there was written by one in the King's Interest a Paper called Honesty is the best Policy wherein the Author avers and that upon his own knowledge that that Declaration was contrary to the King 's own sence of things as he inferred from discourses that he had the honour to have personally had with the King at St. Germaines I believe was the Author known no body could justly accuse him for want either of Probity or Love to England After the Answers of these Letters came over the Iacobite Principles was written which contained notions which are plainly hinted at in this â—ast Declaration and before the Publication of this last Declaration came forth the French Conquest neither desireable nor Practicable and now it is evident by this Declaration that the good things asserted in those Pamplets in behalf of the King were not the private Suâ—mises of the Author but founded upon â—ood authorities from St. Germaines and since thâ—s Government has printed in Scotland some Letters that they have either intercepted or made I will venture so far to betray the Secrets of his Majesty as to transcribe some passages out of Letters that have been sent me from the Earl of Melfort and many others have had Letters of the same purport I have mine by me and if the Parliament will obtain a safe conâ—uct for us I will produce them and I don't question but many others of his Majesties Friends wiâ—â— produce such other Letters either written by the King or his command as would abundantly satisfie the Nation that the King is ready to do all things necessaâ—y to secure them from all those dismal Hobgoblins which some through Malice and others through Folly have bug-â—eared us withal The passages I shall transcribe out of my Letters are as follow 3 d. Iuly 1692. I had Yours of the last Month and the only one I have had this considerable time In it I find your objections to the Declaration and find that most of them are Just and what shall be help'd in the next There was not one Topick sent but was made use of and if we have failed it has been the fault of those that have not informed aright what would please and not ouâ—s and as for that draught you sent me I had it at the Sea-side when we were past thinking of Declarations As to our Intentions the King was resolved to Govern by the known Laws of the Kingdom to consult with his Parliament in all things relating to the establishment of Peace and quiet in his Kingdoms to maintain the Liberties and Properties of all his Subjects to protect the Protestant Religion and to obtain Liberty of Conscience for all Dissenters He designed to except none from his mercy excepting those who opposed his Restoration and to Govern so as that he might gain him the Love of his People and make them as fond of him as they had been violent against him and tho' he could not at this distance tell how this was to be attained to yet he was resolved if once upon the place to have persued the true methods of doing it Withal I must tell you that no Declaration was ever published by the King's authority for tho' it was printed it was not to have been dispersed till the King 's Landing and having met with some of his Friends and if they had disliked it even then it had not been Published 11 th Iuly 1692. No man in the world wishes more heartily then my self to see Bounds and Limits fairly cleared betwixt the People and Monarchy of England that so we may not oppose the Prerogative ignorantly nor unknowingly ruâ— into Arbitrary Notions against the Liberty of the Subjects if these Limits were once fixt one who meant well might tread sâ—cure which is now impossible for both Parties pretending to have right and it may be in some things without reason one may design well and yet displease both which could never occur if Prerogative and Property were once clearly defined and stated What all this may end in is hard to foretell and whether ever we shall be so happy to see things cleared on just and equal terms but of this I can assure you it is the King's desire that it should be so Aug. 29 th 1692. I am for large measures and having the Crown established upon the Love and Affections of the Subjects and that in our days we may see the King and People in mutual confidence of one another and all Jealousies and Fears and the grounds of them rooted out that the design of the Court may be the Happiness and Prosperity of the People and the design of the People to encrease the Glory of the Crown and the legal rightful Succession thereof that Liberty and Property might be secured and that Prerogative which justly belongs to the Crown Established for their protection All this might be now were England so happy to lay hâ—ld on the Conjuncture 22d Septem 1692. The French King did not so much as pretend the Forces he sent should have English Pay but his own which looks far from deâ—â—nding great Sums of the Nation and I can assure you he was as frank as any English man whatever for securing the people in the possession of their Religion Liberty and Property Let not England stand in its own way and oppose