that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile what have they gotten worthy of their painâ—s and charges They have added somewhat to their former Reputation They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown They have as it becometh good Husbands augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them And what is all this but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold a shew of Reputation that is no true Glory and a Representation of great profit than can have no long continuance For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome what sorrowes what inconveniences what troubles dangers and vexations will follow thereof His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken and the â—onquered will not long like of his Government The former will find Fault with his Deputies and the later will desire his room rather then his presence The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own and the other will esteem all that he getteth theirs because they presume that it is gotten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs So he becometh a stranger unto his own and being daily amongst his own his own will not know him And that which is most greivous if his own chance to rebell as many have done in their Soveraignes absence he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them And if his Strangeâ—e happen to revolt he muâ—t either make a Butchery of his own to subdue them or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof I have cleared that by many examples in the beginning of this discourse And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior but rather greater then the fiâ—st It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed and their natural Affections enforced to return But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy nor careful as it should seem to maintain and keep his own having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects by an indiscreet toleration of bad and leud Officers is so far from pacifying their Wrath as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requâ—st which not they alone by their Ambassadors but also other Princes for them make unto him For after that the Low Coâ—ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland Swedland Denmark France Scotland and England together with the Common-wealth Dukedoms Principalities Counties Palatinates and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland Savoy Wittenberge and other Provinces of Germany fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience and without danger of a Spanish inquâ—siâ—ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die But the King thinking it not convenient or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition were it never so humble or reasonable of his Subjects refuseth to satisfie this request For which his refusing as many asâ—favor him or his cause alleage these reasons First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate Secondly that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries Thirdly that he had faithfully promised the Popes holiness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions Fouâ—thly that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects cannot be warâ—anted by the example of any Kâ—ngs or Princes of later or former times Fifthly that the King of France and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Petitions And lastly that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects especially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to enforce his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons I will briefly confute every one of them in order True it is that there is no streighter tie no surer stay no stronger hold to coâ—joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together then is the conformitie and unitie of religion and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms to resist the first beginniâ—g of any heresie whatsoever and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects and if any by chance happen to finde never so small entrance to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same For variety of opinions easily ingendred findeth meanes to increase without great difficultiâ— and having once penetrated into the interior cogitations of mens hearts so ravisheth their senses blindeth their eyes and obscurâ—th their judgements that they can neither see nor discerne the truth from falshood nor the light from darkness but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings be once grown to be equall or greater then the multiâ—ude of those which agree with him in opinion there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder The one to command as Dagabert King of France did that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth shall by a certain time appointed depart out of his Realme and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome beyond the day prefixed shall be held as Enemies unto the State and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉 worthie of present death The other to permit them to continue in their Country and to enjoy liberty of conscience The which way because it draweth nighest unto humanitie seemeth unto
maketh any such vow or promise first it had been very good that he had never made it and next it were very convenient never to put the same in execution bâ—cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many This promise therefore if it were never made but suggested requireth no performance and if it were once made it likewise ought not to be performed because it is impossible and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood without hurt unto many and prejudice unto a whole estate From this promise therefore unto tâ—e fourth Reason a Reason almost as easie to be refuted as to be repeated For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus not for any affection that he baâ—e unto them but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects Theodosius sirnamed the Great who was always a most moâ—tal enemy unto their opinion did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject And Valens and Valentian whereof the one wâ—s an Arrian and the other a Catholick suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government The Emperor Ferdinand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania which are Provinces of Bohemia to change their Religion And not long after him Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants Besides the Pope himself the Dukes of Mantua Ferrara Florence and Baviera together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome In the Kingdom of Poland the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whiâ—e professed And now there are many Lutherans Catholiques Anabaptists and Calvinists Lastly it cannot be denied and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which professâ— Luâ—herasme being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Peâ—ce of Aubspurge Considering therefore that al these Popes Emperors Kings Dukes Princes and Barons having no less regard then the King of Spain of their Soules health hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit do yet permit the professed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell namely the Jewes to live nay to be born and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes Dominions and Principalities What Shame Dâ—shonor or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Goâ— which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire I know not what should be the cause that he who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉 Examples and Counsells doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration which will be acceptable unto his Subjects answerable â—nto their desires agrâ—eâ—ble unto Gods word and very proâ—itable for the Advâ—ncement of his own reputation It is to come unto the fift Reason because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Toleration in theâ—r several kingdoms Alaâ— neither the example of the one nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England They are free and he is bound They are tied to no conditions and he is fastened unto many and especially unto these not to break their ancient Priviledges nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconvâ—nience unto him then unto her by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects For his are so many that require the same that above 30000 departed at â—ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request and the number of Traditioners in England is so little that all that were of any note and name amongst them were heretofore and are at this present reduced into one little Island nay into no great house of a little Island But the late King of France who was esteemed one of the wisâ—st Princes of Europe would not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom but because he would plant one onely there he made wars a great while against his own subjects destroying their houses wasting their Fields ruinating their Cities and Massacring their persons But who gave him Counsel so to do Was it not the King of Spain or his Pensioners And what advantage got he therefore Truly no other but the ruin and desolation of his Country And what end had he of his war before he died Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars And what continuance had these wars Certainly they lasted above thirty years and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were And what issue is come of these French troubles Undoubtedly the issue was such that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions a little before the Kings death there were three and of those three the last was most unjust pernitious and execrable For in the same one Papist killed another the son bore Arms against the father the brother against the seed of his mothers womb and the subjects being in their opinion of a good Religion against their King whose Religion was as good or better then theirs It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him It beseemeth not his Catholâ—ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects This is the last and in effect the best of his Reasons For it is usual amongst Princes and therefore no shame to crave counsel advice and direction one of another in matters of great weight and moment and happy haâ—h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as hâ—s faithfull Friends abroad gave him Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another that they crave conference one with another that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meetings and according to this custom he either dissembleth egrediously or meant truly that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor the Queen of England and other Princes of late years to Cullen should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects
lay and inflict upon him The Pope sendeth two Cardinals into England before whom the King sweareth that the Murther of the Archbishop was undertaken and performed without his consent and privitie And yet because he confessed that in his wrath and anger he had spoken some words that might perhaps embolden the Malefactors to committ the same he could not be Absolved before he promised to give the Cardinals so much readie money as would maintaine 200. soldiers for a year in the Holy land and also that all his Subiects should have libertie to appeale from his Courts unto Rome a great punishment for a small offence For what a trouble and grief was it thinke you unto the Subjects of this Realme to have all causes carried unto Rome where they spent their travel and their money many years before they could be ended and received no indifferent Iudgment because their Contentions were for the most parâ— as you shall heare with Italians who found better favour either for money or for love then our Countrimen which were meer Strangers unto the Judges But these griefs are nothing in respect of those which we endured in the time of Henry the third the which were so grievous that the King together with the Clergie and Nobility complained thereof unto the generall Councell which was held in Pope Innocent the third his time at Lyons They complained first that the Pope not being contented with his Peter-pence did newly exact new contributions of the English Clergy and still intended to extort more and more from them contrary to the ancient Customes and Liberties of England Next that the Patrons of Churches when they fell void could not present fit Clerks unto them as by grant from the Pope they might do but their Churches were collated unto Italians who understood not our Mother tongue and therefore could not instruct their People whose Soules for lack of discipline and good instructions perished Thirdly they complained that the Pope imposed upon their Churches more Pensions then he had formerly promised to take of them and leavied divers taxes within this Realme without the Kings knowledge or consent Fourthly and lastly that Italians succeeded unto Italians in the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical livings of England Of which followed these Inconveniences First there was no Hospitality kept for the releif of the Poor Next the word of God was not preached to the edifying of mens Soules their divine Service was not celebrated to the comfort of mens consciences and lastly churchâ—s were not repaired to the benefit of their next Incumbents It was further shewed that the Clergy of England was enforced to maintain and arme some Ten Souldiers others five and others fifteen to bee sent with sufficient Armor and horses to serve the Pope in what place soever it pleased him Again it was declared that although there was an Ancient priviledg in England that no Legate should come into the Realme unless the King required and allowed him yet they came continually one after another and the later still exceeded the former in troubling and overcharging the Realme Moreover it was proved that besides the Popes Tributes and Subsidies Italians held Benefices in England to the yeerly value of 60 Thousand marks and transported out of the kingdom tâ—e most part of that money to the great impoverishment of our Country Neither were these griefes so lamentable but that it grieved all estates in our Country much more that our best wits for lack of such preferment as was due unto Learning were fain to leave the Universities and to betake themselves unto Mechanical Trades and such Occupations as were not fit for men of their Gifts and capacities whereby our Realme was almost induced unto a very Barbarisme The Ambassadors that made this complaint were men of great dignity mature Judgment and of exceeding great learning But what could they prevaile in a Councell where the Popesâ— Faction was so strong that at the very self same time he deposed the Emperor Frederick and sent away our Ambassadors greatly discontented For he gave them a chargâ— streightly to command all Bishops in England to set their hands and seales to that detestable Charter which King Iohn made to the Pope for a yeâ—rly pension to be paid unto the Sea of Rome unto which commandement all the Bishops more indiscreetly then wisely shewed themselves most obedient But the King protested that although the Bishops had bowed their knees unto Baal yet he would stand stoutly in the defence of the Liberty of his Realme and would never pay any yearly pension unto Rome under the name of a Tribute I might here take occasion to tell you how this Tribute grew but you must remember that I have already touched the same somewhat in all that may be said in the behalf of the Pope and for the maintenance of that Pension it hath been lately confuted in a leamed Treatise called Anti-Sanderus I might also proceed in declaring other inconveniences which our Realme hath endured by our voluntary subjection unto the Pope But these may suffice to commend those our Kings for their wisedome and magnanimitie which cast off that yoke amongst whom there are none that deserve greater commendation then the Queens Majesty that now raigneth and her Noble Father and godly Brother For some of their predecessors indeed permitted not the Pope to overcharge their Subjects but they have discharged them of all kind of Grievances which he was wont to put them unto and have both wisely and boldly excluded him and his Authority which he wrongfully usurped Whereat both his Fatherly reverence and our Romish Sâ—ctaries so much repine that they cry out with open mouth that it is against all Reason all Divinitie and Scriptures that secular Princes should have and arrogate unto themselves any manner of Authority in Ecclesiastical causes This and the Substraction of such Taxes and Impositions as the Sea of Rome was wont to impose upon the Englâ—sh Clergie are the true and only Causes why the Pope thundereth his Interdictions and Menaces against our Gracious Sovereigne and her kingdom although he pretendeth that her dissent and diversitie from his Religion only moveth him to excommunicate her Majesty You have heard sufficient Reasons to justâ—fie the taking away of those duties and services And the same might be warranted by the Examples of many Forreine Examples who upon the like occasion have done the like But I may not handle every matter that is worth the handling in this discourse which already is grown to be far large then I thought it should have been And yet considering the Impudency of our Adversaries in denying all kind of Authority unto Temporall Princes in spiritual Causes and for satisfying you somewhat in that point who especially Charged me to yield you some satisfâ—ction therein I will in few words and by a few Examples fetcht from the holy Scriptures prove unto you that this her Majesties proceeding in Ecclesiasticall Causes is waranted by holy Scriptures
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
