or any one of them was positively true and consequently he attempts not to make good nor â—ffers the least Proof that the War upon this Score was Iust nor that the Law of Nations he so much talks of gives the Invader any Right or Title to the Crown nor lustly that there were great and as he only phrases it violent Presumptions of this Injury to the Right of Succession Whence follows that he has not even said one single Word in juâ—â—â—fication of this New Government or of the Swearing Party and so he is infinitely short of clearing the whole Matter as he in big Words pretended at the beginning of this Discourse Certainly our Governours were either very unwise in clinsing no better a Wâ—iter to defend their Cause or else which is the very Truth their Cause it self can bear no better a Defence Since then this stout Champion of our new Government is so mightily in love with Iâ—s it were not amiss to ansâ—er him with more Ifs than he brings which moreâ—ver a thing he â—o where does for fear of a Confute we dare vouch to be true We affirm then That if this Invasion was intended above three quarters of a Year before it was executed or more the French King sending King Iames word of it half a Year before If it was long befoâ—e concerted between the Prince of Orange and the Confederates to dethrone King Iames without any Respect to the Prince of Wales as yet but a young Embrio if so much or to the maintaining our Religion or Liberties or to any of those other specious Pretences taken up afterwards but on the Confederates parts at least merely for fear he might be brought to 〈◊〉 with France or stand Neuter and to make the silly English lose their Lives and beggar themselves to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners If the main thing that encouraged the Confederates to that Uâ—dertaking was the Knâ—wn Hatred of the English Men in general â—o King Iames's Religion that King's Zeal to make those of his Persuasiâ—n â—s free is the rest of their Fellâ—w Subjects which they hop'd would highly disgust very many â— and theâ—r Assurance that they had a Factions Lying and Discontented Party here who would make way for his Ejectment by giving about and countenancing such Stories and Libels as would encline great part of the Nation to a Revolt If among the rest this Flam of a supposititious Prince of Wales nor dream'd on by any till then wâ—s comed â—â— the Politick Mint at the Hague sent over into England to be made current here by their Party and then the Dissatisfaction which themselves had raised hâ—re was taken up for a Pretence and inserted in the Prince of Orange's Declaration to give the idle Story a greater Authority and to gloss over such an unnatural and so unjust an Invasion If ample Satisfaction was given by the Oaths of Multitudes of Credible and Honourable Witnesses when the Dissatisfaction came to some height it being highly unwise for a King to humor every idle Report or honor it with such a solemn Examination If the Queen's Deliveâ—y was far from being carried secretly and suspitiously as one of his Ifs shameâ—â—â—y â—ints but in opâ—n Day-light before a Multitude of People of All sorts indifferently no Person of Honor being denied Entrance who had the Curiosity to be present If the Prince and Princess of Orange who were Two of the Persons chiefly concern'd being absent far off in Holland and not denied coming over if they would might have sent some whom they could trust to be present or at least had press'd their Sister who was here and whose Joint Concern it was to be exactly curious in a Business so highly importing â—hâ—m all and yet none of them though so hugely obliged by then Interest to doe this did ever make any kind of Means or Applicaâ—ion in order to their so just Satisfaction which it had been a Madness not to have done had they indeed had any real Doubt Nay more If to carry on the politick Sham the Princess of Denmark who was the Third Person so nearly concerned after having avoided with all the Industry imaginable to be present at the Queen's rising and going to Bed left she should be forced to see what she was loth to know and resolved not to wâ—tnâ—ss viz. the Queen's Pregnancy would needs coâ—trary to the Will of her Father who express'd some Trouble that she should then â—e absent because she being satisfied in the Thing her self might be the better able to satisfie her Relations run out of the way to the Bath and to be purposely absent just at the time the Queen reckoned to be delivered though she had most pressing reasons of Interest to be here at that time nor could without most manifest Injustice be denied all the Liberty allowable â—o one of the same Sex both to satisfie her sâ—lf and others though at the same time it was given out that she was sent away by her Fâ—ther lest she should discover the pretended Cheat Iâ— none of the Three nearly concâ—râ—ed nor any other made the least Scruple nor pretended the least Dissatisfaction in the World when the Queen was â—elivered of other Chiâ—â—ren formerly