William Wats in his sermon of apostolicall mortification Giles Widowes in his schismaticall Puritan Edward Boughen in his Sermon of order and 〈◊〉 Mr. Sp. of Queenes Colledge in Cambridge in his Sermon of Confession Samuel Hoards an his sermon at the Metropoliticall visitation Mr. Tedders in his sermon at the visitation of the B. of Norwitch all subscribed by the hands of my L. of Canterburies Chaplane Bray Oliver-Baker or some others THE PREFACE IT is fallen out much beside our expectation that the storme of war should now againe begin to blow when we did esteeme that the mercy of GOD and justice of our Prince had setled our Land in a firme Peace for many generations at least for many days and ever while some appearance of provocation should have arisen from us for the kindling of 〈◊〉 wrath of our enraged enemies whose fury though we know well not to be quite extinguished yet we did surely think itwould not break forth in haste in any publick and open flame till some new matter had bin furnished or some probable colour of a new quarrell could have beene alledged against us When we have scattered that cloud of calumnies which bytheir 〈◊〉 and pens they had spread abroad of our rebellion and many other odious crimes when by our frequent supplications informations 〈◊〉 declarations and other writs we have cleared 〈◊〉 the justice of our cause the innecency of our proceedings to all the ingenuous mindes of the I le and to so many of our neighbour nations as have bin desirous to 〈◊〉 of our affairs when our gracious and just Prince in the very heat of his wrath 〈◊〉 alone by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even while armes were in his hand hath beene moved with the unanimous consent of all his English Counsel of all his Commanders whole army to acknowledge us good and loyall subjects And after a full hearing of our cause in his campe to professe his satisfaction to pronounce us free of those crimes which before were falsly blazed of us to send us all home in peace with the tokens of his favor with the hearty embracements of that army which came against us for our ruine When we in a generall assembly of our Church with the kwowledge full consent of his Majesties highCommissioner whole 〈◊〉 have justified our opposition to the innovation of our Religion Lawes by the Prelates our excommunication of them therefore the renewing of our Covenant and all the rest of our Ecclesiasticall proceedings when our States in Parliament were going on in a sweet harmony to confirm the weaknesses set right the disorders of our Estate and that no farther then cleare equity reason law yea the very words of the pacificatory edict did permit when our whole people were minding nothing but quietnesse having cast their 〈◊〉 under the feet of our reconciled King put all their castles canons in his hand without any security but the royall Word received heartily all those fugitives who had taken armes in the Prelates cause against theirCountry having no other mind but to sit down with joy and go about our own long neglected businesse praising God blessing the King The martiall minds among us panting for languor to be imployed over sea for the honor of the crown in spending their bloud against the insolent enemies of his Majesties house While these are our onely thoughts It was more then marveilous to us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the dumbe and obscure whisperings and at once the loud blasts the open threats of a new more terrible cruell war then before should come to our ears that our Castles should be filled with strangers be provided with extraordinary victuals and munition 〈◊〉 against a present assault or long siege Many of our Nobles tempted to leave our cause numbers of assays made to break the unity of all our Estates And at last our Parliament commanded to arise the commissioners therof after a long wearisome journy to Court for the clearing of some surmised mistakes about moods forms of proceeding refused presence A 〈◊〉 in England indicted as the rumour goeth to 〈◊〉 that nation our dearest neighbors with whom our cause is common to imploy their means and armes against us that so our old nationall and immort all wars may be renewed to make sport to Prelates a bridge for the Spaniard or French to come over sea and sit downe masters of the whole I le when both nations by mutuall wounds are disabled for defence against the force of 〈◊〉 enemy so potent as either France or Spain are this day of themselvs without the assistance which too like shall be made them by the Papists of the I le and many moe who will not faile to joyne for their own ends with any apparent victor We admire how it is possible that intestine armes without any necessity should be taken up at this season when all the forces the whole 〈◊〉 can spare are most earnestly called for by the tears of his Majesties only sister by the bloud and long desolation of her most miserable Subjects by the captivity and banishment of all 〈◊〉 hopefull Children Prince Charles lying daily under the hazard of the French Kings mercie