life and welfare of his Subjects but when the Prince casteth off humanity and the Subjects forget their duty when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed when he breaketh Laws and they desire to live under their ancient Laws when he imposeth new Tributes and they think themselves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old when he oppreseth and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people their ancient Lawes Priviledges and Liberties and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers and Patrons to be done unto themselves and their Posterity Then changeth love into hatred and obedience into contempt then hatred breedeth disdain and disdain ingendereth disloyalty after which follow secret conspiracies unlawful assemblies undutiful consultations open mutinies treacherous practises and manifest rebellions The chief reasons whereof are because the common people are without reason ready to follow evil counsel easie to be displeased prone to conceive dislike not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers forgetful of many good turns if they be but once wronged more desirous to revenge an injury then to remember a benefit quickly weary of a Prince be he never so good if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable demands easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them commonly affecting time that is past better then the present briefly all liking what the most like all inclining where the greatest part favoureth all furthering what the most attempt and all soon miscarried if the most be once misled This natural disposition of the common people is proved by common experience observed by wise Polititians and confirmed by many examples not of one Realm but of many Nations not of one age but of many seasons not of barbarous people but of civil Realms not of Kingdoms alone but of other manner of Governments briefly not of Subjects living only under Tyrants but also under the best Princes that ever were for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for antiquity or for greatness for strength or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings for absolute government of Rulers or for dutiful obedience of Subjects for good laws or for just and wise Magistrates and yet France that hath this commendation and these benefits hath many other times besides this and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns for proof whereof let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion begun in the late Kings time and continued in this Kings days They that write thereof at large and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred Offices appertaining unto Justice dearly sold Benefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated new Impositions dayly invented and levied the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed old Officers unjustly displaced and men of base quality unworthily advanced they saw the late King carried away with vanities governed by a woman entred in League and Amity with their Enemies and fully resolved to follow his pleasure and to leave the administration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Enemies They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion unlikely to have any issue to succeed him not willing to establish any succession of the Crown after him and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion Lastly they saw that as long as he lived the King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed and that as soon as he dyed the said King was likely to be his Successor which hapning they considered the desperate estate of their Religion the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants and of their cause and quarrel the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes And lastly the final and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves and of their Families Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies and to prevent some of them and to redress and reform others they called a general Assembly of the three Estates implored the help of forreign Princes levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather together propounded means of Reformation to the King and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel they combined themselves against the Protestants his pretended and their open enemies seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength removed such Officers as disliked them and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause imployed men fit for their humours made for their purpose brought up in their Factions practised in their Quarrels affectioned in their Cause and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Favour of strange and mighty Potentates to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Protestants The King of Spain by the greatness of his Ambition and the Duke of Lorrain by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon might easily be perswaded and induced to favour their party and further their Attempts and Enterprises The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes beseeching them as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices so they would now that matters were grown to ripeness and secret Conspiracies to open resistance vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power In which Suit he findeth happy success and with promise of assured and sufficient aid is animated to proceed with courage and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy to win unto himself as many friends as he might possibly He therefore considering that for the better accomplishment of his designs it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court and there to draw unto himself as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain repaireth thither with all diligence And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose unless he might effectually compass three things of special consequence he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them
by the on-set which he gave upon France and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world And seeing that Francis the first King of France had lately won Milan from the said Emperour they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth as secretly as they might possible You have heard before how Leo the tenth taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour at the Diet of Worms very kindly was moved thereby to leave the French party and to become one of the Emperours Faction Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes touching the deciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion took it in so evil a part that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope that he commanded the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was encreased by three special Causes The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth King of England who was then fallen from that obedience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt lately divorced from the same King The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Dukedom of Milan nor make his Son Pier Lewis Duke of Parma and Placentia I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these but from these you may sufficiently gather that the wisest both Popes Emperors and Kings that ever lived of late years have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions especially if they found that any King or Emperour by reason of their League presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose went about to incroach upon other Princes and to make himself Lord of the world You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy and of their falling from France to Spain and again from Spain to France how greatly they fear the greatness of the one or the other in Italy how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them and how careless negligent and secure they are now since they notwithstanding not as their predecessors always did before them the aspiring Ambition of the Spaniard Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was conceived of Charls the fifth what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed The which having left as an Inheritance to his Son with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt no marvel though he do somewhat imitate his Father But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde the same desire the same ambition and the same purposes which were in his Father But the more careless other Princes are herein the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth who for better then these thirty five years hath as I have said often and cannot say too often mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action Neither may it be imputed to her Highness as a fault that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors but rather as he amongst private men is highly commended who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes before the iniquity of any League or confederacie Besides since that the League that was betwixt England and Burgundy was as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Nations rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy then with the Princes themselves her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces and being ready to do the like if the like occasion were offered with the other of the seventeen Provinces doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League but as her Predecessors have done before her as namely Edward the third and Richard the second her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign The which action being most commendable and such as might be approved by infinite Examples they do her Highness great wrong who not considering the indignities wrongs and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain to have risen from Spain blame her Majesty as the first breaker of that ancient League These men besides many other things which are already refuted or remain to be fully answered hereafter in their several and fit places more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty that about the year 1569. her Ships intercepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain amounting unto the sum and value of eight hundred thousand Ducats which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal the which wrong gave as they affirm the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friendship betwixt Spain and England For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay and the Kings credit and authority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England nor remember that when the Spaniard complained unto her Majesty hereof that it was wisely and sufficiently answered That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova who being well able to spare the same and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much thought she might be so bold as the Spaniard had been to borrow the said money for a small time paying them as he did some yearly consideration for it Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain
Recaredus King of the Goths and of Spain was the first King that expelled the Arrian Heresie out of his kingdom and expresly commanded all his Subjects to receive and profess Christian Religion Whereby it appeareth that Spain lived from the time of St. Iames and St. Pauls being there until Recaredus his Raign which is better then four hundred years in manifest and manifold Heresies a crime which cannot be proved to have been in England or in many other Nations after they had once submitted themselves to the Doctrine of Christ and his Disciples Lastly if Spain will still continue to brag and say that their King Ferdinand was entituled by Alexander the sixth by the name of the Catholique King they may leave to boast thereof when they shall hear that Henry the eighth our King not much after the same time was surnamed by Leo the tenth Pope of Rome Defender of the Catholique faith and that the Switzers for their service done unto the same Pope Leo the tenth received of him the Title of Helpers and Protectors of the Ecclesiastical Liberty a Title in no respect inferiour unto that of Spain And lastly that Clouis King of France above nine hundred years before their Ferdinando the fifth was honoured with the Title of The most Christian King A Title as for Antiquity so for worthiness better then the other because the French Kings for the worthiness and multitude of their deserts towards the See of Rome are called Primâ—geniti Ecclesiae the eldest Sons of the Church of Rome Now from their faith towards God to their fidelity towards their Princes a matter sufficiently handled and therefore needless and not requiring any other confutation then the advantage that may be taken of Vasoeus his own words for if they have been faithful unto forrainers and strange Princes and have submited their necks unto many several Nations it argueth inconstancy fellow-mate to levity which is either a Mother or a guid unto disloyalty because light heads are quickly displeased and discontented minds give easie entertainment unto rebellious and treasonable cogitations To conclude then this Point with their learning let me oppose a Spaniard unto a Flemming a man better acquainted with the vertues and vices of his own Country then a stranger a man who giveth his Testimony of Vasoeus and of the cause of his writing of the Spanish History Iohn Vasoeus a Elemming seeing the negligence of the Spaniards and how careless they were to commit to perpetual memory the worthy exploits and actions of their own Nation began of late years to set forth a small Chronicle Why then the Spaniards are negligent they are careless of their own commendation so thought Vasoeus or else he had not written their History so saith Sebastianus Foxius the man whom I bring to confute Vasoeus the man who by attributing as you have heard more unto himself then any modest man unless it were a bragging Spaniard would do giveth me occasion to think that he will not derogate or detract any thing from the praises due unto his own Country This man therefore in his before mentioned Book speaketh thus of the learning of Spain Our Country men saith he both in old time and in this Age having continually lived in forrain or domestical Wars never gave their minds greatly unto study for the rewards of learning in our Country are very few and they proper unto a few paltry Pettyfoggers and our wits being high and lofty could never brook the pains that learning requireth but either we disdaining all kind of study give our selves presently to the purchase of Honours and Riches or else following our studies for a small while quickly give them over as though we had attained to the full and absolute perfeâ—tion of learning so that very few or none are found amongst us who may compare for learning with the Italians or have shewed the ripeness and sharp maturity of their wits in any kind of any kind of study You have heard two contrary opinions touching the Spaniards learning I leave it to your discretion to follow and beleeve which of them you please and withal to consider by the way what manner of Ecclesiastical Discipline and Government we should have if the Spanish ignorant and unlearned Clergy might as they have a long time both desired and endeavoured prescribe Laws and Orders unto all the Churches of Christendom The favourable Assertions in the behalf of Spain being thus briefly refelled it remaineth now to make a conjectural estimate of the Spanish present Forces by an Historical Declaration of the power thereof in times past and because it were over tedious to trouble you with the recital of such forces as Spain hath imployed many hundred years ago in her own defence or in disturbance of her forrain enemies abroad I will restrain my self unto such a time as is within the memory of man and especially unto the Raigne of Charls the fifth For as I take it Spain was never for this many hundred years so strong as when the said Charles was both King thereof and Emperor And albeit Piero Mexias in the life of Gratianus the Emperor attributeth so much unto Spaniards as that he more boldly then truly affirmeth that the Emperor flourished more under Spaniards then under any other Nation whatsoever and alledgeth for proof of his Assertion the flourishing Estate thereof under the before named Charles the fifth Yet I think that the Empire being added unto Spain rather beautified Spain then that Spain being conjoyned with the Empire did any thing at all illustrate the majesty of the Empire because as little Stars give no light or beauty unto the Moon but receive both from the Moon so a lesser dignity being joyned to a greater addeth no reputation thereunto but is greatly honoured and beautified by the conjunction thereof neither redoundeth it much in my simple opinion unto the honour of Spain or of the Empire that Charles the fifth was Emperor Spain is not greatly honoured thereby because Charles the fifth was a Flemming and no Spaniard and Spain came unto him as I have said by marriage with the heire of the Kingdoms of Arragon and Castile and the Empire was rather disgraced then honoured by the said Charles because he being born in Gaunt was not onely a vassal and natural-born subject unto the King of France but also unto the See of Rome for all the Dominions Lands and Seigniories which he had in possession saving those which he held of France and the Empire But Charles the fifth such an Emperor as he was and undoubtedly he was a very mighty wise and politick Prince never brought into the Field against any of his Enemies whatsoever so great forces and so mighty an Army as might worthily be called invincible by which name the proud and bragging Spaniards baptized their late Army against England This Emperor being as you may conjecture and perceive by that which hath been already said both Ambitious and Warlick
the siege to Rochel Insomuch that Mr. of Valence who was his Ambassador unto the Electors was faâ—n to publish a Book wherein he more cunningly then truly derived the fault and crime of that Mâ—ssacre from him unto the Duke of Guise who took the same in so evil part that after the king was estâ—blished in Poland the said Duke published an other book wherein he cleared himself and layed the chief blame upon the late French king Lastly whenas he had ruled a while in Poland and saw the diversities of Religions there he loathed the Country detested their opinions and could hardly be brought to take the Oath which bound him to permit and tolerate a plurality of Religions in that kingdom But it may be thought that as many Princes have shewed themselves honest vertuous and religious before they were kings to the end they might the better attain unto a kingdom so he being assured by his Mother and by a vain prophesie that she should live to see all her sons kings and knowing that he should hardly come to the kingdom unless he gave some manifest signes of his zeal in Religion during the time that he lived as a Subject under his Brother repressed his nature dissembled his manners and disguised his Religion that Heresie might not be a bar unto him for the kingdom In the refuting of this Objection I shall have occasion to confound many of his Actions together which will serve to confute some other crimes layed to his charge When his bother Charles the ninth died he was in Poland where hearing he news of his death he took such a course for his departure from thence as highly commendeth his wisdom and manifestly declareth his great and