though not half the number was presenâ— untill a Male Child was born which to thâ—iâ— Râ—gret put them by the Hopes and Expectaâ—ion of succeeding in thâ—ir turns â—he Next If instead of offering any Proof at all or any one Witness of the contrary to invalidate or counteâ—balaâ—ce in the least degree this consonant Testimony of so many Persons of untaiâ—ted Honour and Sincerity this Farce to gull â—nd mad the silly credulous People was carried on and abeâ—â—ed with nothing but Multitudes of Lyes printed and baw'd about to serve a present Turn as that the Woman whose Child it was was come out of Holland and would appear to justifie it that it was brought to St Iames's sometimes in a Coach someâ—imes in a Warming-pâ—n that the Midwife had coâ—fessed the Cheat c. All which are eâ—iâ—ced to be Falshoods by this that they werâ— never prov'd or attempted to be prov'd thâ—ugh it was so highly necessary If the factious Members in the Conventiâ—n that voted up this new King were pâ—est by the loyal Party to call this matter into Examination yet could never be brought to doe it though it were in it self of the highest Concern imaginable to our Nation and withall most absolutely necessary to justifie this otherwise barbarous Invasiâ—n of the Prince of Orange and their own Treasonable Abdication of King Iames Lastly If this heavy Charge against the Kiâ—g and Queen of trumping up a Sham Prince of Wales was induâ—â—riously spread throughout the Three Kingdoms not out of any real Zeal of presâ—rving the â—â—ue Succession but onely as a fit occasion to throw off That and the Monaâ—chy too as hereditary by Lineal Descent by changing it into an Elective as frankly acknowledged by one of the greatest Abdicating Pâ—ers of the
Realm who owned to a Person of known Integrity that he believed the Prince of Wales to be as truly born of the Queen's body as his own Son of his Wife 's and that therefore they were resolved to pluck up both Root and Branch which in other words is to change the Government If I say all these Particulars be true as we dare affirm them to be and are ready to pâ—ove by unquestioâ—able Testimonies and as most of them are most notorious then we may safely conclude that the Birth of the Prince of Wales was no just Occasion of a War nor consequently can be derive hence a Right to the Government by the Law of Nations justifying his Invasion as this Gentleman pretends I pity his Weakness in compaâ—ing p. 15. this open Carriage of things in the Birth of that Prince before Multitudes of People of all sorts indifferently to a Juggâ—e between Three the pretended Father and Mother and a Mâ—dwife to suboâ—n a false Chiâ—d He thinks it too of great Weight That the Juâ—y upon hearing the whole Evidence gave Iudgment that tâ—at Child was supposititious What Straws wil Men catch at when their Cause is sinking But why does he not tell us what Evidence the Jury he speaks of proceeded upon Because it would shame his alleadging it 'T is this as I have been informed The Hereford 〈◊〉 Woman was held Incapable of Children which made the next Heir to the Estate suspect no Child was born A crafty Lawyer who undertook to discover it first made Enquiâ—y what poor Women the midwife ' had delivered about that time and found that â—ne of them had her Child missing having discovered this he fâ—ights the Woman by telling her there was a great Rumour that the had murthered her Child and that she should be hanged if she did not produce it alive or dead Hereupon she made known the whole Intrigue of the Midwife and the pâ—etended Parents and the Juggle came to be consist Is this in any Regard like our Case None were sworn there but the two Persons immediately conâ—erned who hoped to enjoy the Estate and a Countrey Midwife who was to have a share in it for her Project at least we may be sure a good lusty Bribe So that here waâ— in really but One Witness the pretended Parents being barred from witnessing in their own Câ—use Counâ— now the Number of our Witnesses and weigh their Worth and how that they were not Persons 〈◊〉 out but came accidentally as they hapt to hear of the Queen's Coâ—â—ition and it will appear impossible they should be capable of a Confederacy or Subornation Again The Queen was never held to be barren She had had formerly divers Daughters and a Son and it was likely and no more but what by the course of Nature is generally expected that She should at another time have a second Male-Child ' Nor did any Mother of the Child appear to own it as the Lying Parts a goâ—d wâ—â—e pretended she would all those kind of Romances serv'd like Buttâ—esses or Scaffolds to raise this new King to his Height and build up our New Governâ—ent and therefore when things were better settled and could stand without them they were taken down again and laid aside as useless In a word let him bring an Evidence in any degree like that which his Herefordshire Jâ—ry had and we shall acknowledge the Wrong done to the Natioâ— and to the Râ—yal Family and grant the War had there been