changes times and seasons and makes friends become enimies and enimâ—es Friends Would not this have been thought incredible to our Ancestors that France and England who raised us should endeavour our ruine And that Spaine and Austria who sought our destruction should ever seek our preservation And all this out of Intrest as I shall shew hereafter those formerly to ballance Spaine's and these now France's greatnes and neither Religion or affection For whosoever thinkes that Spaine and Austria have any kindness for us more than themselves hath a faith far larger than my fancy There is another Objection against our closing with England for Religions-sake from their Episcopall Church-Government which if it were not mentioned by some to the prejudice of my assertion I should have passed over as inconsiderable For. 1. This is onely an accidentall difference in the same Religion and not a different kinde of Religion as Popery is And a difference in the externall forme of Government onely not in the substantialls and vitalls of Religion For we both agree in the same Confession of Faith and in all the essentialls of the Reformed Religion 2. A very great part of the King of England's Subjects are Presbyterians as is well knowne 3. Although Episcopacy be the Church Government setled by Law in the three Kingdoms yet his-his-Majesty indulges publique liberty to Presbyterians and other Non-conformists So that we need not doubt but he will much more to us that Church Government which is setled amongst us 4. New-England and several other Plantations belonging to his Majesty of great Brittaine have allwayes enjoyed and still do their own Church-Governement freely and therefore we need not feare that ours should be denied us 5. Allthough the Church Governement of these Provinces be Presbyterian yet as to its vitall power and administration in severall places it hath for sundry yeares last past rather been Erastian The Magistrates frequently assuming that power here which the Bishops do there In so much that I question whether the Presbyterians may not have more hopes that their discipline should be raised then feares that it should be ruined under England Gralloe contra Apollodium 1646. Lucti Antistii de Jure Ecclesiasticor l. 1665. Politike discoursen l. 4. over Kerkelike Sacken What crying up the Magistrates power circa sacra and what decrying the Ministers both by word and writing Antistius tells us in the frontispece of his booke that whatever right divine or humane is attributed to the Ministers or they assume to themselves is either falsely and impiously ascribed to them or is onely from the Rulers of the Republique or city where they are setled What applauding of Hobs's Leviathan now translated into Latin and Dutch What frequent interposing in Ecclesiasticall affaires and how miserably the honest Minister in the Hague was handled may be seen in Aitzma Many were afraid of a storme falling upon the. Ministers if our enemies had not faln upon us What crossing the Churches in the Election of their Pastors and exercise of their Governement hath been at Rotterdam and other places is too well knowne and being reformed I wish what 's past might be buried in oblivion And thus I have vindicated my first Argument from Religion and shall endeavour to compensate my prolixity heerein with more brevity in the rest Concluding that if we cannot defend the true reformed Religion we profes nor will not secure it the best we can we may call our Country Ichabod for the glory is departed from these Netherlands Sect. 5. The second Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of our enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued IT will further appeare our interest to be under England rather than France in regard of our Liberty Which next to true Religion and life is the greatest blessing bestowed on man-kind Now for our clearer proceeding herein we must 1. Shew what kind of Liberty is here meant 2. Wherein it consists and the measures thereof 3. Accommodate these to the matter in hand For the first We meane not here Personall Liberty either morally considered in opposition to coaction or civilly either in opposition to confinement as we usually take it or to slavery as the Civilians 2. Nor Civil Liberty as opposed to Monarchie Institut l. 1. tit 32 as the Greeke and Latin Historians frequently with which Tacitus begins his Annals Vrbem Romam à Principio Reges habuere libertatem consulatum L. Brutus instituit For I well know that to whomsoever we submit this liberty is lost Much less 3. For Licentiousness For subjection to Lawes and Government is so far from being inconsistent with liberty that it is the onely means of its preservation For without this what are Kingdoms and States but great butcheries of men and publick robberies of propriety where the strongest arme and longest sword sweeps away all So boundless is mans villany and his lusts so ragingly restless that we have no other choyce left us but either be subject to Law or slaves to licentiousness As Tully sayes well Pro Cluent Legum ideirco omnes servi sumus ut liberiesse possimus But 4. That publick liberty which a people have under their Government of what kind soever it is as it is taken in opposition to publick oppression Which is of divers sorts and different degrees in regard of our persons priviledges and proprieties When a people are neither oppressed by usurpation without colour of Law nor by extortion under pretext thereof Which is an invaluable mercy to those that injoy it though rightly valued by few except those that want it And hath been so highly praised by all sorts of writers hat it is better to be silent then briefe in its commendations Now Secondly wherein this consists and how to measure the same is harder to discover and determine in regard we can meet with no guides that have gone this way For the Civil Law which is copious concerning all other Dominions is silent in this of Soveraignty and being calculated for the Meridian of Monarchs leaves them free to make their Subjects so more or less at their pleasure Historians onely relate what freedom such and such people had under such and such Rulers and the Writers of Policy and particular Republicks compare the peoples liberty under the several forms of Government and commend this or that State for the same And these are all the helps we have which are in the next degree to nothing We will therefore pass them all by and freely follow our own judgment in shewing joyntly both the nature of liberty and the measures thereof But we must necessarily here premise 1. That though all ought to pay the homage of subjection to that lawful government under which they live yet none ought so to be wedded to any forme as to think the subjects of all others not free Which Aristotle long since
