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A50322 Machivael's [sic] discourses upon the first decade of T. Livius, translated out of the Italian. To which is added his Prince. With some marginal animadversions noting and taxing his errors. By E.D.; Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio. English Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469-1527.; Dacres, Edward.; Machiavelli, Niccolò, 1469-1527. Principe. English. 1663 (1663) Wing M134AA; ESTC R213827 387,470 720

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them for their execution maugre the power of those that break them The executions whereof before the sacking of Rome by the French were notable the death of Brutus his sons the death of those of the Decemvirate that of Melius touching the laying down the price of their corne after the taking of Rome was the death of Manlius Capitolinus the death of the son of Manlius Torquatus the execution which Papirius Cursor did upon the Commander of his Cavallerie the accusation of the Scipios which things being they were extraordinary remarkable whenosever any of them did chance caused men more strictly to conforme themselves to the exact rule and when these began to fall out seldom then began they to give men more leisure to grow naught and become more dangerous and tumultuous for from one to another of such like executions there should not pass more than ten years time for after such a time men begin again to change their manners and trespass against the lawes and unless something chance which anew calls the punishment to memory and puts them in fear thereof there meer together so many delinquents that without danger they cannot be punished To this purpose they who govern'd the State of Florence from 1434. to 1494. said it was necessary every fift year to reforme the State otherwise it was hard to maintain it and they call'd reforming of the State to put that terror and fear in men which they caus'd in them at the first founding of the lawes having then severely punish'd those that had offended against their manner of living But when the memory of that punishment is once extinguished men again take the boldness to attempt some innovations and speak ill of the present State and therefore it is necessary to take order for it by reducing it to the first grounds Also this bringing back of Republiques to their beginnings arises sometimes from the plain vertue of some one man without dependance on any law inciting thee to any execution yet are they of so great reputation and of such remarke that the good men desire to follow them and the bad are asham'd to live contrarily to them Those that in Rome particularly worked these good effects were Horatius Cocles Scevola Fabritius the two Decij Regulus Attilius and some others who by their rare and worthy examples in Rome wrought the same effect that good lawes and good orders could And if the forenamed executions of lawes together with these particulars examples had succeeded every ten years in this City it had been of necessary consequence that it could never be corrupted but as the one and the other of these two things began to fall out seldome the corruptions multiplied for after Marcus Regulus the like example was never more seen And though in Rome there arose the two Catoes yet such was the distance between him and them and between them from th' one to th' other and they remained so alone that with their good examples they could effectuate no good thing and especially the last Cato who finding a great part of the City corrupted could not prevaile so by his example as to better his Citizens And this may suffice for Republicks But touching Religions wee see also these reformations are necessary by example of our Religion which had it not been reduc'd again to its principles by Saint Francis and Saint Dominique it would have been quite defac'd for these by their poverty and their imitation of Christs life made a new impression thereof in mens minds which was quite blotted our thence and their new rules were so powerfull and now are the cause that the dishonesty of the Prelates and the heads of the Religion do not ruine it partly by their living in poverty and partly by the great credit they have in confessing the people and preaching to them whereby they give them to understand that it is evill to speak evil against him that is evill and that it is good rather to live in obedience to them and if they are faulty to leave them to the chastisement of God And so they offend the most they can for they feare not the punishment they see not and beleeve not This reformation then hath and does maintain this Religion Kingdomes also have need of reforming and restoring their laws to their first beginnings And wee see how much good this does in the Kingdom of France Which Kingdom is governed more by its lawes and customes than any other Kingdom else Of which lawes and customes the Parliaments are the principal maintainers and especially that of Paris which restores them again to life whensoever it makes any execution against a Prince of the Realm and that they condemn the King in their sentences and till this present it hath maintained it self by being an obstinate executioner against that Nobility but whensoever it should suffer any of their faults to escape unpunished and they chance to multiply without doubt it would come to pass that either they were to be corrected with great disorder or that Kingdom come to a dissolution Therefore we