its own happiness and I 'le answer France shall not meddle nay if it were to meddle betwixt the King and his People it would be to gain the People more of their Will to humour them more not to complement the Crown AND ANY MAN OF GOOD SENCE WILL FIND REASONS OF STATE FOR THEIR SO DOING In another place of the same Letter he says that The King of France when the King was to come last Year to us said all he had to pretend to was to wish the King happy in the possession of his own and that in serving his Friend he had all he aimed at October 6 th 1692. Things shall be established upon the antient English bottom Religion Property and Liberty shall be as in the freest of times no man shall suffer for his Opinion in matters of Religion The King will have a free Parliament with whom he will consult the settling of all these upon the most lasting Foundations and differences once cleared he will govern according to Law he will have no different Interest from that of England and will make it his chief Study to gain the Love of his People and to be more Lord of their Affections then of their Persons he will avoid all Jealousies and the occasion of them and will look upon him as the worst of Traytors who would advise him to do aâ—y thing might give his People any Iealousie or Fear In short govern so as honest English men would have him mind the Interestâ—â—rade and Honour of the Nation and that against all its Rivals This is the Interest of the Nation and will be performed and being meant in the full
benefit of their Habeas Corpus and this when there was no Information upon Oath as the Law appoints to justifie such a proceedure And have not the Ministers had all this pardon'd by a Parliament Doctor Welwood does make so many Repetitions himself that I hope he will not redicule me if I now and then repeat the same thoughts and set down here that Parliaments heretofore thought fit to punish and not to skreen such Arbitrary Ministers to make the reparation of the Subject more easie more certain but now they take part with the Ministers to oppress the Subject Another Parliamentary Errour under this Government is that our Legislators don't at the beginning of every Sessions read the Prince of Orange's own Declaration for there are in it some things that deserve their Reflections These are the Words of one Paragraph And we for our part will concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and Happiness of the Nation which a Free and Lawful Parliament shall determine Since we have nothing before our Eyes in this our undertaking but the preservation of the Protestant Religion the covering of all men from Persecution for their Consciences and the Securing to the whole Nation the FREE ENJOYMENT of all their Laws Rights and Liberties under a Iust and Legal Government I don't know whether the present Gentlemen that meet at VVestminster take themselves to be a free Parliament but if they do here is a very fair Invitation which is also in other places expressed by declaring that the design of his coming should be to rescue the English Government from the Violencies and Disorders which had overturned the whole Constitution Really if this was true our Civil Fabrick wants a great deal of Reparation and if he was in earnest you are to blame that you don't propose solid Securities against Arbitrary Government and to prevent the possibility of Slavery for the future as the Declaration has it in another place But in troth after all I know not whether the Prince of Orange takes the present for a free Parliament because that I can name his Highness some Bills that they have determined very unanimously to be for the happiness of the Nation to which nevertheless King VVilliam has not thought fit to give his assent no he did not think fit to concur tho' some men absolutely attached to his Interest have honestly according to their Principles told him that a Prince who comes in for the sake and upon the Foot of Reformation can never stand long unless he really perform the business and design of his exaltation He has been so far from concurring that it has been observed that every Session he has taken all our Money but followed none of the Advice either of a Parliament or of such whose avowed Principles make them capable to go in heartily with his Government nay he has rejected one Bill that the whole House of Commons passed Nemine Contradicente Mr. Finch excepted â—nd which was not opposed by any body but my Lord Nottingham in th e â—ouse of Lords He hath been pleased to refuse some â—ther Bills that were notwithstanding all the pains â—e and my Lord Portland took to hinder them Voted â—y a great majority of both Houses Methinks the preâ—ent Parliament should enquire what are his thoughts concerning them since 〈◊〉 seems it is not to them that he refers the accomplishments of the ends of â—is Declaration I believe there are some that sit now in Saint Stephen's Chappel that have thought no King of England no Hereditary King of Engâ—and ought to have a Negative Voice and I wonder that no Person of â—hat perswasion