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A64888 The history of the government of France, under the administration of the great Armand du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief minister of state in that kingdome wherein occur many important negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time : with politique observations upon the chapters / translated out of French by J.D. Esq.; Histoire du ministere d'Armand Jean du Plessis, cardinal duc de Richelieu, sous le regne de Louis le Juste, XIII, du nom, roy de France et de Navarre. English Vialart, Charles, d. 1644.; J. D. (John Dodington) 1657 (1657) Wing V291; ESTC R1365 838,175 594

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his presence as his predecessours had used to do who have ordinarily deposited their power into the hands of this assembly as being the chief of the Kingdome and that to which they have alwayes given most power and authority with intent that the people might the more readily give obedience to them Now this Parliament consisting of a great multitude which cannot be without many diversities of opinion some of them made Remonstrances to his Majesty upon several of the Articles presented to them and beseeched his Majesty would grant them time to consider of them The Lord keeper in his lofty humour thinking nothing like his own judgment was offended with them who would contradict what he had resolved on and believing he had another Egerian Nymph which would not let him conclude on any thing but what was conformable to the will of Heaven he perswaded his Majesty with his utmost power not to grant them the time they desired for deliberating on the Articles proposed to them But his Majesty who knew that the greatest Monarques ought to accompany their Authority with Meekness as well as Justice granted them their desires of six month's time to consider of them and to draw up their Remonstrances which however were to be referr'd to his Majesties disposition and judgment Politique Observation AMongst the many and sundry powers which are in the Persons of our Kings as so many Glorious Rayes which encompasse their Majesty Justice is one and one of the greatest Suster The Scepter which they carry in their hand is an Index of it and seems to say that their will is the Rule by which their subjects must be govern'd whence a Lawyer defining Law confoundeth it with the will of the Prince declared to his subjects It is true they hold Justice in their left hands that they may remember their Commands ought alwayes to be accompanied with Equity But besides all this they are not bound to give an accompt to any one It is onely God from whom they receive t heir Scepter and it is to him only that they are to be accomptable for the Reason of those Laws which they establish Their power is high and so absolute that there is no refusing of what they ordaine and indeed their Laws are of force and power not so much because they are Just as because they are by them commanded However Prudence obligeth them to be advised by their Parliaments whensoever they would make any Laws or Ordinances This was the ancient form as History observeth when any General Ordinances were to be established and this is it which maketh the people receive them with the more submission and willingness for nothing is so acceptable to them as that which carrieth the least shew of absolute Soveraignty and besides Kings do no lesse Rule their people by Prudence then Power Now this Prudence requireth that nothing ought to be acted but by the deliberation of those who are to give a Credit to it for the observation and obedience which is expected to be payd unto it All our Kings have allowed their Parliaments to make Remonstrances and give their opinions as occasion should require Indeed they have alwayes done it with great submission and respect as being a thing without the limits of their power S●lomon the wisest of Kings saith It is a folly to play the Wise man before a Kings presence in the seventh of Ecclesiastes and Quintus Curtius did much extol Ephestion that giving his opinion or Judgment before Alexander he alwayes did it with such great respect that every one who beheld him might know he did not speak as his due but as an Honour permitted to him and no more Some Kings it must be acknowledged are not thus absolute but are dependant either upon their States or people and the reason is because they first accepted of the Crown upon such and such conditions But the thing is not so with ours they are onely accomptable to God for what they do and do acknowledge no other Superior in any thing which relateth to their Temporal Government as St. Gregory said of our French Kings they are saith he as Eminently above other Kings of the Earth as they are above inferiour men The King before he goeth into Piedmont findeth the Hugonots in Languedoc ready to rise he compelleth them to lay down their Armes and to declare in form before his Parliaments and Judges that they will live in all duties and obedience hereafter ONE thing more remained to be considered before his Majesties Journy into Italy which was this The Hugonots in Languedoc could not resolve to live in that absolute submission which they owed unto his Majesty notwithstanding they saw the proud Walls of Rochel thrown down before their faces which might have served them for a sight of fear and confusion His Majesty was advised of what assistance they had demanded from Spain England Holland and other places That several of those Town 's accorded to them for their security were resolved to revolt and resist his Majesties Armes if he should attempt to ruine those Walls which were the Protectors of their Insolent Rebellions Whereupon the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty that it was obsolutely necessary to reduce those places to their obedience and his own mercy before he passed into Piedmon as also to make a Declaration importing an express Command to all Heretiques who either were or had been in actual Rebellion against his Majesty that they should lay down their Armes return to their duties and make Declarations of their future obedience in ample manner and form before his Parliaments or the Judges Presidiaux dwelling next unto them and that all Towns should send their deputies to make protestations of their fidelity promising them on the word of a King that upon their so doing they should quietly enjoy their goods and the Liberty of their pretended Religion but protesting that if they should refuse so to do and continue in their obstinacy and Rebellion without regard had unto his grace and mercy that he would then proceed to punish them as for de crimine laesae Majestatis from the greatest to the lowest ordaining and requiring that their goods and persons should be proceeded against accordingly and in the utmost rigour of his said Declaration His Majesty caused his said Declaration to be read in Parliament himself being present which put a stop to all the Hugonots affairs until after the taking of Suze Politique Observation HAppy is that Kingdome whose people live under one Law and the same Religion for the least Diversity which is in either of those two parts breedeth unfortunate disorders in the whole If any should be so unhappy as to fall under either of those Afflictions they may learn how to remedy it by this Declaration of his Majesty which produced most admirable effects in hindring the progresse of the present Rebellion It cannot be denied but that Kings have an absolute power to compell their subjects who are Heretiques
