Majesty bâ—â—his statute Gentleman The hastning of the Conspiratours Schollar The Watch-word or the Conspiratours Lawyer Schollar Are you â—atled A great mistery Lawyer Assemblies at Communions Strangers within the Land The perill of our Countrey if Huntingtons claime take place Gentleman The Red Rose â—he White The misery of England by the contention betweene Yorke and Lanâ—aster Guelphians and Gibilâ—neâ— Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwick The Battell by Taâ—â—â—ster on Pâ—lme Sunday An. 1460. The danger of Huntingtons claime to the Reâ—lme and to her Majesty Lawyer How Huntington maketh hiâ— titâ—e before hâ—r Majesty * The most of Huâ—tingtons Ancestâ—â—s by whoâ— hee makeâ—h â—iâ—le aâ—tainâ—ed of Treason The fâ—mous device â—f king Richard the third â—â—lowed by Huâ—tington Anno 1. Mariae A point to be noâ—ed by her Majesty The joyning of both houses The Line of Portugâ—ll The old estimation of the House of Lancaster Henry Earle of Richmond The Line of Portugall Scholar The sword of greaâ— fâ—rce â—o juâ—tifie the title of a kingdome Great dangers The beginning of the controveâ—sie betwixt York and Lancaster Edmond Crook-back beginner of the House of Lancaster Blanch. Iohn of Gaunt How the Kingdome was first brought to the House of Lancaster The issue of Iohn of Gaunt The pedegree of king Henry the seventh The two Daughters married to Portugall and Castile Forraine titles The issue of king Edwarâ— thâ— 3. Two Edmonds the two beginnerâ— of the two Houses of Lancasteâ— and Yorke The claime and title of Yorke The issue of king Edâ—ard the fourth The Duke of Clarence attainted by Parliament Huntingtonâ— title by the Duke of Clarence King Richard the third The happy conjunction of the two Houses The issue of King Henry the seventh The Line and Title of Scotland by Margaret eldest Daughter to King Henryâ—he â—he 7. Arbâ—â—â—â— The Line and Title of Suffolke by Mary second daughter to King â—enry the 7. The issue of Francis eldest Daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke The issue of Francis eldest daughter to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk The issue of Elenor second daughter to Charles Brandon Scholar Huntington bebehind many other titles Gentleman The policy of the conspiratours for the deceiving of her Maiesty Scholar Leycesters variability Gentleman Barres pretended against the claâ—m of Scotland and Suffolke Against the Queen of Scotland and her sonne Against Arbella Against Darby Against the children of Hartford Scholar Leycesters dealing with the house of Suffolk Gentleman Bastardy Forraine biâ—th Lawyeâ— Bastardie laâ—â—â—l stops The impediments against Scotland three in number A protestation Touching the first impediment of foâ—raine birth An Alien may purchase The true Maxima against Alienâ— The statute of King Edward whence the Maxima is gathered Reasons why the Scottish title is not letted by the Maxima against Aliens The first reason The rule of thirds Tenant by courtesie Division among daughters Executorâ— The 2 reason The Crowne no such inherâ—tance as is meant in the statute The Crowne a corporation The â— reason The Kings issue excepted by name Liberorum F. de verb. sign The fourth reason The Kings meaning The matches of England with foraigners The fift reason Examples of forainers admited Flores hist. Anno 1066. Pol. lib. 15. Flor. hist. 1208. K. Iohn a tyrant The 6. reason The iudgement and sentence of K. Henry the seventh The 7. reason The Queene of Scots and her son no Aliens The second impediment against the Q of Scots her son which is K. Henry the â— his testament Forain birth no impediment in the â—udgement of K. Henry the â— The succession of Scotland next by the iudgement of the competitors Gentleman Lawyer The Duke of Northumberlandâ— drift Gentleman The mutable dealing of the house of Dudley Lawyer The authority and occasion of King Henries testament The Kingâ— Testament forged The first reason Injustice and improprobabilitâ— The example of France The second reason Incongruities and indignities Adrian Stokes The third reason The presupposed Will is not authenticall The disproving of the Wil by witnesses The Loâ—d Paget Sir Edw. Montague William Claâ—ke A meeting together about this matter of the Nobility Mâ— Lord of Lâ—â—â—est againe plâ—yâ—â— double The old Earle of Penbrooks admonition to the Earl his son yet living The thiâ—d impediment of religion Princes of Germany Qu. Mary Queen Elizabeth * The Dudleis Monsieur King of Navarre Prince of Condy. My Lord of Huntingtons reâ—igion The title of those that ensue the Queene of Scots Schollar The yong King of Scotland Gentl. The device to set out her Majesty with the young King of Scotland The intolerable prâ—ceedings of câ—rtâ—iâ—â—inistâ—rs in Sâ—otlâ—nd aâ—ainst tâ—eir â—iâ—g â— subornation of his enemies in Englaâ—â— Schollar Sir Patriâ—k Adâ—m on Archbish. of St. Andrewes Gentl. Treasons plotted against the King of Scots Leycesters cunning device for overthrowing the D. of Norf. The impudency of Iudas Tâ—e speeches of Leycester â—o the Duke of Norf. Leycest cousenâ—ge of tâ—e Queene The Duke of Norf. flying into Norfolke Machivilian slights Leycesters devices for the overthrow of Sir Christopher Hatton Leycesters devices against the Earle of Shrewsbury Leycesteâ—s contâ—mpt of the ancient Nobility of England Lawyer New men most contemptuous D. Dudlies jest at the Earle of Arundell Gentl. The oft abiect behaâ—iour of Duke Dudley in adverse fortunes Schollar Leycesters base behaviour in adversitie Leycâ—steâ—s deceiving of Sir Chrâ—stopher Hatton A pretie shift of my Lord of Leycester Her Maiesties speech of Leycestâ—r to the Tâ—eâ—suâ—eâ— Gentl. The danger of her Majesty by oppression of the favourers of the Scottish title A Similie true Earle of Leycester Earle of Huntington The old Countesse of Huntingtons speech of hâ—r sonne Lawyer Neaâ—enesse in competitors doth incite thâ—m to adventure Henr. Bullingbâ—ook after King H. the 4 Richard Duke of Gloucester after King Richard the third The great wiâ—edome of her Majesty