disputes the Title that their Elective King has to it but inâ—tead of this now these men are in Places they can as well as other throw â—ut the Judges Bill as soon as the Prince of Orange lets them know his Will â—nd Pleasure They let him carry Absolute Monarchy to a higher pitch then â—hat in which the imagination of Xenophon placed his Cyrus for Cyrus had â—bout him many great men whom he consulted who were called his Eyes â—nd Ears and who were in a sort the Representatives of his Subjects but â—ur present House of Commons are content that our All-sufficient Monarch should â—o every thing by the advice only of that Stranger that Gaveston his Monâ—â—eur Bentinck who has the reputation of too good a Courtier to expostulate â—is Masters Will. Will you give me leave Dr. to repeat another Paragraph of the Prince â—f Orange's Declaration But to Crown all there are Great and Violent Presumptions inducing us to believe that those evil Counsellours in order to the carrying on of their ill designs and the gaining to themselves the more time for the effecting of them for the encouraging their Complices and for the discouraging of all good Subjects have published that the Queen hath brought forth a Son tho' there have appeared both during the Queen's PRETENDED Bigness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed so many just and visible grounds of suspition that not only WE OUR SELVES but all the good Subjects of those Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born by the Queen And it is notoriously known to all the World that many both doubted of the Queen's bigness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one thing done to satisfie them or to put an end to their doubts Doctor Welwood you must forgive me if I think that it has been at least a great oversight in our Legislators that they have not charged this Crowning Male-administration home upon King Iames. This was a Male-administraâ—ion that was not only to confirm at present but to Crown and perpetuate â—ll the Male-administrations of King Iames's Reign The proof of it would â—ave effectually silenced almost all mankind in the behalf of that King It â—s such an unnatural Male-administration that I should have thought him worse then an Iâ—fidel that had so destroyed the Provisions our Law 〈◊〉 made for his Family for his Daughters I would not only have alloweâ— him insane but a Monster if this had been proved upon him The not proâ—ving this upon King Iames has laid a Foundation for Lancastrian 〈◊〉 on s and for eternal Standing Armies which must remain for a Guard tâ— our Elective Crown Had the Prince of Orange intended to have requiteâ— that most particular Affection and esteem which he says we had formerly testified to him and his dearest Consort the Princess he should not have been willing we should have been left in the dark in this matter Had the Parliament tooâ— any care for our future Security they would have cleared this point Thâ— Prince of Orange was very particularly concerned to clâ—ar it since it was thâ— most Justifiable part of hiâ— Errand hither the Parliament can never have 〈◊〉 better opportunity to be satisfied of the truth of this matter since now they and
extent comprehends Liberty Property and Religion In the same Letter ' â—is said Parliaments shall be free so free that the Court shall not brâ—guâ— so the People may rest assured of a free Parliament and 〈◊〉 inclinations to compose all Differences and heal all Breaches in Church and State October 24 th 1692. I assure you that I fall most naturally in with such measures measures that if embraced would secure the Church of England entirely give reasonable ease to all Dissenters secure fully Liberty and Property and make every English man happy in the free and full possession of his Birthright sâ—cure Elections to Parliaments against tricks and frauds and do all things for the People which they with Iustice can expect December 12 th 1692. A Letter of that date speaking of our House of Commons here says that by restoring the King they might have Conduiâ—ns to secure all that ever they were afraid of they 〈…〉 â—â—ace be free from Taxes have Trade and all sorts of Plenty and may shew themselves the true Ballance of Europe since on that occasion there is no reasonable Peace the French King would not subscribe to You see I have sate down some passages out of the Earl of Melfort's Letters to my self which I believe give another Idea of the King than we have been generally possessed with There are in the same Letters many particulars in which as I said it would not be decent to anticipate the debates of an House of Commons tho' they are such as infinitly confirm me that the King was then and is now ready to make it next to impossible that the boundaries of our Rights should be again broken down There are many other Iacobites that are as Zealous as I can be for the good of their Country and who have by them very explanatory Accounts which may well justifie the King 's saying That he has been and still is willing to condescend to such things