to his own Quarter so that after a great attempt there is but small successe The Hugonots finding their weakness to their own costs have recourse to the Kings Clemency THe signal Victory which his Majesty had obtained by sea before Rochel and the Isle of Ree together with the impossibility whereunto the Duke of Rohan was reduced of attempting any thing in Languedoc so closely was he followed by the Marshal de Themines forced the Hugonots to have recourse to his Majesties Clemency They begged his Majesties pardon by their Deputies whom they sent to him to testifie the sense they had of their fault and to assure him of their future fidelity and obedience His Majesty was well pleased with it and the Deputies comming to him at Fonntain Bleau about the end of August whilest the Legate was there there was no kind of acknowledgements and submissions which they did not make both in behalf of themselves as also of the Duke of Rohan and the Sieur de Soubize who sent to supplicate him by their particular Deputies that he would be pleased to imploy them in the War of Italy that they might testifie by their Passion to serve him that there was not any danger in the Sea or Land to which they would not chearfully expose themselves to contribute to his Glory After they had made their speeches they presented the Paper of their Complaints humbly beseeching his Majesty to have regard to it for that they were grounded upon several Graces which had been conferred on them by the Edict of Nants and several other Grants The King received it and appointed it to be examined Now although the sweetnesse of Peace which charmeth the mind the Poverty of the people and those enterprizes which the Spaniard made upon the Allies of France did generally invite all the French to wish that his Majesty would accord to them the pardon which they desired yet some there were who were divided in opinion what was most fit to be done upon that affair one part conceiving that Rochel having received so great a rebuke and finding themselves without Island without Sea without Souldiers and without Vessels they ought not to let slip such an occasion The reason was that in so doing they should loose a very advantagious opportunity to force the City by a Siege which could not hold out above six moneths to demolish their Forts and reduce them under the Kings obedience which once done the whole party of the Hugonots would be quite ruined their other Towns disabled to make any resistance and that thus the Regal Authority would not onely receive a great accruement of Power but the Church too would receive a very great benefit by it These were the opinions of vulgar thoughts which look on nothing but what is before them and just in their noses but want discretion to look a little further they considered not that it would alwaies be in his Majesties Power to take up Arms against the Heretiques seeing now they behaved themselves otherwise then they used to doe as hath been often seen and that his Majesty might easily keep those advantages which he had upon Rochel by fortifying the Isles of Ree and Oleron and keeping a small Army in Fort St. Lewis and in the Country about Rochel but that it would not alwaies be seasonable and timely to oppose the Ambitious design of the Spaniards upon the Grisons or the Valtoline That the King could not without dishonour leave off those glorious enterprizes which he had already began and that in case he should it would give full Liberty to the Spaniards to make themselves Masters of the Valtoline as well as of the rest of Italy where they had already sent their Armes and had also strongly fortified themselves That this affair was more important then that of the Hugonots for that a more favourable opportunity to gain a happy successe could not be had when one had a mind to it Besides that it was not sufficient to be hurried on by an inconsiderate zeal without any regard had to the Interests of the Kingdom seeing that their Religion made a part of the Estate and that also it very little concerned Religion to defer for some time the ruine of the Hugonots for that War and Violence did never yet conduce to their Conversion Heresie being like Saffron which grows the faster the more it is trodden under foot that when Heretiques have been burned they have lived like Salamanders in the fire when they have been cast into the Water they have increased like Fishes and when their heads have been cut off they have like Trees put out more new branches then were taken off so that there was no talk of ruining Heresie but onely of the Party which was stil free for the King to do considering the frequent grounds they gave for it for that mutiny was naturalized in them but that it was far otherwise in the affairs of Italy and of the Valtoline which might not be abandoned but with extream great shame and without ever hoping for another opportunity to root up the Spaniard if he should be now let alone to grow up and gather new strength These were the important reasons represented by the Cardinal to the King and which induced his Majesty to grant a Peace to the Hugonots that he might carry on his designs in Italy and the Valtoline After the paper of their grievances had been examined his Majesty confirmed to them whatever had been granted by the Edict of Nantes granting them free Liberty for the exercise of their Religion in such Towns where they had Churches and Church-yards and an Act of Oblivion for any thing done in the War but he would not consent to the demolishing of Fort Lewis as being too important for the keeping of Rochel in aw and obedience These favours were accepted by the general Deputies of the Hugonots in the name of all the Hugonot Towns excepting those of Rochel Mountauban Castres and Milhana who having been gained by the Duke of Rohan and Sieur de Soubize and finding that their Leaders had onely obtained a single pardon without any other advantage and without being imployed in Italy according as they desired they intreated his Majesty upon other pretences that he would be pleased to grant some time till their two chief Officers and those four Cities were joyned with them The King granted to them that delay upon condition it were not over long who presently sent away the Heads of those Resolutions which had been taken Politique Observation THough the weakning of a Party in a Kingdom which hath been long breeding so that they may make no more Insurrections be a thing much to be desired yet it will not be peradventure alwaies seasonable to attempt it it is the duty of a wise Minister to take all occasions for the doing of it according to the state of Affairs of the Kingdom Suetonius Paulinus one of the most experimented Captains of his time made it