in conserving the next heires of Scotland The K. of Scotlands dâ—struction of more importance to the conspirators then his mothers The Earle of Salisbury disâ—racâ—d by the competitors Gentl. Tâ—e vigilant eye that her Maiesties 〈◊〉 hâ—d to the â—olatâ—rall liâ—e Persons executed of the hâ—use of Claâ—eÌ„ce The example of Iulius Caesaâ—s destruction Too much confidence verie perillous in a Prince The example of Alexander the gâ—eat bow hee was foretold his danger Schollar Lâ—te executions Gentl. Fraud to be feared in pursuing one part or faction only The comparison of Wolves and Rebels Richard Duke of Yorke D. Dudly A good rule of policy The speech of a certain Lady of the Court. More moderation wished in matters of faction The speech of a Courtier The perill of divisions factions in a Commonwealth The dangerous sequel of dissention in our Realme Gentl. Examples of tolleration in matters of religion Germany The breach reunion again in France Flanders Moderation impugned by the conspira Cicero Cateline The Conspirators opportunitie Leycester to be called to account The death K Philip of Macedonie and cause there of Pausâ—â—ias Kings of England oveâ—tâ—râ—wn by too much favouring of some particular men K. Edw. 2 K Râ—ch 2. K. Henr. 6. Pol. lib. 23 hist. Angl. Lawyer The punishment of William Duke of Suffolk The punishment of Edmond Dudley Gentl. The causes why Princes are chosen and do receive obedience Leycesters Thefts Leycesters murthers A heap of Leycesters enormities that would be ready at the day of his triall Schollar Her Maiesties tender heart towards the â—ealme Gentl. Lâ—ycestâ—rs dâ—sire that men should thnike â—er Maiesty to stand in fâ—are of him Cicero in Officio A rule of Machivell observed by the Dudlies Leycester strong onely by her Maiesties favour An offer made for taking and tying the Beare Leicester what hee receiveth from his ancestors The comparison of Leycester with his father The weaknesse 〈◊〉 Leycesâ—â—r if â—er Majâ—sty turne but her counteâ—â—ce from him Lawyer The end and departure from the Gallerie The wicked mans pomp His joy His pride His fall His children His old age His bread His restitution His punishment His wickednesse His griefe His affliction His damnation His posterity
the matter But of all other things this is most of importance that the King never set his owne hand to the foresaid Will but his stampe was put thereunto by others either after his death or when he was past remembrance as the late Lord Paget in the beginning of Queen Maries dayes being of the Privie Councell fiâ—st of all other discovered the same of his owne accord and upon meere motion of conscience confessing before the whole Councell and afterward also before the whole Parlament how that himselfe was privy thereunto and partly also culpable being drawn therunto by the instigation and forcible authority of others but yet afterward upon other more godly motions detested the device and so of his owne free-will very honourably went and offered the discoverie thereof to the Councell As also did Sir Eâ—ward Montague Lord chiefe Iustice that had been pâ—ivy and present at the said doings and one William Clarke that was the man who put the stampe unto the paper and is ascribed among the otâ—er pretenâ—ed witnesses confessed the whole premisses to be true and purchased his pardon foâ— his offence therein Whereupon Queen Marie and her Councell caused presently the said Inrolement lying in the Chancerie to be cancelled defaced and â—bolished And sithence that time in her Majesties dayes that now liveth about the 11. or 12. yeare of her reigne if I count not amiste by occasion of a câ—rtaine little booke spread abroad at that time vâ—ry sâ—cretly for advancing of the house of Suffolke by pretence of this Testament I remember well the place where the late Duke of Norfolke the Marquâ—sse of Winchester which then was Treasuâ—er the old Eaâ—les of Arundell and Penbrooâ—e that now are dead with my Lord of Penbrook that yet liveth as also my Lord of Leycester himsâ—lfe if I bee not deceived with divert others met together upon this matter and after long conference about the foresaid pretensed will and many proofes and reasons laid downe why it could not be tâ—ue or authenticall the old Earle of Penbrook protesting that he was with the King in his chamber from the first day of his sicknesse unto his last houre and thereby could well assure the falsification thereof at length it was moved that from that place they should goe with the rest of the Nobility and proclâ—ime the Queen of Scotland heâ—re apparent in Cheap-side Wherein my Lord of Leycester aâ— I take it was then as forward as any man else how bee it now for his profit he be turned aside and would turne back again to morrow next for a greater commodity And albeit for some causes to themselves best known they proceeded not in the open publishing of their determination at that time yet my Lord of Penbrook now living can beare witnesse that thus much is true and that his father the old Earle at that time told him openly before the other Noblemen that he had brought him to that assembly and place to instruct him in that truth ând to charge him to witnesse the same and to defend it also with his sword if need required after his death And I know that his Lordship is of that honour and Nobility as he cannot leave off easily the remembrance or due regard of so worthy an admonition And this shall suffice for tâ—e second â—mpâ—diment imaginâ—d to proceed of this supposed Testament of King Henrie the eighth As for the third impediment of religion it is not generall to all for that only one person if I be not deceived of all the Competitors in K. Henries Line can bee touched â—ith suspition of different Religion from the present state of England Which person notwithstanding as is well knowne while shee was in goveâ—nment in her owne Realme of Scotland permitted all lâ—berty of Conscience and free exercise of Religion to those of the contrary profâ—ssion and opinion without restraint And if she had not yet doe I not see either