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A94307 A true history of the Roman Catholicks designs and bloody contrivances for the subversion of the Protestant religion in England. And how by the wonderful providence of God their treasonable and bloody conspiracies and designs have been discovered and prevented. Thou, Jacques-Auguste de, 1553-1617.; Stephens, Edward, d. 1706. 1678 (1678) Wing T1077A; Wing T1075; ESTC R185008 52,235 75

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into the City though many were greatly disturbed at it to whom when they importunately dehorted him both by letter and word of mouth he after he had given them thanks answered in one word That he was resolved now that Peace was concluded and things past forgotten to rely upon the saith of the King and that he had rather be dragged through the streets of Paris than to take up Civil Arms again 2. Among other letters there was one brought to him being now come to Paris written very smartly after this manner Remember that it is an established Decree of the Papists upon the account of Religion and confirmed by the authority of Councils that Faith is not to be kept with hereticks in the number of which Protestants are accounted Remember also that Protestants upon the account of the former Wars do lie under an eternal odium so that it is not to be doubted but this is the Queens resolution that Protestants be rooted out by any means whatsoever Add to this that it cannot be but that a woman that is a stranger and an Italian descended of the race of the Popes whom they oppose and of a Florentine and guileful nature should study all extremities against her enemies Consider moreover in what School the King was educated in which he drew in with his milk under his good Tutors this Doctrine that he should make it a sport to swear and forswear to use the name of God profanely to defile himself with Whoredomes and Adulteries to dissemble his Faith Religion Counsels to set his countenance according to occasion And that he might be accustomed to the effusion of the bloud of his Subjects he was taught from his childhood to behold the slaughters and butcheries of * And of men also v. l. 24. p. 275. beasts that he is setled in this perswasion to suffer no Religion in his Kingdom but that which may uphold his state according to the opinion of his Master Machiavel otherwise it would never be at Peace so long as two Religions flourished in it and that it was instilled into his ears that the Protestants did decree to spoil him of his Life and Empire And therefore he would never suffer the Protestants who had once whether upon a just or unjust cause taken up Arms against him to enjoy the benefit of his Edict but that he would with Arms revenge what was done with Arms against him nor would he look upon himself obliged to keep his Covenants which he had entred into with his armed Subjects These are the Arts of Princes the Elements of Policy the Arcana Imperii So Commodus of old commanded Julian whom he owned and embraced as his Father to be slain Thus Antonius Caracalla under pretence of mustering slew the prime youth of the City So Lysander cut the throats of eight hundred Milesians called together under pretence of friendship and society So Sergius Galba raged upon six thousand Spaniards and lately by the command of Antonius Spinola the chief men of the Isle of Corsica were called together to a Feast and slain In our memory did Christiern a King of a barbarous nature use the same arts in the Massacre of Stockholm So heretofore Charles 7 though reconciled to the Duke of Burgundy yet abstained not from killing him though he begged for his life Nor are the discourses that the King lately had with his mother at Blois unknown For when in a jocular manner profanely using as his custom is the name of God he asked her whether he had not acted his part handsomely at the coming of the Queen of Navar the Queen answered that he had begun well but these beginnings would little advantage him unless he proceeded But I said he with often repeated oaths will bring them all into your toils From these words the truth whereof you may be assured of you ought to take counsel and if you are wise get out of the City and so from the Court as from a most filthy sink with all the speed as may be 3. Coligni having read this letter though he was not a little troubled at it yet that he might not seem altogether to neglect the admonitions and intreaties of his friends made answer That there was no place left for these suspitions that he could never perswade himself that so great perfidiousness could enter into so good a King than whom France for this many years never had a better That Anjou indeed was more averse to the Protestant party but that hatred would now cease even out of respect to the affinity contracted with the King of Navar. For the rest the League entred into with England and that which the King was now making with the Protestant Princes of the Empire did sufficiently shew how he stood affected to the Protestants when as he would have one of the Sons of the Elector Palatine in his retinue and some one of the English Nobles as Leicester or Burgleii who were most forward for Religion Moreover he had given his Faith to the Prince of Orange and Nassau his Brother concerning aids against the Spaniards and that a great supply was preparing in the place of those who were routed under Jenlis their leader That John Galeacius Fulgosius who lately returned from Florence did assure them that Cosunus would lend the King two hundred thousand Aurei towards that War That the King's Ambassador did carefully pry into the counsels of the Duke of Alva and daily acquaint the King with them That this he knew every day from the King That the Navy that Philip Strossy and Polinius Garda do command at Broage and upon the Coasts of Poictou was not prepared to any other use but to disturb the Spanish Fleet which being done it shall go to help the Prince of Orange at Flushing As for himself and his own particular safety all might be secure of that for that he through the King's means is reconciled to the Guises each engaging their Faith to the King that they would neither of them hereafter impeach one the other Lastly that the King did all he could to make Peace at home and War abroad and that he might transfer the War into the Low-Countreys and against the Spaniards Wherefore he prayed the Author of the writing and others that are of his mind that they would no more with these suspitions trouble his mind which was taken up with more weighty businesses and better designs but rather that they would joyning their prayers with his beg of God that he would prosper things so well begun and bring them at last to an happy end for the good of the Church and Kingdom 4. The same things were written to Coligni from the Rochellers which he did in as friendly manner take off with all moderation and constancy Therefore when they could not divert him from that mind they set upon the King of Navar with Letters dated 6 of the Eids of July July 10th in which they dehort him upon the
watch before the dores of Coligny To these were joyned to avoid suspition some but few in number of the Switzers of the guards of Navar. Moreover for the greater security it was ordered by the King that the Gentlemen of the Protestants who were in the City should lodge near Coligny's house and it was given in command to Quarter-masters forthwith to assign lodgings and the King gave command with a loud voice that all might hear it to one of the Colonels that no Catholick should be suffered to come thither nor should they spare the life of any that should do otherwise Upon this occasion the Corporals went from place to place and wrote down the names of Protestants and advised them to repair near to Coligny for that the King would have it so These and such like signs and whisperings abroad though they had been enough to have warned the Protestants if they had not been infatuated yet by the constant dissimulation of the King it came to pass that Coligny and Teligny could not perswade themselves that any such cruelty was in his mind Therefore when the Nobles entred into consultation in the Chamber of Cornaton in the house of Coligny upon the same matter and the Visdame of Chartres persevered in the same opinion that they should depart the City as soon as might be and prevent that imminent danger though with some disadvantage to Coligny's health who yet was that day somewhat better Teligny was of opinion and Navar and Conde agreed with him that they should stay in the City otherwise they should offer a great affront to the King that was so well affected towards