as are most likely to give the fullest Satisfaction and clearest prospect of the greatest Security to all ranks and degrees of his People And we may be satisfied the King will continue in that temper since every thing has been laâ—ely so faâ—thfully and impartially laid before him by an excellent Person who I believe Dr. you suppose to be the continuer of this last Declaration 〈◊〉 for whose parts you your self say you have a just esteem I mean the Earl of MIDDLETON who I esteem as much for his parts as Doctor Welwood or any body else can and yet more for his Integrity then for his Parâ—s I don 't at all doubt but that â—his last Declaâ—ation was grouâ—dâ—d upon the true relation that that noble Earl gave of the State and Interests of theâ—e Kingdoms but I am sure he will think it no disreputation to him no dimunition of his Merit to say that he found in â—he King a pâ—eparation to close with every thing he laid beâ—ore him as his own Interest the Interest of his Royal Issue and â—hese his affliâ—â—â—â— Kingdoms Since I have mentioned the Earl of Middleton I think my self obliged in thâ—s place to do him a piece of Justice I had the honour to be with him several times when that Declaration whiâ—h is so much exclaimed against first came abroad and I positively aver that I know no one man in England thought it worse calculated for the Service of his Master and our Interest then he did and I perceived him to have those wise those honest and honourable resentments upon that and many other occasions that I must loose all sence of Virtue and English Liberty before I cease acknowledging that he is a true Patriot as well as a most faithful and able Minister I shall neither trouble my self nor the Reader with remarks upon the foregoing Letters but leave them to speak for themselves after I have said that they were written with that careless freedom of Style which men make use of when they have no manner of design that their Letters should be made publick This I say to obviate the 〈◊〉 of shallow and superficial Criticks who always and in every thing expect Essays of Rhetorick which iâ— not the language of business whilst it passes through private hands I think I have said enough to the first topick You may if you please occasionally refer to the Letters themselves but I will now hasten to consider Male-administrations I will not go about to extenuate much less to justifie any ill thing done in the Reign of the King I was not concerned in any one of those ill things when he was here I always called a Spade a Spade I censured and spoke against those ill things then and I never excuse them now and yet if the Law-Boâ—ks of England are to be credited let our Government be as much an Original Contract as you will they are not to be charged upon the King nor is he to be punished for them and for our future Security we have the Age of the King and the Infancy of his Son besides both which he has been taught in the School of Affliction never more to be so seduced by his Ministers that the Nation will not bear such measures and farther the concessions of this Declaration and all the promises of it are not only big with Provisions but also are a Royal wayâ— of owning that he was formerly misled And what ever were the faults of the last Reign there are several Reasons for which a man would think that the authorized Writers for this Government should not so eternally recite them First was not the Prince of Orange himself so well informed that by the Laâ—s and Constitution of England the King of it is unaccâ—uâ—table can do no Wrong can be answerabâ—e for no Male-administration that al â—o ' in his own Declaration nothing was left unsaid that Malice could think of and whereâ—n every thing was aâ—gravated with all the Spightful Câ—lours that a fruitful invention and Libellous Pen câ—uld give them yet even in that he levelled no accusation agaiâ—st the King but against his evil Câ—unsâ—llors Again tho' the reâ—son of that Maxim is to preserve the Head of the Government safe â—hâ—st tâ—e Peoples safety coâ—sists in having Justice and Râ—paration upon the Ministers have those â—inisters neverthelesâ— been fâ—und out Have any of those who were in your hands been punished Oâ— have they not rather been employed It was a sign that Ie ffâ—ries was naturally pusillanimâ—us that he despaired of remâ—ining Câ—ancâ—lâ—â—uâ— when he saw that Pâ—otestant Merciful Major General Kirk so well with our Reformer Had he lived till now in despite of Tâ—unton Dean he as well as Sir Iohn Trevor had had his Place I am serious Doctor and that you may not believe what I say to be chimerical I will bring you acquainted with some of those men that are now in Play Will you give me leave to introduce you to that good old Treasurer the Earl of D -- by If you please we