at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prince Robert of the Emperors at Vienne the rest of that royall bloud lying so many yeares with their Mother 〈◊〉 in a strange Country Pitty would command us to put up all our homeward quarrels though they were both great and many let be to 〈◊〉 any where 〈◊〉 reall can be sound Yea hope would allure us to try 〈◊〉 if ever our Armes on those spitefull Nations the hereditary enemies of our Religion and of our Ile when 〈◊〉 hath made them contemptible by the cleere successe he giveth daily 〈◊〉 every one that riseth against them Bannier with a wing of the Swedish Army dwelling in spite of the Emperor all this yeare in the heart of his Countries a part of Weymers forces with a little helpe from France triumphing on the Rhene for all that Baviere Culen the Emperor or Spaniard can doe against them That very strong and great Armado all utterly crushed in our eyes by the Hollanders alone without the assistance of any The very French not the best sea-men having lately beaten oftner then once the Spanish navies in the Mediterran the Spanish Empire labouring of a dangerous fever both at home and abroad the Portugallians in spite of Philip crowning Iohn of Braganza for their King the Catalonians putting themselves in subjection to the French Crown Naples and West-flanders brangling the Fleet of the States almost domineering in the Westindian seas Shall we alone sit still for ever shal we send always 〈◊〉 but base contemtible derided 〈◊〉 to these 〈◊〉 Princes shal we feed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with their scornfull promises which so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have sound to our great disgrace 〈◊〉 false yea rather then to beat them by that aboundance of power which we have if God will give us an
his fingers cleane contrarie maximes Lastly they teach us in the matter of resistance first that doe the Prince what hee will he may never be resisted by any or all his Subjects that not onely a private man must give over all defence though most innocent of his owne life against the prince his unjust violence but the whole State can doe nought without rebellion against GOD but flee or suffer when the prince whether by himselfe or his Officers doth destroy the true religion established by all Lawes and the liberties of the Land deare bought of old and peaceably brooked in many ages also the lives of many thousands of the best Subjects without the pretence or colour of any just cause Againe that all this subjection must be used not onely to our native King but to any forraine usurper who can get footing among us and it were the Kings of Spaine as their predecessors the hereticall Gothish Kings got footing in the Roman Empire That even against them the States of a Land with a good conscience could use no defence though before their eyes they should see them execute the cruell tyrannies of Nebuchadnezzar put out the eyes of the King kill 〈◊〉 Children lead himselfe and his Nobles away to a far land in fetters Though with Nero for their mere pleasure they should set the royallcitie in a faire fire or execute the plot of 〈◊〉 by murthering all the seed of the Iewes all zealous protestants up and downe the land in one day Such maximes exceedingly opposite to the honour of God the safetie of the Kings person and Crowne the welfare of the people these men cause to bee printed and let them goe athort without any censure at these times when by royall decreets they have pulled into their hands the full commandement of all the presses and the absolute jurisdiction over all the Book-sellers shops in the Kingdome and 〈◊〉 frequently theirzeale against any bookes that give but the least touch to their mitres by inflicting no lesse censure than fire upon the books pilloring and nose-slitting on the Authors and whipping thorow the streets on the carriers All these extraordinarie prerogatives whereby the faction advanceth supreme Magistrates so neere unto God and their favourites so far above the skies seeme to flow not from any love they carrie either to their crowns or the royall heads that beare them but meerely out of their selfe-respect to their owne ambition and greed that Soveraignty being advanced to an unmeasurable height may be a statelier horse for them to ride upon in their glorious triumphings above all that is called God For otherwise yee may see how farre they depresse all Soveraignes when they are layed in the ballance with themselves they tell us that the King can bee no more the head of the Church than the boy that rubs their horse heeles 2. That the heart whence the native life and vigour of the Ecclesiastick Lawes doth flow is alone the Bishops and not the King 3. That Kings and Emperours ought to reverence yea to adore Bishops and to pay them tributes 4. That everie Bishop is a Prince and a Monarch as farre in dignitie above the greatest secular Prince as the soule above the body or God above man FINIS Revised according to the ordinance of the generall Assembly by me Mr. A. Jhonston Clerk thereto Edinb 1. of April 1640. Wee did expect nothing lesse then war Wee have