natural love and affection unto his native Country with which course it shall be very requisite and expedient to acquaint you throughly because his Adversaries draw from hence their principal Arguments to prove his Infidelity and the beginning of his evil Government for where as he was say they bound by faithfull promise and oath to contnue in Poland and to have an especial care of the Wealth and welfare of that Country he left and abandoned them when they had most need of him as may appear by the Letter that was sent unto him after his departure by the principle Peers Nobles and Senators of that Realm It is not unknown unto any that know the State of France and are conversant in the writers of the later Accidents thereof that he was very unwilling to go into Poland because that he saw that his brother was not likely to live long and that he dying in his absence the kingdom which was alwayes to be preferred before the Crown of Poland might be wrongfully tranferred unto his Brother or unto some other whom his Brothers young years or his absence might encourage to affect the same This consideration moved him not to give his consent unto that journey before that his Mother faithfully promised to revoke him with all possible diligence if his Brother should chance to die And some write that at his departure his mother whether it were to make him the more willing to goe or that she was resolved to take such order that Charles the ninth should not live long said unto him Take not his departure my son grievously for it shall not be long before thou shalt returne Let it be spoken either to comfort and encourage him or with her foreknowledg and prejudicate opinion he was scant setled in Poland when a Messenger came unto him to signifie his brothers death This Message being delivered he wisely and providently called together the Nobilitie of Poland imparted unto them his Brothers death required their Counsel in a case of such difficulty as greatly perplexed his Wits and not lightly troubled the wisest amongst them The first thing that was decreed was that the Nobles should mourne for him in the same manner and with the same solemnities that they usually observe in mourning for their own Kings whereby they signified their great love which they bore him The next matter that was resolved was to dispatch a present Messenger into France with Letters of Credit unto the Queen his mother requiring her for him to take upon her the Regency of France untill his returne And the third Conclusion of their consultation was to call a general Assembly of the States and therein to deliberate and consult what might be best for the King to do whether to returne into France or to continue and remaine in Poland In this interim he calling to minde the trubulent Estate of France the young years of his Brother and the Ambitious and aspiring minds of divers of the French Nobility And liâ—â—wise understanding that the Peers of Poland fearing his suddain departure were about to take some order for preventing the same determined with himself to depart thence before his going should be known aswell because he would not have the same hindred and crossed by the Nobilitie as for that he knew it would be very dangerous for him to pass homeward through the Countries of divers Princes that bore him no great good will if he should depart thence as that they might have any foreknowledg and intelligence of the time of his departure and of the way which he went in returning into France This resolution thus taken he writeth a letter with his owne hands unto those in whome he reposed greatest confidence and signified unto them that since the time of their last conference he had received such Intelligence out of France as gave him just occasion to hasten thither in Poste and not to attend the general Assembly of the States of Poland he promiseth to returne so soon as he could conveniently prayeth them to excuse his suddain departure unto the rest of the Nobilitie And for such matters as his leisure would not permitt him to committ unto his Letter he desireth them to give credit unto a faithfull Counsellor of his whom he left behinde him with further instructions for them The Nobilitie understanding by his owne Letter and these mens reports marke the love they bore him and the care which they have of him sent presently a Nobleman in Poste after him to beseech him to returne and wrote their Letter unâ—o the Emperor to certifie his Majestie that his hastie returne into France proceeded not of any offence given unto the King by them nor of any evil opinion conceived by the King against them but of some urgent occasion requiring his presence in France They rested not here but when they saw that he returned not in such time as they looked for him they wrote a large Letter unto him wherein they declared how lovingly they consented to choose him before a number of other Pâ—â—nces that were competitors with him how honorably they sent for him into France how royally they received him how dutifully they carried themselves towards him how carefully they provided for the safety of both
his kingdoms aswell of that which came unto him by discent as of that which he received from their Election how greatly he was honoured by their choice and how dangerously he had forsaken them they prayed his returne if it might stand with his good liking if it migâ—â— be to his benefit if not they humbly besought him to consider in what danger they stood of Forreine Enemies what troubles hung over their heads by reason of the hatred and quarrels that were betwixt them and the Princes of Walachia Scythia and Muscovia and how needfull and necessary it wâ—s for them not â—o be long without a King whose presence might comfort them whose counsel might advise them whose experience might direct them whose Authoritie might govern them and whose Credit might countenance them They forgot not the Inconveniences that had hapned unto them since his departure nor the difficulty and impossibility to provide for their redress and their owne safetie without his presence for that it is an inviolable Law in Poland that although the States of the Country have decreed Wars against an Enemy yet it can neither be denounced nor prosecuted without the consent and suffrage of their King These necessities being thus expressed they set him down a peremptory day within which to returne with a plaine intimation that if he shall not returne by that day they will proceed unto the Election of an other King beseeching him not to thinke that they will choose another for that they are weary of him or desirous to forsake him there is no such conceit lodged in their hearts no such Cogitation entred into their heads but they and he must consider that Poland is so situated that barbarous Enemies do environ it on every side and that it is the stay of all Christendom and that therefore it behooveth them to be carefull when others are negligent and to watch that others might keep in quiet without danger And lastlie that these premises well and dulie considered such a kingdome cannot be long without an Head without a Captaine without a King He receiveth these Letters and they receiving no such Answer from him as might assure them of his returne unto them by the day appointed proceeded to a new Election And hence his Enemies derive their best Arguments to condemne him of Infideltie and Heresie Of Infidelitie in that he returned not according to his promise and of Heresie in that living there amongst a number of sundry Sects and Sectaries he learned to bear with Heretiques I finde in the Histories of Poland that when the States had agreed upon his Election the Ambassadors which he had sent into Poland about those Affairs were sworne in the name and behalfe of their Master by the Archbishop of Cracovia to maintaine uphold conserve and increase the Ancient Laws Rights Liberties and Immunities of the kingdome of Poland and of the great Dukedome of Lituania The which Oath being thus taken the Palatine of Cracovia being high Marshall of the Kingdom of Poland and the great Captaine of Samogitia being Marshal of the great Dukedome of Lituania presently proclame him King of Poland and Duke of Lituania Here is no promise to abide with them for ever Here is no Oath not to returne againe into France Here is no Bond to tie him to continuall Residence And though he promised to return at his departure yet you shall understand that although he could 〈◊〉 would have return'd yet hee had small occasion to return unto them For first the kingdom of France is farr better then that of Poland Next few Princes have ever left their native Countries unto the Government and administration of a Lieutenant to rule themselves in a Forreign Dominion Then hee found his own kingdom at his return in such broyles and contentions that hee câ—uld not possiâ—ly appease them to return into Poland at his day prefixed And lastly they not admitting his lawfull excuses chose another king before hâ—e refused to come back unto them This last cause is sufficient to excuse his not returning into that kingdom And this is so true that when I was in Italy I remember that it was a fresh news that the Polacks had sent an Ambassador unto the Pope to excuse their suddain choise of their new King and to do such ceremonies unto the Pope as in such cases is required This Ambassador pâ—ssed by Padua where I saw him and hee staied there so long that he spent all the