But 5. It is apparently against his Interest not onely in regard of the danger he might incur of losing his Crownes but the great loss which would inevitably accrew to him by this change The danger we cannot imagine to be small if we rightly consider those Kingdoms I have had an accompt having been a little curious in those enquiries of 1100000 of his Subjects that by Interest and Inclination were carried counter to the Court. Under these five Heads 1. The Purchasers of Crowne and Church Lands that are now restored and they outed 2. Soldiers and Seamen that had fought against him by Sea and Land 3. Magistrates and Ministers that were removed and turned out of their places 4. Commonwealths Men that were Anti-monarchicall in their judgments 5. Fanaticks properly so called as Anabaptists Fifth Monarchy Men Quakers c. And though I could perhaps give as good a guess as another at the rest of the Substantiall Protestants that are of the Episcopall perswasion yet that needs not now These you must thinke however divided in their Interests Judgments and Affections and many of them no doubt very Loyal to his Majesty yet without all doubt would joyne against Popery and never willingly submit themselves to that yoke of bondage Nay some perhaps would be glad of such an Argument and Plea to the people and the Demagogues gaine thereby no small number of Proselytes to their Party if his Majesty was once a declared Papist And as his danger you see is great so his loss I am sure could not be small 1. Of his Honour not onely in changing that Religion he hath now so long profest and blurring the faire copy which his Father hath set him but in admitting the Popes Supremacy which hath beene so Injurious to the dignities of Emperors Kings and Princes that their complaints how they have beene plagued by the Popes are infinite 2. Of his profit and revenues Vid. Bodin de Rep. l. 1 c. 9. in regard that the Peter-pence or Tenths of Livings and other Contributions paid formerly to the Pope are by Law annexed to the Crowne and paid accordingly to the King 3. Of his Subjects affections wherein his safety especially consists For a Prince that hath the hearts of his people hath their purses and persons at his service and raignes more happily by their love then all his owne power though never so great If we therefore consider his education in and his long profession of the protestant Religion his honour and intrest ingaging him to persevere therein I should thinke no man need feare his changing it for the Popish the fopperies whereof he hath so fully both seen and knowne I might ad to these that which further satisfies me that having been at Bruxels Colen and most of those places where his Majesty during his exile did reside I can say bona fide that in all the variety of companies and converse I was ever in I never heard any probable grounds from any one intelligent person that toucht much les stain'd his Majesties reputation in this particular But I will not impose this upon others though it moves me to say the more because I am not willing to annex my name to what I have written Not that I am ashamed to owne what I conceive to be the reall truth which I have published in this treatise to the world and can make good much more largely but because I know who I am and that my name can ad no estimation to this politicall discourse but rather perhaps prejudice some who knowes me not and are used to judge of writings by their authors whereas those that will impartially search after truth must have regard to things not persons and to what is written and not the writers thereof As for his setting up popery I neither thinke that he will for the foregoing reasons nor if he would that he can for these following especially 1. The Protestant Religion is setled in all his Kingdomes by their fundamentall lawes which the King cannot repeale It is true he hath the executive power of the lawes and so can suspend the execution of penalties but cannot rescind any one law much lesse make new ones without the consent of Parliament in his respective Kingdomes And absolute Soveraingty is not there in use For power paramount to all lawes carries too great a top-saile for an English bottom wherein the Subjects liberties are shipt as well as Coesar and his fortunes 2. The lands and revenues formerly supporting the Romish Religion which are many and great are in the possession of the nobility and gentry for the most part and have beene bought by them of the Crowne at the dissolution of Abbies Monasteries c. And the purchases confirmed by law And can we thinke that they will be ever induced to part with them againe or enact any such lawes as shall tend to their owne ruine and the utter undoing of their families If there was so much danger and difficulty to wrest them out of the hands of the poore Votaries as the Histories of those times tell us What will there be to recover them from the powerfull Nobility and Gentry who legally possessing them will doubtless defend them so that none shall deprive them thereof that have not better courage and sharper Swords then they 3. The great disparity in the number of Protestants and Papists There being not one family of a hundred in England and Scotland Popish and in many and great Parishes not a Papist Now what greater madness can we imagine than that his Majesty should adventure to rely upon the Papists alone against all the Protestants of the three Nations Though their numbers are greater then formerly yet are they comparatively small as we have said to those that profes the Reformed Religion So that it can never enter into my braine that such folly should enter into any Princes brest much les one who hath suffered so much by the former divisions of his Kingdoms 4. The vast difference between a people enlightned by the Gospel and well grounded in their Religion and an ignorant and unprincipled people For the generality of the common people brought up in ignorance as they usually are under Popery are more subject to receive impressions from their Teachers and so by degrees change their Profession Whereas those who are assured from the Word of God that they are in the right will by no means be induced to the same And usually the more force is used the more obstinate they are For a setled Conscience despises dainger and defies all the terrors and torments that their cruellest adversaries can invent If in lesser differences of Church-government the King hath found it so difficult that after all the coercive Lawes and other meanes he hath used he tells the world 't is evident by the sad experience of twelve yeares that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses Declar. March 15. 1672. what shall we think