any just Till then let not such Personages lie under such intolerable Slanders let not Christianity and Duty be so wickedly violated nor the People of England deluded and scandalized with such Talk without Proof and sâ—ch heavy Câ—arges laid without the least colourable Shadow of Evidence to juâ—â—ifie that they are so much as in any degree Probable much less as he mouths it great and violent Presumptions and least of all what they ought to have been absolutely certain Truths Thus much of his great and violent Presumptions c. Next follows for though he be a very slender Prover yet he is still a very big Pretender his Too gâ—eat Evidence of a form'd Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation I suppâ—se he calls it Too great Evidence because 't is so great that it dazles the Night as the Sun does at Noon-day so that no Man can see it or bâ—hold it else why is it too great Now when a Man has too much of a thing 't is very unkind and even ill-natur'd and hard-hearted not to spare a Little of it to his Friends to whom he owes it and who both want it and expect it from him But we mistake his Genius he is a Praâ—ing not a Proving Writer Nor does he evidence the Calumny otherwise than by referring us again to his Alcoran the Prince of Orange's Declaration Whatever he finds there he makes account is a First Principle and so bring of too great Evidence it can need no Proof An impartial Narrative of matters of Fact known to most in England will give us a true Light to judge of this Point King Iames his Religion and the hatred which the generality of the Nation had against it made all those who were of a different Persuasion look with a jealous Eye upon his Actions and apt to make the worst Constructions of every thing he did in favour of Papists Nor is it to be thought that he wanted many Enemies of the Old Excluding Faction who stood watching all Opportunities to bâ—eed him Vexation and disaffect his Subjects by malicious Insinuations Those of our Church who were heartily Loyal did grieve exceedingly to see him give his Enemies too fair occasions to work him Mischief They judged that the setting up the High Commission Court over Ecclesiasticks were there nothing in it but the Novelty of it should not have been attempted in such Circumstances if at all The making one of the Iesuits Men more odious to our Nation than Turkish Mâ—sties a Privy-Counsellor could they fear'd have no other likely Effect but to exasperate all England to the highest degree They conceived that the Dispensing with the Test and putting Roman-Catholicks promiscuously into Offices Civil and Military might have been let alone 'till the Test it self were Abrogated which would certainly have been more easily obtained had not this forward Anticipation put our Church of England out of humour and made them more warily stand upon their Guard and resolve unanimously to part with nothing that could any way he likely to advantage them But that which most Startled our Church was the Design of giving Liberty of Conscience to all Dissenters they had sadly experienced in the long Parliament's Time and in Oliver's Days how those Men had trampled the Church of England under Foot and they feared that this setling them by Law on an even level with themselves might in time give those restless Men opportunity to play the same Franks over again In
a Word they apprehended they were to fence with their Enemies on both hands and therefore they combined Veleus Testindine factâ to link themselves unanimously against the universally Dâ—â—pensing Power and in Maintenance of the Test. On the other side King Iames was very earnest to have a general Liberty of Conscience setled by Law It had ever been his Tenet that Persecution purely for Conscience sake was Vnchristian Besides he judged it would enrich the Nation as it had done Holland by inviteing Strangers hither and encouraging Trade the conveniency of our Ports above those of our Neighbours being an efficacious Motive to draw the Traffick from them to us He judged too that this universal Toleration if wisely setled and managed might be a means to compose the Bedlam Animosities here about Religion which had so often distracted the Nation and within our Memory turned the Government topsie-turvy Nor was it one of his least Motives though not the only one as some apprehended to gain those of his own Religion a Toleration among the rest of the Dissenters a thing to speak impartially to which both his Honour and his Conscience could not but exceedingly encline him These Conveniences meeting in one took such full hold of his Judgment that he was exceedingly fond of a Project which did seem to him so hugely Advantageous to the Nation Hereupon he try'd all Sweet means imaginable to bring it about but found all his Caresses ineffectual to induce our Church Party to permit it to be enacted in Parliament which was his main design Wherefore he saw there was no other Expedient but to turn out such Officers as opposed his Intentions and for the