to present to his Majesty the Ratification of the Articles of Peace which it had pleased his Majesty to accord to them the year last past were accompanied with those of Rochel who came in their behalf to offer their submissions and to beseech him that they might obtain the same grace and favour which had been granted to the rest of that party It is true they did not so much repent for their Rebellion as they were sorry for those inconveniences which the Kings Army had put upon them then commanded by the Marshal de Themines who succeeded the Marshal de Plessis and who pressed so close upon them that they could not peep out but in danger of being taken For that they no longer had the liberty of injoying their Goods and that all their Traffique was spoiled Affliction doth at last open the eyes of those Rebels whom insolency and ambition had but lately closed up of which they gave assured proof by those earnest intreaties which they made to his Majesty to forget the Rebellion of which they had been guilty The same reasons which invited his Majesty to shew his Clemency to the rest of that party did also perswade him to do the like to them of Rochel as also the Cardinal hinted one more to him somewhat powerfuller then the rest There had then been newly discovered a Combinatiyn between divers Princes and Lord of the Court as shall be anon declared and amongst others one of their designs was to ingage Mensieur with the Hugonots Party so that if Peace had not been granted to Rochel as well as to the other Towns and Cities it were the ready way to let open a door for War and to give those Rebels the more means to execute their designs by a high hand for it were an easie matter by the means of this one City to raise all the party And last of all this great Minister laid down before his Majesty That the English being as they were picking a quarrel with us to which they were inclined would upon a word speaking find Rochel ready to let them into France These reasons of State were of great weight and fit to be considered of which his Majesty being sensible he did at last grant the City of Rochel the favour which was desired and the Cardinal was not a little diligent to watch that this Peace were not concluded upon such shamefull Articles and full of basenesse as formerly they had been The King consented that the Town should be delivered into the hands of the Corporation on condition they kept no Ships of War that they observed those Orders for Traffique which were established in the rest of the Kingdome That they should restore to the Ecclesiastiques all the Goods which had been taken from them That they should suffer the Catholicks to live freely and quietly in the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion and in the injoyment of those Goods which appertained unto them That his Majesty should leave what Garison he thought fit in Fort Lewis and the Islands of Ree and Oleron onely promising that out of his bounty and goodnesse he would settle such a course in it as those of Rochel might receive no trouble by it either in their Commerce or the injoyment of their goods These Articles were agreed on about the beginning of February and the next day the general and particular Deputies ratified and confirmed them thinking themselves happy for having obtained this end from his Majesties Bounty By this years injoyment of Peace among the Hugonots his Majesty did with the more ease detect and break the designs of those who were factiously bent as also he assisted his Allies in Germany he eased the people and went on labouring in the means for restoring of that happinesse and glory which had been so long wished for in the Kingdome I shall onely adde that his Majesty for the surer execution of the Treaty sent Commissaries to Rochel who were received there with great honour Those of Rochel having sent their Deputies to Surgeres for the establishing the exercise of Religion and setling things into such order that there were very great hopes of a true Obedience and long Peace had not that people been extreamly much inured to Rebellion Politique Observation ALthough the Rebellions of subjects force a Prince to punish some for an example yet prudence doth oblige him sometimes to dissemble it and to give them peace when as there is any fear of a greater mischief to follow by any new revolt which joyning their flames with the former might endanger the putting of the whole into combustion It could not be any weakness of heart or necessity to which as an Antient saith the Gods themselves are obedient will force him to it It is no fault to fear when as there is a just ground for it but it is rather a great piece of prudence and a vertue without which there is no enjoyment of happy success in war any long time together of this Marcellus heretofore gave us a good example when as Badius that he might acknowledge the favour which Hanibal had done him in saving his life and giving him back his Ransom made the most part of the inhabitants of Nole revolt against the Romans in the Battle of Cannes This Captain seeing the conjuncture of Affairs did oblige him rather to allay then exasperate used his utmost power to regain Badius by assuring him that if he would but return to Rome those wounds which he had that day received would bring him great rewards Badius was much taken with the generousnesse of the Message and Marcellus the more to accomplish his design sent him a very goodly Horse and five hundred drachma's of Silver which did so oblige him that he was ever after very loyal and faithfull to him so that from that time forward he would never inflict any punishment upon those who were revolted It was more by Prudence then by Force that the Romans became Masters of the Universe A discreet Minister ought much rather to induce his Master to accommodation on such occasions then to hazard the State in any eminent danger by too much stiffenesse in resolution for the punishing of those who are revolted when they are upon the point of having a strong assistance by which means they may hazard the successe of the War An Edict against Duels JT was no small happinesse for France to be thus at Peace abroad and with the Hugonots at home but the Cardinal could not imagine it sufficient if not setled amongst the Nobility who were every day cutting one anothers Throats in Duels It was impossible to perswade them by any reasons that it was one of the greatest parts of glory for a wise man and a Christian to overcome his own emotions of anger and to forgive his enemies So this great Minister insinuated into his Majesty who was already zealously desirous of Justice That nothing was so contrary to the Law of God and