by prescript of law or practice of these our times that diversity of Religion may stay just Inheritors from enjoying their due possessions in any state or degree of private men and much lesse in the claime of a Kingdome which alwayes in this behalfe as hath been said before is preferred in priviledge This we see by experience in divers Countries and parts of the world at this day as in Germany where among so many Princes and so divided in religion as they be yet every one succeedeth to the state whereto he hath right without resistance for his religion The exâ—mples also of her Majesty that now is and of her sister before is evident who being known to be of two different inclinations in religion and the whole Realme divided in opinion for the same cause yet both of them at their severall times with generall consent of all were admitted to their lawfull inheritance excepting onely a feâ— trâ—iâ—ors against the fâ—rmer who withstood her right as also in her the right of her Maiestie that is present and that not for Religion as appeâ—red by their owne confession after but for â—mbition and desire of reigne Monsieur the Kings brother and heire of France as all the world knoweth is well acceptâ—d favoured and admitted for successor of that Crowne by all the Pâ—otestants at this dâ—y of that Counâ—ry notwithstanding his opinion in religion knowne to be different And I doubt not but thâ— King of Navarre or Prince of Condy in the contrary part would thinke themselves greâ—tly injured by the stâ—te of â—rance which is dâ—fferent from them in religion at this dâ—y if after the death of thâ— Kiâ—g that now is and his brother without issue if God so dispose they should be barred from inheriting the Crowne under pretence onely of theiâ— Religion My Lord of Huntington himselfe also is he not knowne to bâ—e of a different religion from thâ— present state of Englâ—nd and rhâ—t if he weâ—e King to morrow nâ—xt he would alter the whoâ—e government order condiâ—ion and state of râ—ligion now used and established within the Realme But as I said in the beginning if one of a whole family or of divers families be culpable or to be touched herein what have the rest offended thereby will you exclude all for the mislike of one And to descend in order if the first in K. Henries line after her Majesty may be touched in this point yet why should the rest be damnified thereby The K of Scotland her son that next ensueth to speak in equity why should he bee shut out for his religion And are not all the other in like manner Protestants whose discent iâ— consequent by nature order and degree For the yong K. of Scotland quoth I the truth is that alwayes for mine own part I have had great hope and expectation of him not onely for the conceipt which commonly men have of such Orient youths borne to kingdomes but especially for that I understood
other difference between us to judge or disceâ—ne with indifferency Nay truly sâ—id the Gentleman for my pâ—rt I thinke not so for that reason is reason in what religion soever And for my selfe I may protest that I beare the honest Papist if there be any no malice for his deceived conscience wheâ—of among others yâ—ur selfe can be a witnes maty hâ—s Practices against the state I cannot in any wise digest and much lâ—sse may the Common-wealth beare the same wherof we all depend being a sinne of all other the most hainous and least pardonable And therfore seeing in this you grant the Papist both in generall â—broad and at home and in particular such as are condemned execuâ—ed and named in this booke to be guilty how can you insinuate as you doe that there is more presumed or enforâ—ed upon them by this booke then there is just cause so to doe Good Sir said the otheâ— I stand not here to examine the doings of my superiours or to dâ—fend the guilty but wish hartily rather their puâ—ishment that have deserved the â—ame Only this I say for â—xplication of my former speech that men of a diffâ—rent religâ—on fâ—om â—he state wherin they live may be said to deale against the same state in two sorts the one by dealing for the increase of â—heir said different religion which is alwâ—ies either directly or indirectly against the state Dâ—ectly when the said religion containeth aâ—y point or article directly impugning the said â—aâ—e as perhaps you will say that the Roman Râ—ligion doth against the present state of England in the poâ—nt of Supremâ—cy and Indirectly for that every different religion divideth in a sort and draweth from the state in that there is no man who in his heart would not wish to have the chief Governour and state â—o be of his religâ—on if he could and conseqâ—ently misliketh the other in respâ—ct of that and in this kind not only those whom you call busie Papists in England but also those whom we call hot Puritans among you whose difference from the state especially in matters of governement is very well known may be called all traytors in mine opinion for that every one of these indeed do labour indirectly if not more against the state in how much soever each one endâ—avoureth to increase his part or faction that â—â—siâ—eth a Governour of his own religion And in this case also are the Protestants in France and Flanders under Catholike Princes the Calvinists as they are called under the Dâ—ke of Saxony who is a Lutheran the Lutherans under Casimere that favoureth Câ—lvinists the Grecians and other Christians under the Emperor of Constantinople under the Sophy under the great Chame of Tarraâ—y and under other Princes that agrâ—e not with them in religion All which Subjâ—cts doe wish no doubt in their hearts that thâ—y had a Prince and state of their owne religion instead of that which now governeth them and consâ—quently in this first sense they may be called all trâ—yâ—ors and every act they doe for advaâ—â—ement of their said diffeâ—ent â—eligion dividing between the state and them tendeth to treason which their Princes supposing do sometimes make divers of their acts treasonable or punâ—shable for treason Buâ— yet so long as thâ—y bâ—eake â—ot