committed no 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉 with any goodly colour 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of the late 〈◊〉 Compassion hope and all reason call now for peace at home 〈◊〉 at last we may get some order of our 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 The Canterburian faction 〈◊〉 veth not so well of England that armes in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland Wee 〈◊〉 to instruct by the 〈◊〉 of our partie their unsupportable crimes Arme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken in so evill a cause can not but end in an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In this 〈◊〉 of time very poore 〈◊〉 without presumption may venture to speake to Parliaments An offer de serving 〈◊〉 audience The silence of the 〈◊〉 Divines is 〈◊〉 Our adversaries de cline to answer ou greatest challenge The scope of the treatise All our 〈◊〉 but one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Major thereof a Neither shall We ever give way to the authorizing of any thing whereby any innovation may steale or 〈◊〉 into the Church 〈◊〉 shall preserve that unitie of doctrine and discipline established in Queen 〈◊〉 Reigne whereby the Church of England have stood and flourished since 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of England 1628. and therefore once for all we have thought sit to declare and hereby to assure all our good people that we neither were are nor ever by the grace of God shall be stained with Popish superstition 〈◊〉 by the contrary are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Religion already professed within this our ancient Kingdome We neither intend innovation in Religion or Laws Proclam 〈◊〉 8. 1638. 〈◊〉 all our good Subjects of the least suspition of any intention in us to innovate any thing either in Religion or Laws and to satisfie not only their desires but even their doubts Wee have discharged c. Proclam Septemb. 22. 1638. and to give all his Majesties people full assurance that hee never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true Religion professed within this Kingdome and that they may be truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions and integrity of the same his Majesty hath been pleased to require and command all his good Subjects to subscribe the Confession of Faith formerly signed by his deare Father in Anno 1580 and it is his Majesties will that this be insert and registred in the Books of Assembly as a testimony to posterity not only of the sincerity of his intertions to the said true Religion but also of his resolution to mayntain and defend the same and his Subjects in the profession thereof Proclam Decemb. 13. 1638. b If any prelate would labour to bring in the superstitions of the Church of Rome I doe not only leave him to Gods iudgment but if his irreligious 〈◊〉 can be discovered also to shame and severe panishment from the State and in any just way no mans hands should be sooner against him then mine The Minor The conclusion 〈◊〉 a great and dangerous innovation of 〈◊〉 King James judgment of 〈◊〉 a Declarat contra 〈…〉 p. 15. 〈…〉 b Ibid. p. 12. 〈…〉 c Ibid. pag. 18 〈…〉 d Ibid. pag. 12. 〈…〉 e Ibid. pag. 14. 〈…〉 f Ibid. pag. 15. 〈…〉 The great increase of Arminians in Scotland by Canterburies mean The Kings name stolne by 〈◊〉 to the defence of 〈◊〉 g Large Declar. pag. 74. According to their weake and 〈◊〉 power they did determine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Predestination Universall Grace irresistibility of Grace concurrance of Free Will with Grace totall and finall perseverance in Grace and other
materiall for the rest he avoweth himselfe to be for peace and 〈◊〉 and all to be so but Puritans and Jesuites 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 doth nourish up in a faction 〈◊〉 p. 18. I like S. Ambrose Lombard Roffensis Harding who advise in this argument to forbeare the 〈◊〉 nation of the 〈◊〉 of presence and to cloath our 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 general expressions As I like not those that say he is 〈◊〉 there so I 〈◊〉 not those that say his body is not there For S. Paul saith it is there 〈◊〉 the Church 〈◊〉 England saith it is there and the Church of God ever said it is there and that truly substantially essentially We must beleeve it is there We must not know how it is there It is a mysterie they all say The presence they determined the 〈◊〉 of his presence they determined not They said he is there but the Lord knows how b 〈◊〉 answer pag. 137. Think you it 〈◊〉 the Priest should takeinto his 〈◊〉 the holy mysteries without lowly reverence and that it is an innovation to do so Our 〈◊〉 about the 〈◊〉 c Heylens antid 〈◊〉 6. 