will alwayes live and die to separate themselves from Hereticks and consider that while we are opposit to one another we cannot take any remedy that will not be dangerous and such as will make this whole State suffer very much before it can do any good at all Whereas on the contrary our reconciliation will make every thing easie and will quickly make an end of our miseries And to the end that as well the Princes of the Blood as the Officers of the Crown and others may not at all be kept back or hindered from applying themselves to so good a work out of a doubt that they shall not be respected acknowledged and honoured by us and the other Princes and Lords of this party according to their merit We promise upon our faith and honor provided they separate themselves from the Hereticks that we will do it sincerely assuring them that they shall find the same respect and reverence from us and them that follow us But we beseech them to do it speedily and cut the knots of so many difficulties which cannot be disentangled if they forsake not all things to serve God and his holy Church and if they lay not before their eyes that Religion ought to pass before all other respects and considerations and that prudence is no longer to be so called when it makes us forget our first obligation And to proceed with more mature advice we give them to understand that we have prayed the Princes Peers of France Prelates Lords and Deputies of the Parliaments and of the Cities and Towns of this party that they would be at the City of Paris upon the Seventeenth day of the moneth of Ianuary next to chuse joyntly without passion or regard of the interest of any whosoever the Remedy which we shall judge in Conscience to be most profitable for the conservation of Religion and the State To which place if they shall think
knowing that this point alone by necessary consequence draws after it the ruine of the Catholick Religion in France and thâ— establishment of their impiety which could not take footing where the Throne of St. Peter is reverenced as it ought to be And not to touch any thing here but what is most to our purpose What likelihood is there to think that the Head of the Christian Church would in part assist or consent to the ruine and destruction of this most Christian Crown What good could he expect and what misfortune ought he not to fear from thence Although this is the principal calumny wherewith they have laboured to make you abhor the name and holy memory of the late Popes howbeit they swerved not at all from the footsteps of their Predecessors whose sollicitousness for this Kingdom you were wont not long since with reason to commend as also the acknowledgment which they rendred for so many so signal enterprises atchieved by the most Christian Kings with most singular piety liberality and valour for the benefit of the holy See and to omit more ancient examples you cannot so soon have forgotten with what applause and thanks you received the notable supplies which were sent against the Hereticks from Pius Quintus of happy memory to Charles the Ninth then your King Can you then now accuse that in his Successor which you approved in him Heresie is still the same still pernicious cursed execrable and it is against that Infernal Monster that the Vicars of Christ and the Successors of St. Peter not to transgress in the duty of their Office do wage mortal War and not against the Catholick Kings and Kingdoms to whom they are Fathers and Pastors It is against it that withoâ—t exception of persons they do no less justly than wholsomly employ the Sword of Supreme Jurisdiction which our Lord Jesus hath put into their hand to cut off the festred putrified Members from the body of the Church to the end that their contagion might not be pestiferous and mortal to the rest which nevertheless they do as late as they can mildness and fatherly pity still going before in the Office of Sovereign Judge so that their rigour never chastiseth any but those that are incorrigible But if you please to turn your eyes upon other Countries or rather without going out of your own Kingdom to consider what usage it hath ever received from the holy Apostolick See you will find that since the combustion kindled in it by Heresie which still continues to consume it no Pope hath omitted any thing that he ought or could do to help to quench it The good intelligence which they have ever held with your Kings and the continual assistance which they have always given them of men and other means and the frequent sending of Legats hither do sufficiently shew the zeal they have ever had for the tranquillity repose and conservation of this most noble State Nor were their actions ever suspected or ill interpreted by you while as true Catholicks and Frenchmen you desired rather to give the Law to Hereticks than to take it from their hand You have always found them to be such as need required till these late days that by your discords and connivence you have suffered Heresie to gather such footing upon you that now it no longer demands favour of impunity from you as it was wont but begins it self now as every one knows to punish those who more careful of their Salvation refuse to submit themselves unto their yoke A strange unhappy revolution which makes you detest that as a most hainous crime which you your selves have taught others to be a rare and excellent vertue and which on the contrary makes you to crown vice which you ought still as in former times you have done to condemn unto the fire See what the deadly poison of Heresie can do from whose touch so many other absurdities and contradictions are bred which you would not deny to be spread amongst you if you would lay your hands upon your hearts For to go about to maintain that the priviledges of the Gallique Church extend so far as to permit that a relapsed Heretick and one excluded from the Body of the Universal Church should be acknowledged King is the dream of a mad-man which proceeds from nothing else but heretical contagion And from the same original we may likewise say have sprung all the sinistâ—r interpretations which have been made of the actions and intentions of our holy Fathers But let us see a little whether those of the late Pope Sixtus Quintus which are expresly declared by his Bulls concerning the business of the most illustrious Cardinal Gaetano's Legation can in any part be calumniated That Cardinal was sent by the aforesaid Pope of happy memory into this Kingdom not as a Herald or King at Arms but as an Angel of Peace not to shake the foundations of this State nor to alter or innovate any thing in its Laws or Policy but to help to maintain the true ancient Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion to the end that all Catholicks being united together for the service of God the publick good and the conservation of the Crown with a mutual unanimous consent might with security and repose obey and yield themselves subject to one only Catholick and lawful King Now as these intentions were pious and directed toward the common safety so can it not be denied but that the effect and execution of them hath been endeavoured as well by the said Pope Sixtus as by Cardinal Gaetano not perhaps with that severity which according to some mens judgments had been necessary but with all the mildness clemency and charity that could be desired from a most loving Father towards his dearest Children No sooner was that wise Legat entred into the Kingdom but to begin to lay his hand in good earnest to the work he addressed himself at his first arrival to all those whom he believed he should find so much the more disposed to shew him all favour in the administration of his Charge by how much greater were their obligations and means to do it he sent some Prelats purposely unto them to confer particularly about what might concern the fruit of his Legation those men as also all the Archbishops Bishops Prelats Lords Gentlemen and others with whom he treated or caused to be treated during his Legation and to whom he wrote about this matter can give testimony whether he ever exceeded the limits of his Commission and how much he always protested that his Holiness had no other aim nor design than to maintain and defend the Catholick Religion and to conserve this Crown entire for the lawful Catholick Successors that were capable of it But if by the same means he complained that having as it were forgotten not only the singular Piety and Religion of your Ancestors but the conservation and together with it the reputation of your Country and which is worse
approved and that might be like to cause new Wars more pernicious than the former yet the Legat either because he really thought the interests of Religion so linked to those of Spain that they could not be separated or in respect of his own private designs which perswaded him to get the Catholick Kings favour absolutely oâ— else by reason of the enmity he had contracted with the King because of the Declarations made by the Parliaments against him or that the Popes so obscure Commissions were not well understood by him did not take himself off from his first manner of treating but with the pretence and colour of Religion which truly was very great did wonderfully serve all the Plots and Practices of the Spanish Ministers These were yet uncertain of the means but most certain of the end of their treating the Council of Spain having determined that for the greater decency and speciousness the Union of the Crowns should not be mentioned a thing rather to be discoursed of in the Infancy than to be hoped for in effect but that the election of the Infanta Isabella should be propounded which by divers ways came to the same end But at this time in Paris there was no other Spanish Ministers except Diego d' Ivarra who continuing his disaffection to the Duke of Mayenne and being of opinion that without him the Catholick Kings Forces Money and Authority were sufficient to cause the States to make that election continued still private practices with the Deputies all which nevertheless came perfectly to the Duke of Mayenne's knowledge Laurenzo Suarez de Figueroa Duke of Feria appointed Head of the Embassie was expected and with him Inigo de Mendozza a most learned Spanish Lawyer sent to dispute by way of right the lawful Succession of the Infanta and Iuan Baptista Tassis who that he might give them information was gone as far as the confines of Flanders to meet them but these also came with an impression that the Infanta's right was evident and that the Catholick Kings Forces and Authority were so feared in France that without the Duke of Mayenne they should be able to obtain their intent of the Assembly and though Iuan Baptista Tassis told them otherwise believing that without the Duke of Mayenne they could not compass any end yet they being prepossessed with the opinions of Spain and far from the moderate counsels which the Duke of Parma in his life time had held and represented persevered in their conceit and continued on their practices in the manner they were begun Iuan Baptista Tassis and together with him the Counsellors of Flanders who knew the French humour and by reason of their neighbourhood saw things at a nearer distance counselled that they should march into France with a powerful Army and that with it Count Charles of Mansfelt to whom that charge was committed should draw near to Paris That at the same time with great sums of money they should gain the Duke of Mayenne especially and then the other principal Lords and every particular Deputy that had credit and authority in the Assembly and that to the Lords of the House of Lorain who were chief of the Union large advantageous offers should be made and full security given them for their performance and with these Conditions and not otherwise they thought the election of the Infanta which was to be propounded might be brought about for if the French were not besieged and taken on the one side by profit and on the other by fear they thought it impossible that of their own voluntary will they shall ever consent to submit themselves to the Spanish Dominion And if the Princes of Lorain who were in so great power and in a very near hope that one of them might attain to the Crown were not by exceeding high and secure Conditions removed from that design they did not think that ever they would condescend to transfer that to others which they pretended to for themselves besides there was no doubt but that to establish an election so new and so contrary to the nature of the French powerful and extraordinary Forces were necessary and such preparations of Souldiery Money and Commanders as might overcome those difficulties and oppositions which would discover themselves much more in the progress than in the beginning of the business To this was added that to break into a matter of so great difficulty a great increase of reputation was necessary and a certainty that the King of Navarre might without much length of time be overcome and suppressed which was not possible to be effected without very great store of Men and Money These were the solid and well-grounded counsels of those who judging with reason of the importance and weightiness of those affairs were of opinion that for the Catholick Kings honour the thing should not be propounded without an infallible certainty of bringing it perfectly to an end But those that were newly come from Spain either by reason of the different opinion that was there or of the relations given by Diego d' Ivarra judged quite differently that neither many Forces ought to be drawn into France nor much money distributed nor that the House of Lorain should have satisfaction in deed but in words and appearance only because by keeping the Duke of Mayenne low and by driving him and his party into a straight they thought they should put them upon a necessity of consenting to their demands that thereby they might obtain such assistance from them as might raise them from the abject condition they were reduced to for they were moreover informed that they were not inclined to content them willingly that if they should free the League and particularly the City of Paris from their present want and scarcity they would not afterward be content to condescend to the Catholick Kings will gratitude being but a weak instrumenâ— where such weighty matters were treated on but that then rather they would consent unto it when they saw no other remedy to free themselves from misery which would be so much the more effectual by how much the more nearly it pressed and straightened them That to give money now was but to throw it away without any ground or assurance that it should produce the effect and to satisfie the greediness of those who being once glutted with Spanish gold and having compassed their own designs would not care afterward to satisfie their promises as they ought That in plenty and prosperity the French would be proud and insolent but in want and necessity abject and tractable That it was not fit to dismember the Kingdom and tear it in pieces to give part to this and part to that man of the House of Lorain thereby to attain to it afterwards being weak mangled and destroyed The present state of the Catholick Kings affairs inclined most toward this Counsel for his treasures at this time being much exhausted by his past expences and by the commotions