ALthough it be expedient to detect the chief contrivers of a compiracy either against the Publique quiet or their Kings person yet wise Politicians have not thought it proper to prey too exactly into all the complices or the plot it self if any great number of potent leading men have ingaged in it It being to be feared least either their quality or number might draw others in or that the pretences of their design might be so specious that many persons might be concerned in it who never knew at all the true depth of the business It was upon this accompt that the Senate of Rome condemned Lucius Vectius and Tarquinius for discovering that Caesar and Cressus were parties in Catalines conspiracie it being by them feared and that with reason least a greater number who were admirers of those two eminent persons might betake themselves to the same party A little dissembling upon such an occasion will be more then the strictest inquisition as Pompey made appear upon Sertorius his death for Perpenna having sent him a great chest full of Letters which the Romans had sent to Sertorius ingaging themselves in his quarrel he would not read one of them but cast them all into the fire fearing least instead of one Sertorius twenty might spring up in Rome when they should find themselves discovered and for his part it was not his desire to force or oblige them by violence to unite themselves together for their own defence Thus Alexander having intercepted some of Darius his letters by which he had incouraged certain Grecians of his own Army to kill him was in a great doubt whether he should suppresse or discover them at least to those to whom they were directed but having asked Parmenios advise in the business he was counselled not to speak of it to any one whatever because in a multitude there are never wanting some seditious persons who only lack a head and prop to make the wickednes of their hearts apparent and are naturally so base-minded that the bare report of a Faction is ground enough to ingage them in it Certain Broyles sprung up in the Court of England by the ill Counsel of some of the Queens household THe Court of France was not the only Scean of Factions England was no lesse pestered with imbroyles by those divisions which happened between the King and Queen but ended by the returning into France all the Queens officers though by the Articles of marriage it had been concluded That her Majesty should be attended by officers who were French and Catholiques But it was most certain the English never intended long to keep them which they sufficiently shewed by the entertainment given them at Dover where they could hardly get meat for their mony and soon after their arrival they laid hold on several occasions to put what that had concluded on in execution It is reported that some Ecclesiastiques and women did sow jealousies and discontents between the King and Queen which exasperated the King very much against them whereupon the Duke of Buckingham designed that his Wife Sister and Niece might be her Bed-chamber Women which being contrarie to the Articles of Marriage which did prohibit any to bear office in the Queen's Family who were not Catholiques it was denied him which angered him the more in regard he had used to dispose of all affairs in England with a great deal of Authority It was indeed proposed not long after to do that Honour to his Mother who was a Catholique and to his Wife who was that way inclined but he being unsatisfied with it did from that time forward use his utmost endeavours to foment and revenge it But it is on the other side reported that Madam de Cheuureuse discontented in the French Court and having got a good acquaintance in England blew the Coales of this division only to be revenged and withal that Buckingham was much blamed by the Parliament of England for having admitted of divers Articles the Treaty of Marriage which were prejudicial to the Religion of the Country and threatned to be called to an accompt for a vast summe of mony which was pretended he had diverted to his own use Now to satisfie the Parliament who are of great power in England he made it his business to fall upon the Catholiques especially the Queens officers and all that he might testifie to the Parliament how he would conform himself to their pleasure in every thing But he was vexed most of all when he went into Holland upon some affairs with design to passe to the Court of France and the King gave the King of England to understand that he did not like of the Journy The Earle of Holland too did not a little set on those divisions for that the French who were neer the Queen had hindred him from being over-seer of her Majesties Revenue and had perswaded her to bestow that place upon the Bishop of Mande which exasperated him very much so that he made use of his power both with the King and Bukingham to drive on the business to such a height that it was at last concluded that all her Majesties officers should be returned into France which was accordingly performed and about the beginning of August they were forced to crosse the Sea Politique Observation IT is Common upon the marrying of great Princesses with a Forraign King to give them officers of their own Country but it is seldome seen that they continue any long time neer them It cannot be avoided but that there will jealousies and heart burnings arise between them and the Natives of the Country concerning their enjoying those offices which they believe are due to themselves which jealousie doth usually raise such storms that their ruine is included in it but admit no jealousie did arise yet the meer diversity of their language and Customes were enough to create differences and divisions between them Forraign officers cannot forbear discoursing together in their own language which createth suspitions in those who understand it not By reason of the diversity of their fashions they laugh at one another which commonly breeds quarrels between them and withall let a man be never so complaisant in his humour yet there is alwayes a jealous eye upon them that they contrive some thing against the State Of this there are divers examples in all times as particularly in the raign of Francis the first in which Bellay reporteth that Affairs were very much imbroyled by strangers instancing the Bishop of Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquis of Mantua and Andreas Doria hence Bodin in his Commonwealth doeth much blame the Venetians for admitting of all kind of strangers amongst them Lypsius observeth That as when many crickets come into a house it is one assured sign of their sodaine destruction so when a great multitude of strangers shall live in a Nation it is a certain Index of some revolution neer at hand Indeed they have not usually any great deal of affection