〈◊〉 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our 〈◊〉 as by the Lords owne 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 in the legal by Christs 〈◊〉 it is to by us 〈◊〉 in the holy A 〈◊〉 it was in figure a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in fact 〈◊〉 so by consequence a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the commemorations or immediately upon the post fact a Sacrifice there was among the Jewes a Sacrifice 〈◊〉 must be amongst the Christians and if a Sacrifice must bee there must be Priests also to do and altars whereupon to do it for without a Priest and an Altar there can be no Sacrifice There was a bloudy Sacrifice then an unbloudy now a Priest derived from Aaron then from Melchisedeck now an Altar for Mosatcall Sacrifices then for Evangelicall now The Apostles in the institution were appointed Priests by Christ where they received a power for them and their Successors to celebrate these holy mysteries Hoc facite is for the Priest who hath power to consecrate Hoc 〈◊〉 is both for Priest and people Ibid pag. 17. He maintained at length that in the Lords Supper there is a true proper corporall visible and externall Sacrifice Our changes in the Communion d White on the Sabbath pag. 97. Such Traditions are those that follow the deliverie of the Communion to the people in both kinds Montag orig pag. 396. Vbi 〈◊〉 in Scripturis infantes baptizari aut in coena Domiui sub utraque specie communicantes participare de his 〈◊〉 profiteri Nihil tale docet Scriptura Scriptura 〈◊〉 non praedicat Andrews stricturae pag. 5. It cannot be denyed but roserving the Sacrament was suffered a long time in the Primitive Church in time of persecution they were permitted to carrie away how great a part they would and to keep it by them and to take it at times to comfort them but for the sick it was alwayes sent them home were the distance never so great and against the time of extremitie it was thought not amisse to have it reserved that if the Priest should not then be in state to go to the sick partie and there to 〈◊〉 it for him yet at least it might be sent him as in the case of Serapion Pokling as we have heard made it one of the matters of that Churches glorie that they yet 〈◊〉 retaine in their 〈◊〉 the old Repositories The tyrannous 〈◊〉 of the Canterburians are as many and 〈◊〉 as these of the 〈◊〉 Clergie a Samuel Hoards Sermon pag 7. By the Church I meane the Churches Pilots who sit at the sterne Heads and members divide al bodies Ecclesiasticall and civill what ever is to bee done in matters of direction and government hath alwayes beene and must bee the sole prerogative of the heads of these bodies unlesse we will have all Common-wealths and Churches broken in peeces Ibid. pag. 8. The key of jurisdiction which is a power of binding and loosing men in foro exteriori in the courts of justice and of making lawes and orders for the government of Gods house is peculiar to the heads and Bishops of the Church Ibid. p. 31. What was Ignatius and Ambrose if we look at their authoritie more than other Bishops of the Church That libertie therfore which they had to make new orders when they saw 〈◊〉 have all other Prelates in their Churches Edward Boughanes Serm. pag. 17. Submit your selves to those that are put in authoritie by Kings so then to Bishops because they are put in authoritie by Kings if they had no other claime But blessed be God they hold not only by this but by an higher tenure since all powers are of God from him they have their spirituall jurisdiction what ever it be S. Paul therefore you see assumes this power unto himselfe of setting things in order in the Kirk before any Prince become Christian 1 Cor. 11. 34. The like power hee acknowledgeth to be in 〈◊〉 1. 5. and in all Bishops Heb. 15. 17. Ibid. pag. 18. Kings make lawes and Bishops make canons This indeed it was of necessitie in the beginning of Christianitie Kings made lawes for the State and Bishops for the Kirk because then there was no Christians Kings either to authorize them to make such laws or who would countenance the when they were made But after that Kings became nourishing sathers to the Church in these pious regular times Bishops made no Canons without the assent confirmation of Christians Kings such are our Canons so made so confirmed Chounei collect p. 53. Reges membra 〈◊〉 filios Ecclesiae se esse habitos rejecisse contempsisse non 〈◊〉 audivimus obediunt simulque regnant Jura quibus gubernari se permittunt sua sunt vitalitatem nativam ex praepositis Ecclesiae tanquam ex corde recipiunts 〈◊〉 ex ipsis tanquam ex capitibus derivant Sam. Hoards p. 9. Nor did they exercise this power when they were in Counsell only but when they were asunder also speaking of Apostles as they are paterns to all Bishops b Our Church Sessions our weekly Presbyteries our yearly generall Assemblies whereof by our standing lawes we have been in possession are close put downe by our book of Canons and in their roome Church-Wardens officiall Courts Synods for Episcopall visitation and generall Assemblies to bee called when they will to be constitute of what members they please to name are put in their place c So is their booke entituled Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall ga hered and put in forme for the government of the Church of Scotland and ordained to bee observed by the Clergie and all others whom they concerne d Whites Examination of the dialogue pag. 22. By the Lawes of our Kingdome Canons of our Church many learned persons are appointed to be assistants unto Bishops in our nationall Synods in which al weightie matters concerning religion are determined nothing is or may be concluded