conclude that there is nothing more necessary in a politick government Sect Kingdom or Commonwealth that it be than to restore it to that reputation which in its first beginning it had and take a care that either the customes be good or the men good that they may rather work this effect that it be not left to some forraign force to do it For however that sometimes it be an excellent remedy as it prov'd to Rome yet is it so dangerous that it is in no case to be desir'd And to make it appear to any man how much the actions of particular men served to advance Romes greatness and wrought many good effects in that City I will come to the narration and discourse of them within the bounds whereof wee will conclude this third Book and last part of this first decade And howbeit the Kings actions were great and remarkable being the History sets them down at large we shall omit them nor speak of them otherwise unless it be touching some thing they did belonging to their private advantage and here we will begin with Brutus Father of the Roman liberty CHAP. II. It is a very great part of wisdome sometime to seem a fool NO man was ever reputed so sage or wise for any thing that ever he did as Junius Brutus deserves to be accounted for taking upon him the person of a fool and though Titus Livius expresses no other but one reason to induce him thereto which was to live in security and preserve his patrimony yet if we consider his manner of proceeding we may beleeve that he thus dissembled to the end he might be less observed have the more conveniency to suppress the Kings and free his Country upon any occasion offered And that he thought upon this it appears first in the interpretation he made of Apolloes Oracle when he fained to fall down that he might kiss
Machivael's DISCOURSES Upon the First Decade of T. LIVIUS Translated out of the Italian To which is added His Prince With some Marginal Animadversions Noting and Taxing his ERRORS By E. D. LONDON Printed for G. Bedell and T. Collins and are to be sold at their Shop at the Middle-Temple Gate in Fleetstreet 1662 To the most Noble and Illustrious JAMES Duke of Lenox Earl of March Baron of Setrington Darnly Terbanten and Methuen Lord great Chamberlain and Admiral of Scotland Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter and one of his Majesties most honorable Privy Council in both Kingdoms I Offer here to your Graces patronage my best endeavors discovering at large their imperfections in what I can claim mine in this work For which however I may have incurred the blame of some as unable to do the Author I have undertaken his full right but rather by my rude stile wronging his original lustre yet perhaps with others more moderate I may find favor and good acceptance as well for my choice of the Author whose worth will somewhat beare me out as because I have contributed hereunto what I ought which can be no more then what I could Mine Author was a Florentine whose national attribute among the Italians is subtilty and whose particular eminence in cunning hath styled the most cunning as his Sectaries Machiavillians Nor hath this workman taken in hand a work unproper for his skill being the discovery of the first foundations and analyzing of the very grounds upon which the Roman Commonwealth was built and afterwards rose to such glory and power that neither before nor after all the ages of the world ever afforded the like example This book I conceived I might not unfitly present your Grace with as unto whose service I owe my self and what I can and whom as well for neereness of blood as affection and favor his Sacred Majesty may most probably imploy in this our ship of State near the helme to the end it may in some part serve for your experience as a good sea-card whereby you may become able and expert as well in the entrances and passages into all creeks and harbors of quiet as in the discovery and avoidance of all rocks and shelves for as at sea it is alwaies seen that in a stormy and tempestuous time the master dares not trust the rudder in the hand of others then such as are the best approved and experienced Mariners so in all States we find that however in time of peace and quiet allyance blood and favor have a main stroke in matter of preferments and imployments too yet when the times grow perplexed with perils and difficulties true worth and experience are sought after and then of value No climate is so benigne as to afford a perpetual calme and therefore your Grace may do well to enable your self for the service of your Prince and Countrey that being called for into the steerage in turbulent times not favor onely may give you a place there but use find you necessary whereunto if I could contribute a poore mite I had done enough Notwithstanding however my Authour in what he hath done well hath far excelled others yet is he not without his blemishes and errors to which as well as I was able to discover them I have markt and thereunto added some observations taking as I think all his notorious errors in this book Wherein I may have committed faults too which you may be pleased to pass over as no strange thing but accept rather the duty of Your Graces humblest servant EDWARD DACRES A Table of the Arguments of each several Chapter WHat were in general the beginnings of every City and especially that of Rome Chap. 1. How many kindes of Commonwealths there are and what was that of Rome Chap. 2. Vpon what occasions the Tribunes of the People were created in Rome whereby