them 14. There was a suspition lest this should be caried to the King by one that was then present that was Buchavanius Bajancurius one very familiar with the Queen who presently hasted to the Tuilleries where a Counsel was held by the Conspirators under a colour of walking there was the last time that they consulted of the manner of executing the design There were present besides the King Queen and Anjou the Dukes of Nevers and Angolesme the Bastard Biragus Tavannes and Radesianus And since by the death of one man whom the Physitians did affirm was like to recover of his wound the grievance of the Kingdom which was nourished by him and diffused into many could not be extinguished it seemed good that it should be suppressed by the ruine of all and that wrath which God would not have to be satisfied with the bloud of Coligny alone should be poured out upon all the Sectaries That was their voluntary resolution at first and now by the event necessity and force is put upon their counsels that the danger that hangs over the King and the whole Kingdom cannot be avoided without the ruine of Coligny and all the Protestants For what would not he do so long as the faction of the Rebels remains entire after such an injury who when he was no way provoked was so long injurious to the King and hurtful to the Kingdom whom now all might foresee and dread going out of Paris with his party as a Lion out of his den raging against all without respect Therefore the reins are to be let loose to the people who are of themselves ready enough nor ought they any longer to withstand the will of God which would not that more mild Counsels should take effect After the thing is effected there will not want reasons whereby it may be excused the fault being laid upon the Guisians which they would gladly take upon them Therefore all agreed upon the utter ruine of the Protestants by a total slaughter To which opinion the Queen was even by her own nature and proper design enclined some time was spent in deliberating * The Duke of Guise was urgent to have the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde slain with the rest Dav. p. 370. It was also debated whether among the rest they should comprehend the Marshal d'Anville and his Brothers who professed the Catholick Religion but were nearly related to Coligny but they were spared because the eldest Brother Marshal Momcrancy was absent Da. p. 370. whether Navar and Conde should be exempt from the number of the rest and as for Navar all their suffrages agreed upon the account of his Royal Dignity and the Affinity that he had lately contracted For that fact which of it self could not but be blamed by many would be so much the more blamed if a great Prince near of Bloud to the King joyned in a very late affinity should be slain in the King's Palace in the arms as it were of the King his Brother-in-law and in the embraces of his Wife For there would be no sufficient excuse nor would those arguments prevail to excuse the King which might cast the blame upon the Guisians Concerning Conde there was a greater debate he lying under the load of his Fathers faults yet both the dignity of the man and the authority of Ludovicus Gonzaga Duke of Nevers affirming that he would be loyal and obedient to the King and also offering himself as a surety for him upon the account of that close and manifold relation that was between them for Conde had lately married Mary of Cleve the Sister of Henrica Wife of the Duke of Nevers did prevail that he should be spared and exempt from the number of those that were designed for the slaughter as well as Navar. 15. Upon this the Duke of Anjou and Engolesme the Bastard departing as they rode in their Coach through the City they spread abroad a rumor as if the King had sent for Momorarcy and was about to bring him into the City with a select number of horse The very same hour there was one apprehended who was suspected of the hurt of Coligny who confessed himself to be a servant of the Guises which when it was understood Guise and Aumale and others of the Family went to the King to remove that suspition and complain that they were oppressed through the favour that was shewed to their enemies that the ears of Judges were open to calumnies cast upon them and that tho they were guiltless yet they were manifestly set against that they had a long time observed that they were for what cause they knew not every day less gracious with the King but yet that they did dissemble it and hoped that time which is the best Master of truth would at last inform him more certainly of the whole matter But since they find no place for their innocence they did though unwillingly and as forced to it desire that with his good leave they might return home This was done openly and it was observed that the King answered to these things somewhat coldly and the rather that he might perswade the Protestants that he bare no good will to the Guisians Upon this the King adviseth Navar that he should afford no occasion of mischief to the audacity and violentness of the
a company of profligate persons and seditiously raised war against him That he had just reason to revenge these injuries and now also had an opportunity put into his hand but that he would pardon what was past upon the account of their consanguinity and the lately contracted affinity and lastly of their age and that he would think that these things were not done by the advice or fault of them but of Coligny and his followers who had already or should shortly receive the just deserts of their wickedness that he was willing that those things should be buried in oblivion provided they would make amends for their former offences by their future loyalty and obedience and renouncing their profane superstitious Doctrine would return to the Religion of their Ancestors that is to the Roman Catholick Religion for he would have only that Religion professed in his Kingdom which he had received from his fore-Fathers Therefore that they should look to it that they do comply with him herein otherwise they might know that the same punishment which others had suffered did hang over their heads To this the King of Navar did most humbly beg that no violence might be offered to their consciences nor persons and that then they would remain faithful to him and were ready to satisfy him in all things But Conde added that he could not perswade himself that the King who had engaged himself by solemn oath to all the Protestant Princes of his Kingdom would upon any account violate it or hearken to their enemies and adversaries in that matter As to Religion that was not to be commanded that his life and fortunes were in the King's power to do with them what he pleased but that he knew he was to give an account only to God of that Religion that he had received from God Therefore that he was fixed and resolved never to recede from his Religion which he knew assuredly was true no not for any present danger of life With which answer the King being highly provoked he called Conde stubborn seditious Rebel and the son of a Rebel and told him that if he did not change his mind within three days his head should pay for his obstinacy 20. Many of the Protestant Nobles had taken up their lodgings in the Suburbs of St. German and could not be perswaded to lie in the City Among these were Johannes Roanus Frontenaeus Godofridus Caumonlius Vidame of Chartres Gabriel Mongomerius Jo. Lafinius Bellovarius Segurius Pardallanius and others The destroying of whom was given in charge to Laurentius Maugironus and besides Marcells was ordered to take care that 1000 Souldiers of the City Trained-Bands should be sent thither to Maugironus who went but slowly on in his business While this was doing tidings came to Mongomery of the rumor of taking up Arms in the City who signified the same to the Vidame of Chartres and presently they met all together uncertain what was to be done for that many confiding in the King's faithfulness perswaded themselves that this was done without the King's command by the Guisians encouraged by the forwardness of the seditious people therefore they thought it was best to go to the King and that he would succour them against any violence In that doubtfulness of mind though the more prudent did not doubt that these things were done by agreement and by the King's command were many hours spent so that they might easily have been destroyed but that another impediment happened to the Conspirators for whiles Maugironus doth in vain expect Parisians to be sent from Guise who were all busied in plundering Guise impatient of further delays calls forth the King's Guards out of the Louvre intending