money that was allowed for his Journy to Rome and home again before he went thence The cause of his long stay was the Protestation that was made by the French Ambassador residing then at Rome and requiring the Pope not to accept of the said Ambassador as an Ambassador sent unto him by the lawfull King of Poland because the French King his Master had not resigned his Right and Title unto that Crown And the validity of this exception was so long in debating that intimation being given to the Poland Ambassador not to proceed any further on his Journy towards Rome untill the same question was fully decided he was enforced to continue so long as I have said in Padua to the great hinderance of himself and of all his company Besides as our Kings still carry the Title of Kings of France in remembrance of their Right unto that kingdom so the late King of France caâ—sed himself to be called King of Poland untill his dying day in token that he never had resigned his Interest and claime thereunto This Argument brought against his fidelitie is sufficiently refelled It resteth to refute the exception made against his carriage and Government in Poland This shall need no great Confutation because it appeareth by the aforementioned letters of the Senatoâ—s unto him and the Emperor after his departure that there was no dâ—slâ—ke conceived against him and the earnest entrâ—aty which was made unto him to return testifieth the good opinion hope and confidence which they had to be well and wisely ruled by him Now whereas it is said that he learned to bee favourable unto Hereticks in Poland It may be that he conversed with some of them whilst hee was there because he could not otherwise do their generall Assemblies and meetings requiring his presence and consisting of such Peeres and Nobles as were of diverse Religions But it appeareâ—h by his letters written unto his especiall Friends of that kingdom when he departed thence that he had no great confidence or trust in them that were contrary unto him in Religion For besides the letter that â—e wrote to the Generall States of all the Country he wrote unto certain choice men as unto the Bishop of Cinavia unto the Palatine of Cracovia â—nto the Marshall of Eboronius unto the Vice-Chancellor Wotkins unto the Castellan of Meymcimer his Vice-Chamberlain and unto the Marshâ—l of the Court of Lituania all which were very zealous and earnest Catholicks and the oâ—ely men of whom â—e made any â—eckoning during
end and compose all contentions and Controversies that were in Germany for Religion not by force and violence but by fair means and gentleness praying them to have such an opinion of him and not to be moved with the threats and menaces of their Adversaries This Answer was given unto them when the Emperor was leading his Forces unto Marcelles in France against the King thereof with whom as soon as he was reconciled the Catholicks thinking that he had but dissembled with the Protestants but for a time hoping that he would bend his whole Forces against the Lutherans But he deceived them all and went into Spain from whence he sent an Honourable Ambassage into Germany to let the Protestants and all others understand that he would be very glad that all Contentions Debates and Controversies touching Religion should receive a final end and agreement by a General Assembly and Disputation of learned Divines to the end that the right and true Doctrine of Jesus Christ being by that means laid open and discovered he might establish and confirm the same with his Imperial power and authority It happened not long after that the Emperor had an occasion to pass through France into Flanders then the Enemies of the Reformed Religion began to promise to themselves great wonders and to conceive an assâ—red hope of an invincible power to be levied by the Emperor and the King of France against the Protestants for that then the two cheif Protectors of their Catholick Faith were throughly reconciled and were equally bent against Luther and his Followers and their conceits proved to be most vain and of that Journey followed no good success for them For the Emperor either because he would be still mindful of his promise or for that he knew that the Protestants strength increased daily caused a General Diet to be Assembled wherein although he was daily entreated by the Catholicks to declare open Wars against the Protestants yet he would never take that violent course but ordered that shortly after there should be a general Assembly in which the cause of Religion might be freely and lovingly decided by learned Divines who having lightly discussed some Points of Controversie were commanded by his Majesty to come to Ratisâ—one Where when as all Contentions could not be fully ended his Majesty was contented to refer the final Conclusion unto another General Assembly of which the success and event was so well known that I shall not need to acquaint you with the particulars thereof Now considering the Reasons Varieties and Circumstances of all that hath been said what may a man judge thereof but that the Almighty prevented crossed and hindered the determinations purposes and Enterprises of the Emperor and so guided and directed them that it lay not in their power to confoâ—nd the Protestants by force of Arms For if we shall consider the great strength of the Catholick Princes as well in Foot as in Horse the number of their Souldiers the multitude of their Provisions the greatness of their Treasure the vehemency of their hatred the wilfulness of their perseverance therein their courage their animating and provoking the Emperor against the Protestants and how to win him thereunto they spared no kind of policy cunning and deceit that humane wit could invent and that notwithstanding all their utmost endeavors they were then so far from attaining their purpose that in the very last Diet that was held certain points of Doctine were yeelded unto which before that Assemby both the Emperor and his best Divines held to be most erroneous It must needs be confessed that it was Gods pleasure so to dispose and govern the hearts of those Princes for in that Diet many opinions were received and allowed for good and godly for the maintenance whereof many Protestants had lost their goods their Countries and their lives The Catholicks therefore seeing that they prevailed not greatly by force and violence they cast off the Lyons skin and put on the Foxes whom they counterfeited so well that they brought the Protestants into disgrace by sowing false Rumors and Accusations against them And because they had rather lost much then gotten any thing by disputing with them they caused it to be bruited abroad that the Protestants durst no longer dispute with them and they gave liberty unto all sorts of people without any regard of learning or modesty to raile upon Luther and to write malicious and false Invectives against him A strange course and too much used in these dayes but in my simple opinion a course not now like to have better success then that course then had For as Luther when he saw that it was law 〈◊〉 for every man to exercise the bitterness of his pen against him conceived such malice against the Pope that he discovered many of his follies which might have lien hidden unto this day Even so it is greatly to be feared if men having more Zeal then Learning of greater Malice then Judgement shall be suffered to preach and write against the foolish impugners of our Ecclesiastical Discipline that either their Malice or their Ignorance will utterly disgrace the same because preaching by preaching may unhapply be disgraced and a few turbulent and unquâ—et spitâ—ts may with a small Pamphlet or with a simple Sermon do more harm then a number of learned men shall be able to amend or reform with great pains and travel Had not the Pope given too great encouragement to such as wrote against Luther Had not rude and ignorant men been suffered bitterly to inveigh against his Doctrine Had not certain malicious persons laboured to disgrace him with the Pope and the Emperor Had he not been condemned before he was heard Briefly had not his Books been unjustly adjudged to the fire he had never appealed from the Pope unto a General Council he had never laboured so much as he did in searching out and laying open the Popes Errors He had never made so bitter Invectives as he wrote against the Pope and his Bishops He had never impugned the Pope and his General Councils Auâ—hority He had never implored the Duke of Saxony and other Princes help and countenance He had never procured the Popes Canons to be burned Briefly he had never written a Book against the Catholicks Reformation so many things might and should still have remained as it were buried in obscurity which are now brought to light and made known and palpable to very Babes and Infants They therefore in my simple cenceir did not a little hurt and prejudice unto the Papists and their Cause who peâ—swaded the Pope and Emperor to make wars against Luther and his Adherents For since that time many other Nations besides Germany are fallen from their obedience to the Pope and from their good liking of his Religion and so many and divers opinions are now crept into mens hearts that I take it a thing almost impossible to reconcile those diversities For such is the nature of man that