forth unto the second kind of treason which containeth some actuall attempâ— or treaty against the life of the Prince or state by rebellion or oâ—heâ—wise Wee doe not properly condemne them for traytors though they doe some acts of their religion made treason by the Prince his lawes who is of a different faith And so to apply this to my purposâ— I thinke Sir in good sooth that in the first kind of treason as well the zealous Pâ—pist as also the Puritans in England may well be called and proved traytors but in the second sort whereof wee speake properly at this time it cannot be so precisely answered for that there may be both guilty and guilties in each religion And as I cannot excuse all Pâ—ritans in this point so you cannot condemne all Papists as long as you take me and some other to be as we are I grant your distinction of treasons to be true said the Gentleman as also your application thereof to the Papists and Puritans as you call them not to want reason if there be any of them that mislike the present state as perhaps there be alâ—eit for my part I thiâ—ke these two kinds of treasons which you have put down be rather divers degrees then divers kinds wherin I will refer mee to the judgement of our Cambridge friend here present whose skill is more in logicall distinctions But yet my reason is this that indeed the one is but a step or degree to the other not differing in nature but rather in time ability or oportunity For if as in your former examples you have shewed the Grecians under the Turke and other Christians under other Princes of a different religion and as also the Papists and Puritans as you â—earme them in England for now this word shall passe betweene us for distinction sake have such alienation of mind from their present regiment and doe covet so much a governour and state of their owne religion then no doubt but they are also resolved to imply their forces for accomplishing and bringing to passe their desires if they had oportunity and so being now in the first degree or kind of treason doe want but occasion or ability to breake into the second True Sir said the Lawyer if there be no other cause or circumstance that may withhold them And what cause or circumstance may stay them I pray you said the Gentleman when they shall have ability and oportunity to doe a thing which thâ—y so much desire Divers causes quoth the Lawyer but especially and above all other if it be at home in their owne Country the fear of servitude under forraine nations may restraine them from such attempts as we see in Germany that both Catholiques and Protestants would joyne together against any stranger that should offer danger to their liberty And so thâ—y did against Charles the fifth And in France not long agoe albeit the Protestants were up in armes agâ—inst their King and could have been content by the help of us in England to have put him down and placed another of their own religion yet when they saw us once seazed of New haven and so like to proceed to the recovery of some part of our states on that side the Sea thâ—y quickly joyned with their owâ—e Catholiques againe to â—xpell us In Flanders lâ—kewise though Monsieur were called thither by the Protestants especially for defence of thâ—ir religion against the Spaniard yet we see how dainty divers chief proâ—â—stants of Antwerp Gaunt and Bruges were in admitting him and how quick in expelling so soon as he put them in the least feare of
King James being dead Margaret was married againe to Archihald Douglas Earle of Anguish by whom shee had a Daughter named Margaret which was married afterward to Mathew Steward Earle of Lenâ—x whose Sonne Charles Steward was married to Elizabâ—th Candish Daughter to the present Countesse of Shrewsbury and by her hath left his onely Heire a little Daughter named Arbella of whom you have heard some speech before And this is touching the Line of Scotland descending from the first and eldest Daughter of King Henry the seventh The second Daughter of King Henry the seventh called Mary was twice married also first to the King of France by whom she had no issue and after his death to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had two Daughters that is Francis of which the Children of my Lord of Hartford do make their claime and Elenor by whom the issue of the Earle of Darby pretendeth right as shall be declared For that Francis the first Daughter of Charles Brando4 by the Queene of France was married to the Marquesse of Dorset who after Charles Brandons death was made Duke of Suffolke in right of his Wâ—fe and was beheaded in Queene Maries time for his conspiracy with my Lord of Leycesters Father And she had by this man three Daughters that is Jane that was married to my Lord of Leycesters Brother and proclaimed Queene after King Edwards death for which both shee and her husband were executed Katherine the second Dâ—ughter who had two Sonnes yet living by the Earle of Hartford and Mâ—ry the third Dâ—ugter which left no Children The other Daughter of Chaâ—lâ—s Brandon by the Queene of France called Elenor was married to Georgâ— Cliffâ—rd Earle of Cumberland who left a Daughter by her named Maâ—gâ—reâ— married to the Earle of Darby which yet liveth and hath issue And this is the title of the Hâ—use of Suffolke descended from the second Daughter of K. Henry the seventh married as hath been shewed to Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke And by this you may see also how many there be who do thinke their titles to be far before that of my Lord of Huntingtonâ— if either râ—ght lâ—w reason or coâ—sideration of home affaires may take place in our Realm or if not yet you cannot but imagine how many great Princes and Potentatâ—s abroad are like to joyne and buckle with Huntingâ—ons Line for the preeminence â—f once the matter fall againe to contention by excluding the Line of King Henry the seventh which God forbid Truly Sir quoth I I well perceive that my Lords turne is not so nigh as I had thought whether he exclude the Line of King Henry or noâ— for if he exclude