the foundation and safety of the Crown That open injury is done to the constitution of this Law when the lawful Dominion of him is called in doubt or controversie who by the prescribed order of it is called by God unto the Crown That the force and authority of this Law is so great and venerable that no other Law hath power to prejudice it and the Kings themselves which are loose from other Laws are subject and not superiouâ— to this alone and that therefore it was a vain thing to alledge against it the Decree of the States at Blois in the year 76 for not the King nor the States but that Law it self ought to decide the Succession of the Kingdom and yet What man of sound understanding could ever hold the Assembly at Blois to be a lawful Congregation of the States in which the liberty of votes being taken away and the voice of good men suppressed there was nothing else minded by the Conspirators of that Confederacy the fruits whereof are now found but to oppugne the King's Authority who then reigned and to reduce him to the slavery of his enemies disposing of the affairs of the Kingdom according to the will and fancy of factious persons That perchance that violence used against him from which he had so much laboured to defend and free himself was not clear enough who was he that could believe the late King would voluntarily break and violate that Law by vertue of which his Grandfather Francis the First was come unto the Crown But What needed there other proofs The same men who had forcibly and treacherously caused that Decree to be made had themselves waved forsaken and declared it ineffectual and of no validity for if the Duke of Mayenne had esteemed that constitution valid after the seditious deposing of King Henry the Third caused by him he would not have entituled himself Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France before the Kingdom were vacant but Lieutenant to the Cardinal of Bourbon to whom by that seditious Decree the Kingdom appertained But what not onely then but also after the King's death who was by them caused to be murthered he for three moneths together usurped the same title declaring how little valid he esteemed the determination of those States that therefore it was manifest and known that it was not out of reverence to the determination of his own States which they now publish that he made use afterwards of the fained person of the Cardinal of Bourbon when it was convenient for him but thereby to usurp the Royal-Power and Ministry and to gain time and means to establish himself in his intended usurpation But that no less vain was the reason he alledged viz. That he was not a Catholick but of a different Religion for he was neither Infidel nor Pagan but confessed the same God and the same Redeemer the Catholicks confess and adore nor ought some difference in opinion to make such a desperate irreconcilable division That he would not be obstinate nor refuse to be taught and instructed and that he was ready if his error were shown him to forsake it and reduce himself to those rites which the Catholicks of his Kingdom desired and that he wished he could with safety of Conscience take away all scruples from all his Subjects but he prayed the Catholicks not to wonder if he did not so easily leave that Religion which he sucked with his milk nor ought it to appear strange that he should not forsake the ancient institution of his life unless first he were made to see the error which they were of opinion he â—as in which when it should come to pass no body should need to desire his readiness and willingness to condemn his fault and enter into that way which should be known to be the best That it was fit iâ— a business that concerned his Soul and eternal life he should proceed with great circumspection and so much the more because his example was like to draw many with it whom he would not help to damn but willingly to save them if he could That therefore he had often demanded Councils not to oppose himself against those already celebrated as his Enemies reported but to the end that he together with them of the same Religion might be instructed and taught thereby that it was no absurd thing to celebrate a Council and moderate many matters which times and occasions produce and to say they had already been decided by other Councils was nothing for so all later Councils would have been vain and absurd in confirming and ordering things again which had been setled and determined by former ones That â—f a more speedy and more proper way were found for his instruction he would not refuse it and that he had given cleaâ— testimony of it to the World when he gave leave to the Catholicks under his obedience to send Ambassadors to the Pope to take some course in it and when he so often caused his very adversaries to be told that iâ— the midst of Arms it was no time to talk of Conversions but that making Peace they should resolve upon a Conference wherein he might be instructed but that they abusing his goodness had made shew to lend an ear unto it onely when for their own designs they desired to work a jealousie in the Spaniards That it was certain they abhorred to have him instructed since now in their Writings they reckoned it as a thing to be despaired of having never yet so much as attempted it and because that presently assoon as the Marquiss de Pisani's Embassie tending to that effect was agreed upon they had by all possible means crossed his negotiation and brought it so to pass that the Pope would not admit him to his Audience That if they published and vaunted That they would refer the business wholly to the Pope He on the other side did not despair but the Pope at last knowing their subtilty and cunning would take that resolution which should be most conformable to decency and reason That therefore seditious persons ought no longer to tempt the good Catholicks that stood armed for the defence and safety of their Country but that they rather should acknowledge their error and as members gone astray return to joyn themselves with the rest of the Body for except the Princes of Lorain who were strangers all the Princes of the blood Prelates Lords Officers of the Crown and in a manner all the strength of the Gentry were of his party and made the true Body of France united for the defence of their Liberty and the safety of the Kingdom That they should consider how unworthy how monstrous a thing it was to open the Gates to the Spaniard to come and invade the bowels of the Kingdom their Ancestorâ— and even they themselves having spilt and poured out so much blood to drive them from their confines That they should see how impious that insatiableness was which for
for the maintenance of the Crown and of Religion since with great detriment to his own affairs he had employed all his Armies and all the revenues of his Kingdom through the course of so many years for the benefit of the affairs of France which if he from the beginning had abandoned to the discretion of the Navarrois there was no doubt but it would have been constrained to bend its neck and receive the yoke of Heresie whence certainly would have proceeded the total ruin of every Catholick in particular and the general servitude and dishonour of so Christian a Kingdom Thus these Counsellors having persuaded themselves that these reasons would have the same efficacy in the mindes of the French had concluded to apply themselves speedily to the advancing of so great a design Wherefore the Ambassadors having this express order from Spain and believing also by Diego d' Ivarra's Letters that the election of the Infanta would willingly and without contradiction be embraced by the States did not defer to urge the Duke of Mayenne about it to the end that he assenting to it might favour that Declaration They said that the Catholick King pretended justly to that election first by reason of the right which the Infanta as born of the eldest daughter of France pretended to that Kingdom and then by reason of the benefits France had received from him and of those likewise which it might receive for the future he being resolved to use all his force and power to free them from the contagion of Heresie and to establish that Crown assoon as could be possible in a quiet peaceful condition To this purpose they added many magnificent promises to every one in particular and much more largely in the Duke of Mayenne's interests shewing that the Catholick King would use him honourably increase him in riches and reputation and make him the first person in the whole Kingdom finally they demonstrated the honor the Catholick King did him already in putting his Arms under the authority of his Command having given order to Count Charles absolutely to obey and acknowledge him superiour The Duke of Mayenne who had already at his first coming been advertised that Count Charles brought not above Four thousand Foot and One thousand Horse and that the Ambassadors had no order to pay him any more than Five and twenty thousand Duckets a sum much inferiour to the greatness of his present need answered the Ambassadors Proposition very resentingly and with more boldness than he was wont and reproached them with the weakness of those Forces and their thriftiness of money which things were not like to free the Confederates from the yoke of Heresie nor to make the Kingdom peaceable as they boasted in their words but to continue the calamities of War without end and to reduce the affairs of the League unto extreme weakness and misery That it had been seen in times past how the Catholicks Kings Armies were hardly come in sight when presently they vanished again fomenting but not remedying the mischiefs that afflicted the Kingdom which now appeared much more clearly since in that very point when a course was to have been taken for the common safety and when he to satisfie their so great importunities and complaints had with infinite difficulty assembled the States of the Crown there came such poor assistance as neither the Army was sufficient to give heat and authority to so great a business nor the money able to supply or so much as give the least ease to the present necessities That he marvelled exceedingly at that preposterous manner of proceeding That now indeed the prudencâ— of the Catholick King and his Counsellors was requisite and that he knew no good could be expected for the future by that way That it was a vain thing to propose the Infanta for Queen and not to send â—itting means to make her be acknowledged and to establish her in the Kingdom That this was a difficult weighty important business and not well rellished by many and to carry it on with such feebleness of Forces and so small reputation was onely the way to destroy and ruine it which out of his observance to the Catholick King he would not endure That the mind of men who had setled the sum of their hopes in the present Congregation would be incensed and put in despair when they should see a stranger-Queen proposed and that without power or means of attaining to the Crown That this was a thing averse from the nature of the French crossed by the impediment of the Salique Law no way consonant to the ears of Freemen and such as were not accustomed to suffer themselves to be brought under and that therefore it was necessary first to engage mens minds both with high reputation and the noise of great Armies and also to win their affections by the allurements of profits and riches but to propound so great a matter in so faint a manner was neither conformable to the greatness of the Catholick King nor decent for the name and reputation of the Confederates and that for his part he neither thought fit nor was able nor knew how to engage himself in that Proposition being certain not only that nothing at all would be effected but that in despair it would necessitate the Deputies to turn to an Agreement with the Hereticks rather than precipitate themselves into a bottomless pit of perpetual misery where both the publick and private desolation were most visible This answer appeared as strange as unexpected to the Ambassadors and they perceived at the very first that they were far from the imaginary reckonings they had made yet persisting in their Proposition they answered That the commotions of Arragon and the long indisposition and afterward the death of the Duke of Parma had hindered the King from making those preparations which should within few months if there were need of them be made ready That the Succours of the Catholick King had always been so powerful and so opportune that they had manifestly delivered the Kingdom and Religion from the oppression of the Hereticks and that the French could not complain of any but themselves who of themselves had lost battels and brought themselves under in such manner that afterward the King of Spain had been fain to forsake his own affairs to recover them as it were from death to life That the sums of money were not small but the greediness of the French very great and unsatiable and yet when they should give just reasonable satisfaction to the Catholick King He would strive to the utmost to content them but that to desire all advantages all conveniencies all satisfactions and all contentments and to give none at all was not an equal dealing nor a fair reasonable way of proceeding That they should resolve to declare their good will in acknowledging the rights of the Infanta to be just and valid and for the rest it was not to be thought
having before sent the Baron de Byron by him created Admiral under pretence of taking possession of that dignity in the Parliament followed him speedily leaving his houshold and Council at Charâ—res and having caused the Princess to come to Tours he brought her with him after the space of two months unto the same City being exceedingly angry to see himself so little esteemed by those of his own Blood But this was a thing that made him more clearly know it was high time nor could he any longer defer to take some resolution and to establish his affairs since that even the Princes of the Blood were openly alienated from him Thus every little accident though it seemed cross was yet always favourable to his greatness and establishment Whilst they were fighting about Noyon with no less ardour did they contend in Paris about resolving upon the Answer that was to be given to the Catholicks of the Kings party for the Spaniards supported by the Cardinal-Legat strove to cross it and for a manifest reason alledged that the Writing being heretical as the Divines of Sorbonne had declared it could not be taken into consideration nor ought the States to give an Answer to it That which made it heretical they said was because it affirmed that Subjects were obliged to yield obedience to their Prince though he were an Heretick both known to be such and condemned by the holy Church They added that this was a net to catch the inclinations of the simple an obstacle to hinder the progress of the States and a stone of scandal to retard Gods service that it was not fit to lose time about their Enemies subtilties nor about the interpositions of the King of Navarre from whom it was certain that Writing was derived since they themselves that caused it to be presented confessed they did it with his consent and it was subscribed by no other man but Revol one of the Secretaries of State and therefore as he that will do well ought not to hearken to the temptations which the Devil suggests so they that would procure the safety of the Kingdom and the establishment of Religion should in no sort mind the interpositions of the King of Navarre and those that spoke by his instigation and thorow his very mouth On the other side many of the Deputies said that they ought not to shut their ears against those of the same Blood and Religion who perchance sought to amend their errours and cure their Consciences by retiring to the party of the good Catholicks and adhering to the Confederates that if it should come to pass the King of Navarre would remain so weak and abject that it would need no great paâ—ns to vanquish him that all means ought to be used and covetously laid hold on which might lead to Peace that being the last end to which all good Frenchmen tended and to which for their own safety all aspired and if with a common consent the way to attain to quietness could be found why should they ingulf themselves in new miseries of War and in new perpetual distractions of Arms That to this end the Duke of Mayenne had in his Declaration invited the Catholicks of the contrary party to meet and confer with him That he had protested this unto them adding that if they resolved not to unite themselves with him they should be guilty of all the subsequent mischiefs and calamities Which Protestation the Catholicks trusting in had now demanded a Conference and if they should not accept it they should make themselves guilty of the same crimes That their speaking by the Kings permission imported nothing for things are not done and obtained all at once That being now subject to his power they were necessitated to speak in that manner but that afterwards being perswaded and drawn by little and little by reason and gentleness perchance they would make a more clear more express resolution That it was no matter though Revol weâ—e Secretary to the King of Navarre for he was a Catholick and perchance no less inclined to a revolt than the rest That it was already known how even the Princes of the Blood thought of changing their party that the Catholicks were ill satisfied because the promises of his Conversion were not kept and therefore it was necessary to foment that beginning of alteration to help them to bring forth a firm determination and by means thereof reunite all the Members into one Body to attain the safety and 〈◊〉 of the Kingdom This was the more plausible opinion and it was carried by the Duke of Mayeâ—ne's Confidents from whom they had received order to bring it to pass nor did theâ—e want any thing save the Legats consent from whom neithâ—r the States nor the Duke himself would in any wise alienate themselves Therefore the Archbishop of Lyons went to him and demonstrated that if the Proposition of the Royalists were not accepted some very great tumults would follow for the Nobility and the Order of Commons stood so stifly for it that being tired out with the Waâ— and 〈◊〉 of Arms they would make an insurrecâ—ion with great danger of revolting to the King of Navarre That no harm could be feared from that Conference for such persons should be imployed in it as there would be no danger of their forsaking the cause of Religion That if the Catholicks of the Kings party would join with that of the Confederates it would be the very point of Victory and if on the other side they should show themselves averse from doing so it would be easie after having given satisfaction to the World and to the States in appearance to dissolve the Conference a thousand ways That also in the time of Cardinal Gaâ—â—ano there had been many Treaties and Conferences both by himself and others and yet no absurdity had followed and if at that present there should not be one he would not only be accounted scrupulous and severe but also obstinate and an Enemy to Peace That if only through his opposition the proposal of the Catholicks were not imbraced it would be attributed to an unseasonable pride and a too interessed union with the Spanâ—ards which perchance would not be pleasing at Rome that already all men murmured at it and that the demand was so just that whosoever should refuse it would manifestly put themselves on the wrong side The Legat whose ears were already filled with the popular discourses which condemned his too much assenting to the Spaniards the Prevost des Merchands having added that the City which by this Conference hoped for the benefit of being partly freed from scarcity would certainly mutiny if it were refused and those of the Parliament still boldly crying and giving out that they would make Protestation to the States at last yielded in secret that the Catholicks should be answered and that the Conference should be accepted but without his apparent consent So with a general Vote it was decreed in the States