Monsieur the Cardinal enabling him to discover the most secret of Forraign Affairs gave him to understand all the particulars of their designs his Majesty thus informed of their resolution suddenly hoised Sail and resolved to go from Paris to Rochel that he might incourage his Souldiers to whom nothing is invincible when he is in presence But God who over-ruleth the designs of all men did not permit the effecting of it so soon as his Majesty desired It pleased his Providence to visit him with sicknesse from the first day of his departure from Paris which encreasing forced him to stay at Villeroy His fits were so violent that his recovery was questioned The Physitians imagining that the sense of Affairs did increase his Feaver beseeched his Majesty to dis-burthen his thoughts of it and experience having told him that it was but reasonable he committed all to the Queen Mothers and the Cardinals management But the Queen Mother was so troubled at this accident that her sadnesse would not give her leave to think on any thing The whole burthen then lay upon the Cardinal Not but that grief too had made a great impression upon his Soul as well as upon the Queen Mothers but as great spirits quit not the helm at the violence of the storm so he behaved himself in the giving such Orders as were necessary and conducing to prevent the English Fleets attempt together with the Rebellion of the Rochelois that it seemed Heaven had preserved all his sences to him to increase his glory It cannot be denied but that this was one of the most considerable affairs that had a long time happened to the Kingdome It was a parting blow upon which depended the settlement of the publick quiet and which particularly concerned the glory of his Master So he gave himself up to imploy his utmost industry in it and his prudence effected such things which cannot passe but for miracles Indeed it was so much the easier for him so to do since the King had commanded him to ease himself as much as possible he could for his health sake which did not well agree with the continual cares of this Grand Minister He had induced his Majesty to think good that he should take for his share the care of what related to his Majesties glory or the conduct of his State This moderation of his was to be admired at and such as few are indued with In that he represented to his Majesty that having intrusted the Seals with Marillac who was a person Active Lively and full of Understanding he might absolutely depend upon him for the Justice and on the Marquesse de Effiat in matters of the Treasuries of which he had made him super-intendent which being thus he could apply all his care to the government of the State and give a happy dispatch to all his Majesties commands And lastly that he did not think it either proper or profitable for France or any other State that one man alone should have the over-seeing of all manner of affairs for that imploying one part of his mind on those of Justice and the Treasury hee must have so much the lesse ability to look after the rest of the Kingdome which in France too would take up one mans whole care and time His Majesty did not a little esteem both his judgement and modesty far different from the Ambition of divers other Ministers who are never satisfied untill they rule all so he was pleased to admit of his request which he did the more readily grant in regard hee thought it might much conduce to his health which could not long subsist under the care of all things though he knew he had a Soul able to govern the whole world From that time forward he medled onely in matters of State and left all the rest to the other Ministers Politique Observation A Prudent Minister who knows the work of well-governing a Kingdome never burthens himself with the care of all manner of Affairs He who pretends to a super-intendency of all businesses is a rash inconsiderate man and he will find nothing but confusion in his Government and hatred upon his person The Soul of man of what quality soever he be is like a River whose course runs but weakly and slowly when exhausted into several little Brooks and true it is who so divideth the strength of his Genius in the management of all affairs can act but feebly in those of great weight and by consequence to the detriment of the publick good It is with Souls as with Appetites they who suffer themselves to bee drawn along by sawces and delicate meats over-charge themselves and convert the greatest part of their nourishment into ill humours thus those minds which would govern all leave all in disorder Plutarch speaking of the Government of a Kingdome saith that the Prince ought to be like a hand which should imploy several Ministers under his Authority the hand hath divers fingers to work There need no other proof of this truth then that knowledge and prudence which is required in the Conduct of a State besides the administration of Justice and the superintendency of the Treasuries A chief Minister ought to have his eye not onely upon all things affairs and persons of concernment in the Kingdome but likewise upon all the bordering Princes and Allies yes and upon their Ministers too to discover if possible their designs and either by policy or force to break such as may be any way prejudicial to his Master He ought to have his Engines on work to dive into the Counsels of the Pope the Emperour the Spaniard and all other neighbour Princes He ought from time to time to acquaint himself with their humours their inclinations passion exercises and all that may conduce to the Government In case any of them attempt a design which may make them too potent he is bound to oppose it If his Allies be set upon he must be as careful to defend protect them as the out-guards of his Kingdome As for that which is considerable at home the King his Master will take up a great deal of his time either in his applications to preserve his favour or to dissipate such jealousies as his enemies may have infused into him or to propose to his Majesty such expedients and counsels as may be proper and profitable together The Princes of the blood too will find him some work to keep them in such a condition as they may not trouble the publick Peace but that they may however live in some kind of satisfaction it being true that either the good or bad Fortune of a Kingdome doth most commonly depend upon them He ought also to have an eye upon the Clergy and Prelates to keep them in such decorum that they clash not by any mis-understandings to the bringing of Religion into contempt That they do not so greedily swallow down the respects which are paid unto them as to abuse that power of Souls