he is likely to gain in the greater and essential differences of Religion should he attempt any change therein Surely not much from the Pious and sober party of Protestants for I neither matter nor mention the ruder sort and ignorant rable Nay universall experience hath taught the World that where any kind of Religion is powerfull all force against it is weake and contemptible and much more against the true Reformed Religion as that wise and excellent Historian Thuanus shewes in the Preface to his History The other two are Calv. to his Instit Causaâ—â— to Polybius which is one of those three admirable Dedications to the Crown of France that are worthy to be read by all the Kings and Princes of Europe I might add to these the genious of the English Nation which I know to be zealous in what way of Religion soever they take as hath been observed by severall Authors In times of Popery so addicted thereto that they had given most of their means to the Church Anno 7 Edv. 1.18 Edv. 3.15 Rich. 2. if the Statute of Mortmaine had not prohibited them In the times of Libertinisme when a Republick the Fanaticks were so intoxicated that it was not enough for them to push down the Pope but they would break off all Government for being his hornes Polydor. Virgil. l. 17. and make every thing Antichristian that was not to their humor When the King return'd and Episcopacy with him that Party would not abate the three controverted Ceremonies as a wise and moderate Bishop both foretold and lamented for the universal Peace of the three Kingdoms Surplice Cros and kneeling at St. Brownrig Nay the very common rable would overflow both in drinke and devotion kneel at a pillar and reele at a Post Though I know there are as pious sober and serious Christians of severall perswasions Episcopall Presbyterial and Independants as any are in the Christian Worid but I say this to shew that what way soever they take they are not easily diverted But as groundless jealousie is both uncharitableness and folly so where there is just ground not to be jealous is stupidity It may therefore not be amiss for our further satisfaction to enquire into these Objectors grounds And they are these 1. The increase of Papists at Court especially 2. The Kings countenancing and intrusting them with power 3. His tollerating their Religion 4. Joyning with France against us For the 1 and 2d I can say little of my own knowledge it being many yeares since I saw either England or France But I shall take reports uâ—on the publique faith of England and Holland for this once though it be none of the best security 1. Therefore that Papists increase through the Queens Court the extraordinary correspondence with France the dissentions of the Protestants the Atheisme and irreligion of the Age and other wayes and meanes which might be mentioned is not to be wondred at but rather that there are no more Allthough I am well assured that their number is comparatively small and their Intrest in England and Scotland inconsiderable to effect any change And were they more this will not infer the King is one 2. And much les his countenancing and intrusting them For who ever concluded that the French Kings for their kindnes to Protestants who have served them most faithfully heretofore in their wars were Protestants Or the States Papists for employing the French and others in their Armies A Papist may be a loyall subject a wise Statesman a fit Embassador a good Soldjer and merit his Princes favor though of a different Religion 3. Nor will the Kings indulgence of liberty to those of that Religion conclude more against our assertion then for the States of Hollands being of all the Religions they tollerate or for Amsterdam's being Jewes There may be reasons of State sometimes to connive and sometimes to tollerate that which we neither approve nor would willingly allow even as Moses did divorce to the Jewes Or there may be Articles promises and other engagements upon us whereby we are forced to do that which we would not if free as Joshua to the Gibeonites and our Ancestors to Papists Anabaptists c. who assisted them in the defence of the Countrey against Spaine There are two things doe wonders in the world and are the ordinary pretexts and best apologies for the greatest â—aâ—â—bitances viz v. grot An Jure bel pac l. 1. c. 4. §. 7. l. 2. c. 2. § 6. danger and necessity And yet where these are reall and not feigned they are considered both by God and good men Nature dictates that we should hazard the hand rather then the head and lose a part rather then venture the whole I have for above 20 years observed both where I have lived and where I have travelled that Moderation is rather a speculative notion than matter of practise like a vertuous and beautifull poor Lady that all will commend but none will marry Parties that are under call for it eagerly but when they are upmost neglect it shamefully Seeing then the passions of men and iniquities of the age are so great that I exspect nothing in Religion but either an inquisition or tolleration I am more for the latter and would rather reside at Amsterdam or Constantinople then at Rome or Madrid But to come closer to the particular case If his Majesty therefore had no obligation upon him to do this or were it a liberty to Papists only or a liberty for their worship in publick I should grant the objection was very weighty but it is the quite contrary For he tells the world he was obliged in point of gratitude to the Papists for their service to his Father and to the Presbyterians who had been so instrumentall in his restoration in point of promise allso severall wayes made to them both before and after his returne to his Crowne severall times declaring that he would grant indulgence to them and others of tender consciences And we know that if his Majesty had followed his own inclinations they had been better performed And now that he gives a concession of liberty it is neither soly nor principally to those of the Romish Religion but to all others as well as they and that with this manifest difference that it is to the Protestants publiquely and to Papists in their private houses onely and this revocable at pleasure Declar. March 15. 1672. All though some wise men are of opinion that the King and Rulers will not onely find such ease and safety therein but such eminent advantages many wayes and the people generally such content that it will scarce be revoked 4. His joyning with France against us is matter of Intrest and not Religion And if we judge impartially will no more conclude him a Papist then the Emperor and King of Spaine Protestants because they joyne with us Herein let us eye and owne the Providence of God who