that the Conference should be accepted and upon the Fourth day of March they framed an Answer to the Catholicks of this Tenor. WE have seen some few days ago the Letter which was written to us and sent by a Trumpet in your Name which we could wish came from you with such zeal and affection as you were wont before these last miseries to bear to the preservation of Religion and with such respect and observance as is due to the Church our Lord the Pope and the holy Chair we should for certain quickly be agreed and united together against the Hereticks nor would other Arms be longer necessary for us to beat down and break in pieces these new Altars which are set up against ours and to hinder the establishment of Heresie which because it hath been tolerated or rather honoured with reward and recompence when it should have been punished is not contented now adays to be received and accepted but will become Mistriss and domineer imperiously under the Authority of an Heretick Prince And though that Letter name no body in particular nor is subscribed by any of those whose names it bears and that we therefore are uncertain who sent it us or rather certain that it was done at the suggestion of others the Catholicks not having in the place where you are that liberty which is necessary to bear deliberate and resolve with the counsel and judgment of their conscience any of those things which our misery and the common safety require yet should we not have so long delayed to make answer to it had it not been that we stayed expecting to have the Assembly fuller and increased by a good number of persons who were upon the way to come unto it of whom the greater part being arrived out of a doubt that our so long silence may be calumniated We do it this day without deferring it to another in expectation of the rest who are yet to come And we declare first of all That we have all sworn and promised to God after having received his most precious Body and the blessing of the holy See by the hands of the Cardinal-Legat that the scope of all our counsels the beginning means and end of all our actions shall be to secure and preserve the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion wherein we will live and die Truth it self which cannot lye having taught us that by seeking the Kingdom and Glory of God before all other things temporal blessings shall be added thereunto among which in the first place after Religion we put the conservation of the State entire and hold that all other means of hinderance ruine and destruction grounded only upon humane wisdom smell of impiety are unjust contrary to duty and the profession we make to be good Catholicks and without likelihood of ever having any good success And we being freed from those accidents and dangers whâ—â—h good men foresee and fear by reason of the mischiefs Heâ—esie produceth will not reject any counsel which may help to diminish our miseries or bring them to an end For we acknowledge and are but too sensible of the calamities which Civil War brings forth and have no need of any body to shew us our wounds but God and men know who are the authors of them It sufficeth us to say we are trained up and instructed in the Doctrine of the holy Church nor can our Souls and Consciences have repose and tranquillity nor taste any happiness while they are in fears and jealousies of losing Religion whose danger can neither be dissembled nor avoided if men continue as they have begun Thence it is that judging as you do that our reconciliation is most necessary we seek it with a truly Christian charity and pray and conjure you in the Name of God to grant it us Nor let the blames and upbraidings which the Hereticks cast upon us any way hinder you As for ambition which they publish to be the cause of our taking up of Arms it is in your power to see us within and discover whether Religion be the cause or pretence leave you the Hereticks whom at the same time you both follow and detest If we lift up our hands to Heaven to give God thanks if we be disposed and ready to follow all good counsels to love you to honour you to yield you that respect and service that shall be due to you then praise us as honest men who have had the courage to despise all dangers for the preservation of Religion nor have wanted integrity and moderation to forbear the thought of any thing that is against honour and reason but if the contrary happen then accuse our dissimulation and condemn us as wicked persons by so doing you will set both Heaven and Earth against us and make our Arms fall out of our hands as conquered or leave us so weak that the Victory over us will be without danger and without glory In the mean time blame the mischief of Heresie which is known to you and rather fear that canker that devours us and every day gets ground than a vain imaginary Ambition when there is no such thing or if there be it will be left alone and poorly attended when it shall be deprived of the cloak of Religion It is likewise a calumny to accuse us that we bring Strangers into the Kingdom it is necessary either to lose Religion with our Honours Lives and Estates or else to oppose the force of the Heretick whom nothing can please but our ruine and therefore we are constrained to make use of them since your Arms are against us They are the most holy Fathers and the most holy See that have sent us relief and though many have been called to that supreme Dignity since these last troubles yet have there not been one of them who hath changed his affection towards us a most certain testimony that our cause is just It is the Catholick King a Prince allied and confederate to this Crown only powerful now adays to maintain and defend Religion who hath likewise helped us with his forces and powers yet without any other reward or recompence but the glory which so good a work hath justly acquired him Our Kings against the Rebellion of Hereticks and in the like necessity have had recourse to them we have followed their example without entring into any Treaty prejudicial to the State or to our reputation though our necessity hath been much greater than theirs Rather set before your eyes that the English who assist you to establish Heresie are the ancient Enemies of the Kingdom who yet bear the title of that usurpation and have their hands imbrued in the innocent blood of an infinite number of Catholicks who have constantly suffered death for the service of God and the Church Cease likewise to hold us guilty of High Treason because we will not obay an Heretick Prince whom you call our natural King and have a care that bending your eyes to
the Earth to look upon humane Laws you forget not the divine Law that came from Heaven It is not Nature nor the right of Nations that teacheth us to acknowledge our Kings but the Law of God the Law of his Church and that of the Kingdom which require from the Prince that is to command us not only proximity of blood which you stand upon but also the profession of the Catholick Religion and this quality hath given name to that Law which we call the Fundamental Law of the State always followed and observed by our Ancestors without any exception though the other of proximity of blood hath been sometime altered the Kingdom remaining nevertheless entire and in its former dignity To come therefore to so holy and necessary a reconciliation we accept the Conference which you demand provided it may be only between Catholicks and to deliberate about the means of preserving Religion and the State And because you desire it should be between Paris and St. Denis we intreat you to like of Mont-Martre St. Meaux or Chaliot in the Queens Palace and that you would be pleased to send those that shall be deputed by you upon some day you shall think fit before the end of this month whereof we being advertised will not fail to have ours there and to proceed with sincere affection free from all passion praying to God that the event of it may be such that we may find the preservation of Religion and of the State and a good secure durable peace as we also pray him to conserve you and give you his Spirit to know and imbrace the most wholsom profitable counsel for the general safety This answer being received and read in the Council of the King who was not yet come back from his journey into Poictou they that were there present determined to prosecute the Conference but to defer the particulars thereof till they had the Kings consent to them and the general votes of the Council Thus by a Writing full of courteous expressions they excused the delay and finally having received their approbation and replied again with other Letters they concluded to hold the Conference at Surenne between Paris and St. Denis There was great contention at Paris about the election of the persons that were to intervene at this Treaty for the Legat and the Spanish Ambassadors strove to procure that one of them might be Guilliaume Rose Bishop of Senlis a man of a sowre nature and sharp eloquence which for many years he had profusely used against the Kings and against their party and on the other side they that inclined to peace desired the Sieur de Villeroy might be admitted who by many was excluded as partial to the King at last for the common satisfaction they were both left out and those that were unanimously chosen were the Archbishop of Lyons Pericard Bishop of Auranche Godefrâ—y de Billy Abbot of St. Vincent de Laon the Admiral Villars the Count de Belin the Baron de Talmay the Sieurs de Montigny and Montaulin President Ieannin and President Maistre Estienne Bernard Advocate in the Parliament of Dijon and Honoré de Lâ—urent Counsellor in the Parliament of Aix They of the Kings side chose the Archbishop of Bourges the Sieurs de Chavigny and Bellieure the Count de Schombergh President de Thou Nicholas Sieur de Rambouillett the Sieur de Pontcarré and Secretary Revol But at the first meeting with the mutual consent of the Deputies there were added the Sieur de Vic Governour of St. Denis on the Kings side and for the League the Sieur de Villeroy who the Duke of Mayenne desired by all means should assist in the Treaty and in the progress of it the Sieurs de Rosne and la Chastre were likewise admitted In the mean time the Duke of Feria upon the second of April had solemn publick audience of the States at which in a Latin Oration he proffered the Catholick Kings assistance and supplies to the Assembly for the conservation of Religion and the election of such a King as the condition of the times required and likewise presented Letters from King Philip wherein after many courteous expressions he referred himself to what the Duke of Feria and the other Ambassadors should represent in his name who said that they reserved themselves to do it when the Duke of Mayenne and the other Princes should be come unto the States who were yet at the meeting at Rheims with the Duke of Lorain There their minds were no less disagreeing nor the opinions less differing than in the States for the Duke of Lorain seeing the rest were not inclined to yield to him as Head of the Family and knowing the Spaniards were already engaged in the design of getting the Infanta elected began to be weary of the War which he had sustained all those late years to the great damage of his people and though the Spaniards sometimes scattered reports that the Infanta being chosen Queen should take the Cardinal his Son to be her Husband it seemed to him so absurd that he was not at all inclined to believe it and since he could attain to nothing else would have been content with Peace whereby the Cities of Thoul and Verdun should remain his On the other side the Duke of Mayenne desired he should persist in Arms and favour the election of him and his Sons thinking his pains and endeavours deserved that reward and that no other body at that present was able to undergo that weight but he rather gave signs of this intention than propounded it and laboured dexterously to insinuate it into the rest among which as the Dukes of Aumale and Elboeuf adhered to him so the Dukes of Nemours and Guise assented not both being intent to endeavour for themselves and full of hopes that the Spaniards might at last concur to marry the Infanta to one of them The Duke of Mayenne strove to withdraw them from that thought by letting them see it was far from the intent of the Spaniards who had no other design than to get the Crown into the power of the Infanta and by her either in her life-time or after her death to have it united and incorporated to that of Spain to which it was very repugnant to give her a young French Husband and such an one as might be able not only to govern her but also the people and forces of the Nobility and Kingdom It was a remarkable thing that though this was an Assembly of the House of Lorain the King should yet have a very great party in it for by the Grand Duke of Thuscany's consent Girolamo Gondi had formerly begun and now continued to treat with the Duke of Lorain to induce him and the rest to think of agreeing with the King proposing his Conversion full caution and security for Religion and to give his Sister in Marriage to the Prince of Lorain with those Cities which the Duke desired
and pretended to and on the other side by means of the Count of Schombergh he had begun to deal with the Duke of Mayenne shewing him that they might with much more ease agree privately between themselves than if they should stay for the event of the conference for he was ready to gratifie him and give him that really in present which the Spaniards promised but verbally to give in future But the hopes of every one of these interessed persons were still too fresh and lively which dazling their understanding and incumbering it with passion would not suffer them yet to come to this determination so that neither agreeing among themselves nor in any third person they parted at last without any conclusion save that the Duke of Lorain gave Commission to the Sieur de Bassompier his Ambassador to the States to adhere in the Treaty to the Duke of Mayenne's will in what concerned their interests and the affairs of the Spaniards without declaring himself in the business of election The Duke of Mayenne with his Nephew of Guise and the Duke of Elboeuf went towards Paris being yet uncertain of his own design the Duke of Lorain more desirous of quiet than any thing else returned into his own State and the Duke of Aumale went into Picardy to assist Count Charles who staid about the confines with the forces of the Catholick King In the mean time the Conference at Surenne was begun upon the Nine and twentieth of April where after the first Meetings and mutual Exhortations to lay aside all affections and interests and to apply themselves sincerely to the common good and safety the Deputies shewed one another their Commissions and Authority they gave Passports and Safe conducts on both sides and a discourse was begun of making a Cessation of Arms in the neighbouring places to the end that the Deputies themselves and those of their retinue might stay freely and treat without disquiet or suspition which Truce was afterwards established and published upon the Third of May for four Leagues about Paris and as much about Surenne which did so rejoyce the Parisians who had been so many years shut up and imprisoned within their Walls that every one might easily perceive how much joy and consolation the peace if it should follow would bring to all the people of France Both parties agreed in this one point that peace was necessary to raise up France from her present miseries and future ruine every one praised it and shewed himself ready to embrace it but they disagreed absolutely in the means proper to attain it For the Deputies for the League held the foundation