first yet the present Conservators of our Liberâ—y have transmitted to after Ages a president for Parliameâ—taâ—ily taking away that Liberty whensoever the caprice of a fearful or foolâ—sh Minister seâ—s up pretences of State for doing it Certainly Paâ—liaments â— begin to â—orget the design of their first Instituâ—â—on begin to forget they wâ—re to assist us against Arbitrary Ministers to secure our Rights and not to sacrifice them I believe had the old Custom oâ— instructing tâ—em been revived few Flectors would have given a power to their Râ—presentativesâ—â—o Imprison their peaceable Neighbours without proof for nothing â— no' â—t can admit of no good excuse yet something more like one might have â—een offered if that Act had been suspended only whilst they could examine the cause of their pannick fear but to repeat it to reiterate such a prostitution of what wiâ—h all due Reverence to that Assembâ—y â—e it spoken tâ—ey have so liâ—tle to do withal unless to secure it by more express Laws is of â—â—â—amous example and I would almost as soon have been oâ—e of the Regicides of King Charles the first as such a murderer such a staâ—er oâ— our â—uâ—dâ—menâ—al Rights Was any of the men that were by vertue I mean by the Villany of that Suspentiâ—n committed ever tryed to this day Nâ—y did the Gâ—vernmeâ—t eâ—er pretend to try any one man for Crimes committed before oâ— during that Suspâ—ntion The Nation remembers how many the Mâ—ssâ—â—gers then locked up how many were then Imprisoned in lâ—athsome Goals how many were sent to the expensive Tower 〈◊〉 a Member of that Parlâ—amâ—nâ— I would not think a private Repentance would obliterate my â—aâ—lt I would print my Recantation of so destructive a Vote I call it dâ—stâ—ucâ—iâ—e because it has given an Inlet to Prerogative that our Forefathers never knew that no King ever once imagined that a Parliament of England would countenance tho' it were but for the least point of time But let us come to the Articles of Limerick does not King William plainly act by that devouring Monster as Doctor Welwood calls it the Dispensing Pâ—â—eâ— Does he not grant them Indulgence for their Religion allow them Arms and a freedom from Oaths and Securiâ—y against prosecutions for â—â—eir Plundering and does not he do all this by his own single authoriâ—y tho' it was contrary to the Laws of the Land the Rights and Privileâ—gâ—s and the very Safety too of the Protestant Subjects of Ireland Did ouâ— Parliament take any notice of the Illegality of this Act nay did they not ratifie it I suppose the Parliament of Ireland was not so cram'd with men in Places nor had the Members of it been so much softned by Pentions as the Members of our House of Commons are for when an Act for confirming those Articles was proposed to them they could find that the first Article of that Treaty if confirmed would make an Established Religion and the sixth would deprive all Protestants of their Actions against the Papists by wâ—om they were plâ—ndered even whilst they lived in Peace with them This you may find in a little Pamphlet called an Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland 1692. Which Pamphlet was put forth by some Members of that Parliament who are very fond of this Government tho' they are willing that the Settlement in Ireland may be Religiously observed and that the Proâ—estant and Brittâ—sh Interest there may be secured as the Prince of Orange worded it and promised in the last paragraph of his own Declaration Did we pay so many men to make War in Ireland and make at last such Conditions Could the Prince of Orange to Reduce one Town when hâ— had all the rest of these three Kingdoms assisting him to Reduce it promisâ— to enervate the Act of Settlement and yet must King Iames when he waâ— in the hands of the Irish when very few others of his Subjects appeared foâ— him when the greatest part of the Protestants in Ireland were actually in Arms against him or combining with his Enemies forever stand confounded because he was prevailed upon contrary to his own Inclinations and by a sort of fatal necessity to Repeal that Act of Settlement I believe if the Doctor will read Great Brittain's Iust Complaint and the Answer to Doctor King's Book he will not have Forehead enough to assert any more as he does page the 36 th that the King was Master and without controul when he passed that Act of Repeal and the King promises to consent to every thing that an English Parliament shall think necessary to reâ—establish that Act now he is really and properâ—y Master of his own Actions and tho' the King has good reason and is obliged in honour to recommend to the Parliament of England those Irish that have followed him to the last yet the rascally Irish as this mannerly Pupill of Titus Oates Doctor Welwâ—od calls them do not appear dearer to King Iames then to the Prince of Orange for King Iames will leave the method of recompensing those that have been Loyal to him to an English Parliament But King William falls out with the Parliament of Ireland because they are not willing those Irish Papists who plundered even while they lived in Peace with them should go unpunished which in plain English shews that King VVilliam to endear himself to the Natiâ—e Irish is willing to give an Instance that he thinks Robbery is no Crime but perhaps