challenge for him That if any Gentleman English or French pleases fairely to state this Question in hypothesi according to the circumstances of those times let him take which side thereof he pleases and use what weapons he will and I think that 's very faire and he shall not want an Antagonist that shall fight him fairely whether he pleases to appeare in Roman buf or in his halfe shirt made of his owne mothers language upon the publick Theater of the World And truly his designe is so honest I dare be his Compurgator and being a litle acquainted with it I shall tell you briefly It is to let men see how hard it is sometimes to discerne on which side the true intrest of State lies there being so many circumstances considerable which often in the Scale of Policy weigh heavier then that which by-standers think the maine and therby allso to check the sawcines of every shopkeeper who like the litle Spanish Dons will be censuring Princes Counsels and condemning Ministers of State though they are ignorant of the grounds of their Actions and much more of that which is true policy Having thus shewne the true State of France and its continuall growing greatnes downe to the times of his present Majesty who hath not onely got Dunkirke regained Lorraigne conquered a great part of Flanders from the Spanish but three Provinces allso entirely from the States It will clearely follow to be the Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France in their future progress except they meane to follow our fate I had thought to have been larger heerein then I shall in regard my paines is heerein in part prevented by the Authour of la France Politique from page 470 to 525 or the end And having been so long allready I may happily hereafter discourse this more largely in another language I shall therefore be bries in that which remaines The Empire though greatly concerned the French being not onely nigh them but among them and having got such places of the Rhyne capacitated to pas over all at their pleasure yet seeme a sleepe and are therefore to be roused and if no words will doe it yet let the alarmes of War raise them and the strength of their enimies make them combine lest fighting singly they be all foiled I shall not stand to particularize but surely the Duke of Newburgh and Prince of Liege that have been most guilty in letting the French have passage through and quarter in their Countries will have the first cause to repent except they meane to sell them to the Crowne of France which yet may happily beat them downe in price now they are so impoverished by them For though Gulick belonging to Newburg be strong the Castle especially which was the Patterne to that of Antwerp yet it is on dry ground easily approachable and in a champaigne Country and not relievable from a siege And if that small City once be taken all that pleasant corne Country may cry out Impius haec tam culta novalia miles habebit Barbarus has segetes And though Liege or Luyke be great and populous and the desperatest people in all times that I know in Europe yet vana est sine viribus ira the City hath such hills overhanging it that it is neither strong by its situation nor can hope of relief if they should be distressed except it be by a confederacy from others and if this single City be lost all their Country will be so quickly Yea not onely those on this side the Rhijne but even all the rest will quickly find that if the wings of the Roman Eagle be clipt and prove too short to shaddow her young Ones they will soone become a prey to the power of France and will be throwne out of their nests as spurious if they cannot stedfastly behold the rising sun and will not receive their warmth from his beames Spaine is sensible enough of their concernments knowing that not onely their Netherlands but their Indies and Italy lie at the stake for if France be Master of all these Provinces they will soone be so of the Indies allso and the Dutch fetch thence the Spanish Gold for the French Crowne and the Lilies of France be the Royall flower in all their Gardens both in Italia and Sicilia England though now their Confederate cannot but know what danger they are in for their Trade which is the best jewel in that Crowne and the greatest darling of that Kingdome And therefore it is high time surely that the Soveraigne straiten not his interest at home by espousing any particular party nor the subjects quarrel about Ceremonies when the substance of Religion is so endangered that so they may timously looke abroad before it be too late and all be lost and his Majesty in due time retire from France and make himself and successors as is much desired the Head of all the Protestant party in Europe Denmark surely knows that if the Empire fall they cannot stand but must lose both their toll in the Sound and what by Land the French pleases This Republick of all others is most immediately concerned for he is blind that sees not whatever some may flatter themselves that the French intend nothing les then reducing of us to their obedience And when this is done and they advance upwards in the Empire what are Stratsburg Colen Aken Breme Hamburg and the rest of the Hanse Townes and free Cities but as so many morsels easily eaten up and devoured Yea their constant friends and Allies may looke to themselves Sweden how they will save their Bishoprick of Breme Pomeren and what lies on this side the Baltick and how they will sell their Copper which is the Staple commodity of their owne Countrey And in stead of the French Crownes which is now their usuall money amongst them when that Kingdome hath no more neede of their service they may carry their owne Copper coyne on their backs to pay a collation or laden a horse when they travel to pay for 2 or 3 good nights lodging Savoy knows he is at France's mercy and therefore dances after their pipe endeavouring to save himselfe by his devotion But they may remember the Lamb in the Fable who when the Wolf above quarreld him because he troubled the water answered that could not be so in regard it descended to him not from him the Wolf then said he had reviled him 6 months before to which the Lamb replying he was not then borne But thy Father then did saith He and that 's cause enough for the sons suffering For Switzerland though their mountaines and Poverty may secure perhaps their Countrey yet what shall secure their liberty which consists in an equality amongst them or what shall secure the. Religion of the Protestant Cantons or the good pay which the Popish have long had for their service in the Wars of France They must then be content with what they can get or be turned to graze on their