of all things to be Religion and that no other agreement ought or could be concluded wherein the first and chiefest consideration was not about it and therefore exhorted the Royallists to forsake the Heretick Prince whom they followed and uniting themselves all to one end unanimously to chuse a Catholick King such a one as might be acceptable and approved by the Pope by whose establishment the roots of discord being extirpated which sprung up from diversity of Religion they might joyntly come to settle Policy good Government Peace and the repose of the Kingdom On the other side the Deputies on the Kings part maintained that the foundation of Peace was the acknowledgement of and obedience to a lawful Prince truly French and called by the Laws Under whose shadow all of them reuniting themselves troubles and dissentions might be made to cease they said Religion was a second consideration for Christians anciently had obeyed and acknowledged many Princes that were not onely Hereticks and Schismaticks but also enemies and persecutors of the Church and the most holy most learned Fathers of Christendom nay even the Apostles themselves had taught and preached that obedience and therefore they exhorted those of the League to reunite themselves in the acknowledgment of their King to whom the Crown undoubtedly belonged both by a right lineal descent and by vertue of the Salique Law for as he would give all kind of securities the most full and ample that could be desired for the preservation of Religion so in time he might also be reduced to embrace and follow the Catholick Doctrine from which he did not shew himself absolutely averse The Archbishop of Lyons and the rest of his fellow Deputies could not endure to hear this Doctrine but abhorred and confuted it with detestation though the Archbishop of Bourges with great flourishes of Learning Authorities and Examples laboured to maintain it but they on the other side said freely This was the way to make the Kingdom Schismatical and alienate it from the Fellowship of the Catholick Church and that they would rather chuse to lose their lives than consent to so brutish so pernitious a thing and then again the Archbishop of Bourges demonstrated that to be so obstinate upon that point was a subjecting of the Kingdom to the Dominion not onely of Foreign Princes but of its most bitter enemies and that for their parts since they knew they might live with Liberty of Conscience and in the maintenance of their Religion they would not by any means make themselves guilty of so great a crime After long disputations the Archbishop of Bourges proposed that since they could not frame themselves to acknowledge a King that was not publickly and certainly a Catholick they would joyntly exhort King Henry to change his Religion and come into the bosome of the Church for if he should accept of the invitation and resolve to do so all doubts and occasions of dissenting from him would cease and if he should refuse it then every Catholick would forsake him and all united together would chuse another Prince of the Blood that were a Catholick and one generally approved The Confederates replied they neither could nor ought to exhort nor invite the King of Navar who had not onely oftentimes shewed he regarded not nay rather despised those invitations but also having promised them to turn Catholick had deceived them and abused their credulity Wherefore if he had made no reckoning of his friends much less was it to be believed he would value his enemies and that having by the Apostolick See been declared a relapsed Heretick and excommunicated they could not treat with him nor meddle with any thing that appertained to his interest The Royallists shewed that now he seemed to be of another opinion and that the invitations formerly made unto him had been threatning ones accompanied with force and therefore he had rejected them as unseemly to his reputation but that now he took those exhortations in good part which were made to him by way of extremity and shewed a thousand signs that he would reconcile himself to the Church that he had not kept his promise by reason of the hinderance of Arms and War for it was fit his conversion should be with decency and honor and without violence and that they hoped to see him a Catholick very
over to the League he might come to marry the Spanish Infanta and have the protection of the Catholick Kings Forces for his establishment whereupon not onely the Cardinal of Bourbon was extraordinarily moved but also the Count de Soissons newly disgusted by being put beside the marriage of the Princess Catherine the Prince of Conti reckoned not the insufficiency which was believed of him to be to his disadvantage but rather thought the Spaniards would like him the better to the end that the Infanta remaining without issue there might some hope continue of uniting the Crowns and finally also it was pretended to by the Duke of Montpensier a Prince valiant in War of a most ready Wit handsome person and graceful Behavior So that the Infanta's election perchance was better thought on among the King's party than among those of the League But particular men who had not these pretensions and were onely moved by two respects That of their own profit and that of Religion exclaimed openly That the Kings stubbornness gave to the Spanish cunning and boldness opportunity of breaking out that now at last all the Kings excuses and delays were come to an end that even he himself had no longer the heart to alledge any reason nor propose any excuse that it was evident he was bewitched with the subtilties of the Ministers and fast tied to the Doctrine of his Arch-Hereticks that it was fit now at last to think of their Souls of their Religion of the safety of themselves and their Children and not be made instruments to send themselves and all their posterity to the Devil that they should even let him and his desperate Hugonots go to perdition alone and not carry the whole Kingdom with him for company Next after respect of Religion particular interests immediately succeeded every one detested the toil and burden of War every one had compassion upon himself upon the sufferings of his own Family the ruine of his domestick affairs and the continued expences that found no end every one sighed every one longed for the repose and quietness of Peace and among all the rest Monsieur d' O weary of being Treasurer without Money Bellegarde St. Luc Termes Sancy Grillon and all the old Servants of Henry the Third bewailed themselves and their ill Fortune which in stead of a King of Gold whom they were wont to have had given them now a King of Iron for the late King poured forth Gold plentifully to the benefit of his Servants whereas the present King in the narrowness of his Fortune being no less thrifty in his mind and nature propounded nothing for reward or recompence but Wars Sieges Skirmishes and Battels They said they could no longer sustain the intolerable toils of War and to live inchased between a Back and Brest of Iron as Tortoises are in their shells that they could not abide a King accustomed after the Hugonot fashion to run up and down day and night to live by rapine upon what they could find in the miserable Cottages of poor Countrey people to warm themselves at the flame of an house on fire to have their Horses their Chamber-fellows when they slept or the stinking Cattel of wretched Peasants that War was ordinarily made for some time to attain peace and quietness But now they served a Prince who did not care to end the troubles of War accounting volleys of shot wounds death and battels to be the onely delights These complaints sometimes accompanied with railings and cursings sometimes spoken among Proverbs and in raillâ—rie after the French manner were so publick that they came to the Kings ears which were continually filled by the serious advertisements of the Count de Schombergh and the High-Chancellor to whom was added Iaques Davy Sieur du Perron who while he negotiated the Cardinal of Bourbons affairs had by disputing converted the Baron de Salignac one of the Kings Bed-chamber whom he long had favoured and by his means had got himself in to converse with the King at idle-times in his most private Lodgings where sometimes with serious Learned Disputes sometimes with Eloquent Discourses sometimes with Elegant Poetry in which he was very excellent sometimes with witty merry talking had gotten so much favor that from pleasing entertainments he was begun to be admitted also to the handling of more weighty matters This man seeing the way to his own greatness was much more easie by the Kings Conversion than in the Cardinal of Bourbon's Exaltation set himself to procure it by most vigilant means and with all possible endeavors making use of the present conjuncture with admirable wariness and discretion All these things but particularly the necessity which were very well known to the King at last moved him so that to begin with some security to declare himself he gave order to the Count de Schombergh and Secretary Revol who were come to him to know what they should finally propose in the Congregation at Surenne that they should sound the mindes of the Catholicks of the League to find how they were like to relish and receive his Conversion if he should truly determine to return unto the Church which business having been consulted of among his Deputies they resolved to make overture of it by demonstrating to them of the Vnion that the King would observe his promises within a few dayes wherefore being met at their wonted Conference in which they had till then contended with great difference and without concluding any thing to the purpose the Arch-Bishop of Bourges told them he brought them good news and such as would rejoyce every true French heart which was that the King touched by Gods inspiration would within a few dayes comfort all his Subjects by turning to the Catholick Faith and reconciling himself to the Church and that therefore as they were certain this news would be acceptable to them all so they prayed them to see what wayes might be taken to favour and promote that Conversion or to guide it in such manner that it might bring forth the general peace and quiet All the Deputies of the League remain'd in suspence at this proposition but the Arch-Bishop of Lyons lest that doubtfulness of mind should be discovered answered readily that he believed his fellow Deputies would give him leave to say they rejoyced at the King of Navar 's conversion that they were very glad of it and that they prayed to God it were true and real and for the rest he demanded time to consult with them in private which having done for many hours because their opinions differed they at last answered that as they had said before they rejoyced at his conversion which though it should come to pass it belonged not to them to know and declare whether it were good and sincere or no that that was a business which concerned the Apostolick Sea and the Popes judgment wherefore they could not so much as think of any thing depending upon that
Conversion the censure whereof was not under their power and authority and though they persisted in this opinion yet the Kings Deputies would needs present a Writing to them which contained three points One an offer of the Kings Conversion another that in the mean time while that came to pass the means of securing Religion and concluding Peace might be treated of and the third that while these things were doing a general cessation of Arms might be concluded through the whole Kingdom The Deputies could not refuse to accept this writing which being by them brought to be discussed by the D. of Mayenne and the States the debates were very long and various for as the Royalists endeavoured to discover the intentions of the Confederates so they would not declare what they would do if the K. should publickly return unto the Church But this Proposition made by the Kings party wrought such a jealousie in the Spanish Ambassadors that with their utmost spirits they pressed for a resolution to their desire for the facilitating whereof they were fain to offer that the Catholick King should be content the Infanta should marry one of the Princes of the House of Lorain but this proposition also raised many doubts because there was no certainty the Infanta being once elected and declared that either she or the King her Father would observe that promise to which any private man can hardly be obliged much less a Queen or Princess and again because if that first Husband should dye she might perhaps take another either of the House of Austria or a Spaniard or of some other Nation likewise because she having no children by this marriage the King of Spain would afterwards pretend right to the Crown but much more than all the rest because the Duke of Mayenne saw himself and his posterity excluded from that advantage whereupon not only this business was protracted without coming to any resolution but it was determined in the States that there should be a very moderate answer made to the Writing presented by those of the Kings party in the Conference without untying or breaking off the thread of that Treaty wherefore both parties being met at la Roquette a house in the field without the Porte S. Anthoine the Arch-bishop of Lyons said that as concerning the King's Conversion they wished it might be real and unfained but that not only they could not hope it was so but on the contrary they had great cause to believe it was not without dissimulation for if it had proceeded from sincerity so many delayes and puttings off would not have been sought and if he were touched with any inspiration he would not remain in his Heresie and in the publick exercise of it he would not cherish and keep about him the principal Ministers that taught it nor would he still leave the chief Offices of the Kingdom in their hands and yet because it appertain'd not to them to approve or reprove that Conversion they lest the Judgment thereof unto the Pope who alone had authority to determine it as for the Treaty of Peace and security of Religion they could not treat thereof for the present for many considerations lest they should treat with the King of Navar who was without the Church and lest they should give a beginning to the acknowledgment of him or anticipate the Pope's judgment Then for the point of Cessation they would give answer to that when satisfaction was given to the two first Articles Thus neither assenting nor very much dissenting they held the matter in suspence till the Duke of Mayenne saw whether the business begun with the Spaniards was like to end But the Cardinal-Legat being wonderfully solicitous not only because the Spanish negotiation went on difficultly but much more because he saw mens minds inclined to the Cessation out of the hope they had conceived of the King's conversion and the desire of quiet used his utmost power to hinder it and faining himself not well wrote a Letter to Cardinal Pelleve upon the Thirteenth day of Iune praying him to go to the States and in his name to make them a grave Remonstrance of the danger and damage that depended upon the Conference of Surennâ— and advertise them that not only they could not treat concerning the conversion of the Navarrois but not so much as about Peace a Cessation of Arms or any other business with him as well by reason of the Decrees of the sacred Canons and the Declarations of the Apostolick See as also of the Oath they had taken never to assent to or make an agreement with the Heretick Which things were set forth in the Letter with great vehemence of words protesting in the end that if they should continue to treat of Peace or a Cessation he would depart from the City and from the Kingdom that he might neither assent to so great an evil nor disobey the Commissions he had from the Pope This Letter first read by the Cardinal in the States and afterward published in print to the knowledge of every one did something bridle mens minds who were running on eagerly toward a cessation of Arms. In the mean time the King knowing how much harm the want of reputation and the weakness of their Forces did unto the Spaniards and not being willing to run into the same error resolved to set himself upon some notable enterprise not far off with the noise and fame whereof he might increase his reputation and foment those affairs that were transacting in favour of him wherefore having drawn his whole Army together with great diligence he commanded out all the neighbouring Garrisons and made plentiful provision of Cannon Ammunition Pioneers and other things proper for a secure resolute design upon the seventh of Iune he had laid siege to Dreux a Town but sixteen leagues from Paris which for its situation fortification and the quality of the defendents was accounted very strong The Suburbs of the Town were valiantly taken the first day they within who before thought to defend them being beaten back in all places but when they had lost all hope of making them good they endeavoured to have burnt them down The whole Army being quartered with great celerity they began the next day to throw up four Trenches which were hastened with so much diligence by the Baron de Biron and the Sieur de Montlouet one of the Field-Marshals that upon the thirteenth day all four of them were brought into the Moat nor with less diligence were four Batteries planted one of four pieces of Cannon against the great Bulwark toward the Porte de Chastres another of six against the Porte de Paris the third of three against the curtain toward the great Church and the fourth of five Pieces in the Fâ—uxbâ—urg St Iehan which battered a great Tower that stood on that side The King hastened and encouraged the Works in all places with his presence wherefore scarce was the Orillon