present to put in Dissenters to whom he knew it would be grateful and by that means to compass such a Parliament as was likely to establish this Liberty of Conscience by Law He hop'd it would not much displease our Church since he declared he would continue to them the Prerogative above others to be still the State-Religion established by Law to enjoy all the Bishopricks and Benefices and by that means to have vast Priviledges aâ—â— Advantages over any others whatsoever But they were jealous that this was not sufficient to secure them for the future And hence as it happens when both Parties are stiff in their contrary Preâ—ensions mutual Diskindnesses past towards one another which ill meaning Men laid hold on and made use of to disaffect the Nation and so facilitated the way to welcome the Invader Now all this while What had Kâ—ng Iames done to make his Son in Law and his own Nephew nay his own Daughter turn their Father out of his Kingdoms There was nothing taken from our Church but the Power of Persecution our Principles he meddled not with nor intruded Men of Heterodox Tenets into our Bishopricks and Livings whereas now we have Soctnians and Latitudinarians softed into our Chief Cathedrals and ouâ— Parish Churches so that we may expect shortly without God's special and undeserved Mercy our Church will be made an Amsterdam of all Religions Their Swearing Allegiance at a venture attones for all their Heretical Tenets let them be as Dâ—mâ—able as they will or can be Had our Governour for to call him Head of such a dâ—fferent natured Church were to call it a Monster taken away our â—xternal Grandure or our Revenues it had been less pernice us â—o our Church than what it now suffers For not outward Splendor or Râ—bâ—s but True Principles of Faiâ—b are that which make a Church The Câ—â—iâ—tian Church under the Ten Heathen Persecutions was still a most perfect and pure Church hâ— keeping her Principles untainted and admitting none into her Communion that were polluted with False Tenets though it wanted then all these outward Ornaments and Accessaries So that both the very Essence and Being of our Church goes on nâ—w corrupting every Day and her Revenues too in great part are given away to Aliens Whereas King Iames never injured us in the least either in the one of those respects or the other nor have we any more than a suspicion that he ever meant it though he shew'd some Resentments against the personal Opposition or rather uncompliance of some of our great ones which was a trifle in Comparison Whereas the Prince of Orange's declaring he came over to maintain the Protestant Religion was a meer Pretence being so far from maintaining or upholding our Principles of Faith or assisting our Church that as appears by the Event he has taken Care to corrupt the One and is making haste to destroy the Other the War therefore if any cannot be said to be just upon that Account As for what King Iames is pretended to have done in prejudice of our Civil Liberties which required the Prince of Orange's over-charitable vindicating them He was told by his Judges that it was his due Prerogative and suppose he had something extended that why should this oblige a Son and Daughter to invade a Father Had he beggar'd the Nation by Heavy Taxes it had been worse for them when their turn came to enjoy it But to magnifie the Roâ—al Prerogative had been a high Benefit to them especially in a Nation which was in great part of Common-wealâ—hish Principles and ought to have been esteemed meritorions Again The greatest Encroachment upon our Civil Liberties that was objected was the Dispensing universally with the Laws against the Dissenters whence it was inferred he might by the same Reason dispense with any other Law or suspend the Execution of it and then adieu to our Civil Liberties But it ought to be remembred that when he did this he declared his Judgment at the same time what it estimable Common Goods it would being to the Nation which cannot be pretended the Dispensing with any other Law whatsoever and he judged himself to be by his Office as indeed he was Oveâ—seer of the Common Good It may be remembred that it enrich'd not himself but rather impoverished him for he lâ—st the Fines and Forfeitures raised upon Conventicles So that 't is manifeâ—â— he aimed onely at the Common Good of the People and not at his own private Interest and therefore if he had erred it ought to have been very pardonable and not have been made such a heinous Fault as deserv'd an Invasion and the Loss of his Crown Again If King Iames over-reach'd it was in order to get Universal Liberty of Conscience settled by Law which suiting so exactly with the Dutch Methods could not to a Dutch Prince be a just Ground for such an Vnnatural Quarrel especially since it was intended to take the Grievous Yoke of Queen Elizabeth's Laws from off the Necks of those of the Presbyterian Persuasion which being the Religion that Prince had espoused and been bred up in it ought rather to have obliged him than have exasperated him so highly as to draw his Sword at his Father This Preteâ—ce then of maintaining our Civil Liberties and of Justifying the