whiles they passed the River to go thither himself And when he came to the gates it did too late appear that they had mistaken the keys therefore while they sent for others it being now broad day the Switzers and others of the King's Guards passing the Siene were seen from the other side and upon the discharging of a Gun on the other side of the River as was thought by the King's command the Associates take counsel to fly and before they came were gotten a good way off Guise pursued Mongomery and others to Montfort but in vain and meeting with Sanleodegarius he commands him that he should follow them with fresh horses There were some sent to Udencum and to Dreux who should intercept them if they went that way but all in vain Franciscus Bricomotius who could not be destroyed in the tumult flies to the English Ambassadors lodgings † In Bernardinorum caio. where he for some days lay hid Arnoldus Cavagnius also hid himself not far from hence with a friend who fearing the danger defired him to provide for himself but both being taken were cast into the Palace prison and with that event which we shall shew anon In the mean time Guise with Aumale and Angolesme return into the City where the King's Guards did commit outrages upon the lives and fortunes of the Protestant Nobles and Gentlemen even of those that were their familiars and well known to them This work being assigned to them in particular whiles the people incited by the Sheriffs wardsmen and tything-men that ran about did furiously rage with all manner of licentiousness and excess against their fellow-Citizens and a sad and horrid face of things did every where appear For the streets and ways did resound with the noise of those that flocked to the slaughter and plunder and the complaints and doleful out-cries of dying men and those that were nigh to danger were every where heard The carkasses of the slain were thrown down from the windows the Courts chambers of houses were full of dead men their dead bodies rolled in dirt were dragged through the streets bloud did flow in such abundance through the chanels of the streets that full streams of bloud did run down into the River the number of the slain men women even those that were great with child and children also was innumerable Annas Terrerius Chapius being eighty years old and an Advocate of great name in the Senate was slain Also Jo. Lomerius Secretary to the King having compounded for his safety was thrown into Gaol by Johannes Parisiensis Judge of Criminals and having sold * Versalium fundum his Estate at Versailles to his adversary with whom he had a Suit depending about it at a low rate and leaving his office upon the account of another was afterwards slain by the command of those with whom he had those dealings Magdalena Brissonetta the Relict of Theobaldus Longiolius an Irish-man Master of the Requests Neece of Cardinal Gulielmus Brissonettus and besides a woman of most rare accomplishments and of no mean learning when in old apparel taking with her her daughter Francisca and Johannes Spina a noted Preacher who was her houshold Chaplain she would have fled out of the City being discovered by the cut-throats and
Queen the King's Brethren the King of Navar and other Princes and Nobles That it was the King's pleasure that his Edicts might be observed and that the Protestants every where taking forth Letters of security from the Presidents should live quietly and safely under the King's protection upon pain of death to any that should injure or molest them in any thing On the other hand he should admonish the Protestants that they should keep themselves quiet at home and because in their Meetings and publick Assemblies there used to be such Counsels among the Protestants as were suspitious to Catholicks and which might put them upon new stirs therefore that they should abstain from those meetings and expect the same favour and safety from the King's clemency and goodness as he doth exercise towards others But if they should foolishly neglect this advice command and promise of the King and should presume to meet publickly stir up troubles and take up Arms under colour of their own defence he would then proceed against them as against Rebels To the same effect were Letters sent to Melchior Monpesatus President of Poictou Pria President of Toures and the Presidents of other Provinces Chabolius managed his office with great prudence and moderation having learnt that the Protestants who had hitherto been exasperated by severity and cruelty of punishments might be better reduced to their duty by clemency and mildness And matters were ordered without almost any bloud-shed in Burgundy many returning either through fear or of their own accord to the Religion of their Ancestors renouncing the Protestant Doctrines Only Claromontius Travius of the prime Nobility whose Sister Helena Antonius Grammontanus had married was when the news was hot slain at Dijon in the absence of Chabotius by the people Those that were suspected at Mascon being by the King's command apprehended and cast into prison by Philibertus sustained no further damage 30. So foul a tempest in France being in some sort allayed and the liberty of killing and plundering repressed when the more prudent that yet no way favoured the Protestant party did upon the sad thought of the present state of things by little and little come to themselves and abhorring the fact did curiously enquire into the causes of it and how it might be excused they thus judged That no example of like cruelty could be found in all Antiquity though we turned over the Annals of all Nations These kinds of outrages had been confined to certain men or to one place and might have been excused by the sense of injury newly offered or their rage did only exercise it self upon those whom it was their interest to remove out of the way For so by the command of Mithridates King of Pontus upon one message and the signification of one Letter 40000 Romans were slain in one day throughout all Asia The Sicilian Vespers So Peter King of Arragon commanded 8000 French-men to be slain in Sicily who had seized upon it in his absence But their case was far different from this For those Kings exercised their rage upon strangers and foreigners but this King upon his own subjects who were not more committed to his power than to his faith and trust They were obliged no otherwise by their faith given than to the strangers themselves but he was bound in a late league with his neighbouring Kings and Princes to keep that Peace which he had sworn to They used no arts unworthy of royal dignity to deceive them he for a snare abused his new engaged friendship and the sacred Nuptials of his own Sister whose wedding garment was even stained with bloud These are the vertues that use to be commended in Kings Justice Gentleness and Clemency but savageness and cruelty as in all others so especially in Princes use to be condemned Famous through all ages was Publius Scipio who was wont to say he had rather save one Citizen than slay a thousand enemies and Antonius who was called the Pious did often use that saying Kings indeed have power of life and death over the Subjects of their Realm but with this limitation that they should not proceed against them till their cause was heard upon a fair tryal This rage and blindness of mind was sent by God upon the French as a judgment for the daily execrations and reproaches of the Deity from which the King himself ill educated by his Mother and by those Tutors that she appointed him did not at all abstain the example whereof proceeding from the Court to the Cities and from the Cities to the Country-Towns and Villages they now at every third word swore by the head death bloud heart of God Moreover the patience of God was even wearied with their Whoredoms Adulteries and such lusts as are not fit to be spoken Lastly nature it self doth now expostulate as it were with God for his so long patience and for bearance nor could the Country of France any longer bear such prodigious wickedness For as for the causes which are pretended against Coliguy they are feigned with such improbability that they can hardly perswade children much less can they be proved For how is it probable that Coligny should enter into such a conspiracy within the walls of Paris who though he were guilty before the Pacification to suppose that yet certainly after the Edict if indeed the publick Faith and the King's promises ought to be observed he came to the King guiltless altogether abhorring a Civil War and solicitous only about the Belgick War But whereas they say he conspired after he had received his wounds this hath less colour of truth