a loss very inconsiderable for the taking of a place accounted impregnable and one of the principal ones of all France in so few days but it had always been alike ill-defended by the carelesness of those within the effects being no way correspondent to the same of the place But the so easie and so sudden loss of Calais did not only much perplex the King but also put him in a necessity of agreeing with the Queen of England and the States of Holland for la Fere being not yet given up he thought it very hard to rise from that siege and lose the expences and labours of so many months to the no small decrease of his reputation and on the other side if he did not speedily receive Supplies from both places he was not able to draw another body of an Army together wherewith he might resist the victorious force of the Enemy so that all other places in the Province would be given over with little hope that they should defend themselves more constantly than Calais had done a place excellently fortified by art and nature Being moved with this consideration and judging that the authority of the Duke of Bouillon would be very prevalent to work upon the Queen whose determination he was certain would be followed by the Hollanders he dispatched him into England with resolute orders to the end that concluding a reciprocal Confederacy the Fleet might set sail with all speed to land men in the Port of Boulogne But the difficulties were great and the Queen had no inclination to it partly because she intended to make use of the Kings necessity to get a Port in his Kingdom for which end before Calais was lost she had been backward to relieve it that she might constrain the French to put it into her hand partly because seeing the King reconciled to the Catholick Religion she thought it was in the King of Spain's power to conclude a Peace whensoever he would resolve no longer to molest the Kingdom of France and therefore she difficultly inclined to put her self to new expences which it was in the will of her Enemies to frustrate and make ineffectual wherefore having stifly denied for many days to hearken to any Treaty of new Obligations she only profferred to give those assistâ—nces for the time to come which she could without such great inconvenience to her self as she had done in times past and because the French pressed very earnestly to have the Earl of Essex come to Picardy with the Fleet the English answered That it was for the most part composed of ships and men that were Voluntiers who had put themselves together under the conduct of the Earl to make prize upon the Coasts of Spain from which design the Queen had not power to take them off having granted them licence for that purpose and that nevertheless they would be of great advantage to the King of France his affairs for the damage the Kingdom of Spain would receive thereby would divert the Catholick Kings Forces from the War of Picardy But these hopes and remedies were very far off and the Duke of Bouillon offering to consideration the interests of their common Religion if the prosperity of the Spaniards should still increase excited both the principal Ministâ—rs and the Queen her self to imploy her uâ—most Forces in so urgent and so near an occurrence and he moved much with his authority eloquence and reasons but most of all by being of the same Religion for he seemed to be principally zealous for the common interests and for the conservation of the Hugonot party in France to the end the King might not be constrained to come to such an Agreement with the Spaniards as might be prejudicial to the States of Holland to the quiet of England and to the Liberty of Conscience in his own Kingdom and yet the business went on so slowly and with such weighty difficulties that though the Confederacy with England was at last concluded differing little from the other contracted with King Charles the Ninth and without obligation to consign any Place for shame made the English to desist from that demand and though the Duke of Bouillon went with an Ambassador from the Queen into Holland where the same Confederacy was established yet the time was so far spent that the affairs of Picardy were no way relieved by it and the Eâ—â—l of Essex his Fleet having scowâ—ed the Coasts of Spain was dissolved without having done any thing considerable While this League was treated of in England the Cardinal Archduke not depending upon any body but himself after he had spent ten days in making up the breaches at Calais Guines and Han having surrendred at the bare summons of a Trumpet he determined to set upon Arâ—res a place of a good circuit excellently fortified and standing but three leagues from Calais by the taking whereof he thought he should absolutely secure what he had gotten and though the situation of it seemed very difficult because standing on the top of an Hill it as a Cavalier commands all the Plain below it which extends it self a little more than Cannon-shot and from the Plain there are Mountains and Woods as unfit to encamp in as opportune for the Ambushes of an Enemy yet the Cardinal encouraged by his prosperous successes sided with the opinion of Monsieur du Rosne who hoped to carry it before the King could be disintangled from la Fere and able to relieve it There were in Ardres the Marquiss de Belin Lieutenant of the Province Monsieur d' Annebourg Governour of the Town and the Sieur de Monluc who was come in to re-inforce it and they had with them little less than Two thousand Foot an Hundred and fifty Horse and convenient provisions of Artillery Ammunition and other things necessary for defence And because the Siege had been foreseen by the Commanders they had laboured with all possible diligence not only to better the Fortification of the Town but also to repair those of the Suburbs that stands towards Boulogne for that being the side on which Batteries might most easily be raised they determined by defending the Suburb to keep the Enemy as far as was possible from the Wall The Author of this counsel was the Governour of the Town a Souldier not only of much valour but also of great experience whose design was to defend the ground span by span to give the King so much time that la Fere falling he might come to succour that place before the last extremities but the Marquiss de Belin was of another mind and thought it a pernicious counsel to lose men in defending useless places and such as were not tenable wherefore he would have had them only engage themselves in maintaing those Posts which for their quality might be long made good and yet all the other Commanders being of opinion that the holding of the Suburb would be a benefit of great importance the Governours advice carried it
GAbels are a kind of Impositions especially upon Salt 114 Garde des Seaux is Lord Keeper 3â—7 359 Gautiers Countrey People Sixteen thousand of them fight for the League 395. fortified in three places after they had fought a long time some are cut in pieces and some yield 396 Geneva undertaken to be protected by Henry III. 250. besieged by the Duke of Savoy 426 Gentry alwayes meant by the French Nobles as well as Lords 237 A German Troopers bold act 317. Sixteen of them killed by a Woman with a Knife 328 Germans of the League make sign of coming to the Kings Party are received by them at the Malâ—dery but being entred fall hostilely upon them that brought them in and make themselves Masters of the place 420. German Infantry raised for the King turn to the League 441. all put to the Sword 447. kilâ— little Children to eat in Paris 469. joining with the King and taking Atâ—igny he gives them the Piâ—lage 511 Geux a sort of Hereticks 108 Du Ghast Captain of the Kings Guards causes the Cardinal of Guise to be slain by four Soldiers 373 Godfrey of Bullen and a Daughter of Charles the Great were Ancestors of the House of Lorrain and Guise Page 6 Goville a stout Priest fighting singly alwayes got the victory 525. is kill'd with a Musket-shot 528 Grand Maistre is Lord High-steward of the Kings Houshold heretofore called Count de Palais and le Seneschal de France 248 Grâ—nd Provost de l'Hostel 376 Grenoble after a long Siege returns to the obedience of Henry IV. 484 De la Guesle runs Jacques Clement through who killed Henry III. 405 Guise's the three Brothers of them made absolute Administrators of the Politick and Military Government by reason of their Alliance with the Dauphin 9 H. HAN its Siege 679 Harquebusiers on Horseback differ'd from our Dragoons in that they served both on Foot and Horseback and 't is conceived they were the same with Argolettiers 276 Havre de Grace delivered upon Conditions 89 Henry II. killed in a Tournament by Montgomery his Obsequies last Thirty three dayes 11 12 Henry IV. his birth 10 Henrietta de Cleve Sister to the Duke of Nevers married to Ludovico Gonzaga Duke of Mantua 99 Heresie to be judged by the Bishops 50 Hereticks their divers opinions 50. A Seat of them called Gueux 108 House of Bourbon next to the Crown and grown to a monstrous greatness was hated and supprest by the Kings 5. the Crown divolved upon it 406 House of Guise descended from that of Lorrain reckons in the Malâ—-Line of their Ancestors Godfrey of Bullen and shews a Pedigree from a daughter of Charles the great 6 House of Lorrain too much puft up by prosperous success 331. vid. Lords House of Momorancy descended from one of those that issued out of Franconia with the first King Pharamond and pretends to be the first that received Baptism 6 House of Valois ended in Henry III. 405 Hugonots whence named 20. manner of their proceeding 21. determine to meet at Blois where the King and Court was are defeated at Ambois 25. Petition and demand by the Admiral Liberty of Conscience and Erection of Temples 30. grow insolent towards the Catholicks 49. slight the Kings Edict 65. their Heads declared Rebels 71. receive the English to Hauvre de Grace Diepe Rouen 72. Negligence their ordinary defect 81. one of their Ministers prints and preaches 't is lawful to kill the King 110. jealous of his preparations resolve upon a War ib. resolving to besiege Paris stop passages make incursions into the Suburbs and burn the Mills 112. retake the City of Orleans 114. accept not the Accommodations motioned by the Queen 124. their Manifesto 130 set out a Fleâ—t to fetch in Provision ibid. rise from before the Catholicks for want of Provision 148. possess themselves of Chastel-rault c. 152. rise and do great outrages 167. chief of them in the Louvre are killed 183. Ten thousand of them massacred at Paris at ringing a Bell whereof Five hundred were Barons and Men of Quality 85. begin again to take Arms 196. stir up new Commotions 240. take and sack Cahors 241 their Answer to the Kings Edict 281. take the Castle of Angiers suddenly 289. incompassed by the Catholicks they disband and save themselves by flight 291. threaten to forsake the King and take the Crown from him which they said they had gotten him 662. plot new Troubles being jealous of Henry IVs. conjunction with the Pope 712. the chiefs absenting from Court and drawing Soldiers together near Rochel the King sends to appease them 713 Philip Huralt chose Chancellor in the place of Birago made Cardinal 335 I. JEsuites banished out of the whole Kingdom of France 661 Inclinations of Innocent IX to the Affairs of France 530 Infanta of Spain proposed and urged in the Assembly of the States to be chose Queen of France 592 c. her pretensions to Bretagne 713 Inheritance of the Royal Family 4 Insurrection of the Hugonots 197. of the Parisians 377. another appeased with the death of divers that made it 464 Interview between Charles IX and Duke of Savoy 95. between Charles IX and the Queen-Mother with the Queen of Spain at Bayonne 96. between the Queen-Mother and King of Navarre at Bris 305. between the Most Christian King and King of Navarre at Tours 396 397 John Bodin contradicts the Prelates of the General Assembly at Blois 229 John Chastell a Merchant of Paris wounds Henry IV. in the mouth whil'st he was saluting the Knights of the Holy Ghost at the Louvre Confesses he was moved thereto by the Doctrine he learned of the Jesuites condemned to be dragged to pieces by four Horses 661 D'â—varra his opinion concerning the League 529 Izabella Daughter of Maximilian the Emperor married to Charles IX 582 K. KEyes of the Palace taken from the Duke of Guise and delivered to the King of Navarre Page 46 King Charles IX after much opposition declared out of Minority by the Parliament of Paris 91. opposes the Popes Monitory against the Queen of Navarre 94. makes a general Visitation of the whole Kingdom ib. meets with the Popes Ministers at Avignon 95. Not being able to persuade the Queen of Navarre to change Religion moves her to restore the Masse and Priests to their former liberty 97. disbands part of his Army by advice which proves hurtful 167. his answer to the Duke of Guise resolved to marry Catharine de Cleves 173. commands Ligneroles to be kill'd for shewing he knew what he desir'd to be kept secret 175. Graciously receives the Admiral prostrating himself at his feet after so many years Wars 176. dissembles so with the Hugonots that he is suspected by strange Princes presents a rich Iewel with his own hands to Cardinal Alessandro and Pope Pius Vs. Legat who refuses it his Sister married to the Prince of Navarre by dispensation from Pope Gregory XIII 177. displeased with the Admiral but dissembles it 178. visits the Admiral and
after Victory made his Commanders sup with him at Rosny familiarly speaking to every one and praising the meanest Soldier 450. besieges and takes Melum 454. his Answer to Villeroy persuading him to turn Catholick 455. dismisses him not resolved to grant a Cessation of Arms 457. assaults the Fauxbourgs of Paris sits on his Horses back Forty four hours at the Siege of St. Denis 465. recalls the Chancellor Chiverny to his Office 466. rises from the Siege of Paris and marches to Chelles to hinder the relief 471. sends a Trumpet to the Duke of Mayenne challenging him to Battel 470. deceived by the Duke of Parma ibid. withdraws and marches towards St. Denis 474. in the midst of night gives a Scalado to the walls of Paris c. 475. coming to St Denis without victuals or money sâ—parates his Army oppressed with diseases 476. batters Clermont and takes it on the third day ibid. assaults the Spanish Army and his Horse had cut the Rear-guard in pieces if Georgio Basti had not disingaged them with his Lanciers 480. assaults Corby and takes it 485. his remedies to conserve the affections and obedience of his Party 486. recalls the Duke of Espernon and other Catholiâ—k Lords to his Army ibid. his design upon Paris discovered a second time 491. Chartres surrenders to him 496. declares in Council the necessity of giving the Hugonots some satisfaction confirms an Edict of Henry III. granting them Liberty of Conscience 498. besieges Noyen 605. surrendred to him 507. gives the Germans the Pillage of Attigny offers Battel to the Duke of Mayenne in the Plain of Verdun 512. summons Rouen and refused c. 524. raises the Siege 540. his Saying of Guiry gives distaste to others 539. returns 545. escapes a great danger 546. prayes the Republick of Venice by their Ambassador to treat with the Pope about his reconciliation 559. weeps for the death of Marshal de Biron 560. desires the Duke of Thuscany also to use â—is endeavors with him and the Cardinals ibid chooses Cardinal Gondi and Marquis of Pisani to go to Rome 557. sends his Forces to recover Espernay 559. desires a Reconciliation with the Catholick Church by way of agreement not pardon 562. his Manifesto at Chartres 588. proposes his Conversion to see how it would be relished 605. besiegeth Dreux to give reputation to his Party 607. sends for Prelates and Divines and being instructed at Maule publishes he will go to Masse at St. Denis 612. sends the Duke of Nevers and four Prelates Ambassadors of Obedience to the Pope 617. goes to Mantua 621. desires to be Crowned 634. besieges Laon and surrendred 646 650. sends the Lorrain Forces to make Incursions into the County of Bourgogne 655 causes open War to be proclaimed against Spain 664. besieges the Castles of Dijon 667. half disarmed succors the Marshal de Byron 669 routs the Spaniards in Franche Comte 671. is absolved of his Heresie 675. agrees with the Duke of Mayenne 694. lays Siege to la Fere 696. complains to the Pope of the Spaniards 798. his design about