thâ—t then must he enter the Combat with forraine titlers of the House of Lancaster and if he â—xclude it not then in all apparance of reason and in Law to as you have said the succession of the two Dâ—ughters of King Henâ—y the seventh whiâ—h you distâ—nguâ—sh by the two names of Scotland and Suffolke must needs bee as clearely before him and his Lâ—ne that decended only from Edward the fourth his Brother as the Queenes title that new reigneth is before him For thâ—â—â—oth Scotland Suffolke and her Majesty do hold all by one foundâ—tion which is the union of both Houses and Titles together in King Henry the seventh her Majesties Grandfather That is true quoth the Gentleman and evidenâ— enough in every mans eye and therefore no doubt but as â—hat much is meant â—gâ—inst hâ—r Majesty if oc4â—sion serve â—s against thâ— rest thâ—t hold by the same â—itle Albeit her Mâ—iesti4s state the Lord be praised be such at thi◠〈◊〉 as it is not safâ—y to pretend so much against hâ—r as against the rest whatsoever be meant And that in â—ruth more should be ment agâ—inst her hâ—ghnes theâ— agâ—inst all â—he rest there is this reaâ—on for tâ—at her Majesty by hâ—r present possession letteth more their desires then all the rest â—ogether with their future pretences But as I have said it is not safety for them nor yet good pâ—lâ—cy to declare openly what they meane aâ—ainst her Majesty It is the best way for the pâ—esent to â—hew downe the rest and to leave her Majesty for the last â—low and upshot to their gâ—me For which câ—use they will â—eeme to make great difference at this day betweene her Majesties title and the rest that descend in likewise from King Henrâ— the seventh avowing the one and disallowâ—ng the other Albeit my Lord of Leicesters Father preferred that of Suffolke when 〈◊〉 was before this of her Mâ—jâ—sty and coâ—pelleâ— the whâ—le Realme to sweare thereunto Such is thâ— variable policy of men that serve the time or rather that serve themselves of all times for their purposes I remember quoth I that time of â—he Duke and was present my selfe at some of his Proclamations for that purpose wherein my Lord his Sonne that now liveth â—eing then a doer as I can tell he was I marvile how he can deale so contrary now preferring not onely her Majesties title bâ—fore that of Suffolk whereof I wonder lessâ— because it is more gainfull to him but also another much further of Buâ— you have signified the cause in that the times are changeâ— and other bargaines are in hand of more importance for him Wherefoâ—e leaving this to be considered by others whom it concerneth I beseech you Sir for that I know your worship hath beeene much conversant among their frienâ—s and favourers to tell me what are the barres and lets which they doe alledge why the house of Scoâ—land and Suffolk descendâ—d of king Henry the seventh his daughters should not succeed in the Crowne of England after her Majesty who ended the line of the same king by his son for in my sight the matter appeareth vâ—ry plaine They want not pretences of barres and lets against them all quoth the Gentleman which I will lâ—y downe in order as I have heard them alledged First in the line of Scotland there are three persons as you know that may pretend right that is the Queen and her son by the first marriage of Margaret and Arbella by the second And against the first marriage I heare nothing affirmed but against the two persons proceeding thereof I heare them alledge three stops one for that they are strangers born out of the land consâ—quently incapâ—ble of inheritance within the same another for that by a speciâ—l testament of king H. 8. authorised by 2. severall pâ—rliam thâ—y are excluded 3 for that they are enemies to the religion now among us therefore to be debarred Against the second marriage of Maâ—gâ—ret with Aâ—chibald Douglas whâ—â—eof Aâ—bella is descended they alledge that the said Archibald had a former wife at the time of that marriage which lived long after and so neither that marriage lawfull nor the issue therof legitimate The same barre they have
against all the house and Line of Suffolke for first they say that Charlâ—s Bâ—andon Duke of Suffolke had a knowen wife alive wâ—en he married Mary Queen of France and consequently that neither the Lady Frances nor Elenor borne of that marriage can be lawfully borne And this is all I can heaâ—e them say against the succession of the Counâ—esse of Darby descended of Elenor. But against my Lord of Hartfords châ—ldren â—hat came from Franâ—es the eldest daughter I heare them alledge two or three bastardies more besides this of the first marriage For first they affirme that Henry Marquesse Dorset when hee married the Lady Frances had to wife the old Earl of Arundels sister who lived both then and many yeares after and had a provision out of his living to her dying day· wherby that marriage could no way be good Secondly that the lady Katherine daughter to the said Lady Frances by the Marques by whom the Earl of Hartford had his children was lawfully married to the Earle of Pembroke that now liveth and consequently could have no lawfull issue by any other during his life 3ly that the said Katherine waâ— never lawfully married to the said Earl Hartford but bare him those children as his Concubine which â—s they say is defined and registred in the Archb. of Canterburies court upon due examination taken by order of her Majesty that now reigneth and this is in effect so muâ—h as I have heard them all aledge about their affars It is much quoth I that you have said if it may be all proved Marry yet by the way I cannot but smile to heare my Lord of Leyâ—ester allow of so many bastardies now upon the issue of Lady Frances whom in time past when Iane her eldest daughter was married to his brother he advanced in legitimation before both the daughters of king Henry the eight But to the purpose I would gladly know what grounds of verity these allegations have and how far in truth they may stoppe from inheritance for in deed I never heard them so distinctly alledged before Whereto