out in hopes of succour or assistance seeing those very persons who had ingaged them in the War had already made their Peace These Deputies upon their first comming began to execute the design for which they came to wit to dispose the Chief of the City to submit as they had done The next morning the Sieur de Guron came to the Town house where he discoursed to them with such Eloquence Ingenuity and Address that he made a good Impression on them He related to them the many victories and good success which had alwayes accompanied his Majesties Arms the mis-fortunes of Rochel and Privas which they too could not possibly avoid if they persisted in their Rebellion he likewise told that his Majesty was fully resolved not to suffer any people or places in his Kingdome which were not in his power and under his obedience Next of all he acquainted them that his Majesty did passe his word to them for enjoyment of their goods and the exercise of their Religion whilst they for their parts continued in their duties and obedience and lastly he gave them to understand how inviolable an observer the Cardinal was of his word and he conjured them to be absolutely confident of whatever the Cardinal should promise to them They were generally so touched with this discourse that they presently seemed to be as much inclined to Peace as formerly they had been to War The Deputies of Nismes seconded the Sieur de Guron's speech and were not wanting to acquaint the people unto what mis-fortunes some other Towns of their party had been reduced The Peace and quietness which they enjoyed by the Kings bounty the deceits of them who had engaged them in this War by their great hopes of succors which were now vanished seeing their head had made his Peace with his Majesty That the great victories which his Majesty had of late obtained might sufficiently let them see that nothing was able to resist him and that this had been the chief reason which had induced them and those of their City to cast themselves at his Majesties feet and that after had had the honour to confer with the Cardinal they admired the incomparable virtues which were so eminently apparent in him experimented his meeknesse and been sensible of the truth of his promises they could no longer defer their resolutions but had great hopes of receiving as many favours by his bounty as they had heretofore suffered mischiefs by the ambition of those whom they had chosen for their heads It cannot be expressed how great an impression these reasons made upon the people However their Rebellion having taken a deep root in them they could not resolve till after two dayes to send their Deputies to the Cardinal neither would they give any other answer to the Sieur de Guron onely beseeched him that their Deputies might have the honour to wait upon him Thus was their final submission reserved by Heaven for the Cardinals Prudence who alone was able to produce so admirable an effect Politique Observation THE fear of those miseries which usually accompany revolts is of greater efficacy to reduce a people to their duty then any other reasons whatever As nature hath given them a rude and unpolished spirit so the respect and obligations which they owe their Princes can hardly make any impression upon them but he who can once possesse them with fear may do what he will with them Whence it is that they are not so much to be perswaded by reason as forced by the apprehension of rigors inevitable if they consent not to what is required of them Tacitus in his History doth notably well describe these qualities of theirs when he saith That thought they have extraordinary forces yet nothing is so cowardly so fearfull nor so wavering if they be not led and animated by a generous Commander That as they cast themselves upon enterprises with fury so do they faintly abandon them and fall into disorder upon their first apprehension of danger and that holding no mean in their actions whilest they are fearlesse they are no sooner at a stand but they may be wrought to any thing Titus Livy spake with no lesse knowledge of them when he said the nature of a people is either to serve too abjectly or to command too insolently they being incapable of any medium Now when is it that they command with too much insolence but when they find themselves of the stronger party and that they fear nothing and on the other side when do they creep with too much abjection and servitude but when they are abased and pulled down by rigors or chastisements Upon this ground was it that Drusus went into Panonia to appease a great sedition but finding all fair and gentle means were to no purpose he made use of force and power which they no sooner felt the smart of but they returned to their former submission and obedience Now the surest and safest way to touch a people with fear is not to be too hasty upon them in their first heat and fury but to let that a little passe over for nothing doth more decrease and allay them then time they being like the Sea which of it self is calm and quiet yet however subject to great storms and agitations when the impetuous Winds begin to stir up its Waves and to arm them with fury against one another but returns to its own calmnesse when the winds once cease to move it Thus it is with the rabble of themselves they are not capable to act or stir but when they suffer themselves to be carried by the suggestions of some sedicious furious spirit Oh how do they then rage and rave No violent thing can last long neither indeed can their fury hold out if once they who first raised them forbear to lead them and then if in this nick of time they are threatned with punishments and see a power able to force them you may presently lead them to what you will so great an influence hath that Passion of fear over their low and narrow hearts Montauban Surrenders to the Kings Obedience THe Deputies of Montauban came to P●zanas in company with the Sieur de Guran at which place the Cardinal then was They had Audience upon their first desire and made all protestations that could be imagined of a firm and strict obedience unto his Majesties will and pleasure but stood stifly in demanding that their Fortifications of the Ville Novel●e and Bourbon should be left standing and seemed as if they had condiscended a very great deal in permitting their out-works to be slighted But the Cardinal returned them answer in that strain and garb which was proper for a General and one who represented the person of the King That he did much admire after they had understood his Ma●esties intentions by the Sieur Guron they should thus come to treat as if it were upon equal terms and exempt themselves from the conditions of other Towns
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Char●em●gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasu●es T●ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and ●asie to be