the Common-wealth became more perfect Chap. 3. That the disagreement of the Senate and people of Rome made the Commonwealth both free and mighty Chap. 4. Whether the people or the Nobility are the the better guardians of liberty and which have greater occasions of being tumultuous either they that strive to inlarge the State or they that endeavor but to maintain it Chap. 5. Whether in Rome there could have been such a State founded as would quite have taken away the hatreds between the people and the Senate Chap. 6. How usefull accusations are in a Republique for the maintenance of liberty Chap. 7. Accusations are not more beneficial to Commonwealths then Calumnies pernicious Chap. 8. How needful it is that he who frames anew the laws and laies new fonndations of a Commonwealth be alone without Companion or Competitor Chap. 9. As the Founders of a Commonwealth or Kingdom are praise-worthy so the beginners of a Tyranny deserve much infamy Chap. 10. Of the Romans Religion Chap. 11. Of what importance it is to hold a worthy esteem of Religion and that Italy for having faild therein by means of the Church of Rome hath gone to wrack Chap. 12. In what manner the Romans avail'd themselves of their Religion in ordering the City in undertaking their designes and stopping of tumults Chap. 13. The Romans interpreted their auspices as necessity required and with discretion made a shew to observe their Religion yet upon occasion they neglected it but if any did rashly contemn it they punished him Chap. 14. The Samnites for the extream remedy to their broken state have recourse to Religion Chap. 15. People accustomed to live under a Prince if by any accident they become free have much adoe to maintain their liberty Chap. 16. A disorderly people getting their liberty cannot keep themselves free without great difficulties Chap. 17. In what manner in a corrupted City a free state may be maintained being gotten or how when they have it not it may be gotten and well ordered Chap. 18. A very mean Prince may easily subsist succeeding a brave and valorous Prince but a mean one following one that is mean brings a state into great hazard Chap. 19. Two continued successions of valorous Princes work great effect and Commonwealths well ordered of necessity have valorous successions And therefore are their gains and increases great Chap. 20. What blame that Prince or Republique deserves that wants soldiers of his own subjects Chap. 21. What we may observe in the case of the three Horatij Romans and the three Curiatij Albans Chap. 22. That the whole fortune ought not to be laid at stake where the whole forces trie not for it and for this cause it is often hurtfull to guard the passages Chap. 23. Commonwealths well ordered appoint rewards and punishments for their people and never recompence the one with the other Chap. 24. Whosoever would reforme an ancient state in a free City let him retain at least the shadow of the old customs Chap. 25. A new Prince in a City or Province taken by him should make innovations in
it s not so ordein'd to last long when it rests upon the shoulders of one man well may it indure being committed to the care of many to whom it belongs to maintain it For even so as many are not proper for the framing of one thing because all of them hit not on the true good of it by reason of their several opinions among them so after they have known it neither agree they to let it proceed to its advantage And that Romulus was one of those who for the death of his brother and companion might be excus'd and that what he did was for the common good and not for his own ambition it appears in that he forth with ordain'd a Senate with whom he might take counsell and by their opinions be advis'd And he who considers well the Authority Romulus reserv'd himself will perceive it was no more than to command the Armies when they had resolv'd on War and to assemble the Senate which was apparent afterwards when Rome became free upon the banishment of the Tarquins whereupon the Romans were never brought in any new order unless that in lieu of a King during life they made two Consuls yearly Which confirms that all the first ordinances of that City were more agreeable to a civil and free Government then to one absolute and Monarchical To verifie the thing abovesaid we might bring many examples as Moses Lycurgus Solon and other founders of Kingdomes and Commonwealths who could well having an absolute power in their hands ordain laws for the common good but I will let them pass as well know I shall alleadg only one not so famous but well worthy their consideration who desire to be good Law-makers which is That Agis King of Sparta advising to reduce the Spartans within those bounds the Laws of Licurgus had included them thinking that because they had broken out of that strictness his City had lost very much of the ancient vertue and by consequent of force and government was in the beginning of his attempts slain by the Spartan Ephores as one that aim'd to possess himself of the Tyranny But Cleomenes afterwards succeeding him in the Kingdom upon his reading of Agis Records and Writings which fell into his hands he understood his intention and grew desirous himself to bring the same thing to pass but found it was impossible to do that good to his Country unless he became absolute of authority it seeming to him by reason of mens ambition that he was unable to do good to many against the will of a few And taking a fit opportunity at length hee brought