examples to prove that Bourton and his like deserved no lesse than publike execution And yet these men are so gentle to Papists that they glorie in their meeknesse towards them professing that to the bitterest of the Jesuites they have never given so much as a course word So Canterburie in his Epistle the other yeare to the King before the relation of the conference God forbid that I should ever offer to perswade a persecution in any kind against the Jesuites or practise it in the least for to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as 〈◊〉 language King Charles hates all tyranny o His Majesties speech in Parliament 28. p. 75. The peoples liberties strengthen the Kings prerogative and the Kings prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties p Proclamation at York April 25. 1639. We heartily declare and faithfully promise that although wee bee now in armes they shall be no wayes used either to force upon that our native Kingdome any innovation of religion or to infringe any of the civill liberties or the lawes thereof accounting it our glorie to preserve libertie and freedome among them according to their Lawes Therefore wee 〈◊〉 once againe by this renew our former promises for the maintenance of Religion and Lawes and this we doe in all sinceritie of heart we take God the Searcher of all hearts to witnesse that as we are Defenders of the true Protestant Religion which we from our heart professe so we trust we shall by his goodnesse continue in the same and never shall permit any innovation to 〈◊〉 in this or any other of our Kingdomes One of the articles of Dunce pacification is this We are further graciously pleased that according to the Petitioners humble 〈◊〉 all matters Ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Church and matters 〈◊〉 by the Parliament and other inferiour Judicatories established by Law which accordingly shall be kept once a yeare or so oft as the affaires of the Church and Kingdome shall require q Cant. relat p. 112. In some Kingdomes there are divers 〈◊〉 of greatest consequence which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered but in and by Parliament and particularly the Statute Lawes which must bind all the Subjects cannot bee made or ratified but there the supreme Magistrate in the civill State may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament thogh hee may cispense with the penaltie of the Law quoad hic nunc r The which seditious discourse and writing the authors therof intended should bee dispersed as if the same had beene entertained by your 〈◊〉 with purpose to put it in execution and to alter the ancient Laws of this Kingdom and to draw all things to your Majesties absolute will and pleasure and to dispose of your Subjects goods without their consent and to make and repeale Lawes by your Majesties Proclamation only without consent of Parliament which if it should be beleeved by your people could not but raise infinite discontent amongst them the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your Majesties person and to the whole frame of the Kingdome s Bilson of Subjection p. 280. Neither will I rashly pronounce all that resist to be Rebels Cases may fall out even in Christian Kingdomes where people may plead their right against the Prince and not be charged with rebellion As for example if a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdome to a forraine Realme or change the forme of the Common-Wealth from Emperie to Tyranny or neglect the Lawes established by common consent of Prince and people to execute his owne pleasure in those and other cases which might be named if the Nobles and Commons joyne 〈◊〉 to defend their ancient and accustomed libertie regiment and lawes they may not well be counted Rebels Ib. By superiour powers ordained of God we do not meane the Princes private will against his lawes but his precepts derived from his lawes and agreeing with his lawes which though it be wicked yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence but when Princes offer their subjects no justice but force and despise all lawes to practise their lusts not any private man may take the sword to redresse the Prince but if the lawes of the land appoint the Nobles as next to the King to assist him in doing right and withhold him 〈◊〉 doing wrong then bee they licenced by mans law so not prohibited by Gods Law for to interposethemselves for the safeguard of equitie and innocencie and by all lawfull and needfull meanes to procure the Prince to bee reformed but in no case to deprive him where the Scepter is inherited Ibid. pag. 94. Spoiles massacres conspiracies treasons even to the destruction and murther of Princes by their owne servants if a Priest say the word you count in your selves to bee just honourable and godly war if others do but 〈◊〉 on their guard to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies seeking to put whole townes and provinces to the sword against all law and reason and to disturb Kingdomes in the minoritie of the right Governours or if they defend their Christian and ancient liberties covenanted and agreed upon by those Princes to whom they first submitted themselves and ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded If in either of these two cases the Godly require their right and offer no wrong neither impugne their Princes but onely save their owne lives you crie rebellious Hereticks rebellious Calvinists surie frenzie mutinie and I know not what yee may pursue depose murther Princes when the B. of Rome bids you and that without breach of duty law or conscience to God or man as you vant And that when neither life nor limme of you is touched we may not so much as beseech Princes that we may be used like subjects not like slaves like men not like beasts that we may be convented by lawes before Judges not murthered by Inquisitors in corners but incontinent the fume of your uncleant mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise The Canterburians flatter the King in much more power than ever he will take And 〈◊〉 him without advice of the Clergy to doe in the Church what he pleaseth t H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answer p. 28. What spirit leads you that you are 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Power which men of better understanding than you have given to Princes Ib. p. 32. Princes are Gods deputes of whom should they be limited if ye say by the Laws of the land those themselves have made a prince in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is above the lawes though in concreto a just prince will not breake the lawes which himselfe hath promised to observe otherwise wee say of princes Principi lex non est posita that they doe not governe onely by the 〈◊〉 but are above it that he is sure and hath an absolute authority Ibid. p. 〈◊〉 I
family though the remainder of the Nobility and Gentry in the land should be sent over by him some to worke in fetters in his Mines of Peru Others in chaynes to row all their dayes in his gallayes in the Mediterrane for all these or any other imaginable acts of tyrannie that could escape the wicked head of any mad Nero of any monstrous Caligula these men doe openly take upon them to perswade that no kind of resistance for defence can be made by the whole States of a land though sitting in Parliament with a most harmonious consent no more nor the Jewes might have done against Nabuchadnezer or the Christians of old against the Pagane Emperours or the Greek Church this day against the grand Signieur in Constantinople that all our forbeares both English and Scots in their manifold bickerings against the misleaders of their Princes against the tyrannizing factions of Court were ever Traytors and Rebels and ought to have losed their heads and lands for their presumption to defend their liberties against the intolerable insolencies of a pack of runigat Villanes and for their boldnesse to fasten the tottering Crowne upon the head of their Kings all such Services of our Antecessours to King and Country were treacherous insurrections If for all these their crimes I make speak before you no other witnesses then their 〈◊〉 tongues J trust there shall not remain in your minds the least shadow of any scruple to believe my allegations nor in your wils the least inclination to joine with the counsels of so polluted and self 〈◊〉 persons And if to men whose open profession in their printed bookes let be secret practises leades to so wicked ends so far contrare to the glorie of God to the honour and safety of our King to the well of us all whether in Soule body 〈◊〉 children or any thing that is deare to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lead your armes against us we believe the Lord of 〈◊〉 the righteous Judge would be 〈◊〉 to you and make hundreds of your 〈◊〉 in so 〈◊〉 a cause 〈◊〉 before ten of ours Or if it were the profound and unsearchable pleasure of the God of Armi s to make you for a time a scourge to beat us for our manifold transgressions yet when yee had obtained all the Prelats 〈◊〉 when wee for our other sins were tred under your 〈◊〉 we would for all that hope to die with great comfort 〈◊〉 courage as defenders of the truth of God of the liberties and lawes of our 〈◊〉 of the true good and honour of the 〈◊〉 and Royall Familie All which as wee take it one of the most wicked and unnaturall 〈◊〉 that ever this Isle did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manifestly 〈◊〉 yet certainly we could not but leave in our Testament to you our unjust oppressors the legacie of an untimous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for when yee have killed thousands of us and banished the rest out of the Isle when on the back of our departure your sweet 〈◊〉 the Bishops have brought the Pope upon you and your children when a French or Spanish invasion doth threaten you with a slavish conquest will yee not then all and above all our gracious Prince regrate that he hath beene so evill