For how could Coligny that was indisposed by two such wounds now grown old disabled in both his arms one of which the Physitians talked of cutting off rise with three hundred young men that attended him against an Army of sixty thousand men that bare him deadly hatred and that were well appointed with Arms How could he in so little time consult concerning so great and vast a design for he lived hardly forty hours after he had received his wound in which all conference was forbidden him by his Physitians Then had he been accused of any crime was he not committed to Cossenius and his guards and the passages being every where secured was he not in the King's power that he might in a moment if it had so pleased the King been thrust into prison and witnesses being prepared after the manner of judicial proceedings might he not have been proceeded against in form of Law Moreover if Coligni with his Dependents and Clients had conspired against the King why must needs the rest that were innocent so many Noble Matrons and Virgins who came thither upon the account of the Marriage so many great-bellied women so many ancient persons so many bed-ridden persons of both Sexes and all professions that were ignorant of these last counsels of Coligni be comprehended in the same guilt To whom doth it not seem absurd and most ridiculous that Coligni should at so unseasonable a time conspire against Navar that professed the same Religion with him and whom he had in his power for four years together Thus many did discourse and so they judged that upon the account of this fact the French Name would for a long time labour under an odium and infamy and that posterity would never forget an act of so great unworthiness Typographical Errors to be Corrected as followeth in THe Hist of the Massacre Pag. 5. l. 1. Burleigh l. 7. Cosmus p. 7. l. 4. compact p. 8. l. 10. when he l. 36. Palace near the Louvre p. 12. l. 1. receive p. 13. l. 28. Antonius Marafinus Guerchius without commas so p. 14. l. 2. Rochus Sorbaeus Prunaeus l. 7. Armanus Claromontius Pilius l. 8. Moninius l. 26. racket p. 18. l. 7. your Kingdom p. 21. l. 9. as he did p. 28. l. 11. Cossenius l. 36. Atinius l. 37. Sarlaboux p. 29. l. 5. Merlin the Minister Coligny p. 32. l. 32. Claromontius Marquess of Renel p. 34. l. 19. Caumontius p. 35. l. 25. Montalbertus Roboreus Joach Vassorius Cunerius Rupius Columbarius Velavaurius Gervasius Barberius Francurius p. 36. l. 15. Armanus Claromontius Pilius l. 32. Bellovarius l. 36. Durfortius Duracius l. 37. Gomacius Buchavanius p. 40. l. 36. Perionius p. 41. l. 13. Languages who had private feuds and contentions with Carpentar l. 22. to those l. 30. Roliardus p. 43. l. 2. Sancomontius Sauromanius l. 3. Bricomotius p. 53. l. 33. Meletinus p. 57. l. 17. Arles where l. 36. suspition of poison given p. 58. l. 2. Mombrunius p. 62. l. 20. Helionorus Chabotius p. 63. l. 11. Chabotius THe Hist of the Powder-Plot Pag. 8. l. 27. Harrington p. 14. l. 30. detest p. 15. l. 21. for wikes r. de Vic p. 16. in marg So on the p. 22. l. 27. dele Book entituled l. 29. for Provincial r. Father General
to break into of whom Navar was Captain they were every one of them repulsed and at last thrown headlong down into Hell Then Mercury riding upon a Cock and together with him Cupid came sliding down to the defendants and then after much discourse with them returned into Heaven Then the three defendants came to the Nymphs wandring in the pleasant green fields and led them into the middle of the Hall where the Spectators were with much pleasure entertained with new Dances about the Fountain for a full hour Then the defendants being prevailed upon by their entreaties the Knights Errant that were shut up in Hell were released who presently in a confused skirmish break their spears at last the Gunpowder that was laid by pipes about the Fountain being fired fire broak forth with a great noise and consumed all their Scenes and so all departed This shew was variously interpreted for that the assailants who were most of them Protestants did in vain attempt to get into the seats of the blessed and were afterwards thrust down into Hell for so they put a mockery upon the Protestants and others did bode that it portended some mischief However certain it is that Francis E. of Momorancy whether suspecting some evil or being indisposed by reason of the tossing of the Sea as lately returned from his Ambassy in England having obtained leave of the King went to Chantilly for his healths sake leaving in the Court Henry d'Anville Carolus Meruvius and Gulielmus Thoraeus his Brethren and that very happily for that most Illustrious Family V. Da. p. 370. for it was the general opinion that the plotters of the following Massacre would have comprehended them all in this conspiracy had they not feared that Momorancy who was now absent would have revenged it The next day being Thursday there was running at Tilts held in the Court-yard of the Louvre in which on the one side the King and his Brethren together with the Duke of Guise and the Duke of Aumale in the habit of Amazons and on the other side the King of Navar with his party in Turkish habits contended with their launces Scaffolds being set up on either side from which the Queen-Mother the King's Wife Lorain and all the Court-Ladies beheld the sports 8. Two days before the Counsel concerning the Massacre being not yet concluded the King with great shew of kindness bespeaks Coligni thus You know Father so he called him upon the account of his age and honour what you undertook to me that you would offer no injury so long as you are at Court to the Guises and they again engaged that they as they ought would behave themselves toward you and yours honourably and modestly I repose very great trust in your words but I have not the like confidence in their promises For besides that I know the Guises do by all means seek revenge I know their daring and haughty nature and in what favour they are with the people of Paris It would be a very great grief to me if they who under pretence of coming to the Marriage have brought with them a great party of souldiers well appointed should attempt any thing to your hurt for that would be an injury to my self Therefore if you think it expedient I think it convenient that the Regiment of the Guards be drawn into the City under these Commanders then he named those who were no way suspected who if any turbulent persons attempt any thing may be ready at hand to secure the publick Peace To such friendly discourse Coligni easily yielded his assent out of a desire of domestick Peace and being already overcome by the Court-flatteries therefore a Regiment is drawn within the walls without any suspition of the Protestants 9. This being done they enter into Counsel * Lib. 51. He mentions a former Consultation between the Queen-Mother Anjou Cardinal Lorain Aumale Guise Birage and others in the same Chamber wherein Guise was afterwards by the King's Command killed and afterwards in the same buildings where the King himself Henr. 3. here called Anjou was murthered by a Fryer again and after some debate the thing was left undetermined their opinions varying according to the condition of places and of the persons admitted to the Council For thus it was discoursed before the King with whom were in Council the Queen-Mother the Duke of Anjou and others There are two factions in the Kingdom one of the Momorancies to whom the Colignies were formerly added but now upon the account of Religion by which they have engaged many to them they constitute a new faction The other is of the Guises nor will France ever be quiet or that Majesty that is taken from Kings by the Civil Wars thence arising ever be restored till the chief of their Heads who disturb the most flourishing Empire and the publick Peace be stricken off They by the troubles of the Kingdom have grown to so great Power that they cannot be taken away at the same time they are severally to be taken off and set one against the other that they may destroy one another Coligni must be begun with who only survives of his Family who being taken out of the way it would much weaken the Momorancies who lie under so great an odium upon the account of their joyning with Coligni But this is an unworthy thing and not to be suffered by you said they directing their discourse to the King that a man whom only Nobility commends one that is advanced to honour by the favour of Kings now grown burdensom to the Nobility equal to Princes in honour grievous to your self should come to that height of madness and boldness that he should count it a sport to mock at Royal Majesty and every day at his own lust to raise Wars in the Kingdom Certainly his madness is above all things by you if you be indeed King to be restrained that by his example all may learn to bear their fortunes decently and use them modestly Nor only shall the faction of the Momorances be broken by his death but the power of the Protestants shall be over-turned of which when he is the very heart and soul in him alone the Protestants seem to live and he being dead they will fall with him This is not only useful but necessary for setling the publick Peace when as experience doth shew that as one house cannot not keep two Dogs nor one tree relieve two Parrots so one and the same Kingdom cannot bear two Religions This may be done without danger or blame if some cut-throat as there are enough of them to be had be suborned to take away the life of Coligni encouraged by some present reward and hopes of future who having done the thing may make his escape by the help of a light horse prepared for that purpose V. Dav. p 368 370 The opinion of Alberto Gondi Coun. of Retz For then without doubt the Protestants who are very numerous in