Realm to poison a private man and yet of late is waxen so rich and plentiful a Kingdom of murtherers as procurers as Maâ—uel Aridrada Xpofero de Moco Rodorigo Marquess Stephano Ibacco and the Count Fuentes as many executioners as Dr Lopas Ferrara Truoca Williams and York and more perswaders as Stanley Holt Frogmorton Ower Gefford Northington Paget Tipping Garret and Naddel all of one mind but of sundry Nations of one desire but of divers conditions of one conspiracy but of contrary vocations to poison a stranger a woman a Virgin a Princess one person having in one body four sundry qualities worthy of justice of pity favour and honour for who doth not justice to a stranger as God's word commandeth pitieth not a woman as man's Law willeth favoureth not a virgin as humanity requireth honoureth not a Princess as God's word man's law and humanity prescribe This only action of barbarous inhumanity requireth a whole and large volumn but I must strive to be short and if you call to mind what hath been said already you shall find matter enough to enlarge and aggravate this inhumanity and therefore briefly to the rest of the objections An oath promissory not being grounded upon a just and good cause bindeth not a man to any performance but can there be a better consideration then the gift of a Kingdom Or a greater forfeiture then the loss of a Crown and Royal Diadem The gift is contained in these words We make you our King and the forfeiture is expressed in these words You shall not be our King unless you keep our Laws The condition is usual and ordinary for the Emperour as soon as he is chosen taketh the like oath when he sweareth to conserve and maintain the liberties jurisdictions rights honours dignities and priviledges of the Electors of the sacred Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal and it seemeth that as the seven Electors in recompence of their good will and curtesie shewed to the Emperour of the world received this bounty of him so the Nobility of Aragon in regard of the favour which they shewed unto their King in making choice of him for their King received the like benefit at his hands and therefore have good occasion to be no less grieved if he chance to break this oath then the Nobility of England should have cause to be sorry if after a number of good and gracious Princes who have alwaies duly kept and observed the ancient Laws and Liberties of our Realm and especially in the trial and arraignment of Noblemen the Almighty should plague them with such a Prince as would not suffer them to be tryed and arraigned according to the old and laudable custome of this noble Kingdom by an honourable Jury of twelve Peers but by a beggarly crew of so many base companions The promise then is good and better for the oath but the oath may be broken and a dispensation will salve the sore of the breach He that offendeth in hope of a pardon is not thought worthy to be pardoned and although it be a greater commendation in a Prince to be prone to shew mercy ready to forgive and willing to pardon offences committed against himself or his Laws yet it is scant tolerable to forgive notorious sins and trespasses against God I find that Princes may dispence with Bastardy restore infamous persons to their good name and fame make their own children legitimate not as their Fathers but as their Princes not as their children but as their subjects free and emancipate bondmen briefly pardon and forgive all crimes committed against their Temporal Laws But the Cannons of which the Spanish King will seem to have more regard then any other Prince of that Religion permit not his Catholique Majesty to dispense with an oath that is a priviledge and prerogative which the Pope hath reserved to the fulness and plenitude of his own part and would not take it in good part that his white son should challenge or assume unto himself any such authority and he as a dutiful and loving childe will be loth to offend so good and loving a father But the father in regard of his long and loyal obedience will absolve him of his oath If his Fatherly love should make him forget himself so much as to dispense at one time not with one but many crimes the son and the father should without all doubt highly offend their heavenly father and voluntarily break the sacred constitutions of their reverend predecessors For the Pope cannot dispence with wilful murther such as was the violent death of Escovedo nor with any thing done against the Laws of Nature such as the breach of this contract should be nor with an oath such as this oath is without calling and citing all the parties that should be interssed and damnified by the violation and breach of this oath But grant that the Pope will dispense with this Oath what would or could all avail when the contract should still remain in full strength and vertue and the Aragonian Nobility might notwithstanding this dispensation urge their King to the performance thereof Truly this absolution should benefit him no more then it should avail a creditor to sue his debtor for one hundred pounds unto whom he owed so much upon account for such a creditor when he hath with long suit and great charge recovered his debt is presently to restore the same back again upon his accompt So the Spanish King when he hath with great difficulty and perhaps with some expences made himself beholding to the Pope for his dispensation must notwithstanding the benefit thereof perform the conditions that was of sufficient strength without the oath and was confirm'd with an oath for no other purpose but that it should be the great burthen unto his Conscience if he should violate his contract But how may the Aragonian Noblemen enforce him to perform and keep his contract By forfeiting his Kingdom by taking away his rents and by putting the Laws whereunto he was sworn into execution But he is too mighty and they too weak to compel him thereunto by main force What remedy shall you then find against him The course is ordinary For every Bishop hath power to compel any man that is sworn to keep and observe his oath which hath alwaies paratum executionem and is so true that the trial of a contract confirmed with an oath depending before a Temporal Magistrate a Bishop or Ecclesiastical Judge may be reason of that oath avocate the same cause unto his hearing and determination And this is the reason why many Doctors are of opinion and especially Baldus that an oath hath the vertue and operation to draw a matter from one Court to another But what Prelate in Spain dareth be so bold as to call his King into his Ecclesiastical Court If the Prelate will not presume to stand in defence of the Laws there is another ordinary way A subject of the Emperour may without
Kingdom to him that is neither worthy nor well able to rule the thousand part thereof And if at any time it be lamentatable yea scant tolerable to prefer wicked children before them that are vertuous and to lay a heavy charge and burthen upon their shoulders who are not able to take up much less to bear the same not for a day but for the whole term of their natural life truly it is much more to be lamented yea in no respect to be suffered that such a Son should be set over others to rule and govern them who could nor would never govern himself well to exact and require obedience of his Inferiors who was always disobedient in the highest degree of disobedience unto his Superiors to manage husband and increase the Treasure of a whole Kingdom who hath prodigally wasted and consumed his own private Patrimony Lastly to induce others by his example to live honestly justly orderly and virtuously as Princes either do or should do who never esteemed honesty cared for justice respected order or embraced vertue Iohn Bodin in his Book de Republica writeth that a disobedient child of France being sued by his Mother for using himself unreverently towards her and especially for easing his body in a mess of Broth which she had provided for her self was condemned by a competent and wise judge to make her honourable amends from which sentence the wicked Son disdaining to ask his Mother pardon and forgiveness appealed unto Paris where it was found bene appellatum and male judicatum not that the Judges there thought that the Appellant had just cause to appeal because he was enjoined to submit himself unto his Mother but for that they were of opinion that the Judges from whom he had appealed had not inflicted such punishment upon him as he deserved And therefore considering his former disobedience and also his unkind and unnatural perseverance therein indiscreetly shewed in refusing to make so slender a submission they altered the former sentence and gave judgment that he should be presently hanged which was accordingly executed This sentence was highly commended by Bodin and worthily allowed and praised by as many Frenchmen as did ever read the same in his Book And how can they dislike the Judgment given against Charles the seventh not by any inferior Judge but by a King not by a Parliament of Paris the Judges whereof may so hate an offence that for the very and sole indignity thereof they do likewise hate the offender but by a Father who had rather conceal then reveal and pardon then punish his childrens offences neither by a Father alone but by the whole Peers and Nobles of a well ruled Kingdom not lightly and without advice but deliberately and with great discretion and wisdom Briefly not in hatred of the offender but in regard of the whole Common-wealth which might perish under the