advised as to have put so many of his brave Subjects to the cruell sword who were very able most willing to haue done him noble service against these forraine usurpers Would not at such a time that is too likely to be at hand if our Prelates advises now be followed both his Majestie and all of you who shall 〈◊〉 in life he most earnest recallers not onely of your owne Country-men many thousands whereof yee know have lately by Episcopall tyranny beene cast out from their 〈◊〉 as far as to the worlds end among the savadge Americans but also the reliques of our ruine from their banishment with as great diligence as in the time of Fergus the second the inhabitants of this land did recall our ancestors when by the fraud and force of a wicked faction they were the most part killed and the rest sent over Sea in banishment It were better by much before the remedilesse stroke be given to be well advised then out of time to sigh when the millions of lost lives when the happinesse of our true Religion when the liberties of both the nations once thrown away by our owne hands can not againe bee recovered To the end therefore that such lamentable inconveniences may be eshewed and your Honors the more animate to deny your power to those who now possibilie may crave to have it abused against us without cause beside numbers of pressing reasons wherewith I doubt not every wise man amongst you is come well enough 〈◊〉 from his owne considerations and which J trust shall be further presented in plenty by these of our Nation who have ever beene at the head of our affaires whom God hath still enabled to cleare the justice and necessitie of all our proceedings hitherto to the minds of all save our infatuat adversaries whom superstition and rage hath blinded If it might be your Honours pleasure when all the rest have ended I could wish that euen vnto me a little audience were given my zeale to the truth of God to the peace of this Isle to the honour of our deare and gratious Soveraigne imboldeneth me to offer even my little myte of information This is a period of time when the obstinate silence of those who are most obliged by their places and gifts to speake must open the mouths of sundrie who are not by much so able verie babes yea stones must finde a tongue when Pharisees deny their testimonie to CHRIST ` Dumbe men will get words when a father when a King let bee a whole kingdome by the wickednesse of a few is put in extreme perrill of ruine An Asse will finde 〈◊〉 when the devouring sword of an Angel if drawne against the Master Nothing more common in the Roman Annals then the speaches of very Oxen before any calamitie of the Common-wealth The claiking of Geese did at a time preserve the 〈◊〉 Amiclae was lost by too much silence The neglect of the voice of a Damosel the contempt of Cassandraes warning the casting of her in bands for her true but unpleasant speach did bring the Trojane horse within the wals and with it the quick ruine both of the city and Kingdome J hope then that the greatnesse of my undertaking may 〈◊〉 me a little audience for J offer to make you all see with your owne eyes and heare with your owne eares the Canterburians to declare by their owne tongues and write downe under their own hands their cleare mindes to bring in our Church Arminianisme and compleet Popery and in our State a slavery no lesse then Turkish If yee finde that I prove my offer I trust I may bee consident of your Wisedomes that though Cicero himselfe and with him Demosthenes as a second and Orpheus with the 〈◊〉
reerection of it where it s owne unsupportable weight hath caused it to fall As for the power of Princes the most of those this day who are Christians and especially our gracious Soveraigne are very well content to bee limited within the bounds of the lawes which themselves and their predecessors have setled in the Church and State of their dominions to make the preservation of those Lawes and of their subjects liberties Ecclesiastick and Civill according to them the greatest glory of their prerogative Royall To give assurance of their resolution never to abolish any old or bring in any new act either in church or state without the concurrence of Assemblies and Parliaments Neither to impose any taxation on their subjects goods without their free consent thereto given by their Commissioners in Parliament the extending of the prerogative to the making of new lawes or abolishing of old to the imposing of taxes by simple proclamation without Parliament our Prince doth so farre abhorre that he condemned a certaine writ for importing his Majesties entertainment of such motions yea his Majestie by his Attourney generall called the Earle of Bedford and other noble personages to censure for keeping such a writ wherein did lye so pernicious positions Where some Princes misled through passion and mis-information have deviat so far from the path of justice as to intend by violence and armes the overthrow of the true religion and ancient liberties of their subjects the opposition which the subjects are forced to make in this case against the oppression of