from Rome unsatisfied They might easily have obtained as heretofore thundring Excommunications against France and have exposed the Kingdom to ruine had Gregory the Fourteenth been yet alive but we do not now live in those times The Masque of Religion wherewith the House of Austria use to cover their designs is now taken off and the Cardinal who knoweth of what concernment it is for States to hold Rome in friendship was not backward both for the good of the Church and this Kingdom to inform his Holinesse of the design contrived by the House of Austria for the over-running of Italy and bringing the Holy Sea into such subjection that themselves might overaw the Censures Decrees and Excommunications of the Church so the Pope convinced of the truth hereof was not possibly to be surprized but blamed the German Princes for exposing their States to such miseries in behalf of the ambitious design of the House of Austria and on the contrary commended his Majesty for his readinesse and willingnesse to protect the Church and those very Princes in case they would recede from their wicked designs That Catholick Princes ought to hold good correspondence with Rome IT was not without great reason what Antonio Peres once told the late Henry the Great viz. that the French being unmatchable for courage would undoubtedly conquer the whole earth if to their natural valour the favour of Rome the mastery of the Sea and a fix'd Council of able Statesmen were adjoyned These three things make a Prince truly great And the course of affairs now leadeth me to discourse of one of them viz of the necessity of holding a fair correspondence with the Roman Sea which I may well say is necessary partly for the avoiding of those evils which may happen by want thereof and partly for the inducing the people by its approbation to admit of the many and several undertakings in a State The Empire of Souls is both great and tickleth if it were only in relation of those Anathemas which may be darted out against Princes One of the most conspicuous church-lights said and that with great judgement that the Thunders of the Church are to be feared how unjust soever and indeed so they are because the execrations of Christ Jesus Vicar are of great efficacy before God who holdeth the Government of Kingdomes in his hands and also because of the terrours they strike into the people who concluding a Prince reproved by God as soon as by the Holy Sea do not only lose their respect due to such rulers but even run into disobedience and insurrection Did not those Thunders in the times of the late League kindle the flames which did long consume this Kingdom what was it which brought Navar into the Spaniards hands but the imbroils between Lewis the Twelfth and Julius the Second Now if a good intelligence with the Sea of Rome is security from such like misfortunes it is no lesse an advantage to a State in regard of its approbation of a Soveraigns enterprizes This is it which holdeth the people in quiet which maketh them think the yoak of obedience to be easie which preserveth the love of their Prince in their minds and which rendreth contributions imposed by necessity the more supportable and in general it may be said that there is not any thing how bad soever which they will distast if approved by the Holy Sea so great a respect doth Religion produce in the minds of men King Numa had no better invention to make his actions received by the people of Rome then by telling them he did nothing but by the Counsel of the Nymph Egeria who communicated the Will of the Gods unto him No one is ignorant of the repute which the South-sayers had with the people of Rome in perswading them to approve of their Consuls and Emperours designs and undertakings Could then any more likely way be invented both to justifie their undertakings and incourage their Souldiers then by telling them the Gods approved of them Neither can it be doubted but the Pope's approbation is an effectual way to perswade people to like their Princes designs to live in quiet and to be well satisfied with the Government under which they live But how much then are the Popes obliged to be favourable towards France which hath ever been their Refuge their Asylum their Prop and Protection Besides their Interests are the same with ours seeing the French use not such under-hand shuffling as the Spaniards and are far enough from such ambitious designs as the House of Austria who are still contriving to oppress the Liberties of the Church to subjugate the holy See and to over-awe its Decrees whereas the French endeavour only to preserve every one in his own Right and to be contented with a good Pope an honest and stout man who will not suffer himself to be surprized by their Enemies but shew himself a common Father to all without procuring any ditriment to one by the suggestion of another The Cardinal endeth a difference between the Bishops and Friers NOt long after the Kings return from Lorrain the Cardinal undertook to compose a difference between the Bishops and Friers which had made a great noise for sundry ages together The Friers relying upon their priviledges obtained from the holy See pretended to have power both to Preach and Confess without permission from the Bishops and the Bishops unto whom all people within their Diocess are subject by common right did perpetually thwart that pretension They could not down with the Friers Priviledges alledging they ought to be declared void as being oppugnant to the primitive constitutions of the Church which ought to be preserved in the same model for the continuation thereof in its pristine splendour This quarrel had been especially fomented during the last year by reason some Books had been published in the name of the English Catholiques which preferr'd the Monastical life before that of the Prelats and seemed to imply that Friers were more necessary at least more useful to the Church then the ordinary Pastors To say the Truth these Propositions were bold and without offence to any one may safely be termed rash and inconsiderate But that likelyhood was there of composing these differences Was it probable that the whole Society of Friers would relinquish the priviledges they had obtained from the holy See On the other side What reason was there that the Prelats should have so little authority over them in Administration of Sacraments and the Word of God seeing in the Primitive times Friers were only mix'd amongst the Laity and addressed themselves unto the Bishops Congregations to receive the Sacraments from their hands or those who executed their charge No one but the Cardinal could give an end to these differences there being not a man who durst so much as make a a Proposal whereby each party might receive satisfaction neither did he wave the trouble but willingly took it upon himself though he was