may have Learning enough to use those Four ordinary Words none of them being artificial Law Terms but such honest English as every Gentleman that converses with Persons above the lowest Rank is capable of understanding and using But this candid Gentleman seeing his Cause could not be maintained but by Tricks for this whole turn of Government was nothing but a Trick of Policy disjoyns by his Discourse illiterate from unskill'd in the Law and refers the Four cramp Words to the former and his passing a peremptory Iudgment about our Laws to the latter and when he has done he tells us very sadly one may justly wonder at it and indeed it is very wonderful For to play so many jugling Tricks in so little room wresting almost every Word 'till he has made it crooked and then gracing every Flam he gives us with such a demure Hypocrisie is altogether Monstrous He tells us p. 9. That the Loyal Martyr design'd two Things To assert his Principles and to testifie his Innocency and he sets himself to prove that he did neither As for the former he grants that by the Faith of the Church of England Mr. Ashton meant the Doctrine of Passive Obedience and then confutes him most learnedly by telling us That he suffered not for Passive Obedience but for want of it and that had he regulated his Life by this Principle he had preserved it Did ever any Man's Reason turn tail so aukwardly The constant Doctrine of the Church of England was Passive Obedience to a lawful King and he is the lawful King according to the Constitution of our Government who has Title to it by immediate Succession Now comes this acute Gentleman and pretends without Shame or Wit that the Doctrine of the Church of England is not Passive Obedience to the legal King whom all the World did ever acknowledge for such in their clear unbâ—ass'd and 〈◊〉 in us Thoughts but to anoâ—her who has dispossest this legal King of his Kingdom and whose Title is quite annulled by our English Laws nor own'd by any but some of those who got their Advantages in doing so or who dare not do otherwise And then after he had prevaâ—icated thus eg egiously he teâ—ls us very gravely That certainly there must be some gâ—eaâ— mistakes about the Doctrines and Principles of our Church Whereas if there be any 't is manifestly on his side but to say the plain Truth there is no mistake at all even on his side but an open Prevarication and a wilful shuffling and shifting the whole Subject of the Church of England's Tenet making our Passiâ—e Obedience regard not only a wrong but an opposite Object which is to make the Principles of our Church face abâ—ut with the Times and point as a Weather-cock does to the Wind to a Dispossessour of the true Prince so he gets but Power enough to make himself a strong Party and keep under or Murther by his new Laws and new Judges those who dare be Loyal He pretends that The Doctrines and Principles of our Church are to be found in the Articles and Constitutions of it If he means that only some of them are found there it reaches not home to his purpose But if he means that All the Doctrines of Faith which our Church holds are found there he shews himself to be very weak Sure he cannot forget that God's written Word and it only is our intire and adequate Rule of Faith and that the best Interpreter of it for us to follow is the most unanimous Exposition of it avow'd by the Doctrine of our Church-men and the agreeable and constant Practice of our Church If then he would prove that our Church does not hold Passive Obedience and Indispensable Allegiance to our lawful King upon our Rule of Faith that is does not hold it part of her Faith he should have produced such and so many genuine grave and eminent Members of one Church as are beyond Exception who have unanimously declared themselves to understand the Scripture in an opposite Sense and upon that ground held the contrary I except always from that Number Dr. Sherlock who is so flexible a Complier with every side that I fear he is of no side and ready to be of any as God-Mâ—mmon shall inspire him by proposing a good fat Deanry or some such irresistible Temptation As for the Practice of our Church giving us light to know her Faith it cannot be possibly manifested better than by her Carriage towards King Charles II. in the Protector 's days who had Abdicated twiâ—e if the leaving England to avoid danger to his Person might be called Abdicating and there was another actual supreme Governor who had got all the Power into his Hands and so was Providentially Settled in Dr. Sherlock's Sense yet none of the genuine Sons of our Church flincht from their Allegiance to their King in those happy days when honest Principles as yet unantiquated made our Church shine gloriously even in the midst of Persecution but all adher'd to their legal King though all of them suffered in their Estates and many lost their Lives rather than