change the Water and Weather may be our Walls of Defence Difficulties Dissentions and Distractions may befal our Enemies One thing or other may fall out so far to our advantage that we may retrench our selves in safety though we should not recover our former Greatness 4. Nor can it reasonably be thought that any will give themselves over to another so as to part with their Religious and Civil Interests and be in no better a capacity then a conquered people who though they are not made absolute slaves yet are usually sore opprest by the Conqueror But onely to part with their Supremacy and the Appendixes thereunto under which they may live as free Protestant Subjects If any object this is not practicable in regard of the Treaty betwixt the two Crowns of England and France I answer 1. Who knows that except a few of their Cabinet Counsel 2. This supposes that they have divided the Lions Skin before he be slain which to me is very doubtful For although two such mighty Potentates might upon rational grounds think themselves able to master this Commonwealth before they began the War yet so many are the unexpected accidents and the events of War so doubtfull that few have bene knowne to divide the spoile before they had won the battell or the Country before they had triumphed in the War lest they being frustrated of their hoped succes should becom a scorne and contempt to the world We have sufficient reason to thinke that neither England will permit France nor France England to have these Countries entirely and can we then thinke that they should agree upon this before hand if others will ghues I have the same liberty whereby I thinke that when time which is the revealer of secrets brings the Treaty to light it will appeare that the French should hold us in by Land and the English by Sea till they had brought us to their owne termes of France keeping such places above as may be thought most conducible to the inlarging his Conquests and keeping us under and England by Sea as may secure his desired Trade and Navall expences and that neither of them should have these Maritime Provinces entirely for that was for the one to make the other his Master and absolute Soveraigne at Sea by such an accession of strength nor yet divided for that would be a continuall bone of contention betwixt them 3. Those that suppose this repertition generally say that Zeeland is to be English and if so the objection is answered For if each must conquer their part by their owne Armes as many imagine who can thinke that any will be at the expence of so much blood and treasure besides the hazard of succes for that which they can have upon honourable termes Or if they proceed joyntly with their Armes to obtaine their designes we cannot thinke the one will obstruct the other in that which is agreed upon by them both And this way I suppose they take because in a joynt War the succes is common to both and the advantage redounds to each according to their former accord and was it otherwise here England attacquing us onely by Sea might get nothing by Land and France all Which I cannot imagine to be so agreed upon whatsoever the issue may be For I cannot thinke the English such fooles to fight onely for blowes and to set up the French to their owne destruction But let their agreement be what it will for the places they conquer yet it cannot bind or determine us how to dispose of our selves before we are conquered All free States and Cities v. Grot. de Jare bel pac l. 1. c. 3. §. 8. l. 2. c. 6. l. 3 c. 20. §. 5. may upon what conditions they please yeeld the Soverainty over them and their owne subjection to whom they please And allthough such proffers have sometimes been refused in regard of Wars and other evill consequences which might attend them yet here the acceptance is not to be doubted of seeing this is the Helena for which they fight If any shall ask how this is to be effected I answer Non est deliberandum de modo priusquam constat de re If any grant that it is to be done it is as much as I undertake If God in his all-wise and righteous Providence suffer us to be brought so low that we cannot longer withstand our enemies let those in supreme authority take care for the manner of performance as to the time in which treating whereby and conditions whereupon they will yield their Supremacy and Government It being my work only to shew that it is our Interest in such a case to make choice of England rather then France or any other Potentate whatsoever Sect. 2. Arguments to prove the Hypothesis the first whereof is from our Religious Concernments wherein is shewn how great a support Religion is to a State and how greatly it concern us to secure our Religion HAving now truly related Matter of Fact and clearly stated the Question I shall proceed to prove the same viz. That in case of inability to defend our selves it is our Interest to be under the English rather than the French First in regard of Religion Which as it is of cheifest concernment so deserves to have the precedence of all other considerations The very Heathens accounted this their cheif Interest and therefore above all to be secured and defended The Romans saying was Pro aris focis therein giving Religion the preference of all their civil concernments And if we Christians do not the more is our sin and the greater our shame It is so well known how the Heathens of old and Turks of later times have valued their several false Religions how their first Founders Legislators and Magistrates have made Religion both the Basis upon which they founded their Kingdoms and Commonwealths and the cheif Pillars to support them and how zealous the common people have been for their Superstitions That I cannot but wonder that Christians should be such Gallices for the true Religion and Gospel of Christ and fear that Turks and Heathens will rise up in judgment against us and condemn us for our indifferency herein But if examples would either sway us or shame us I need not go so far for them our own Ancestors are abundantly sufficient I am sure if the History of former times deceive me not Religion was the cheif inducement to them to begin that hazardous War with Spain And had such an impression upon them that they freely ventured their lives and estates for this especially although I know there were many other grievances insisted on to justifie that War Had they thought that their Posterity should have made so light of Religion and Liberty which cost them so dear as many we see in those places over who have so lightly parted with both in a great measure I perswade my self they would never have commenced such a War but the sincerer