the City supposing it to be done by the Guises will presently as you know they are a furious sort of people take up Arms and setting upon the Guisians they shall easily be cut off by their greater numbers for the people of Paris are much addicted to them and perhaps the Momorances so hateful to the Parisians shall be involved in the same tumult But if the thing proceed not so far yet at least the blame of the fact from which you shall receive great advantage shall be translated from you upon the Guisians as bearing yet in memory the murder of their Father whom having destroyed their Rivals you shall soon reduce into good order This thing being done you shall forthwith be able to determine concerning the chief leaders of the Protestants whom you have in your power who no doubt will return to their old Religion and due allegiance to you when evil Counsellors shall be removed And when it was debated in the Queens Council among those that were to be trusted their discourse went further that not only the Momorances with Coligni should be taken off but that the Guisians should at some fit opportunity be slain as those whom the Queen ought in no wise to trust or spare being heretofore grievously and often offended by her For so the Counsellors ordered the matter if the Protestants should go about to revenge the death of Coligni they and the Momorances should in the conflict be oppressed by the people as being inferior in strength but not without great loss to the adversaries whom the King having drawn a great number of Souldiers which he had then at his command into the Louvre sitting as a spectator might at last set upon being broken and weakened by sighting and as though they had taken Arms without his command and by way of sedition might command them all to be slain together with the Nobles as taking this or that party for whiles they remained safe there would be no end of murmurs and complaints against the Queen whom the seditious cry out upon as a stranger and so sit to be removed from the Government of the Kingdom 10. These were their divers counsels according to the diversity of the persons but they all agreed in the executing of the matter The Duke of Guise being at last taken into the privity of the fact though otherwise he knew nothing of the other Counsels an Assasine was sought for and presently Morevell appears being as it seemed provided for that purpose who having formerly undertaken to do such a villany he fled into the Camp of the Protestants but being affrighted by the danger of it lest he should seem to have done nothing he treacherously slew Arthurus Valdraeus Moius Monsieur de Muy at the siege of Niort Dav. p. 376. and from that time often changing his lodgings he concealed himself in the house of the Guises in which Family he was brought up from a child An house was also pitched upon in the Cloyster of St. German Auxerrois as they call it the house of Peter Pila Villemur who had formerly been Tutor to the Duke of Guise himself by which Coligni returning home must needs pass Therefore upon the Friday Coligni having dispatched much business in the King's Council where Anjou was present and composed a difference between Antonius Marafinus Guerchius and Tiangius chief of the Nobility of the Burgundians forward men he attended upon the King to the next Tennis-Court from whence after a promise from the King the Duke of Guise and Teligny betaking himself homeward walking on foot by the house of Villemur going gently along and reading a Petition which was then by chance presented to him Morevel discharging a Musquet from a window that had a linen Curtain drawn before it he was shot with a brace of bullets whereof one struck off the fore-finger of his right-hand and the other wounded him more dangerously in his left-arm while Guerchius was upon his right-hand and Rochus Sorbaeus Prunaeus upon his left who as likewise all that were there were exceedingly astonished at what was done But he with a countenance not disturbed only shewed them the house whence the bullets came and presently commands Armanus Claromontius Pilius and Franciscus Movinius that they should go the King and in his name acquaint him with what was done then binding up his arm and leaning upon his domesticks he came on foot to his lodging which was not far off and when he was advised by one of his company that he should see to it whether the bullets wherewith he was wounded were not poisoned he answered that nothing should befall him but what was ordered by God Forthwith they force the house whence the shot proceeded and breaking open the dores found the Musquet in a lower room A young maid and a page that were found there were taken and bound for Morevel at a back-dore getting upon his horse was already fled to St. Antony's Gate where changing his horse and mounting another that was ready for that purpose he made his escape 11. The King receiving the news as if he had been astonished at an unexpected accident Shall I never saith he be at quiet and must new troubles alwaies arise from day to day and then throwing his rocket upon the ground he withdrew into the inner Castle Guise leaving the Tennis-Court departed another way Here all were full of wonder and many were disturbed being troubled in their minds to think what those things would come to Many even of those who bare no great good will to Coligny detested the fact But Navar and Conde presently repair to him and when as in their presence he was handled by the Chirurgions he was heard amidst all his pain to say only this Is this the goodly reconciliation that the King did undertake for then turning to Moore Chaplain to the late Queen of Navar he pronounced these words Ah my Brother now I know I am beloved of God for that I have received these wounds for his most holy Names sake God grant I may never forget his accustomed mercies towards me But when Ambrosius Paraeus the King's Chirurgeon told him that the Gangreen growing on his finger must be cut off and did attempt to do it with an instrument that had no good edge though he was forced to open and shut the shears three times yet he gave no sign of sense of his most sharp pain when he came to his left arm Merlin Conde's Chaplain came in who when he began to comfort him out of the holy Scriptures he brake out into these words My God forsake me not in these troubles nor cease from thy accustomed mercies towards me Then he whispered in the ear to one who held up his arm that he should deliver to Merlin an hundred Aurei to be distributed to the poor of the Church of Paris this I have often heard Paraeus speak of almost in the same words Thence Navar and Conde go to the