forego their Duty But as our Author told us formerly that Mr. Ashton died for want of that Passive Obedience which the Church of England holds so he tells us here that he might have believed himself obliged by his Religion to look upon his rightful lawful Prince whatever his Principles were or his Practices might be as God's Vicegerent and accountable to God only from whom he received his Power All this says he he might have done and have been alive still because as he contends King William was his rightful lawful Prince So that it seâ—ms let King William be of what Principles he will even though he were as zealous a Papist as King Iames or let his Practices be what they will even to the Subverting all our Liberties Properties nay the most Fundamental Laws of the Land still we are to believe our selves obliged by our Religion to look upon him as on God's Vicegerent accountable to God only and consequently to obey him as such Which ridiculous Partiality overthrows a good part of his Book and makes all the Deserters and fiâ—st Adherers to the Prince of Orange and the whole Parliament that set him up for their King and the Consent of the Nation he talks of to be Irreligious and Wicked For since King Iames was confessedly at that time their rightful lawful King nor can he be pretended to have worse Principles and Practices than those mentioned which comes within the compass of his whatever his Principles are or his Practices might be and this Man confesses that notwithstanding all this they were obliged by their Religion to submit to him as God's Vicegerent it follows unavoidably that we are to believe they violated the Principles of Religion in the highest Degree who deserted him opposed him turned him out and set up a Stranger in his stead Yet this Action of theirs confest
this Had the Prince of Orange pursued only the Ends express'd in his Declaration and obliged King Iames as he might easily have done to redress Abuses here and make a lasting League with the Confederates abroad it had in all likelihood by this time reduced the French King to a low Condition For then King Iames had been able to unite all the Force of England Scotland and Ireland and bend them unanimously against the Common Enemy Whereas now our Men and Money too are employ'd in Fighting against one another in Scotland and Ireland nor only so but England it self whose free Consent he so much brags of is so Distracted that we know not how soon we may fall into the same Misfortunes some out of Conscience not daring to hazard their Souls in Swearing Allegiance to one whose Title the most zealous Adherers to him cannot agree on nor themselves are satisfied with and far more of them being disgusted to see our Countrey beggared to maintain the Quarrel of Foreigners and enrich our greatest Enemies the Dutch so that this Pretence of pulling down the Heighth of France though I doubt not but it was the Intention of the Confederates was far from being the main Design of the Prince of Orange He could then have no other Motive of Invading England Driving out his Father and Usurping his Throne but mere Ambition seconded by Dutch Policy making use of our Rebelliousness silly Credulity and our addictedness to Lying that they might cheat us of our Money make us defend their Quarrel and impoverish us to that degree that we should not dare to resent it when they get our Trade and câ—zen us of our Plantations as they have done often and then to crown the Dutch Jest laugh at us for a Company of dull-headed block headedly Fools when they have done But I must not forget the Instances he brings to prove this Invasion to be agreeable to the Church of England's Doctrine and vouch'd by the Law of Nations and those are these Three First he Instances in Queen Elizabeth giving Assistance to the Dutch against the King of Spain p. 16. Now this hath been so well answered already in the Defence of the Bishop of Chichester's Dying Declaration that I do not see any Reason to concern my self with it and methinks this Answerer should have first answered what had been alledged there before he ventured on this Instance but some Men have a peculiar Confidence to bring in Things over and over though they have been answered sufficiently and yet never take notice of the Answers However it is sufficient here to observe that this is nothing at all to his purpose he tells us but four lines before That what he is to make out is that the then P. of O by his Relation to the Crown had a just Right to concern himself in the Vindication of our Religion and Liberties and that this is not repugnant to the Doctrines of the Church of England p. 15. And I pray good Sir Had Queen Elizabeth any Relation to the Government of the Low Countries And if not how does this Instance prove that which he is to make out that the Prince of Orange by virtue of his Relation to the Crown had a just Right to concern himself and his Instance proves that any Prince whether they have any such Relation or not have a just Right to concern themselves