answeâ—ed the Gentleman that our friend thâ— Lâ—wyâ—r could best resoâ—ve that if it pleased hâ—m to spâ—ake without his fee though in some points alledged every other man quoth he that knoweth the state and common government of England may easily give his judgement also And iâ— the case of bastardy if the matter may be proved there is no dâ—fficulty but that no right to inheritance can justly bee pretended as also perhaps in the case of forraine birth though in this I am not so cunning but yet I see by experience that forrainers borne in other lands can hardly come and claime inheritance in England albeit to the contrary I have heard great and long dispâ—tes but such as indeed passed â—y capacity And if it might please our friend here present to expound the thing unto us more clearly I for my part would gladly bestow the hearing and that with attention To this answered the Lawyer I will glâ—dly siâ— tell you my minde in any thing that it shall please you demand and much more in this matter wherein by occasion of often conference I am somewhat perfect The impedâ—ments which these men alledge against the succession of king Henry the 8. his sisters are of two kinds as you see The one knowne and allowed in our law as you have well said if it may be proved and that is bastardy whereby they seek to disable all the whole Line and race of Suffolke as also Arbella of the second and later house of Scotland Whereof it is to small purpâ—se to speak any thing here seeing the whole controversie standeth upon a matter of fact onely to be proved or improved by records and witnesses Onely this I will say that some of these bastardies before named are rife in many mens mouthes and avowed by divers that yet live but let other men looke to this who have most interest therein and may be most damnified by them if they fall out true The other impediments which are alledged onely against the Qâ—eene of Scots and her 〈◊〉 are in number three â—s you recite them thâ—â— is forraine birth king Henries testament and Religion whereof â— am content to say somewhat seeing you desire it albeit there be so much published already in bookes of divers languages beyond the sea as I am informed concerning this matter as more cannot be said But yâ—t so much as I have heard passe among Lawyers my betters in conference of these affaires I will not let to recite unto you with this proviso and protestation alwayes that what I speake I speak by way of recitall of other mens opinions not meaning my selfe to incurre the statute of affirming or avowing any persons title to the crown whatsoever First then touching forraine birth there bee some men in the world that will say that it is a common and generall rule of our law that no stranger at al may inherit any thing by any means within the Land which in truth I take to be spoken without ground in that generall sense For I could never yet come to the sight of any such common or universall rule and I know that divers examples may be alledged in sundry cases to the contrary and by that which is expresly set downe in the seventh 〈◊〉 ninth years of king Ed. the 4. and in the â—lâ—venth â—nd fourteenth of Hen. thâ— 4. it appearâ—â—h plainâ—y that â— stranger mâ—y â—urchase lands in England as also â—â—herit by hâ—s wife if he marry an inheritrix Wherefore this common rule 〈◊〉 to bee restraâ—neâ— from that generality unto proper inheritance only â—n which sense I do easily grant that our common Law hath been of ancient and is at this day that no person born out of the â—llegâ—ance of the king of England whose father mâ—thâ—r were not of the same allegiance at the time of his birth shall be able to have or dâ—maâ—d any heritage within the same allegiance as heire to any person And this rule of our common Lâ—w is gathered in these sâ—lf same words of a statute made in the 25. year of king Ed. the third which indeed is the onely place of effect that can be alledged out of our law against the inheritance of strangers in such sense and cases as we â—re now to treat of And albeit now the commoâ— Law of our Country do runne thus in generall yet will theâ— friends of the Scottish claime affirme that hereby that title is nothing let or hindred at all towâ—rds the Crowne and that for divers manifest and weighty reasons whereof the principâ—ll are these which ensue First it is common and a generall rule of our English lawes that no rule Axâ—ome or Mâ—xima of law be it â—ever so generall can touch or bind the Crown except expresse mention bee made thereof in the same for that the
from time to time that his education was in all learning princely exercises and instruction of true religion under rare and vertuous men for that purpose Whereby I conceived hope that he might not onely become in time an honourable and profitable neighbour unto us for assurance of the Gospell in these parts of the world but also if God should deprive us of her Maiesty without issue might be a meane by his succession to unite in Concord and Government the two Realmes together which heretofore hath beene sought by the price of mary a thousand mens bloud and not obtained Marry yet now of late I know not by what means there 〈◊〉 â—egun in mens hearts a certaine mislike or grudge against him for that it is given out every where that he is inclined to be a Papist and an enemy to her Majesties proceedings which argueth him verily of singular ingratitude if it be true considering the great helpes and pâ—otection which he hath received from her Highnes ever sithens he was borne And are you so simple quoth the Gentleman as to beleeve everie report that you heare of this matter know you not â—hat it is expedient for my Lord of Leycester and his faction that this youth above all other bee held in perpetuall disgrace with her Majesty and with this Realme You know that Richard of Gloucester hâ—d never been able to have usurped as he did if hee had not first perswaded K. Edward the fourth to hate his owne brother the Duke of Clarence which Duke stood in the wâ—y between Richard and the thing which he most of all things