into the Court-yard as it was all besmeared with bloud when * He was afterwards stabbed to death l. 85. Angolesme not believing his own eyes wiped off the bloud from his face with his handkerchief and at last perceiving it was he and as some add kicking the corps in scorn going out of the house with his fellows into the way Go to fellow Souldiers saith he let us prosecute what we have so happily begun for so the King commandeth which words being often repeated when forthwith the Bell of the Palace clock rang out they every where cryed Arm arm and the people presently ran to Coligny's house then the carkass after it had been abused in a strange manner is cast into the next Stable and at last cutting off his head which was sent as far as Rome and his privy-members and his hands and his feet they dragged it about the streets to the bank of Siene which thing he had formerly presaged by an ominous word though he thought no such thing When he was about to be thrown into the River by the boys from thence he was drawn to the Gibbet of Mount Faucon where with his legs upward and his body downward he is hanged in iron-chains then a fire is made under him by which he is only scorched not consumed that he might as it were be tormented through all the Elements slain upon the earth drowned in the water burnt in the fire and hanged in the air There when his corps had been exposed for some days to the lust and rage of all spectators and to the just indignation of many who did boad that that rage would hereafter cost the King and all France dearly Francis Momorancy who had timely withdrawn himself from the danger being near of kin and nearer by friendship to the dead took care that he should by some trusty men be taken down by night and committed to the earth in a Chapel at Chantilly In Coligny's house were slain in the tumult whosoever they met or found hiding themselves and then the Souldiers betake themselves to plunder and breaking open Chests they take away mony and other precious things only they preserve letters and papers for so the Queen commanded 18. Thence Nevers and Tavannes and Monpenser who joyned himself to them through the hatred that he bore to Protestants ride armed through the City and spurred on the people that ran already telling them That Coligny and his Associates had laid a plot against the King the Queen the King's Brethren and Navar himself and that it was detected by the singular Grace of God and that the King prevented them only in time therefore that they should not spare the bloud of those wicked men who are the capital enemies of the King and Country but that they should fly upon their goods as spoil lawfully gotten that it was the King's pleasure that that pestiferous serpentine seed should be extirpated that the poison of heresy being extinguished there should for the future not so much as a word be spoken of any Religion but that of their fore-Fathers Then all being let loose to satisfy their hatreds every one prosecuted his enemy and rival with embittered minds Many brake into houses through desire of prey all ran upon the slaughter without distinction At the same time Francis Count de la Roche-fou cault being for his facetiousness and pleasantness in discourse very gracious with the King when as but the day before he had though unseasonably drawn out the night till late in jesting with the King and from thence betook himself to his own house he underwent the same fate with Coligny For Bargius Avernus knocks at Roche-fou-cault's house and telling him he had something to acquaint him with from the King Roche-fou-cault himself commanding the dores to be unlocked he is admitted in when he saw men as he thought in disguises supposing the King was not far off who had sent men in jest to beat him he beggeth them that they would deal better with him but miserable man he found that the thing was not to be acted in jest but in earnest when his house being plundered before his eyes he himself half naked was most cruelly butchered by one that stood by him Also Teligny the son-in-law of Coligny having by running over the tops of houses escaped the hands of many and at last being espied by the Guards of Anjou he is also slain Antonius Claromonlius Marquess of Revel Brother by the Mother to Prince Porcian who had a contest with Ludovicus Claromonlius Bussius of Ambois concerning the Marquesat of Revel came to Paris in the company of Navar hoping there to put an end to his troublesome controversy But the matter had a quite other end than he expected for when in that tumult he fled into the house that was next to his at length he fell into the hands of his Cousin-German pursuing him who being his enemy upon no other account but the matter in controversy cruelly slew him But not long after the controversy being brought to an hearing sentence was given for Bussius but with no more happy success for by virtue of an Edict afterwards made in favour of the Protestants the sentence was repealed and Ludovicus himself was for a far different cause with the same cruelty beheaded Antonius Marafinus Guerchius a stout man who the day before had asked Coligny that he might lodge in his house when being in distress he had not time to hide himself taking his Cloak upon his arm and drawing his sword he for a long time defended himself against the Assasines yet he slew none of them being all in Coats of Male but at last was overpowred by the multitude The same calamity involved Baudineus the Brother of Acierius Pluvialius Bernius being cruelly slain by the King's Souldiers as also Carolus Quellevetus Pontius President of Armorica who had married Katharina Parthenaea daughter and heir of John Subizius but the Mother of Parthenaea complaining of the frigidity of her son-in-law a Suit had been commenced to dissolve the Marriage but was not yet determined Therefore when the bodies of the slain were thrown down as they were slain before the Palace and in the sight of the King and Queen and all the Court-retinue many Court-Ladies not being affrighted at the horridness of such a spectacle did with curious eyes shamefully behold the naked bodies and especially fixing their eyes on Pontius did examine if they could by any means discover the signs of his frigidity Carolus Bellomanerius Lavardinus the Kinsman of Pontius and sometime Tutor to the King of Navar in his childhood fell into the hands of Petrus Lupus President of the Court a good man who when he would have saved him and was commanded by the Emissaries of the Court to dispatch his prisoner he as he was a man of a ready and pleasant wit asked so much time as till he could raise his passion by which speech he for some time eluded their cruelty
to his own house that thereby all might take notice that whatsoever had been done at Paris proceeded from their faction But the Queen and Anjou especially who did both of them with an over-weaning affection incline to the party of Guise did intercede seeing the King was at first enraged only against Coligny as not yet forgetting his flight from Meaux drew him on who yet wavered to the slaughter of all the Protestants in the City so that not knowing where he set his foot they brought him by degrees to this pass that he should take the whole blame upon himself and so case the Guisians who were not able to bear such a burden And to that end Anjou did as it it was laid produce Letters found in Teligny's desk written by the hand of Momorancy in which after the wound given to Coligny he did affirm that he would revenge this injury upon the Authors of it who were not unknown with the same mind as if it had been offered to himself Thereupon the Queen and Anjou took occasion to shew the King That if he persisted in his former dissimulation things were come to that pass that he would endanger the security of the Kingdom his Fortunes Riches and Reputation For the Guisians who do by these Letters and otherwise understand the mind of the Momorancies being men desirous of troubles and seeking grounds of them upon every occasion will never lay down their Arms which they have by the King's command taken up to offer this injury that they will still keep them under pretence of desending their safety which they say is aimed at by the enemy and so that which was thought to have been the end of a most bloudy war will prove to be the beginning of a more dangerous one For the remainders of the Protestants who see their matters distressed will without doubt gather themselves to the Momorancies who are of themselves strong and thence will take new strength and spirits which if it should happen what a face of the Kingdom will appear when the name and authority of the King's Majesty being slighted and trampled upon every one shall take liberty to himself and indulge to private hatred and affections according to his own ●u●t Lastly what will foreign Princes think of the King who suffers himself to be over-ruled by his subject who cannot keep his subjects in their duty and lastly who knows not how to hold the reins of legal power Therefore there is no other way to prevent so great an evil but for the King to approve by his publick Proclamation of what was done as if it had been done by his command For by this means he should take the arbitrement and power to himself and on the one hand disarm the Guises and on the other hand keep the Momorancies from taking up Arms and lastly should bring it about that the Protestant affairs now already very low should be separated from the cause of the Momorancies That the King ought not to fear the odium of the thing for there is not so much danger in the horridness of a fact the