Somme answers not the intention 700. goes Pâ—st to Mont-le-hery to meet the Legat 710. ratifies all his Procurators had done 711. calls a Congregation at Rouen of the Officers of his Crown to settle his Kingdom and Supplies for War 712. breaks off a course of Physick and goes to relieve Amiens excuses the murmurings about it 718. follows the Archduke going from Amiens and his praise of the Spanish Infantry Page 730 King Pharamond chosen first King of the French at the River Sala and the Salique Law established 3 L. LAdy Marguerite being asked If she would have the King of Navarre for her Husband answered nothing being urged by the King bowed her head 180 Lagny taken by the Duke of Parma before the face of the Kings Army 474. recovered by the Baron de Guiry 478 The Popes Legate propounds a Truce to the Duke of Mayenne but he refuses it 388. makes grievous complaints to the King 390. is suspected by the Pope to side with the King 393. as soon as Peace was concluded with the Hugonots departs from Court to go out of the Kingdom ibid. moves the Duke of Mayenne again to an Accommodation but he refuses ib. League its form 222. composed of the disaffected to the Government and Zealots in Religion 251. set forward by Mendozzâ— the Spanish Ambassador 260. the Heads publish a Declaration 261. set the Parisians to frame a Council of Sixteen 300. consult to take the King returning from Hunting to take the Bastille Arcenal Paris and the Louvre cut in pieces the Minions and his Adherents and himself Prisoner 302. first assault the Germans in Lorrain 316. Forty of their chiefest persons châ—se for the Council of the Union 385. take Vendosme by agreement with the Governor 397. great slaughter of them at the Siege of Senlis 400. declare Cardinal of Bourbon King and call him Charles X. 417. takes a disgust at the Duke of Mayenne which is fomented by the Spaniards 487. besiege Caudebec with no good advice 544 c. A League concluded between Henry IV. and the Queen of England almost the same that was made with Charles IX 706 Learned Men fight for their Factions with their Pens as Soldiers with their Swords 434 Lewis Duke of Oâ—leans in the time of Charles VIII takes up Arms to maintain the Right of Government in whom it belonged 18 Ligneroles killed by the Kings command for shewing he knew what he desired to be kept secret 173 Livery made to Wards 90 Lord Peregrine Bertue Lord Willoughby Fahter to the valiant Earl of Lindsey who was slain at the Battel of Edgehill being General of the Kings Army was General of the Forces sent into France to Henry IV. by Queen Elizabeth 423 Lowyse de Vaudemont Neece to the Duke of Lorrain married to Henry III. 212 Low-Countries withdrawn from the King of Spain's Dominions seek first Protection from the King of France then put themselves under the Duke of Alâ—nzon 239. send Ambassadors to the King of France intreating him to take the Protection and Dominion of their States 259 Ludovico de Gonzaga Duke of Mantua marries Henrietta de Cleve Sister to the Duke of Nevers 99 Lyons the first that rebelled and last that returned to obedience 629 M. MAdam de Monpensier persuades the Duke of Guise her Brother to make himself Head of the Holy Union 384. she and others exhort him to make himself be declared King of France 413 Management of Affairs under Francis II. committed to his Mother Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Lorrain by his Wifes persuasion 12 Manifesto of the Hugonots 130. of the King 588 Marks of Iustice is having the Authority to dispose of the chief Ecclesiastical and Temporal Dignities 437 Marquis de Villars made Admiral in the place of Coligny 161. besieges Quillebeuf 558. is forced to rise from it 559. submits Rouen to the King 638 Marquis of Pisani meets the Legat about a Treaty but
Quintus writes congratulatory Letters to the D. of Guisâ— full of high praises The Pope thought he saw not cleerly into the affairs of the League The Pope chuseth Giovaâ— Francesco Moresini Bishop of Bergamo Legat to the Congregation of the States he being much desired by the King to whom he was Nuncio At the same time he is made Cardinal The Duke of Espernon is conspired against at Angoulesme Secretary Villeroy fomenting the business upon a secret order from the King The King according to the example of his Grand-father dismisseâ—h many old servants for their too much wisdom In the place of the High-Chancellour Chiverny Francois Sieur de Mâ—ntâ—elon is chosen Garde de Seaux * Lord Keeper The Assembly of States-General called at Blois upon the agreement between the King and the League begins with extraordinary preparations The King begins the Assembly with a fine Speech which sâ—ings the Duke of Guise and his adherents Monthelon the Garde des Seaux prosecutes and amplifies the King's Speech * Râ—naud de Beaune * Michel Marâ—eaâ— The King and the States swear in solemn manner to perform the Edict made before or persevâ—ring in the Catholick Religion The common opinion that the Duke of Guise aspired to the authority which the Masters of the Palace were wont to have * Les Maires du Palais Câ—ipâ—ric King of France of an effeminate nature put into a Monastery by Charles Martel and Pâ—pin Masters of the Palace The Proposition of receiving the Council of Trent made in the Assembly of the States-General is rejected with great contradiction The King is râ—quested to declare the King of Navarre incapable of the Crown and all others suspected of heresie after much opposition he consents coldly unto it The King seeing the râ—solution of the States against the King of Nâ—varre procures an abâ—oluâ—ion at Rome for the Prince of Câ—nâ—y and Count Soissons of the House of Bourbâ—â— which much troubles the Duke of Guisâ—â— Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy possesseth himself of the Marquesate of Saluzzo Causes alledged by the Duke of Savoy in excuse for his surprisal of the Marquesate of Saluzzo They send to the Duke of Savoy to demand the restitution of Saluzzo and upon his refusal to denounce War A fray happens among the Lords Pages one of the Duke of Guises is slainâ— the uproar riseth to that height that the whole factioâ—â— are divided under the names of Royalists and Guisaâ—ds the King himself being armed goes to the quarrel The King admits Giâ— Mocenigo Ambassador from Venice though he were not one of the Sauii dâ— Tâ—â—ra Firma * Magistrates so called at Venice because they have the principal adminâ—stration of affairs by land and the care of matters belonging to Peace and War Chrestienne de Lorain which should have been given to the King of Navarre is married to Ferdinandâ— de Medici Grand Duke of Thuscany The King desiring â—o free himself of the Duke of Guâ—se proposeâ— his design to four of his most trusty Confidents who after long consultation resolve to have him killed * Le porche aux Bretons The answer of Grillon Captain of the Guards Lognâ—c promiseth the King that the Duke of Guise should be slâ—in The King's resolution against the Duke of Guise comes to the ear of the Duke of Guise himself A consultation between the Duke of Guise the Cardinal his Brother the Archbishop of Lyons and the Duke d' Elbeuf The order taken by the King for the killing of the Duke of Guise The Captains invention to double the Guards and not be suspected by the Duke of Guise * The French Translation says Grand Mastre de la Garde robbe Pelicart the Dukes Secretary sends him a Note in a Handkerchief to bid him save himself but it comes not to his hands The Duke of Guise swoonin theCouncil-Chamber An ill omen of his approaching death The Duke of Guise is slain as he lifts up the hanging of the Closet-door The Cardinal of Guise and Archbishop of Lyâ—â—s are made prisoners as also all the Lords and other chief adherents of the Duke of Guise * The ordinary Iudge of the Kings houshold his command extends to all places within six leagues of the Court. It was reported that the Duke of Guise had received from Spain the sum of two millions of Crowns The King admitting every one into his presence speaks very resentingly The King says to his Mother Now I am King of France for I have put to death the King of Paris The King discourseth a long while with the Cardinal of Moresini about the Duke of Guises death The King seeing that the Legat shewed no trouble at the imprisonment of the Cardinals commands that Lewis of Lorain Cardinal of Guise be also put to death Du Gast a Captain of the Kings Guard causes the Cardinal of Guise to be slain by four Souldiers The bodies of the two Brothers were burned in quick Lime and their bones buried in an unknown place The Duke of Guise's Virtues and Endowments both in body and mind The Archbishops of Lyons being often examined would never answer alledging that as Primate of all France he had no other Superiour but the Catholick Church The Cardinal of Bourbon the Prince of Iainville now called Duke of Guise the Archbishop of Lyons and the Duke d'Elbeuf are all put into the Castle of Amboyse Charles Duke of Mayâ—nne third Brother to the Guises being advertised of his Brothers death flees from Lyons 1589. Katherine de Medicâ—s Wife to Henry the Second died on Twelfth-Eve in the 70 year of her age thirty whereof she spent in the Regency and in the management of the greatest affairs and troubles of the Kingdom of Franceâ— 1588. 1589. The Insurrection of the Parisians at the news of the Duke of Guise's death Charles of Lorain Duke of Aumale being made Governor of Paris by the City armes the people and orders them regularly under Commanders The Preachers detracting from the King celebrate the Duke of Guise his Martyrdom with exceeding high praises The Colledge of Sorbonne declares Henry the Third to have forfeited his Right to the Crown and his Subjects free from their Oath of Allegiance The King's Arms and Statues are thrown down the Navarrists and Politicks persecuted and slain All the Counsellors of Parliament and Officers who adhered to the King are imprisoned in the Bastille A Decree is made to combine themselves for the defence of Religion and it is called the Holy Vnion The Dutchess of Guise comes to the Parliament and demands justice they determine to do it her and chuse those that should form the Process Places and Cities which rise and unite themselves with the Parisians * Rather in Languedâ—â— A description of the miserable condition that France fell into by the means of the Duke of Guise his death The Names which the Factions gave one another * Bandes Blanckes Sixtus 5. being told of the Cardinal of Guise's death is highly offended and answers
conditions as it was credibly reported that there were slain above forty thousand Hugonots in a few days but the rule I have hitherto observed of following precisely the order of this History will not not suffer me to digress in making the tragical Narration of those passages The third day after the death of the Admiral the persecution of the Hugonots not being yet ended the King accompanied by all the Princes and Lords of his Court went unto the Parliament and though at first he had both by words and letters attributed the whole business to a popular tumult yet there unmasking his designs with a long relation he laid open the reasons for which he had commanded all those Rebels against his Person and Kingdom to be destroyed who notwithstanding his gracious Pardons so often granted to their former offences returned still with perfidious obstinacy to plot new treasons and insurrections that at last he was necessitated to prevent them for fear of being prevented having miraculously discovered their conspiracy to take away his life and not his alone but the lives of the Queen his Mother and the Dukes of Anjou and Alancon his Brothers and even the King of Navarre's also who because he was alienated from their party was esteemed no less their Enemy than all the rest Wherefore he thought good to make those his Magistrates acquainted therewith to the end they might proceed with the same sharpness against so wicked a conspiracy and make known to all the world the just and necessary causes that had forced him to use such rigour and severity After these words wherewith he earnestly endeavoured to perswade them that the business had been sudden and not premeditate happening in a manner by chance and urged by necessity not ripened by long plotted contrivance he gave order it should be recorded among the ordinary Acts of that Court that whatsoever had befallen the Admiral and the rest of his Faction either in Paris or any other part of the Kingdom was done by his will order and express commission Then he commanded them to proceed to the examination of the prisoners to defame the memory of the dead by laying open their rebellions and by inflicting such punishments upon them as the strictness of the Law enjoined and lastly he caused to be published not only in the Parliament but likewise in all the streets of Paris That they should desist from further effusion of Blood that which was already spilt having abundantly satisfied his just severity which availed something in Paris where the number of the Hugonots was already almost extinct and brought to nothing but in other Cities whither the order came too late it was more or less obeyed according to the distance of places The Parliament readily imbraced the Commission of proceeding against the Hugonots and with the examination of the prisoners legally making their process they condemned Briquemaut and Cavagnes who were imprisoned in the Palace to be publickly torn with Pincers and their bodies quartered commanding also a Statue of the Admirals to be broken in pieces and burned declaring him a Rebel a Disturber of the Kingdom a Heretick and an Enemy to all good men not having any bounds to their cruelty against his memory the Magistrates sentenced the Hostel de Chastillon to be razed to the very ground and all his posterity to be deprived of Nobility and made incapable of bearing any Office or possessing any goods in the Kingdom of France and that their deeds might be answerable to their words the King dispatched his Grand Provost with all diligence to seize upon his Wife and Children but his eldest Son with the Widow Lady his Mother-in-law the Wife of Teligny and Monsieur de la Vall the Son of Andelot deceased were already fled secretly to Geneva and the better to avoid their danger went to live among the Swisses in the Canton of Bearn the younger Children both male and female were condemned to death in their tender years coming to that end which in the variety of worldly affairs accompanies the ruine of great Families At the same time this execution was done at Paris la Charite which was still held by the Hugonots was surprized by the Gens d' Arms of the Duke of Nevers who going into the Town under pretence of being mustered and receiving their pay possessed themselves of the gates and principal places of the City so suddenly and discreetly that the Towns-men durst not stir to make opposition and so the City remained in the power of the Kings Officers The same was attempted by the Viscount de Ioyeuse at Montaubon and by Philippo Strozzi at Rochel which if they had succeeded there might have been some hopes that France would have been quieted but the inhabitants looking warily to themselves and keeping very strong guards both the enterprizes failed of the expected event all those provisions being to no purpose which had been made under colour of the War of Flanders But the Viscount de Ioyeuse having with him only some Gentlemen of that Country his design being discovered dissolved his party and retired to the places under his Government On the other side Strozzi having sufficient strength both of Foot and Horse began to besiege and streighten Rochel still exhorting and perswading the Citizens to avoid the tryal of strict justice and the hazards of a desperate War by returning willingly to the Kings obedience to which they answered ambiguously to gain time were resolved not to hearken not only because they presumed upon the strength and situation of the Town but also because by the great number of Hugonot Ministers and Preachers who were fled thither they were daily stirred up and encouraged to preserve the liberty they enjoyed and not to trust the promises of the Catholicks whose Doctrine allowed them to break their Faith with any who being of different Religion were by them accounted Hereticks against which Strozzi opposing other reasons and shewing the necessity of obedience to the King and the ruine which by their stubbornness they would bring upon themselves the time was more spent in treaties and messages than in any action or enterprize of War yet both Horse and Foot lay near on all sides of the Town and the Fleet scoured all those coasts to keep them from supplies of men or victual In this interim the Conversion of the King of Navarre and Prince of Conde was laboured at the Court the Queen and all the Council being of opinion that the Princes now taken from the Hugonot party and the male-contents deprived of the pretence and countenance of the Blood Royal the State would remain quite purged from those humours which for so many years had with obstinate violence disturbed the quiet of it finding the severeness of the late executions produce such hopeful effects that an abundance of Hugonots already professed the Catholick Religion and many leaving their Country were gone to live out of the Kingdom The effecting of this Conversion was