coveted that is the possibilitie to the Crowne and so in this case is there the like device to be observed Foâ— truly for the yong King of Scotlands religion it is evident to as many as have reason that it can bee no other of it selfe but inclined to the best both in respect of his education instruction and conversation wiâ—h those of true religion as also by his former actions Edicts Government and private behaviour he hath declared Marrie these men whose profit is nothing lesse than thaâ— he or any other of that race should doe well doe not cease dayly by all secret wayes drifts and molestations possible to drive him either to mislike of our religion or else to incurre the suspition thereof with such of our Realme as otherwise would be his best friends or if not this yet for very need and feare of his owne life to make recourse to such other Princes abroad as may most offend or mislâ—ke this stâ—te And for this cause they suborne certaine busie fellowes of their owne crew and faction pertaining to the ministerie of Scotland but unworthy of so worthy a calling to use such insolencie towards their King and Prince as is not onely undecent but intolerable For he may doe nothing but they will examine and discusse the same in Pulpit If hee goe but on hunting when it pleaseth them to call him to their preaching if he make but a dinner or supper when or where or with whom they like not if he receive but a couple of horses or other present from his friâ—nds or kinsemen beyond the seas if hee salute or use courteously any man or messenger which commeth from them as you know Princes of their nobâ—lity and courtesie are accustâ—med though they come from â—heir enemies as very often hath beene seene and highly commended in her Majestie of England If hâ—e deale familâ—aâ—ly with any Ambassâ—dor which liketh not them or finally if hee doe say or signifie any one thing whatsoever that pleaseth not their humour they wil presently as seditious Tribunes of the people exclaime in publicke and stepping to the Pulpit where the Word of the Lord onely ought to be preached will excite the Communalty to discontentation inveying against their Soveraigne with such bitternes of speech unreverend tearmes and insolent controlements as is not to be spoken Now imagine what her Majesty and her grave councell would do in England if such proceedings should be used by the Clergy against them No doubt quoth I but that such unquiet spirits should be punished in our Realme And so I sâ—â—d of late to their most reverend and worthy Prelate and Primate the Arch-bishop of St. Andrews with whom it was my luck to come acquainted in London whither he was come by his Kings appointment as he said to treat certain affairs with our Q. and Councell And talking with him of this disorder of his ministerie he confessed the same with much griefe of mind and told me that â—e had preached thereof before the K. himselfe detesting and accusing divers heads therof for which cause he was become very odious to them and other of their faction both in Scotland and England But he said that as he had given the reasons of his doings unto our Qu. so meaneth he shortly to do the same unto Monsieur Beza and to the whole Church of Geneva by sending thither the Articles of his and their doâ—ngs proteâ—â—ing unto me that the proceedings and attempts of those factious and corrupt men was most scandalous seditious and perilous both to the K. person and to the realm being sufficienâ— indeed to alienate wholy the yong Prince from all affection to our religion when he shall see the chiefe Professors thereof to behave themselves so undutifully towards him That is the thing which these men his competitors most dâ—sire quoth the Gentleman hoping thereby to procure him most evill will and danger both at home and from England For which cause also they have practised so many plots and treacheries with his owne subjects against him hoping by that meanes to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the other and consequently the K. in danger of destruction by his own And in this machination they have behaved themselves so dexterously so covertly used the mannage and contriving hereof and so cunningly conveyed the execution of many things as iâ— might indeed seem apparent to the yong K. that the whole plot of treasons against his Realme and Person doth come from England thereby to drive him into jealousie of our state and our state of him and all this for their owne profit Neither is this any new device of my Lord of Leicest to draw men for his own gain into danger and hatred with the state under other pretences For I could tell you divers stories and stratagems of his cunning in this kind and the one farre different from the other in device but yet all to one end I have a friend yet living that was towards the old Earle of Arundel in good credit and by that means had occasion to deal with the late Duke of Norfolk in his chiefest affaires before his troubles This man is wont to report strange things from the Dukes owne mouth of my L. of Leicesters most treacherous dealing towards him for gaining of his bloud as after appeared albeit the
and banishment Caligula the scourge of fâ—mous Rome Wishâ— all the Romanes had onely one head That when he list to give their fatall doome He might with one great blow strâ—ke all them dead So should he never need thâ—ir hâ—te to dread Even sâ—ch a mischiefe I wâ—sht to my foes That many men might pâ—rish with fâ—w blowes But unto those that doe your favour seeke And by your helpe hope their low states to raise You must be courâ—eous bountifull and meeke Caesar by clemency won greatest praise And was esteem'd the mirrour of hâ—s dâ—yes For it belongs to men of great estate To spare the poore and rich mens mindes abate It 's ill to be a rub upon that ground Whereas the Prince the alley meanes to sweep Their owne conceits they fondly doe confound That into high attempts doe boldly creep And with their shallow pares â—oe wade to deep To hinder what their Soveraigne doth intend Or to controule what they