rather than inches who matters no more engagements dispensed with by his Holines than we doe our Almanacks out of date I should be glad to be informed what we could doe in the case more then cry and complaine to God Allmighty For I doubt they will seldome doe that which Maximilian the first did frequently Deus aeterne nisi vigilares quà m malè esse mundo Morn Myster Iniquit quem regimus nos ego miser venator ebriosus illè ac sceleratus Julius Nay if Governors thinke themselves obliged in conscience and honour to keepe conditions yet it is well known how generally they are influenced by their Clergy so that in all dubious cases and the application of generall rules to particular practises it cannot be exspected but judgement should be given on the Papists side and that the Grandees of the Church should beare them out in it and Jesuits and others Zelots applaude their practises 4. The Papists must have publique places for their Worship not only in all Cities but Villages as we may see in the Articles propounded by the French Now there being by far too few Churches or places for publique Worship in most of our populous and enlarged Cities allready it will not be possible for a great part of our Religion to enjoy the publique Ordinances of God but many will run into profane courses most grow ignorant and careles what Religion they are of and their posterity absolute Papists By which meanes the number of the Reformed decreasing and Papists increasing where at first there was but onely one Church for popery they shall then take more and so continue to inlarge themselves and straten us Nor let any judge these as onely jealousies and feares For if they begin allready to incroach as it is credibly reported from severall places they command and breake Articles heerein when not onely the commands of superiors but common policy requires a most religious observance thereof what shall we thinke they will doe hereafter If they will not now out of hopes to win those to them which yet stand out much les will they when there is no more hope of gaining thereby 5. When popery is the Religion of our Governors who have the disposall of preferments and profits to allure men to their Religion We shall find by wofull experience what by education converse marriages dignities and other worthy advantages many of the ignoranter and looser sort of Protestants will change their profession I say not Religion for that such never had and turne Papists Who is such a stranger in the world as knowes not that by such artifices they have more weakened the Protestants in France than by all their wars and contests with them In so much that of late yeares some wise men of the Reformed Religion there have bene so fear full of its being utterly supplanted that they have required their children by their last will and Testament to leave that Kingdome and setle themselves in these Countries 6. Let the best he supposed that any rationall man can imagine yet will it be bad enough For if the Papists have the Civill power to back them allthough the wiser and better sort it is not to be doubted will be civill yet the the ruder sort will be intollerably insolent And this begins to appear in some places allready where the Popish Inhabitants are more insufferably insulting spightfull and injurious than the French themselves And if they doe this so early while things are doubifull and the issue of the War dubious what may we expect when they are in their high Meridian of succes and glory 7. And lastly if any one thinkes that these are onely needles feares and groundles surmises I shall desire them to peruse the French Embassadors Speech to the Emperors Council Gremonville where he will find this Argument of Religion insisted on to divert the Emperor from our assistance which is well retorted by the ingenious Answerer thereof And inform themselves how fast the Jesuits and other Zealots for the Romish Religion fall off from the House of Austria and Spaint to France in regard of their inability to carry on their designs of the Universall Popish Monarchy and the hopes they have of France's potency to effect it And then let them judge if there be not sufficient ground for all that I have said and much more that might be said upon this Subject Sect. 4 Objections from the danger of losing our Religion under England from the Kings being a Papist designing to set up Popery the increase countenance and tolleration of Papists as also from his joyning with France against us and Church Governement by Bishops all answered But now on the other hand it is by some objected against the English 1. That the King is a Papist in heart and designes to set up the Popish Religion First what the King is in his heart and what he designes is onely knowne to God Almighty who is the searcher of hearts That he is a profest protestant is well knowne And allthough I will not sweare for him nor any man alive that he will not change his Religion yet to me it seems very improbable upon the following grounds 1. He that would not in his minority when under his Mothers education in France K. Charles I. Letters but followed his Fathers instructions of being obedient to her in all things excepting the matter of her Religion I cannot thinke will now in his maturity 2. His withstanding so many temptations wherewith he was environed so long a time together during those many years of his exile wherein neither the friendship of Papists nor unkindness and hard measure he met withal from Protestants could move him Militiere's Victory of the Truth and Bp. Bramhalls Answer makes me think him much more immovable now he is free from those Who that knows those times knows not what designs the Papists had upon him What Perswasions and Arguments they used both by word and writing What Promises they made him of assistance to recover his Kingdoms What Arguments of Interest they prest him with which are usually more prevalent with Princes than the intrinsick Arguments of Religion And if he stood unshaken in all those boysterous blasts shall we thinke he will fall in a calme 3. His rescuing his youngest Brother the Duke of Glocester out of his Mothers hands when her designes appeared for perverting him in his Religion is an evident proofe of the realty of his Profession If any one say it was his Interest for regaining his Kingdoms I say 4. And is it not his Interest also for keeping them Did he gaine them so quickly or are his three Kingdoms so little worth that he should easily hazard them Kings are wiser then to venture their Crownes upon every idle Priests pratles If there were any stronger Arguments now then formerly either for the Popish Religion or from his Interest we had some reason to be jealous that he might change