he remembred what the Pyrate said to Alexander may think that 〈◊〉 an Irish Popish Rapparee has no more natural conviction of the hainiousness of such a transgression then his Protestant Dutch Highness has shewn to his own Actions I am past Wondering at any thing King William does but Posterity will be astonished that a Parliament of England could ratifie such Articles To proceed to another Head it is notoriously known that several men were Executed by Martial Law before it was Enacted When an Army is no better paid then ours has been either in England Ireland or Flanders to empower a Commander to Shoot a man to Death because he demands the Money he has earned for himself and his Family with his Sweat and with his Blood is a Law that requires great subtilty and argumentation to prove it equal or just but to give this power to imperious and cholerick Officers without examining how many men had been before the settling of it murdered in their rage and to gratifie their own violence I say to enact this Law without such a retrospection and without guarding 〈◊〉 against a too vigorous execution of it for the future is what little becomes an English House of Commons who ought to have a tender regard to the Life of the meanest Subject Let us come to consider of the numerous Parliamentary Pardons bestowed upon Ministers who have falen foul upon our Laws have not the Subjects even the Peers of England been hunted by Proclamations clapt into Prisons for High Treason and refused the
he has broke it with the Episcopal partâ— there when I come to shew in what an admirable in how much a more setled condition Secretary Iohnson has left that Kingdom but at present I wilâ— observe how he has kept it with the Parliament of Scotland as I have heretofore how he has kept it with the People of England It is sufficiently known that those who delivered him the Crown of Scotland took a most parâ—ticular care to make the Redress of Grievances and the assertion of their oâ— Rights the conditions of taking it And the Conditions upon which only theâ— gave that Crown I must allow for the honour of that Nation and 〈◊〉 mitiâ—gation of what they did that had they had a Right to do it they acted like wise and serious men they provided Substantial Securities by their claim of Rights and they ordered those who presented their Crown to secure their Liberties by reading first their Claim of Rights then their Grievances both which went to the bottom of things and then to insist upon the exacting of a Promise from him to govern according to the one and to Redress the other before they administred the Oath unto him by which they designed and evidently implyed his being sworn to the performance which Instructions were punctually observed by those that delivered that Crown but within a very short time after that Crown was given tho' it was upon this promise yet notwithstanding the greatest part of that Parliament which placed the Crown upon his Head humbly petitioned the present King for which priviledge of Petitioning they had provided by their Claim of Rights as well as the Prince of Orange had in his own Declaration declared the slighting and rejecting Petitions delivered by Subjects with respect and submission to be a high strain of Absolute Power I say altho' that Parliament humbly Addressed to the present King for his Assent to some Votes which they had passed for Establishing their â—iâ—erties and which were agreeable to their Antient Laws and Priviledges and pursuant to their Claim of Rights they were scornfully and disdainfully refused and rejected Will you giâ—e me leave to mention some of the Laws of Scotland such as were set down in the Prince of Orange's Declaration to that Kingdom According to the Scotch Declaration the appointing of Judges in an unusual manner and giving them Commissions which were not to continue during Life or good behaviour was highly Illegal yet King William after he got the Crown found he was mistaken in that Paragraph and nominated the whole Bench without subjâ—â—ting them to a Tryal and the approbation of Parliament according as Law and Custom required did not think fit to continue their Commissions during Life or good behaviour and appointed them a Lord Presâ—â—â—nt tho' by express and antient Statutes he was to be Elected by the Bench. By the Prince of Orange's Declaration the Imposing of Bonds without Act of Parliament and the permiting of free quarters to the Souldiers are declared to be high and intollerable Stretches of Government as indeed they are by the municipal Laws of that Kingdom but yet under this Government with greater Confidence and less Compassion then ever Bonds have been in Scotland imposed by authority of Parliament as may appear from their publick Proclamations and many thousands of Souldiers have been maintained upon free quarter for many Months together countenanced and abetted in it by the Government and the Funds for the reimbursing the Country which were appointed by Parliament have been otherwise diverted The Commissionating the Officers of the Army to