in all the Ephores and every one else that could withstand him and afterwards restor'd into force Licurgus his Lawes Which deliberation had bin able to have a new reviv'd Sparta and gain'd Cleomenes the reputation Licurgus had if then the Macedons power had not grown so vast and the other Grecian Republick been so weake For after such order given being set upon by the Macedons and finding himself single too weak to deale with them there being none could give him assistance was overcome and his project though just and commendable became unperfect Wheresore upon the weighing of all these things together I conclude it necessary that a founder of a Republiek ought alone to have an absolute authority and that Romulus for the death of Remus and Tatius deserves rather excuse than blame CHAP. X. As the Founders of a Commonwealth or Kingdom are exceedingly praise-worthy so the beginners of a Tyranny deserve much infamy AMongst all commendable men those deserve esteem in the first place who have taken care in laying the grounds of divine worship and true Religion the next belongs to them who have been the founders of Commonwealths or Kingdoms After those are they famous that commanding over Armies have inlarg'd either their Kingdom or Country To these wee may adjoyn learned men And because they are of different dignities every one of them are valued according to their degree And to all other men whose number is infinite wee use to give that share of commendations which their Art and Skill deserves On the contrary infamous are they and execrable that are the perverters of Religion the dissipatours of Kingdoms and Republicks enemies of vertue and learning and of any other art that brings profit and renown to mankind as also are the irreligious the mad-braind the ignorant the slothful and base And there will never be any so foolish or so wise so mischievous or so good that the choice of the two qualities of men being made him will not commend that which is commendable and blame the blameable Notwithstanding seeing that the most part as it were beguiled by counterfeit good and vain glory suffer themselves either voluntarily or ignorantly to be counted in the number with those that merit more blame then praise● And having meanes with their perpetual honor to frame a Republick or Kingdom yet affect they a Tyranny neither are they advis'd by this course what reputation what glory what honor security quiet and satisfaction of mind they flie from and into what infamy dispraise blame danger and unquietness they plunge themselves And it is impossible that they that live private men in a Common-wealth or that by fortune or by their vertues become Princes if they read the histories or make any account of antiquities therein related that those private men I say had not rather be Scipioes in their native Country than Cesars and those that are Princes rather Agesilaus Timoleon or Dion than Nabis Phalaris or Dionysius for they would perceive these execedingly in all mens hatred and these as much beloved They would see also how Timoleon and those of his like had no lefs power in their Country then had Dionysius or Phalaris but they would find also they had far more security Nor let any be deeeived by Cesars glory seeing his memory much celebrated by writers for they that Praise him were corrupted by his fortune and frighted by the continuance of the Empire which being govern'd under that name gave not writers leave to speak freely of him But he that would know what free writers would say of him let him look upon that they say of Cataline and Cesar is so much the more to be disprais'd in that he executed the ill the other did but intend Let him see also how much they praise Brutus so that not daring to blame the other because of his power they attributed much honor to his Enemy Let him consider also him that is become Prince in a Republick what praises after Rome was made an Empire those Emperors rather deserv'd that liv'd under the Laws as good Princes than they that went a contrary course to them and he shall find that Titus Nerva Trajan Adrian and Antonius and Marcus had no need of Praetorian soldiers nor a multitude of the legions to guard them for their own vertues the good will of the people and the love of
which to Numa was necessary who feign'd to have familiar conversation with a Nymph who instructed him wherewith continually to advise the people And all sprung from this because he desiring to settle new orders and unaccustomed in that City doubted that his own authority was not of full force And truly never was there yet any maker of extraordinary laws in a nation that had not his recourse to God for other wise the laws had not been accepted For many several goods are known by a wise man which have not such evident reasons in themselves that he by perswasion can quickly make others conceive them Therefore the wise men that would free themselves of this difficulty have recourse to a God so did Lycurgus so Solon so many others whose design was the same with theirs Thereupon the people of Rome admiring his goodness and wisdom yeelded to all his purposes But it is true because those times were then full of Religion and those men rude and gross on whom he spent his pains this much facilitated his designs being thereby able to mould them into a new forme And without question if any one in these daies would frame a Republick he should find it easier to deale with rude mountainers who had never known any civility than with those who