their Prince our gracious Soveraigne hath been so farre ever from counting of it rebellion of which crime the greatest royalists in England wont alway to absolve it that his Majestie hath thought meet before all Europe after the example of his glorious Father and renowned predecesrix Elizabeth to give his countenance aid and powerfull assistance to them all when their just grievances and feares were laid out before his Throne If so be King Charles had esteemed the late wars in France of the protestants against their king the present wars of Holland and of the high Dutches against the Spaniard and Emperour an unlawfull defence let be a trayterous insurrection of Subjects against their Soveraignes Weepresuppone his Majesties justice would have beene loath ever to have defiled his Scepter by supporting them all with men and moneyes as oft he hath done and yet doth avow the deed While our gracious prince is so farre inflamed with hatred against all tyranny yet behold this wicked fiction how carefully they goe about by all the meanes they can to draw his royall mind to that which naturally it doth so much abhorre For they tell us first that the power of all true Kings is so simply absolute and illimitate that for any man to reason what they may not is a crime no lesse than treason that they are far above all Law 2. That the Oath which a Prince makes to keepe the Lawes is but a personall deed which cannot oblige his successor that his Oath and promise at his Coronation to keepe the Lawes is to be exponed of his resolution to make his lawes to be keeped by others That all the oathes and promises he makes at his coronation are but of his meere free-will and arbitrement that by them all no true covenant or paction can bee inferred betwixt the King and his subjects 3. That the prince alone is the Law-giver both in Church and State 4. That in matters Ecclesiasticall they themselves alone without the advice of any of the Clergie may lawfully make what Canons they please and compell their Clergie to embrace them 5. That it is a part of the Kings prerogative to have power to impose upon all his Subjects such Confessions of Faith such Liturgies such Canons as he thinks meetest without the advice of any Church Assembly 6. When it is his pleasure to call an Assembly the members of that Ecclesiastick Court are onely such as hee is pleased to call whether of the Clergie or of the Laity 7. That when they are called onely the Princes voyce is decisive the voyce of all the rest at most but consultive or if any of them become decisive it is by the Princes favour or at least permission 8. That Church Assemblies are onely politick Conventions not grounded upon any Divine right and so to bee used or disused as the prince shall thinke expedient 9. That it is in the power of all Soveraignes whether Monarchick Aristocratick or Democratick to appoynt for the government of the Church in their dominions such Officers and Spirituall Courts as they finde most meet and agreeable to their temporall estates to erect Bishops and put downe Presbyteries to erect Presbyteries and put downe Bishops 10. That all this power to conclude every ecclesiastick affaire which can bee subject to the jurisdiction of any ecclesiasticall Synod doth belong alike to all Soveraignes whether Turkish Iewish Pagan Hereticall or Christian and Orthodox Concerning the Kings power in matter of State they teach first that a Parliament is but his arbitrarie Councell which in making or annulling of his Lawes hee may use or not use as hee pleaseth 2. When hee is pleased to call a Parliament it is his due right by his letter to ordaine such Barons to be Commissioners for the Shires and such Citizens to bee Commissioners for Burrowes as hee shall bee pleased to name 3. That hee may lawsully exact when he hath to doe what portion of his subjects goods hee thinks meet and by himselfe alone may make such Lawes for exactions in times to come as seemes to him best 4. That no subject of his Kingdome can have any hereditarie jurisdiction but any jurisdiction that either any of the Nobilitie or any other Magistrate or Officer possesseth they have it alone during his pleasure that at his presence the power of all others must cease and at his death evanish and be quite extinguished till by his successors by new gift it bee renewed 5. That Scotland is a subdued Nation that Fergus our first King did conquer us by the sword and establish an absolute Monarchie for himselfe and his heires giving to us what Lawes he thought meetest 6. That all the Lands in Scotland were once the Kings propertie and what thereof hath beene given out for service yet remaines his owne by a manifold right 7. That to denie any of the named parts of this power to the King is to destroy his Monarchike government to dethrone him and make him no King to subject him to his people and make them his Masters or at least Collegues in the Empire But thankes be to God that our gracious prince hath so oft declared himselfe to bee farre from all such thoughts yea that my Lord of Canterburie himselfe is forced whiles to let drop from