sit as Judges upon the Lives and Estates of the Subjects and the â—uâ—ing People to death without a Lâ—gal Tryal Iury and Record were complained of in the Dâ—claâ—ation wâ—re thought good reasons for Forefaâ—â—â—ing of King Iames and were provided against upon this last settlement of the Crown and yet both the caution given against them by the sentence of Forefaulture in the Person of King Iames and the future provision made by the Estates prove too weak to restrain this Government from practising the same things for Colonel Hill and Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton were ordered and empowered to puâ— Glencoa and all the Males of his Clan under seventy to death which was partly executed upon them without any Legal Tryal Iury or Record Neither can their former enmity and opposition to the Government furnish any appology for so barbarous a Murder since they had all either actually taken the benefit of the Indemnity then granted and so were pardoned or had Protections in their Pockets which put them under the immediate care and safeguard of the Government Will you give me leave now to put you in mind of a matter that concerns both Kingdoms The frequencies of Parliament for redressing of Grievances the amending strenthening and preserving of the Laws with all freedom of Speech and Debates in them was insisted upon and fundamentally established by the States of both Kingdoms when they Elected their present Majesties to the Throne How well this is observed and made good to both Kingdoms is obvious enough I believe it would puzzle Doctor Welwood to give any considerable Catalogue of Grievances Redressed No it is not for Redressing of Grievances amending or preserving the Laws they are assembled but for giving of Money The craving Necessities of the State the pressing circumstances of the Confederates and Forreign Affairs the early Preparations of the French King anâ— honourable Peace the good of the Protestant Religion and Fears of King Iames are become the cruel and everlasting Topicks the common and ordinary Stale whereby the true intent of Parliaments is baffled and the Money-business quickned and finished The last is now so much the business of Parliaments and the first so little that is is an equal Wager that this Court may come at last to plead Prescription against Parliaments as to any other business but Money Bills Doctor I am afraid you will be put hard to assign many redressed Grievances but I can present you with an account of at least six or seven and twenty Millions that we have paid King William a prodigious Sum for five Years besides the Money that we have in that time lost by his management and the vast Sums he owes Methinks our bounty should have made him keeâ— better touch with us have made him perform his Promises I begin to pitty you Doctor for as I said you must not discount for theâ— things by laying the blame upon the advices of Ministers thereby to easâ— the Prince because every Branch of Law is a Breach of Promise by your own Doctrine if such a poor Animal as I can pick out the sence of what you write Methinks you are a little abashed we have been a long time â—very serious Have you a mind to be merry Doctor and I will by repeating a Jest shew you how in a very few Lines you might have given a more effectual answer to thâ—s Declaration The Story
no wonder that men of Spirit and Conscience so obstinately refuse the Oaths there since by them they are to Swear Allegiance to the Prince of Orange and his Princess as King and Queen de jure as Rightful and Lawful King and Queen of Scotland but besides these that refuse there are others that are not so well able to grapple with Tribulation who have taken the Oathes against their will and with a design never to keep them for there is nothing more certain than that according the Scotch Aphorism He that Swears against his Will is of his old Opinion still nor can this Government especially expect any great Security from Oathes which is it self founded upon the breach of so many solemn and sacred ones That face of Affairs which you are in love with seems to me disfigured with greater Oppressions and more ghastly Hardships then would be necessary to support a Lawful Throne and I am apt to think those hardships will force the injured Persons and many of their Relations upon designs against the Government to get rid of these particular Oppressions which perhaps no other motive could so easily and so vigorously have put them upon This rigid management of Iohnston and Ormeston who is Justice Clerk has so universally disgusted that I have it from men of both parties men considerable in the Presbyterian as well as the Episcopal Party in your Country that those Cameronian Drivers have more served King Iames then their own Master The heavy Taxes both upon the Commons and Gentry which are so great and unusual that they neither will nor can be paid in many places have much inflamed Scotland but they are more inflamed because at the first sitting of their Parliament they were made believe that a bloody and