Conveys and particularly of the East India Companies I know very well they will have them return round about on the back of Ireland lest they should touch at any of these Northern places especially in the Chanel and so Trade and will send out Ships with fresh men and take out the Mariners that return to prevent their trading for themselves but yet the extraordinary Charges of our men of War might be spared Nay the States General bring in these to be diducted in the Accompt with England as the occasion thereof in their List of damages Article the 5. before the last War A. D. 1664. 5. Such as are Rich and weary of Trade or love their ease honour or pleasure may if we were under England more easily remove thither and be made liege subjects and free Denizens of England by the Crown or be naturalized by the Parliament and so buy possess and inherit Lands and revenues at half the price here and live upon their Rents as Country Gentlemen in a cheap and pleasant Land enjoying as great civil Liberty as any where in Christendom and also the freedom of their Religion Or let out their money not only at far greater interest but also upon bypothece or real security I have often thought this 20 years whether it might not be better for England to give this Liberty by Law to strangers especially those of the Reformed Religion and of these Countries and of which side the interest lay betwixt us for this Now that England hath so many and great Plantations in the West Indies for their poorer people now that money is so plentiful now that this Common-wealth was so increased upon them now that the Number of Merchants is every where so multiplied and now that Trade is beaten so low almost in all the known parts of the World But this would be both a large and unnecessary digression and I am very sensible that I have been already too long in this Argument Yet industriously I confess because I foresee that many will diligently peruse this who perhaps will negligently pass by the rest and mine Opposites so much glorying herein I thought best to give them full measure and rather abound to curiositie than be deficient in satisfying the least nicity Trade being the Crown of that Kingdom and this Common wealth Sect. 8. Several other Arguments and enducements to incline us rather for England briefly mentioned With an inference from the whole preceding discourse that the friendship of England is to be prefered before that of France ALthough what is said of Religion Liberty Estates and Trade be sufficient to prove this hypothetical problem yet I shall give as over measure some other enducements for England briefly 1. The different humor and genious of the French and Dutch which is well known to those that know them both to be far greater than between us and the English Which makes not only a stâ—angâ—ness but alienation of affection begets a disgust and nauseating of each other brings forth many contests and quarrels and nourishes a continual discontent uneasiness and unquietness of life 2. The affection which the generallity of the English and Dutch Nation have for each other So that if the Controversies of late years and at this present between us had been or were refered to the body of the people in both Nations although I well know what both their Representatives have done I dare say upon reasonable satisfaction for the mutual miscarriages which cannot but some times happen towards each other there never had been nor would be War betwixt us more And that his Majesty and the Prince of Orange would have more Voluntiers in one day to fight the French than they have in twenty to fight each other 3. The way of France is only Gentry and Paisantry the former lording it over the latter which have allways lived more miserably than any common people in Europe In Caesars time there was nibil plebe contemptius as he tells us and hath continued so as Bodin acknowledges and is so at this day we all know C. 1. C. 10. Whereas in England and these Countries there is a middle sort of people that live freely and independently on their own Lands and Farmes that will never endure the insolency of such Lords much less to be their slaves and least of all to be ruined by them 4. Now that the Prince of Orange is advanced and his party upmost so that the Crown of England may confide more in our friendship it is not to be doubted but through his Highness interest in his Uncles we shall better accord hereafter when these unhappy differences are once ended And thus I have done with this great Question of the times Sufficiently I thinke to satisfie any rational man though nothing is sufficient nor will satisfie I know such as are either so resolvedly prejudiced against the English or Princes interest that if they can but ruin them they matter not though they ruin both themselves and the Nation or so partially passionate for the French that they desire them though it be to their own destruction For all the Arguments in the World will never prevail against passion and prejudice It is only experience that can convince such of their error and make them with Damocles when the drawn Sword is over them desire to depart finding they were deceived in their opinion of Happiness I shall therefore conclude with a brief reflection upon some of these Arguments and the Corollary which naturally flows from them That seeing England and We are of the same Religion Both free people and affectionated to each other Both imbarqued in the same Interest of Trade though in different bottoms It not only becomes us but is our mutual concernment that we take heed we dash not one another to pieces but fairly and Christianly comply with each other for the safeguard of our Religion preservation of the Protestant Interest our own and others also Liberties and the just and equitable course of Commerce that so each Nation may happily enjoy their Religion Liberty Estates and Trade with Gods blessing on them all Sect. 9. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may still remain a Republick in regard of our own strength and our neighbours interest Englands especially that they had better lose Scotland or Ireland than let the French have these Provinces This War a Game at Hazard Being engaged will go through and Parliament probably assist therein WE have hitherto discoursed upon the supposal of inability to defend our selves because it becomes wise men always to suppose the worst condition that may probably befall them with the consequences thereof and accordingly to make provision and in regard of the endless curiosity of mens minds which are always restless under miseries and still inquisitive after futurities We shall now proceed to shew that we are not yet through Gods mercy towards us come to the extremity supposed nor reduced to
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