had been accustomed to live in Cities where the government 's corrupted and a carver shall easier cut a saire Statue out of a rough marble than out of one that hath been bungl'd upon by another Wherefore having well considered all I conclude that the Religion introduc'd by Nutna was one of the principal occasions of that cities happiness for that caus'd good orders good orders brought good fortune and from their good fortunes grew all the happy successes of their enterprises and as the observance of divine worship occasions the greatness of a Commonwealth so the contempt of it destroys it For where the feare of God is wanting it must needs be that either that Kingdom goes to ruine or that it be supported by the awe it stands in of the Prince who may supply the defects of Religion and because Princes are but short-liv'd that Kingdom must needs have an end quickly according as the vertue thereof failes from whence it comes that governments which depend upon the vertue of one man abide but a while because that vertue ends with his life and it seldome chances that it is renew'd by succession as well saies the Poet Dante Rade volte discende per li rami L'humana probitate questo vuole Quel che lada perche da lui si chiami Therefore the safety of a commonwealth or kingdom consists not wholly in a Prince that governs wisely while he lives but in one that so orders it that he dying it can preserve it self And although it be easier to work rude and untaught people to a new course and frame yet argues it not therefore an impossibility to prevaile with men that have liv'd in a civill government and presume somewhat to understand themselves The Florentines think not themselves either ignorant or rude yet were they perswaded by Frier Jerom Savanarola that he talked with GOD. I will not judge whether it were true or not because we ought not to speak of such a great personage but with reverence But truly I say that very many beleev'd him not having seen any great matter to perswede them thereto for his life doctrine and the subject he took were sufficient to make them credit him Wherefore let no man be discouraged as if he could not reach to what another hath heretofore attaind for men as we said in our preface were born liv'd and died under the same laws of nature CHAP. XII Of what importance it is to hold a worthy esteem of Religion and that Italy for having fail'd therein by means of the Church of Rome hath gone to wrack THose Princes or those Republicks which would keep themselves from ruine are above all other things to preserve the ceremonies of their Religion incorrupted and maintain it alwaies venerable For there is no greater sign of a countries going to destruction then to see in it the contempt of divine worship And this is easie to be understood it being once known upon what ground the Religion is built where a man is born For every Religion hath the foundation of its being upon some principal thing The life of the Gentiles Religion subsisted upon the answers of the oracles and upon the sect of the conjecturers and soothsayers all the other ceremonies sacrifices and rites depended on these Because they easily believ'd that that God that could foretell thee thy future good or evill could also send it thee From hence came the Temples the Sacrifices and supplications and all other ceremonies in their veneration for the Oracle of Delos the Temple of Jupiter Ammon and other famous Oracles held the world in devotion and admiration As they afterwards began to speak in imperious manner and their falshood was discover'd among the people men began to be incredulous and apt to disturb all good orders Therefore the Princes of a Republick or Kingdom should maintain the grounds of the Religion they hold and this being done they shall easily keep their Commonwealth religious and eonsequently vertuous and united They ought also to favour and increase all those things that advantage it howsoever that they think them false and the rather should they do it the wiser they are and understand the causes of natural things And because this course hath been taken by many wise men hence grew the opinion of miracles which are celebrated even in false Religions for wise men augment them what beginning so ever they have and their authority afterwards gives them credit Of these miracles there was great quantity at Rome and among others there was this one the Roman soldiers sacking the Vejentes City some of them went into the Temple of Juno and comming to her image ask'd her wilt thou go to Rome some thought she nodded another thought she said yes For those men being very religious which T. Livius shews for that entry into the Temple was without tu mult all devout and full of reverence imagined they heard that answer which p●radventure they presuppos'd before ●and would be made them this opinion and belief was altogether favour'd and augmented by Camillus and the other principal men of the City Which Religion if it were maintained among the Princes of the Christian Republick according as by the institutor thereof it was ordain'd the Christian States and Republicks would be far more in unity and enjoy more happiness far then now they do nor does any thing give us so shrewd a conjecture of the declining of it as to see that those people that are neerest neighbours to the Church of Rome head of our Religion are the most inreligious And whosoever would well consider the original grounds thereof and look upon the present use how much this differs from