maximes of Government the Fundamental Laws of Monarchy the Statutes and Customes and generally whatever concerns the duty of Magistrates the Office of Judges and art of Lawyers To this Doctrine I may adde Experience a thing so necessary in a Lord-Keeper and Chancellor that without it the very greatest lights wherewith their natural parts or study can furnish them are as little usefull as the instrument in the hand of a workman skill'd in the Theory but not the Practick Integrity ought to accompany him being the Mother of Loyalty and the Father of that zeal which all publick persons are obliged to evidence in the Administration of their Charges The Integrity of a person of small ability will indeed so far carry him that the publick good will be the end at which he aims but he cannot contribute so much unto it as willingly he would whereas he who is destitute thereof doth most frequently look after his own interest It was not the want of capacity but fidelity which so often exposed the Athenians and those other Common-Wealths of Greece to the fury of Forraign and Civil Wars Never was that illustrious corner of the World so replenished with Phylosophers Orators and great Statesmen as when it first began to decay but that unbridled Passion which leadeth great men to prefer their own interests before that of the States which they govern hurrieth them into that misfortune which betides the body of man where the Stomach which ought to concoct nutriment for the individual parts digesteth it onely for it self Eloquence will be of no small use to them in many occasions where they are obliged to pronounce judgements and declare their Masters Wills it elevateth a man so much above others saith the Roman Orator as speech raiseth him above his fellow creatures If it be befitting and usefull to any it is particularly to Statesmen for there is not any thing which acquires more authority to a man appearing in publick then good elocution For my part I think Eloquence so much the more proper for them in regard it perswades the people to approve what Wisedom directeth what Prudence resolveth and what Justice requireth without it the wisest Counsels have oftentimes been ineffectual I will not dis-approve the advancing of rich persons to such dignities because riches if lawfully acquired do give much credit to vertue serve to excite it and execute their just and generous designs I think them very necessary for a man who is to serve the publick experience teaching us that without them vertue is often weak and languishing Though vertue alone merit before God it is unactive unfruitfull and inglorious among men To be short where the Goods of the body co-habit with those of the mind and fortune in eminent persons it adds no small authority unto them seeing the beauty and Majesty of the body hath certain attractions to captivate the courage to inforce respect and reverence and to perswade men to what ever they please infomuch that the ancients have thought them worthy of Crowns and Empires His Majesties choice of Learned and Religious Prelates at the Cardinal's request THe Church ought necessarily to be governed by Bishops whose Doctrine and Piety may serve for a guide to the people to instruct them in the ways of Heaven The State receiveth no small advantage by them Hereupon the Cardinal did very wel resolve to perswade his Majesty not to bestow any Bishoprick but upon persons well-deserving who might be capable of serving God and the State especially not to grant them unto children or persons of a licentious life or such as lay under any ignominy as had formerly been practiced so that in a few yeas the face of the Clergy of France was much altered being replenished with persons of ability and virtue This was put in execution in all vacant places after the Cardinal's promotion to the Ministery I shall forbear to speak of it till the History of this year because it furnisheth us with many examples The Cardinal propos'd unto his Majesty to be admitted into the Bishopricks of Languedoc whose Pastors had been deposed Le Sieur Cohon for Nismes the Sieur Grillet for Vssez the Sieur Vilazel for St. Brieu His Majesty whose Piety is no lesse illustrious then his Ju-Justice which rendreth him venerable to all his people being well satisfied of their merit concluded them fit for that honour The were persons who for above ten years past had appeared in the most eminent Pulpits of Paris to the great admiration of their auditory and whereas the Doctrine of Preachers ought to be animated by a good life their conduct had testified for them that they had no lesse vertue and eloquence then zeal for his Majesties service to preserve the people in the obedience they ow him as Gods Lievtenant on earth That the right of presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most ancient Priviledges of the Crown and what Bishops ought to be chosen for the good of the State AMong the Rights of this Crown that of the presenting to Bishopricks is one of the most signal as most ancient The Primitive Bishops of the French Church who have been the most shining lights of our Faith have acknowledged it from the beginning of this Monarchy in the fifth Councel of Orleans where they ordained that none should consecrate any Bishop without his Majesty's consent the practice whereof is so frequent in History that nothing but ignorance can question it Gregory of Tours reporteth that Bishop Quintianus being dead Gallus was substituted in his place and created Bishop of Overgne by his Majesty's means and that after Gallus his decease there was some design to elect one Cato but that the Arch-Deacon Cantinus having prevented the King and first acquainted him with the news of Gallus his death was constituted Bishop in his place He likewise reporteth that Nonnichius was established in the Bishoprick of Nantes in the room of Felix by the Kings Order as also Vitus in that of Vie●na that Childebert made St. German Bishop of Paris Clodomir Omatius Bishop of Tours Clotair St. Medard Bishop of Vermandoi● and Euphronius Bishop of Tours History is pregnant with the like examples so that to cite them were but vain those already alledged being sufficient to confirm it which who can question seeing our Kings have with their Crown received power to dispose of all things which concern the good of their Kingdom and tranquility of their people and that the election of Bishops is not an act meerly Ecclesiastical but as much reflecting on the good of the State as the Salvation of Souls Bishops have a great influence over the peoples sprits to draw them by the links of Piety and Religion unto what they please as experience hath evidenced in the time of Lewis the Debonnair who was almost Deposed by a Faction they raise against him and as was afterward seen in Languedoc where five or six of them fomented a Civil War The Empire of Souls i●