outwardly each for their own ends yet that it is not so cordiall and firme as many amongst us feare it is And to say the truth the consideration hereof was the first dawning of hopes I had for the Protestant Intrest and the good of these Countries Now allthough I could mention some more private expostulations and perhaps some of their Articles allthough I could by no means ever procure from either side the knowledge of them all yet I thinke it not fit to mention these but such things onely as are publick and others as well as my self may know if they use their eye-sight and observation Let us then omitting all secrets and mysteries of State which yet are the best grounds to make a judgement when certainely knowne we will onely mention such things as are publickly apparent but being not considered in subordination to Reasons of State were unusefull to the most for the end I have observed them When all Europe stood in doubt what England would doe and all men on their tiptoes with expectation to see whether War or Peace betwixt that Kingdome and these Countries upon the Smyrna's Fleet returne the doubts of many were then decided The Saturday morning early after the fight the Fiscale sent his footman to tell me they had fought with some generalls thereof and that the Fleet was before the Land I must confes I stood amazed at Holmes's furious folly who had orders onely to bring them up not to commence a War the Declaration thereof being not published allthough to those that would not submit to such orders it was all one in effect though not in formalities which are the greatest plea that I know of that the English have for that Action Upon this I began to consider the Reasons of State as to England both domestick and forreign For I reasoned thus if this friendship be so firme that England will goe through with France in all their great designes I must make other measures then I had formerly done But still finding all Reasons of State against this and those jealousies of changing Religion and the Government in those Kingdoms frivolous as I have demonstrated I found allso thereby stronger grounds of hope for the Protestant Religion and the common Intrest of Europe and that it was onely a temporary friendship out of some particular peake or designe against these Provinces which would have an end when satisfaction therein was given to that Crowne Whilst I am busy in ballancing all the Reasons of State for those Kingdoms and likewise for their Intrest abroad as comprehensively as I could the Protestants Intrest the Triple Alliance the greatnes of France the danger of England c. comes the English Declaration of War to mine hands but without a particular date contrary to practise but wisely to colour what Holmes had done Which having diligently perused what I desired first to see I found last to my great satisfaction and that is that they would support the peace made at Aix la Chappelle or Aken and notwithstanding the prosecution of this War will maintaine the true intent and scope of the said Treaty and that in all their Alliances which they have or shall make in the progres of this War they have and will take care to preserve the ends thereof inviolable unles provoked to the contrary Whereby I was fully confirmed in my former opinion so that I will now proceed to relate such things which have publickly past in the management of this War that are sufficient I thinke to enduce those that are unprejudiced though perhaps not to convince the obstinate to be of the same opinion with my selfe and that the friendship of England and France is not so firme as they have feared Premising that though all States as Gamesters must and will be cautious in their playing their parts yet there appeared still more then ordinary jealousies of each others friendship all along in the management of this War 1. It is observeable that though France is the Principall in the War yet they were so diffident of England that they would have them first to begin it that so they might see them certainly engaged against us 2. When they are both engaged they trust not one another without great Hostages as it were on both sides the French Squadron of Ships with the English and the Duke of Monmouth with the body of an Army with the French 3. That body of the English which doubtles should have remained together under their owne generall Officers conjoyned with the French Armie we know was not trusted by the French so to doe but were mingled here and there under the principall command of the French Generalls 4. The Fleet wherein the English had the principall share of power and command onely faced ours at first in point of Honour yet attacqued them not though they had the wind whereby they might easily have done it at their pleasure and also to their Advantage but stood over againe to the English coast Which fooles thought was want of valour but wise men will judge it reason of State that they might stay and observe what succes the French had by Land And had not we fallen upon them for Reasons of State in those circumstances and Government of these Provines that are well knowne I thinke they would have done as litle as they could for France to have fought us to this day 5. After that fight though they knew severall of our Ships were laid up and some thousands of men called out of the Fleet yet notwithstanding all the Summer after for many weeks they attempted nothing against us with their Fleet. Intending doubtles to doe their owne worke as they then saw France did theirs 6. How the English were startled at the French's coming to Vtrecht was very apparent which we have formerly mentioned 7. Why might not England as well as the rest of the World thinke that Wesel Rijnberg Skenker-sconse and the rest of our strong out Garrisons might give the French sufficient worke and the French on the contrary who had laid their traines before hand know that when they came to fire them there was no feare they would mis and they should faile of having those places Yea why may they not designe by this meanes to breake both our powers so by Sea that they may rise up to contend with either of us I am sure these things are very usuall with Princes and States and examples of this kind are infinite Why may we not then thinke that England might hereby designe to breake France's power by Land and France Englands power and ours also by Sea How often these two Crowns have played such like games with one another formerly when England had sooting in France is apparent from the Histories of both Nations But we will speake of that which more nearly concerns our selves and within our own knowledge In our first War with England I observed what influence Don Alonzo the Resident for Spaine at