odium whereof may be somewhat allayed by excuse as in the confession of weakness and impotency which doth necessarily bring along with it contempt which is almost destructive to Princes By these reasons they easily perswaded an imperious Prince who less feared hatred than contempt that he might recall the Guisians to obedience and retain the Momorancies in their loyalty to confirm by publick testimony that whatsoever had been done was done by his will and command Therefore in the morning viz. upon the Tuesday he came into the Senate with his Brethren the King of Navar and a great retinue of Nobles after they had heard Mass with great solemnity and sitting down in the Chair of State all the orders of the Court being called together He complained of the grievous injuries that he had from a child received from Gaspar Coligny and wicked men falsly pretending the name of Religion but that he had forgiven them by Edicts made for the publick Peace That Coligny that he might leave nothing to be added to his wickedness had entred into a conspiracy how to take away him his mother his brethren and the King of Navar himself though of his own Religion that he might make young Conde King whom he determined afterwards to slay likewise that the Royal Family being extinct he usurping the Kingdom might make himself King That he when it could not otherwise be did though full sore against his will extinguish one mischief by another and as in extream dangers did use extream remedies that he might extirpate that impure contagion out of the bowels of the Kingdom Therefore that all should take notice that whatsoever had been that day done by way of punishment upon those persons had been done by his special command After he had said these things Christophorus Thuanus chief President in a speech fitted to the time commended the King's prudence who by dissembling so many injuries had timely prevented the wicked conspiracy and the danger that was threatned by it and that that being suppressed he had now setled peace in the Kingdom having well learnt that saying of Lewis XI He that knows not how to dissemble knows not how to reign Then the Court was commanded that diligent enquiry should be made concerning the conspiracy of Coligny and his Associates and that they should give sentence according to form of Law as the heinousness of the fact did require Then lastly Vidus Faber Pibraccius Advocate of the Treasury or Attorney-General stood up and asked the King whether he did will and command that this declaration should be entred into the acts of the Court to the preservation of the memory of it whether the orders of Judges and Civil Magistrates which he had complained were corrupted should be reformed And lastly whether by his command there should be an end put to the slaughters and rapines To these things the King answered that he did command the first that he would take care about the second and that for the third he did give command by publick proclamation through all the streets of the City that they should for the future abstain from all slaughters and rapines Which declaration of the King astonished many and among the rest Thuanus himself who was a man of a merciful nature and altogether averse from bloud and feared that example and the danger that was threatned thereby who also did with great freedom privately reprove the King for that if the conspiracy of Coligny and his company had been true he did not rather proceed against them by Law This is most certain he did always detest St. Bartholomews-day using those verses of Statius Papinius in a different case Excidat illa dies aevo nec postera credaut Saecula nos certe taceamus obruta multa Nocte tegi propriae patiamur crimina Gentis So that he seems to have commended the King's art
by a speech fitted to the present time and place rather than from his heart The advising of the King to enquire into this conspiracy is thought to have been from James Morvillerius Bishop of Orleans who had left his Bishoprick to give himself wholly to the Court a man of a cautious nature but moderate and just and who was never the author of that bloudy counsel But when as that which was done could not be undone he thought it was best for the reputation of the King and for the publick Peace that since the odium of it could not be wholly abolished yet that it might by some means be mitigated he perswaded the King and Queen that to the things being now done they should though in a preposterous manner apply the authority of Law and that proof being made of the conspiracy judgment should be passed upon the conspirators in form of Law which thing Thuanus himself approved being consulted about it by Morvillerius upon the King's command Two days after a Jubilee is appointed and Prayers are made by the King and a full Court in a great assembly of people and thanks were returned to God for that things had succeeded so happily and according to their desires And the same day an Edict was published wherein the King declared that Whatsoever had happened in this matter was done by his express command not through hatred of their Religion or that it should derogate from the Edicts of Pacification which he would have to stand still in force and to be religiously observed but that he might prevent the wicked conspiracy of Coligny and his confederates Therefore that he did will and command that all Protestants should live at home quietly and securely under his protection and patronage and did command all his Governors to take diligent care that no violence or injury should be offered to them either in their lives goods or fortunes adding a sanction that whosoever did otherwise should understand that he did it under pain of life To these things a clause was finally added which the Protestants did interpret to contradict what he had said before that Whereas upon the account of their meetings and publick Assemblies great troubles and grievous offences had been stirred up they should for the future abstain from such meetings whether publick or private upon what pretence soever till further order was taken by the King upon pain of life and fortunes to those that disobeyed 26. These Edicts and Mandates were diversly entertained in the Provinces according to the divers natures and factions of the Governors for those that were addicted to the party of the Momorancies made a moderate use of them but great was the rage and fury of others to whom secret commands were brought not in writing but by Emissaries following the example of the Parisian Massacre The beginning was at Meaux as being nearest where the same day that the Massacre had been at Paris above two hundred were thrown into prison by Cossetus Advocate of the Treasury an impudent man who was chiefly assisted by Dionysius Rollandus an Apparitor and Columbus a Mariner The next day they set upon the Market that is out of the City and the men being slipt away they fell upon the women whereof 25 were slain and some of them violated by the rude murderers The day following after they had every where rifled the houses of the suspected they come to those that were imprisoned who being called out one by one by Cossetus himself were there slain as Oxen by Butchers in a Slaughter-house and thrown into the Castle-ditch and the greatest part of them the cut-throats being wearied were drowned in the River Marne And then Cossetus exhorts the neighbouring places that they should proceed in what had been so happily begun But the presence of Momorancy President of l'Isle la France who was then at Cantilia not far from thence did hinder the seditious from stirring at Senlis But great was the rage at Orleans which being once or twice taken by the Protestants the sad ruines of the demolished Churches lying open to the eyes of all did enkindle the minds of the people to revenge their injuries being yet fresh the day following therefore they began upon Campellus Bovillus one of the King's Counsellors whom being ignorant of what had happened at Paris Curtius a Weaver the leader of the seditious with some of his party went as it were to visit in the evening he thinking that they came as friends to sup with him entertained them as at a feast which entertainment the murderers having received they acquaint him with what was done at Paris and withal demand his Purse which being delivered they in the midst of their entertainment slay their Host From thence as if this had been the sign given they flock together for three days to murder and spoil above 1000 men women and children as it was thought were slain part were cast into the river Loire those that were slain without the City were thrown into the ditch Great was the plunder that