cannot â—mend Calisthenes much torment did sustaine Because great Alexanders pride he checkt Grave Seneca choosing his death wâ—s slâ—ine By Nero's doome whosâ— faults he did correct Use not too shâ—rpe rebukeâ— but have respect Unto the persons when great men doe evill The vengeance leave to God or to the devill Be not too haughty pride â—rocureth hate And meane mens hate may turne to your disgrace Nor too familiar be in high estate For that will breed contempt among the base Observe a meane whiâ—h winneth man much grace Speake well to all trust none use well your foes For this may purchase love where hatred growes And if that you doe feâ—re your friâ—nd should chance To mount too highly in the Princes grace Hiâ— praise to heaven then stick not to advance Say that the charge he beareth is too base And that his worth deserves farre better place So may you by this praise rid him away And so supply his place another day Sâ—y he will prove a terror in the field This private life doth much obscure his fame More fit to beare great Ajax sevenfold shield Then like Sardanapalus court a dame He idlely lives at home it is a shâ—me His very presence may his foes appall Let him be sent Lieutenant Generall Now if he chance to perish in some fight Iâ— was not your worke but the chance of warres Or thus you may excuse your selves by fleight Bâ—â—ming â—he influence of the angry starres Thâ—â— thus by death his future fortune barres Aâ—â— sighing we are sory you may say That this brave man would cast himselfe away But if in feats of armes he have no skill If he be learned wise and eloquent By praising him thus may you have your will Procure him in ambassage to be sent Far off lest he returne incontinent As to the mighty Châ—m or Prestor Iohn And triumph in his roome when he is gone Let no man think I exerciâ—'d the ghost Of this great Peere that sleepeth in the dust Or conjur'd up his spirit to this coâ—st To presse him with despaire or praise unjust I am not partiall but gâ—ve him his due And to his soule I wish eternall health Ne doe I think all written tales are true That are inserted in his Commonwealth What others wrote before I do survive But am not like to those incenst with hate And as I plainly write so doe I strive To write the truth not wronging his estate Of whom it may be said and censur'd well He both in vice and vertue did excell Iamque opus exegi Deus dedit his quoque finem FINIS Scholar The occâ—siâ—n oâ— hâ—s 〈◊〉 and â—eâ—tâ—ng The persons and place of this conference A temperate Paâ—ist The booke of Iustâ—ce Lawâ—er Gentleman The Papists practices against the state Lawyer Two sorts of dealing against the sâ—ate Directly Indirectly The state of all Subiects is a state of different religion The second kind of treason The application of the former example Gentleman Two degrees of treason Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer France Flanders Portugal The old hatred of East Grecians towards the West Latins Scholar Not all Papists propeâ—ly traytors Lawyer The Priests and Seminaries that were executed Gentleman The considerations Misery moveth mercy A good wâ—sh Lawyer The nature and practice of the Guâ—nâ—ans Gentleman The Tâ—rant of Englâ—sh staâ—e Three 〈…〉 in Eâ—gâ—and 〈◊〉 The â—ule of â—eâ—ceâ—teâ— Gentlâ—man Lawyâ—◠〈◊〉 Lord Nâ—â—ths pâ—â—â—cy Gentleman A strange speculation Sâ—hâ—lâ—r The Queens Maiesties most excellent good nature Gentleman Fears that subiect have of my Lord of Leicester Sir Francis Walâ—ingham Deepe disâ—imulâ—tion 〈…〉 Edmund Dudley Robert Dudley Lawyer Gentleman The Law against talking Actâ—ons of Leicester whereof he would have no speecâ— Shâ—la◠〈…〉 upon 〈◊〉 marriage To Sir Thomas Layton L. Treasurer L. Chambeâ—laine M. Controler Sir Thomas Hibbot Gentleman Leicesters Father a traiterous Papist The honour and comâ—odities by the marriage with France Ethelbert King of Kent converted An. Dom. 603 Lawyer Tolleration in Religion with union in defence of our Country Gentleman Dâ—vers marriages of her Madeseaâ—ed Leicesters devices to drive away all Sutors from her Maiesty Leicester convinced himselfe of impudency Lawyer The basenesse of Leâ—cesters ancestors Anno 1. R. Mary Gentleman Doctor Dale Doctor Iulio The Archbishops oâ—erâ—hâ—ow for not allowing two wives to Leicester his Physician The Lady Sheffield now Embassadresse in France The death of Leicesters fiâ—st Lady and wife Sir Richard Varney Bald Baâ—tler The suspitious death of the Lord Sheffield The poisoning of the Earle of Essex The shâ—fâ—ing of a châ—lde in dame Lettice belly The diverâ— operation of Roylor Doctor Bayly the yonger Death of Cardinall Chatilian Schâ—lâ—r Lea. Honnieâ— Mistris Draykot poisoned with the Earl of Essâ—x The Earle of Essex speech to his Page Robin Honnieâ— Genâ—leman Death of Sir Nicholas Throgmarton Sir William Cicill now Lord Treasurer The poisoning of Sir Nicholas in a salet The Lord Chamberlin Monsieur Simiers The poisoning of thâ— Lady Lenox Leicesters most variable dealing with women in contractâ— and marriages Contracts Precontracts Postcontracts Retract Protract Leicesters two testaments Scholar Varius Heliogabalus and his most infamous death An Epitaph A pittifull permission The exâ—erpation of the Tarquinions Anno Dom. 959. Gentleman The intollerable lâ—cenciousnes of Leicesters carnality Mony well spent Anne Vauisour The punishments of God upon Leicester to do him good * The children of adulterers shall be consumed and the seed of a wicked bed shall be rooted out saith God Sap. 3. Leicesters oyntment Leicesters bottle Scholar A pretty device An act of atheism Lawyer Gentleman Lawyer Gentleman The first reason why Leicester slew his wife by violence rather then by poyson The second reason Doctor Bayly the elder A practice for poisoning the Lady Dudley Doct. Babington A third reason The intended murder of Monsieur Simiers by sundry meanes The intended murder of the Earle of Ormond William Killegre Scholar Preoccupation of her Maiesties person An ordinary way of aspiring by preoccupation of the Princes person A comparison The