execrable Plot would be made out as plain to them as the Sun at noon day which Plot at last dwindled into a few paultry Letters which no body evidentâ—â— and legally knew the meaning of nor to whom they were written insomuch that Nevill Payne upon whom they were fathered when he came to his Tryal in Parliamenâ— was so like to have been acquiâ—ed that the Court was forced to A joiâ—â— his Tryal to save their own credit and besides as I am informed there haâ— like to have been a palpable discovery made of some indirect endeavours â— forge that Plot and to equipp Evidences for it I hear that since the laâ— Session of Parliament ended the câ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—ns of your Representatives whâ— it seems mark down as well as look on have severely lâ—ctured these Memâ— bers that appeared credulous in that matter Tho' your Parliament as weâ— as ours can over-hastily Vote a Plot yet I find the general sence of that Natioâ— is against prosecuting upon intercepted Letters Your wise Country-men anâ— the generality of your Nation too as do all wise men in all Countries beâ— lieve the State may be informed by Letters that they meet with by chanceâ— but they don't think them sufficient grounds to set on Foot such Severitieâ— as Secretary Iohnston has alarum'd them withal Besides many of those whâ— are very Zealous for the present Government think it an unheard of Barâ— barity that Novell Payne who has been three Years in Prison and most parâ— of them in close Prison after being tortured with Boots and Thummakinâ— and that in a very extraordinary and Illegal way and when he ought so long ago to have been set at Liberty because he had endured the Torture say they think it barbarous that this so wronged that this suffering Englishâ— man who ought not by the Laws of Scotland to have bâ—en put at all to the Torture upon the Crime alledged without any Evidence against him and being no Native of Scotland should be now at last put in hazard of his Life when after all the Parade of the Government after all their busie preparation to destroy him it appeared plainly that there was nothing even so much as like sufficient Evidence against him I come Doctor now to give you an account of the State of the Episcopaâ— Party in Scotland as I promised sometime since but give me leave to repeat here also a Paragraph of the Prince of Orange's Declaration to the People of England which relates to the People of Scotland And we do likewise resolve that as soon as the Nations are brought to a State of quiet we will take care that a Parliament shall be called in Scotland for restoring the Antient Constitution of that Kingdom and for bringing the matters of Religion to such a Settlement that the People may live easie and happy and for puting an end to all the unjust Violences that have been in a course of so many Years committed there In another place of the same Declaration he makes one of the great ends of his coming over to this Island to be the Covering and Securing of all such whâ— will live peaceably under the Government as good Subjects from all Persecution upon the account of their Religion even Papists themselves not excepted Perhaps I could shew he has kept his Word best with the Papists but before I have ended my History of the Scotch affairs I suppose no body will think he has kept his Word with the Episcopal Protestants of the Kingdom of Scotland There have been made since this Revolution Acts of Parliament that make it impossible for any that approve of Episcopacy tho' in the lowest manner to hold any Preferment either in the Churches or the Universities notwithstanding they should be willing as some were to submit to this Government By the Act of the Settlement of the Church aâ— the Clergy are obligâ—d to declare that they believe the Presbyterian Church-Government is the only Government Christ hath left in his Church And instead of a Compromise which King William seemed to promise at the opening of the last Sessions care has been taken not only to Level by de jure Oathes and Assurances at the Civil Principles of the Episcopal Party but such maxims and meaâ—ures have been set on Foot there as must not only extirpate them out of their Churches but out of their Country too and all these things are to be laid at Secretary Iohnston's and his Masters doors because with your leave Doctor I must inform the World that King William Governs your Natâ—ve Country with a Dictatorial Power and much like a Conquered Province and by taking only his Advice made Mr. Iohnston before he had the publick character of Secretary the Vice-Roy of it who like a great Bashaw in Turâ—y has so little of his own property there that it is plainly his Interest to comply â—ith his Mâ—ster's Will. But to return to the Episcopal Clergy of Scotland They must subscribe the Confâ—ssion of Faith made at Westminster and the shorter and larger Catechism's made at the same place They must promise to observe an Uniformiâ—y to the presâ—nt Presbyterians in Worship and Discipline and besides this they are to submit to