hands and government of an unwise unruly and unnatural Prince in whom there could be no hope of love towards them or their Country because he had given manifest signs of want of love towards his Father whom nature and other respects bound him to love honour and reverence for Princes as well as private men and the children of the one as well as the off-spring of the other are equally and undoubtedly bound to obey Gods Laws and Commandments And if both in one manner presume to break the same both without all doubt and controversie are subject to one and the same measure of punishment But it may be said Laws are made by Princes and not for Princes and to bind their inferiour subjects and not themselves or their children who for their Fathers sake for the priviledge of their birth for the worthiness of their place and in regard of the authority and preheminence whereunto they are born may and ought to challenge and enjoy far greater immunity yea and somtimes more impunity then other Peers or private men certainly reason permitteth and humanity perswadeth to favour a Prince much more then a subject But it was both the Will and the Law of a worthy Prince That nothing commendeth the Majesty of a Prince more then to submit himself to the observance of his own Laws and there can be no better means to induce subjects to shew their obedience unto their Princes Laws then the example of their own Princes not vouchsafing to violate the least branch that is of their own Statutes and Constitutions Was not that King highly commended by his own subjects praised by his posterity and worthily extolled even in our age not meaning that the son who had by breach of the Law deserved to lose both his eyes should escape unpunished which might be offensive unto his subjects but intending to moderate and qualifie the rigour of the Law because he was his Heir which for some considerations is tolerable in Princes plucked out one of his own eyes and another of his Sons thereby satisfying if not the rigour yet the equity of the Law and thereby moving his subjects to compassion in regard of himself and to obedience to the same Law in consideration of his justice I have stood too long upon the confutation of this last objection and yet have touched but one part thereof and therefore I will run over the other part lightly because in refelling the same I shall need but to make a brief repetition of that which hath been said already for if you remember that not Bernard the Nephew but Lewis the Meek succeeded his brother Pipin eldest son to Charlemaigne and father to Bernard That Pipin and not the right Heir was king after Childerick that Hugh Capet and not Charls Duke of Lorrain enjoyed the Crown immediately after Lotharius That Dagoberts second son and not the eldest possessed the Royal Scepter after him That Henry the younger and not the elder brother ruled after king Robert their Father and that Lewis the second and not Robert the eldest child of king Lewis the Gross was called to the royal Scepter and Crown of France and also if it may please you to call to remembrance that Pharamond with divers others before-mentioned were chosen kings you shall easily see and perceive that there hath been no such custome or at the least-wise the same not so inviolable as it is suggested for the next of the Blood to succeed always in his own right and not as Heir to hid Predecessor In like manner if you please to understand that Theodorick the first king of France of that name because he was a man wholly given over to pleasure of small worth of less value and of no sufficiency capable of so great a Kingdom as France was and is was by the States of his Realm deprived of his Royal Crown and Dignity and put up in a Monastery That Lewis surnamed Do nothing because he had make France Tributary unto Normandy was also driven by the States to give over his Kingdom and to lead the residue
of his life in a house of Religion And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King deprived him of his right and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to deprive his Son Charles of his Inheritance for the horrible murther committed as it hath been said on the person of the Duke of Burgundy a Prince of the blood royall a Peer of France and a Counsellour unto the King his Father and for the great manifest and undutiful disobedience which he shewed unto his Father as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency Lewis for his Pusillanimity and Charles for his youth So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them There was a time and so it is still when a King of France dyed greatly indebted to the Switzers which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir who dyed in their debt It was answered that although true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs as well private men a Princes yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs but as Successors by custom are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents and their Heirs only By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims Titles and Rights sometimes by the Law Salique which was as I have said no Law of France and sometimes by such exceptions devices and subtleties as I have lately specified The fourth point whereat they wonder is why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword do not still prosecute their demand and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years This point consisteth of two several points the one why we forbear to challenge our right the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered especially Henry the fifth who subdued the greatest part of France and although he dyed very young yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth being an Infant of few years so mighty at home so be-friended abroad so accompanied with good Souldiers so well assisted with good Counsellours so followed by cunning and expert captains and so directed by wise and discreet Generals that when he was but ten years of Age he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France This first point is easily answered because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France those Princes of ours who were Martial men and inclined to Wars demanded their Right by open Wars as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie But it pleased God sometimes to send us as he doth unto other Kingdomes such Princes as were rather given to pleasure and unto peace rather then unto Wars and Martial exploits in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures and when our Kings and Subjects following as Subjects commonly do the humours and qualities of their Princes gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes the French followed the Wars and either by open Invasions or by subtile devices recoverd part of their losses Besides it hath sometimes fortuned that when we had valiant Princes and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right our Realm hath either been divided within it self and by domestical dissention hindred to prosecute Forraign Wars Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs then to make Wars abroad Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York sometimes the one part and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship and alliance of the Kings of France and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes by their aid furtherance and sufferance thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity yea and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions lest that having them for their Enemies they should either invade their Realms or assist their Competitors who most commonly fled unto them for help relief and succour For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adversaries have been either entertained or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland the Dukes of Burgundy or the Princes of Henault as were Edward the fourth Henry the second the sixth and the seventh Besides some of the kings of France as namely Lewis the twelfth and Francis the first doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars corrupted our Kings Council with bribes and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets but also diverted their purposes and if at any time they were purposed to molest France or to joyn with the Enemies of France they changed the Kings minds and perswaded them not only not to hinder but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enterprises and against all their Enemies And they were not only contented to â—ee our cheif Counsellors as Francis the first â—id Cardinal Wolsey who bare such sway with Henry the eighth changed his determination so often made him friend and enemy to whom he would and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth and sometimes the French king his common Adversary in such manner that it was commonly said that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King the King of England and the Emperour but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls and when our King had any occasion to send any Embassadour unto him he received them so honourably entertained them so friendly rewarded them so liberally and dispatched them with so fair words although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and displeasing unto him that they departed alwayes very well contented And albeit that some