was taken in all that time and especially the copious Library of Peter Montaureus a learned man who died four years since of grief of mind at Sancerra furnished with Books of all sorts especially with mathematical Manuscripts the greatest part of them Greek and corrected and illustrated by the labours of Montaureus himself as also with instruments useful in that Science contrived with admirable artifice was with a most barbarous outrage taken away Also some were slain at Gergolium the people raging through the neighbouring Cities Towns and Villages after the manner of the Inhabitants of Orleance The same was done at Angiers they beginning with Johannes Massonius Riverius who was most barbarously slain as he walked in his Garden by a cut-throat let in by his Wife who suspected no such thing as also others Barbeus Ensign of the Prince of Conde's Regiment 〈◊〉 the danger by flight as also Renatus Roboreus Bressaldus one that was very troublesome to Priests many of whom he had unworthily maimed was after wards executed The Townsmen of Troyes of whom Coligny had a little before complained to the King when they heard of the tumult at Paris presently set guards at the City-gates that none might slip sorth and having upon 3 Kal. VII bris August 30th cast all the suspected into prison five days after by the command Anna Valdraeus Simphalius Governor of Troyes upon the instigation of Petrus Bellinus who as was believed came lately from Paris with private commands they were brought out one by one and slaughtered by the cut-throats and buried in a ditch digged in the very prison and presently after the King's Proclamation wherein they were commanded to leave of killing and spoiling was published by Simphalius who as it is said received it before the slaughter was committed At Vierzon when as at the yet uncertain report of the news the Gates of the City were shut up by the diversity of Letters that
the murderers and cut-throats for a time slipping out of the City This example raged through other Cities and from Cities to Towns and Villages and it is reported by many that † It was Credibly reported that there were slain above 40000 Hugonots in a few days saith Davila p. 376. more than thirty thousand were slain in those tumults throughout the Kingdom by several ways though I believe the number was somewhat less In September Castres a City in la Paix Albigeois which was held by the Protestants when after great promises by the King for their safety it was delivered into the hands of Creuseta one of the principal of the neighbouring Gentry it was by him cruelly plundered and laid waste In the beginning of October happened the Massacre at Burdeaux The Author and chief Promoter of it is reported to have been one Enimundus Augerius of the Society at Claremont who also is said to have perswaded Franciscus Baulo a very rich Senator of Burdeaux that he should leave his wife and being supported by his wealth he had founded a rich School in that City He when as he did in his Sermons daily inflame his Auditors that after the example of the Parisians they should dare to do something worthy of their piety so especially upon S. Michael's day when he treated of the Angels the ministers of the grace and vengeance of God what things bad been done at Paris Orleance and other places he did again and again by often repeated Speeches inculcate to have been done by the Angel of God and did both openly and privately upbraid Romanus Mulus the King's Solicitor and Carolus Monferrandus Governor of the City men of his faction as dull and cold in this business who contented themselves to have interdicted the Protestants the liberty of meeting together and to have kept the Gates of the City with guards but otherwise they wholly abstained from violence and slaughters being admonished so to do as is believed by Stozzius who had a design upon Rochel who did fear lest that should hinder his attempts But when as about that time Monpesatus came to Blaye as though the sign for effusion of bloud had been given by his coming certain men were slain in that Town But when he arrived at Burdeaux the people began to rage and the seditious to run up and down Enimundus thundered in his Preaching more than ever at last after some days private discourses of Monpesatus with Monferrandus though it be uncertain whether he did discourage or perswade the thing when Monpesatus was departed who a little while after died of a Bloudy Flux V Non. VIII br which fell upon a Friday Octobr. 3. the Magistrates of the City with their Offcers as they were sent came after dinner to the house of Monferrandus bringing with them lewd impudently wicked men who were drawn together by Petrus Lestonacus and receiving the word of command from him they ran through the City to the slaughter being distinguished by their red Caps a sign very agreeable to their bloudy design They began with Joannes Guillochius and Gul. Sevinus Senators who were both cruelly murdered in their houses which were presently rifled Also Bucherus the Senator who had redeemed his life of Monferrandus for a great sum of mony did hardly escape the danger whose house was also plundered Then promiscuous slaughters and rapines are committed for three days together throughout the City wherein two hundred sixty four men are said to be slain and the Massacre bad been much greater had not the Castle of Buccina and the other Castle of the City yielded an opportune place of refuge to many Jacobus Benedictus Longobastonus President of the Court was in great danger of death and was hardly preserved by the help of his friends 29. Nor were they in the mean time in quiet at Paris and at Court where by the Queens special command and the diligence of Morvillerius Coligny's Cabinet was examined if by any means they might find any thing in them which being published might take off the odium of so bloudy a fact either in the Kingdom or with foreign Princes Among those Commentaries which he did every day diligently write which were afterwards destroyed by the Queens command there was a passage in which he advised the King that he should be sparing in assigning the hereditary portion which they call Appennage to his Brethren and in giving them authority which having read and acquainting Alanson with it whom she had perceived to favour Coligny This is your beloved cordial friend saith the Queen who thus advised the King To whom Alanson answered How much he loved me I know not but this advice could proceed from none but one that was faithful to the King and careful for his affairs Again there was among his papers sound a breviate wherein among other reasons that he gave for the necessity of a War with the Spaniards in the Low-Countreys this was added as being omitted in the Speech which he made to the King lest it should be divulged and therefore was to be secretly communicated to the King that if the King did not accept of the condition that the Low-Countreys offered he should † V. Walsingham's Letter 14 Septemb. 1572. in the Compleat Ambassador p. 241. not transfer it to his neighbours of England who though they were now as things stood friends to the King if once they set footing in the Low-Countreys and the Provinces bordering upon the Kingdom would resume their former minds and being invited by that conveniency of friends would become the worst enemies to the King and Kingdom Which being likewise imparted to Walsingham Queen Elizabeths Ambassador and the Queen telling him that by that he might judge how well Coligny was affected towards the Queen his Mistress who so much loved him He made her almost the same answer and said He did not know how he was affected towards the Queen his Mistress but this he knew that that counsel did savour of one that was faithful to the King and most studious of the honour of France and in whose death both the King and all France had a great loss So both of them by almost the same answer frustrated her womanish policy not without shame unto her self About the end of the month wherein Coligny was slain the King fearing lest the Protestants should grow desperate in other Provinces writes to the Governors with most ample commands and principally to Feliomrus Chabolius President of Burgundy Carnii Comes in which he commanded that he should go through the Cities and Towns that were under his jurisdiction and friendly convene the Protestants and acquaint them with the tumult at Paris and the true causes thereof That nothing was done in that affair through hatred of their Religion or in prejudice to the favour that was granted them by the last Edict but that he might prevent the conspiracy made by Coligny and his confederates against the King the