most diligently endeavoured by the Cardinal of Bourbon Uncle to both the Princes a man of great integrity and extraordinary vertue omitting no means which he thought might help to bring their tender minds to the Catholick Religion and every day with Father Maldonat a Jesuite and other â—octors spending many hours to instruct them It happened very opportunely that Monsieur des Rosiers who had been a Hugonot Minister and about that time was converted either because he clearly saw his former errours or to avoid the imminent danger and to get the favour of those in power disputed with great eloquence and learning against the Doctrine and opinions of Calvin which gave the Princes a reasonable colour and specious pretence of coming fairly into the bosom of the Church following the Conversion of him that had been a principal Teacher and Maintainer of their former Faith The King of Navarre was the first who yielding to the time and having resolved to conform himself to his present condition with less difficulty and greater expressions of approbation reconciled himself to the Church the greatest part of his Servants that were left alive following his example But the Prince of Conde who though of a younger age perhaps for want of experience was of a more wilful obstinate spirit notwithstanding he was assaulted by continual threats and perswasions refused still to turn Catholick till the King exasperated by his stubbornness causing him to be brought unto him for his last trial with an angry voice and terrible aspect spake only these three words unto him MASSE DEATH or BASTILE not suffering him to reply one word to the contrary which terrour joined to so many other motives that were made use of to overcome him bent his mind at last to follow the example of all the rest and being instructed by the Cardinal his Uncle he came publickly to Masse together with the Princess his Wife Sister to the Dutchess of Nevers and Guise and the same did Lowis Prince of Conty and Charles Count of Soissons his younger Brothers who persevered afterwards sincerely in the Catholick Religion From the Conversion of all these Princes the King and Queen conceived infinite hope of more peaceable times and for the better confirmation of it the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde sent Ambassadors to render publick obedience to the Pope who rejoycing at their conversion which happened in the beginning of his Papacy answered their Embassie with many demonstrations of affection the whole Court of France being in the mean time very much satisfied that by those designs the Kingdom was brought into a most probable hope of a setled Peace and tranquillity for the perfecting whereof they endeavoured all possible means to reduce the City of Rochel But as bloody violent counsels are seldom seen to produce prosperous effects the wilfulness of men or the providence of God had already disposed otherwise for all those that by divers chances had escaped the slaughter of the Hugonots and did not comply with the Catholick profession according to the several qualities of places took different courses and resolutions Those of Britagne Normandy and Picardy Provinces along the coast of the Ocean Sea just over against England fled in great numbers into that Island not only to live there according to the Doctrine of their Faith but also uniting themselves under the command of the Count de Montgomery by the favour and protection of Queen Elizabeth to repass the Sea and some where or other to disturb the tranquillity of France Those of Daulphine Provence and Lionois retired into Swisserland where writing and enveighing continually against that cruel Massacre of all those of the same Religion they laboured to raise the Protestant Cantons and to make them break that ancient Confederacy whereby they were united to the Crown of France among these as we have said were the Sons of Andelot and the Admiral who by the fame of their Fathers authority and the tenderness of their years and the misery of their present condition stirred up the minds of every one to great pity and compassion Those of Champagne and Burgundy were gotten into the Cities of Germany and there endeavoured to make the actions of the King of France to be suspected and ill-interpreted by the Hans-towns and Protestant Princes But those near the Mediterranean and the inner parts of the Kingdom having no other way to save themselves took refuge into four strong Towns which were held by those of that party and there with all their might prepared for their own defence Those of the Isle of France Beausse and Nivernois had possessed Sanserre the inhabitants of Gascony and Languedoc fortified themselves in Nismes and Montauban and those of Anjou Poictou Xaintonge and part of Guienne were fled to Rochel as into a secure harbour There under the command of Iaques Henry Mayor of the City whose authority is chief in the Civil Government all the inhabitants had armed and divided themselves into four Companies each of two hundred and were daily exercised to learn the use of their arms besides which the Common Council to the number of an hundred and fifty were listed under Colours apart as the Colonels Company and commanded by Arandel the Mayors Lieutenant a man of great valour and experience besides these Trained Bands which served without pay for their own defence one thousand five hundred other Souldiers were gathered together from the neighbouring Provinces who under several Captains were paid by the contributions of the Cities and Towns near adjacent being all men of a resolute courage and who for the most part had been exercised in the late Wars To these were added about sixty Gentlemen fled thither from places thereabout and fifty seven Ministers who amidst the noise of Arms and toils of their Fortifications ceased not to stir up and encourage the people to defend themselves to the last man The preparations of Ammunition Cannon and other Warlike Instruments were not inferiour to the stoutness and readiness of the people for besides the abundance of Powder which they made continually having set up Mills for that purpose there were in the City-Magazine great store of Pikes and Muskets nine very great Culverins eight Cannon twelve Sacres thirty eight Field-pieces and above seventy Faulconets and Harquebuzes a Croc the managing whereof the Citizens daily practised with great diligence Noâ— was their care less in providing victual for neither sparing pains nor cost they had filled their Store-houses with Corn and Wine whereof the Isles near to them bore great abundance as of all other things needful for the sustenance of men in the longest Sieges Against all these preparations for War the King and Queen opposed not the gathering together of Arms but treaties and inducements to Peace for desiring to enjoy the fruits of their designs without new dangers and troubles they sought to reduce the Rochellers if not to a real at least to a seeming obedience and to
was done at Lions by Claude Mattei a Priest of the same Society at Soissons by Matthiew de Launoy Canon of that Cathedral at Rouen by Father Egide Blouin of the Order of Minimes at Orleans by Bourlate a very noted Divine at Thoul by Francois de Rosier Archdeacon of that Church and an infinite number of others dispersed thorow the several parts of France who by their credit and plausible popular eloquence sometimes in their Pulpits sometimes in the Congregations of the Penitents sometimes in their secret Conferences at Confessions did allure the people and entice them to enter into that Combination which it is likely very many did out of a respect to Religion believing that thereby the Calvinists would be utterly rooted out and the authority of the Church restored to its pristine greatness But many entred into that Covenant invited by other ends and drawn to it by different hopes or else necessitated by their particular interests though all shrowded themselves under the same cloke of the preservation and maintenance of Religion Thus was the League composed of two different kinds of persons The first sort for the most part of such as were noble eminent persons who ill satisfied with the power of the Kings Minions and not enduring to be banished from all Offices and favours of the Court went that way partly out of anger partly out of hope of change believing by the subversion of the present state of affairs they should rise to a greater height of fortune and in the end compass the height of their designs The chief of these was Ludovico Gonzaga Duke of Nevers who after he had refused the Government of the Marquisate of Saluzzo and other places beyond the Alps when the King resolved to restore those Towns which had been withheld from the Duke of Savoy thinking himself partly hated and partly despised could never any more attain to any other Government as his great services to the Crown made him hope he should In this number was also Guy Sieur de Lansac and Francois Sieur de S. Luc who having seen some beams of the Kings favour and entertained hopes of being received amongst his Minions were afterwards thrust out by their Competitors and falling from so great expectations had for anger taken the contrary side likewise among these was Monsieur de Vins a man more fit to be the Head of a Party both for his readiness of his wit and for the nobleness of his Family which was the chief in Provence he having at the siege of Roâ—helle saved the Kings life and interposing his own body to defend him from the Bullets which were aimed at him received a Musquet-shot in the right side did afterwards neither obtain his favour nor those rewards and advancements which the merit of that service had caused him to expect with those also was Iehan de Hemery Sieur de Villers to whom in recompence of his many services especially for taking the Count Montgomery prisoner the Government of the City and Castle of Caen in Normandy having been promised the King without giving him any thing in exchange disposed of it presently to Monsieur d' O his favourite The like was the condition of Monsieur de la Chastre Governour of Berry who after many great services performed in the time of Charles the Ninth was not only unrewarded for his valour and fidelity but also denied the Government of Blois and that of Chartres one of which he very much desired because they lay so commodiously near Berry The Sieur de Mandelot Governour of Lions consented likewise to it who having received intimation that his Government should be taken from him and in favour to Bernard Sieur de la Valet Brother to the Duke of Espernon joined to that of Dauphine and to the Marquesate of Saluzzo and Monsieur de la Mante first and then the Sieur de Passage both Creatures of the Family of la Valet having been put into the Cittadel which is the bridle of the City of Lions took that party to secure his own affairs Monsieur d' Entraques Governour of Orleans was another of them who having formerly been favoured and gratified by the King being afterwards discontented that he himself and his Government should be subject to the High Chancellor Governour of that Province with whom he had no good correspondence and moved by his hatred to the Duke d' Espernon who both in words and actions had abused a Son of his joined himself also with the Lords of the House of Guise The same resolution was followed by the Count de Saux whose Father and he himself having at first but with ill fortune held of the Hugonot Party had left it by reason of many enmities wherewith he was sharply persecuted and for his own safety retired under the protection and shelter of the League Guilliaume Sieur de Fervaques was also joined in that confederacy who of subtil wit but voluble nature and ready without respect to lay hold of any thing by which he could hope for profit and advancement after he left the King of Navarre had followed the fortune of the Duke of Alancon and now wanting a support and not being well looked on by the King sought new protection and new matter for his vivacity to work on But the Archbishop of Lions a man of contrary nature to whose exttaordinary Learning was joined a wonderful gravity and great care not to erre from those ends which were suitable to his vocation beside the interests of Religion and his long dependance upon the House of Guise was driven into the League by the Duke d' Espernons hatred who slighting and despising him as a person not well affected thrust him out of the Kings favour and almost out of the Court where his worth had held one of the chiefest places But amongst them all the most principal was the Count de Brissac who took that resolution for anger that the Office of General of the Infantry promised to his Father and pretended to by himself in recompence of the great labours he underwent in the Portugal Fleet for the service of the Queen-Mother was disposed from him without so much as making shew to reward him any other way For these and such like occasions the Sieurs de la Roche Breaute de la Baulme de Sourdeac de Couriers de la Brosse de Beauvais de Forone and an infinite many more Gentlemen were perswaded to follow that resolution either for discontent of things past or hopes conceived of the future The other kind of persons whereof the League was composed seemed much inferiour in quality to the first but was not so at all in the advantage and benefit of the cause for by means of them whole Towns and Cities were won and the common people and men of many several professions were brought over in all parts of the Kingdom These were for the most part honest well-meaning men of simple nature affectionate to the Catholick
upon the mindes of such as were discontented and that th e Duke of Mayenne would give to all very large conditions But if the King was tormented with these doubts and involved in these cares the mindes of particular men were no less troubled and perplexed for the Hugonots doubted that the King would make more account of attaining to the Crown than of persevering in their Religion and therefore feared he would easily reconcile himself to the Church and the Catholicks seeing him environed by du Plessis Mornay des Amours a Minister and the Sieur de la Noue and many others who were firm Calvinists and calling to mind past experiences believed he would not forsake that Religion and those men with whom he had lived long and sustained the difficulties of his adverse fortune and many of each Religion were drawn and byassed by diverse several interests The affairs of the Army being so uncertain and distracted the Catholicks who were the greater part gathered themselves together the night before the third of August to consult what resolution they should take Here their opinions were different for many thought best to follow and uphold the Crown by all means in the King of Navarre that they might not wrong the justness of his Cause and violate the Salique Laws but conserve the Kingdom in the lawful Succession They said that by doing otherwise it was necessary either to divide the Kingdom among so many Petty-Kings as there were armed Princes and Pretenders or else submit themselves to the rule and arbitrement of strangers That this was the true way to foment discord and make the Civil Wars perpetual to the destruction of the publick and of every particular man and to expose their common Country to new dangers fatal accidents and most cruel slaughters That the hand of God was plainly seen which favouring the justice of his Cause had in an opportune conjuncture armed him with Forces reconciled him with his good Subjects and put him miraculously in a condition to be able to attain to and defend his Crown That it was a pious thing to follow the Motives and Disposals of Heaven and to leave the care of future matters to Divine Providence That by the Laws of God Princes were to be born withal and not to be despoiled of their Rights and Inheritance for any particular defect That the King of Navarre was an ingenuous Prince full of clemency modesty and sincerity That in him there was no cause to fear a violent or tyrannical power but to hope for a good and lawful Government and liberty of Life and Conscience which he till then had granted to every one That finally it was a thing unworthy of the French Name and Nobility to adhere to Rebels who had impiously imbrued their hands in the bowels of their Prince and with manifest wrong and violence endeavoured to deprive and despoil the Blood Royal of the lawful Succession of the Crown But on the contrary That it was an action worthy the name of Cavaliers which they professed to vindicate their just blood unjustly shed by his Subjects and to maintain the true and lawful Heirs of the Crown in the possession of the Kingdom The Authors of this opinion were the Sieur de Rambouillet the Baron de Giury and especially the Duke of Longueville