And what I pray is all this to a Title by Conquest Let it be admitted but not granted and which I suppose will not be easily proved that no Foreign Prince hath a just Right to make War upon another Prince for Invading the Liberty and Religion of his own Subjects hath he therefore a just Right to make a Conquest of these People whose Liberties he pretends to defend and to set himself King over them Or had Queen Elizabeth upon pretence of securing the Dutch Liberties a just Right to make her self Queen over them In my Opinion it is a preâ—ty odd way of rescuing People's Liberties to make a Conquest of them and if this be the Case Princes and their Flatterers may talk of Piety and a Care of the People but all the World will see that the Design is not Religion nor Liberty to the People but a Crown to themselves and it cannot chuse but be very Pious and Religious to gain a Crown His next Instance is in King Iames's time When the Prince Elector was chosen King of Bohemia And how does this prove his Point Why he sent to King James for Advice and he had no mind he should engage in it And therefore the Prince of Orange hath a just Right to concern himself and to make himself King according to the Principles of the Church of England I perceive it is not for every body to make Consequences for who but our Authour could ever have found out how such wonderful Things followed from King Iames's denying his Son to engage in it Well But the Arch bishop wrote a Letter to the Secretary and said that he was satisfied in his Conscience that the Bâ—bemians had a just Cause and that the King's Daughter professed she would not leave her self one Iewel rather than not maintain so Religious and Righteous â— Cause And that may be too but without Reflection on that Princess that is no Evidence of the Righteousness of a Cause for some Kings Daughters will not leave themselves a Jewel rather than not to take away and keep a Kingdom from their Own Father and which is neither a Religious nor a Righteous Cause His Third Instance is in the time of King Charles the First When the King of Denmark had taken Arms to settle the Peace and Liberty of the Germans and was Defeated and King Charles thought himself concerned to assist him and Arch-bishop Laud drew up a Declaration setting forth the Danger and requiring the People's Prayers and Assistance to prevent the growth of Spain c. Now it does not appear whether thâ— King of Denmark's pretence of taking Arms was just or unjust for our Authour has a peculiar faculty of talking of Things at random and never stating them and bringing them down to the matter in Dispute But let that be as it will it makes no difference in the present Dispute for let the Cause of his taking Arms be originally what it will I hope King Charles might assist him to prevent his being over-run thereby securing the Peace and Safety of his own Kingdom And this was plainly the Case The King of Denmark had made War upon the Empire and was defeated and it â— had â—een â—eâ—t without Assiâ—â—ence the Emperour might have wholly subdued him which would not â—â—ely have ruined Denmark but have endangered all the Northern Princes and especially England as the Declaration it self speaks there will be an open way for Spain left to do what they pleased And what is this to our Authour's purpose Is there no difference between Assisting one Prince actually at War
Nation 's Accounts And will this Man persuade us that all this and many other such are no Miseries He runs from the Mâ—tter to talk of the French King but the true point to which he ought to have spoken is Whether we were burden'd with any such Taxes or felt these Miseries of War and Poverty under King Iames Had we any concern with France either by abetting or opposing it in his Days Had the Prince of Orange or our selves used the King Dutifully as we ought we might have secur'd our selves whilst that Prince was here against either Popery or Slavery which we pretended to dread being forc'd upon us we might have enjoy'd Peace Plenty Trade and Riches and have reapt incomparable Benefits and vast Advantages by the Distractions of all others round about us This we might have done and if we saw Cause to fear that France meant to disturb us when we medled not with it which that King is too Politick to do we might by joyning with other Disinterested Princes have kept the Ballance of Europe even at our pleasure and have stipulated with Holland and the rest of the Confederates to bear the Charges of the War whilst we stept into their Assistance whereas now we are forc'd to hire them at a dear Rates to assist us to keep a Man in the Throne who has no Right to it All this we might then have done had we been wise but a Rebellious Spirit which had possess'd and infatuated us hurried us inconsiderately into a War for no other Reason but to maintain obstinately that Sin which we ought to have repented of And that War unless God's undeserv'd Mercy do prevail over his Justice will by a just Iudgment of the same God prove our