But many others argued on the contrary side That they ought to observe Divine before Humane Laws and that the health of the Soul was alwayes to precede transitory worldly things that the respect of Religion in the Succession of Kings was antient For that depends upon the Law of Nature and this upon the Particular Constitutions and Positive Rights of Nations That the example of England was very near and remarkable where the Princes alteration of Religion had caused the destruction of the Catholicks and the alienation of the whole Kingdom from the Apostolick See That the miseries of Wars and the calamities they bring along with them might be ended in a short time but the danger of losing their Faith and Souls extended it self to their Children and Grand-children and to their whole posterity for ever which would receive an eternal loss and prejudice by their present connivence That it was true Princes were to be born withal though wicked and of a different Religion buâ— that was meant by such as were already placed and established in the Throne not of such as were to be received and established anew That the King of Navarre had by many means with a thousand intreaties and redoubled reasons been perswaded by the States-General and by the earnest desire of the late King to change his Religion and yet could never be drawn from Calvinism And if he would not leave it in his extream necessity it was not to be hoped that he would do it in the prosperity of fortune That what was said of his nature and qualities were very true but that he was so exceedingly affected to his Religion that he would think he did well in forcing mens Consciences And though he had not a tyrannical mind yet one of a different nature might perchance succeed him That at that present it was fit to foresee the future and not to alienate a most Christian Kingdom from its obedience to the Pope and from the Fellowship of the Church of God This Argument was held by Monsieur d' O the Sieur de Manuy his Brother Monsieur d'Entraguos Dompiere rhe Field-Marshal and the greater number of the Assembly Between these two contrary opinions arose a third as it were in the middle of the balance held by the Mareschal de Biron the Duke of Luxembourgh the Duke of Espernon and the wisest among them That the King of Navarre should be declared King of France and that they should serve and uphold him in that quality but upon assurance that he would change his Religion and embrace and maintain the Roman Catholick Faith And this motion was drawn from the Will and Prudence of their dead King who at his death had declared him lawful Successor but had also at the same time admonished him that he should never be King in peace if he embraced not the Roman Religion This resolution was in a manner generally followed and charge was given to those that had proposed it to let the King understand with all modesty what they had determined The Duke of Luxembourg accompanied with the rest carried the Message and told him That the Princes Lords and Officers of the Crown together with the Catholick Nobility that was in the Army which were the greatest and best part of the Kingdom were ready to acknowledge him King of France to serve and maintain him against every one since God and Nature had called him to the Crown by a lawful Succession But withal they besought him that for the general contentment and reasonable satisfaction of all his Subjects for the good peace and tranquillity of his Kingdom for the honor of his own Person and for
that which became the Title of a most Christian King he would be pleased to turn to the Catholick Religion and to come again into the bosome of the holy Church to take away the pretences of his enemies and the scruples of conscience of his servants to the end that he might be served obeyed and honoured with the universal applause of them all That His Majesty would not think this their proposition and most humble supplication strange for it would appear much more strange to their consciences and the whole Christian World That one should be established King of France who was no Catholick as all his glorious Predecessors had been from Clouis the first King that received Baptism The King though he was much troubled and perplexed in mind yet either preferring his Religion before the Crown or knowing that by pleasing his new Catholick Subjects he should displease the Hugonots his old adherents took also the middle way and answered That he returned thanks with a most sincere French heart to the Nobility for their acknowledgment of his Right That he knew them to be the principal Member of the Crown the foundation of the Kingdom in time of War and the establishment of his Scepter That he embraced them all with tenderness of heart being ready to requite their duty and fidelity both in publick and in particular But desired that they would not think it strange if he did not so presently satisfie their first requests because the quality of the thing demanded required a convenient time of advice and the ripeness of a grounded resolution That he set a greater value upon his Soul and Conscience then upon all earthly greatness That he had been brought up and instructed in that Religion which yet he held to be the true one but nevertheless he would not therefore be stubborn and obstinate That he was ready to submit himself either to a General or National Council and to the Instructions which without palliating the Truth should be given him by learned conscientious persons But that these were Motives which proceeded from God effects of the muturity of time and which ought to be laboured for in peace and tranquillity and not amidst the noise of Arms and War and with a Dagger at a Mans Throat That he had a firm resolution to endeavour the satisfaction of his Subjects and the contentment of his Kingdom but that conjuncture was not proper to put his good desires in effect lest his action and declaration should seem feigned and counterfeit and extorted by force or else perswaded by worldly interests Wherefore he intreated them to stay till a fit opportunity and if in the mean time they desired any condition or security for the maintenance of the Catholick Religion in the same condition it was at that present he was ready to give them all the satisfaction they could wish for With this Answer the Deputies returned to the rest of the Catholicks assembled in the Hostel de Gondi and the King with his most intimate friends retired likewise to consult The Sieur de la Noue a man of great experience in worldly affairs though he were a Hugonot told the King freely That he must never think to be King of France if he turned not Catholick but that he should endeavor to do it with his reputation and without doing injury to those who had long served and upheld him On the other side du Plessis Mornay and the Ministers stood for Liberty of Conscience and the Cause of God against earthly greatness and magnifying the Forces of their party told him That they who had so many years defended and preserved him would also be sufficient to establish him in the Kingdom The King knew that these were swayed by their own interests and joyning in opinion with Monsieur de la Noue resolved within himself to turn Catholick but as a generous and magnanimous Prince would not seem to do it out of ambition or constraint and he believed the Proposition he had made to the Catholicks to be very reasonable so that he was determined to continue that resolution adding only the prefixed limits and circumstances of time God seemed miraculously to inspire the same thought into the Catholick party for though many of them and particularly some Prelates that were in the Camp did oppose it yet the greater part kindled with a just indignation for their King's death could not hear of any agreement or accommodation with the League wherefore it was at last concluded That the King taking a prefixed time for his conversion should secure the state of the Catholick Religion and that upon those terms they would receive and follow him The Deputies having carried this resolution and Treated a long time with the King and his Counsellors at last a Writing was mutually agreed on between both parties whereby the Catholick Princes Lords Officers of the Crown Nobility and Soldiers on the one side acknowledged Henry of Bourbon to be their lawful Prince and took an Oath of fidelity to him as King of France promising him due obedience and to serve and uphold him against every one And on the other side He swore and promised upon the word of a King to make himself be instructed within six months in the Catholick Religion by an Assembly of conspicuous persons and if need were to call a National Council to the Decrees whereof he would humbly submit himself and in the mean time promised to maintain the same Roman-Catholick-Apostolick Religion inviolate not to innovate or change any thing in it of what kind soever but to protect defend and secure it with all his power to dispose of Ecclesiastical Benefices and Revenues in the manner observed by the Kings his Predecessors to fit and sufficient persons of the same Religion to cause the use of it and the ceremonies thereof to be publick and principal in all places under his jurisdiction as he had established in the Agreement made with the late King in the moneth of April last past that he would put no Officers nor Governors but such as were Catholicks in those Towns which were under his obedience nor in those which for the time to come should submit themselves unto him or should be taken except onely those places which had been already granted to the Hugonots that he would admit none to any Dignities Offices of the Crown or Magistracies whatsoever but such persons as publickly professed the Catholick Religion that he would conserve and maintain the Princes Peers of France Ministers of the Crown Lords Gentlemen Cities and Corporations and the three States of France in their wonted Beings Priviledges Immunities Prerogatives Offices Places and Magistracies without any prejudice or innovation whatsoever that he would endeavour to take just and fitting revenge for that Parricide committed upon the person of King Henry the Third by severe exemplary punishment and the destruction and extirpation of disobedience and rebellion finally that he permitted his Catholick Subjects to
and Degrees of France to persevere in the Catholick Religion and labor by the glorious example of their Ancestors to extinguish and root up the evil of Heresie to cut off the occasions and roots of discord and that particular enmities and quarrels being finally buried and those fatal ruinous Civil Wars being laid down they should resolve to yield obedience to a lawful truly Catholick King and the Divine Worship being restored under his shadow and protection to live in charitable union and concord being in the mean time obliged to receive the Cardinal Legat with due reverence and to put in execution his fatherly admonitions thereby to reap besides temporal earthly fruits the divine heavenly benediction Two different Declarations followed upon the publication of this Breve one of the Parliament of Tours by which all persons were forbidden to obey or acknowledge the Legat the other of the Parliament of Paris by which all were exhorted to receive the fatherly love of the Apostolick See and to give due reverence to the Legat's Admonitions After which contrary Declarations learned men desiring to fight for their Factions in their way no less ardently then the Soldiers there came forth many Decrees of Parliament and infinite Writings of particular persons decisions of the Sorbonne Letters of the Legat Answers of those Prelates that followed the King's party and so great a quantity of Books spread abroad thorough all parts by curious men that it well appeared there was no Brain that laboured not nor Pen that writ not in the defence and confirmation of the Rights of each party but with so much pertinacy of Minds and Reasons all striking as it were at the mark of the coming and power of the Legat that it was an easie thing to consider how Spiritual arms wrested and interpreted divers ways in the heat and inconsiderateness of War were rather like to supply new fuel to the fire then to extinguish the flame already burning whereby Cardinal Gaetano within a few dayes perceived the falsity of his first opinion and that it had been better counsel to have staid neutral since that by coming to Paris he made himself Legat onely to one of the Factions which did not onely trouble him because it was very different from the mind and designs of the Pope but because he began also to know clearly the weakness and disorders of the League The affairs of the Vnion were at this time very doubtful and uncertain For the diversity of pretensions and the contrariety of the ends of the Confederates did as the custom is disturb the course of the enterprise and did not onely hold the deliberations of mens minds in suspence but also the effects and operations of common interests which by reason of the King's celerity and resolution had no need of delay The Duke of Mayenne Prince of the Faction and Head of the Enterprise who with the Authority of his Person the Prudence of his Government and his experience in War managed the weight of all things esteemed the reward which should result from the blood of his brothers and his own industry justly to belong unto himself and designed either to transfer the Crown upon himself and his own posterity as had hapned in the times of Pepin and Charles Martel or if that could not finally be obtained to confer it at least upon some Prince who should acknowledge it totally and absolutely from him Yet observing his wonted integrity and right intention he was resolved never to suffer that the Kingdom should in any manner be divided much less that it should fall into the hands of a Foreign Prince The King of Spain on the other side who from the beginning had secretly and now openly protected and fomented the League and who in late years had spent Two millions of Gold in the service of the Confederates and was fain now besides the maintaining of Horse and Foot to â—ontribute vast sums of money both in publick and private and who saw that without his Supplies which must be great and potent not onely the Enterprise could not succeed but also that the League could not so much as subsist but be speedily dissolved thought it more than reasonable and more than just that the expences and losses being his the fruits and profits should be so likewise and therefore besides a most secret hidden intention of uniting the two Crowns or to make that of France to come to his daughter the Infanta Isabella born of Queen Elizabeth Eldest sister to Henry the Third He sought also to be publickly declared Protector of the Crown of France with Royal pre-eminencies and authority to provide for the Offices of the Crown to chuse the Governors and Commanders in War to dispose of Prelatical dignities and to have the power belonging to a supream Prince and this was demanded and openly laboured for by his Agents who were Don Bernardino Mendozza the Commendatory Morrea Iuan Baptista Tassis Veedor General of his Armies who was newly come for that purpose from Flanders The Parisians who saw the foundation of the Faction consisted in them not onely by reason of the abundance of people and the power of the City but also of the continual Contributions from whence they derived the sinews of the War thought it belonged to them to dispose of the Crown And being ill-satisfied with the Duke of Mayenne because of his unprosperous success in the War both in that the Fauxbourgs seemed to have been lost by his delay and that through his want of diligence the City was in a manner besieged and in great scarcity of provisions they inclined to submit themselves to the will of the Spaniards hoping by means of their Forces utterly to destroy the King whose very name they hated bitterly to extirpate the Religion of the Hugonots whereof they naturally were enemies and by the Moneys of Spain to be eased of the intollerable burden of Contributions as the Catholick King 's Ministers went cunningly promising and bragging both in publick and private On the other side the Nobility who followed the party of the League and in whose hands were the Arms and Fortresses averse from submitting themselves to the Spanish dominion desirous of a French King and affectionate to or interessed with the House of Guise inclined to favour the Duke of Mayenne and following his Name and obeying his Command necessitated all the rest of their party to depend upon him and to order themselves by the motions of his will and the authority of his Government In the Parliament many were inclined to â—â—vour the King and desirous that he would turn to the Catholick Faith that they might acknowledge and obey him and universally the major part of the Counsellors were far from suffering either that the Kingdom should be divided or that it should come to a forraign Prince The Duke of Lorain from whom the League received no small increase of strength and reputation thought that the Kingdom