utter Ruine He seems â—maâ—'d p. 25. for he seems Twenty times to wonder when he wants something to say that Mr. Ashton should say That the Religion we pretend to be so fond of Preserving is now much more than ever likely to be destroy'd Nor do I wonder at his Amazement for he makes account Religion consists only in having Benéfices conferred on Ecclesiasticks and secured to them let the Incumbents be of what Principles they will This I told him of formerly and here he makes my Words good for p. 25 26 27 c. he reckons up Three Things as putting our Religion out of Danger viz. The same Laws the same Protection the same Encouragement But Principles which are the Main and Essential to a Church are the least part of his Thought Let but a Church have True Principles preserved Sincere by her Bâ—shops and Pastors and she will be a Church and a Glorious One too in the Eyes of God and all good Men in despight of all the Opposition that wicked Men or Hell it self can do though she had neither Laws Protection nor the least Encouragement to befriend her nay though the Laws and the State were bent against her As for our new Principles then let him but open his Eyes and he may see Rebellion made now a chief point of Religion He may see Oaths of Allegiance made to Persons whose Title to the Government as appears by what has been amply prov'd above not one Man in England certainly knows and not one knowing and disinteressed Man is satisfied in forc'd upon Men's Consciences to make the Kingdom as far as lies in their Power a Nation of Knaves and all those who make a good Conscience of their ways a Company of Beggars He may see the Commandments laugh'd aâ— and those who dare boldly stand up for them branded and persecuted for Traitors and put to death as the worst of Malefactors Besides the foremention'd Miseries there is still One that is no less Galling to Persons of Honour and Probity who for themselves and the Reputation of the Nation would preserve the Characters of Just and Upright Loyal and Pious Conscientious and keepers of their Faith to God and Man these now lie under the heavy Sentence of Violaters of all the Cardinal Vertues with which Character when Foreign Nations once brand a People it sticks upon them to all succeeding Ages In former days we were reputed Valiant Hospitable inviolable Observers of our Compacts Faith and Honesty But we can't forget what an Odium the Murther of King Charles I. brought upon the whole Island of Britain yet there was then some just Apology to be made for that Barbarity That Tremendous Fact was not committed 'till after Six Yeas Civil War ' wherein the Victorious Rebels had conquer'd disarm'd and utterly impoverish'd the Loyal Party yet there still remain'd a numerous Part of the Three Kingdome who made many generous Attempts to restore King Charles II. and the whole Nation wearied with their endless Miseries and the Succession of Usurpers at last happily effected it Now what shall we say for our selves who have Abdicated our King without shedding One Ounce of Blood or adventuring a bloody Nose in his Defence All Nations from the Orcades to the extreamest Indies must judge us to be a People who have no regard to the most Sacred Oaths the most ungrateful of all Mankind a Nation fitted for Slavery degenerating from our Loyal Ancestors the Off-spring or By-blows of Prostigate Rebels Yea we are still so much worse than those of the last Age in that now so numerous a Party of the very Clergy who should and do know the Oligation of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy which every single Man of them took to their lawful King have by unpardonable Perjury renounc'd their King and sworn Allegiance to One whom they know in their Consciences and have often declar'd upon Occasion hath no legal Right no not so much as Cromewell the Wicked These are the Men who have brought an indelible Scandal and Hatred upon our Religion Miratur Orbis se tam cito factum esse Arrianum was the pathetical Exclamation of a holy Authour of Old What would he have said if he had liv'd in our Age to see a National Clergy Apostatise from the Establish'd Doctrine of their own Church in the point of Allegiance and Non-resistance By the Conduct of these Men one would be almost tempted to look upon all Religion as a mere Cheat and to believe that they themselves own'd no God Whether they do or not I shall not give my self the trouble to enquire but I am sure some of them do as good as own no Hell by Teaching Men that notwithstanding those terrible Threatnings God in his holy Word has denounc'd against the Incorrigible and Impenitent of everlasting Fire everlasting Punishment c he has not obliged himself to the literal Performance of them since he that threatens keeps the Right of punishing in his own hand and is not obliged to execute what he hath threatned any farther than the Reasons and Ends of Government do require c. Dr. Tillot son's Sermon before the Queen March 7. 1690. pag. 13. And that these Threatnings c. do not restrain God