that the Dutchess was not much troubled to see Granville gone as one who was upheld by the King in too great Authority with her Yet the truer opinion was that she was very much grieved to be deprived of such a man and one so well experienced in the affairs of Flanders To boot that upon any sinister events whereof many and of very great moment did ensue after his departure he might have justified her behaviour therein unto the King and have easily freed her from those accusations which were afterwards often laid unto her charge in the Councel in Spain THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO BOOK II. The Contents The Nobility are glad at Granvilles departure Factions in the Councel of State The Regent makes the Councel of Trent be received Orange opposeth it and shews an unquiet disposition Heresie begins to appear bare-faced in Flanders The Inquisition still more detested Egmont goes into Spain The King persists in his former resolutions Egmont returns and the Country is distasted The Nobility do in particular conspire and form an Instrument in writing by the name of Compromise or Covenant Some of the chiefest meet together at Breda a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange The Dutchess grows very apprehensive of these proceedings She understands that a great many of the Nobility meet together to present her with a Petition she endeavours but in vain to hinder the delivery of it Brederodes Oration to his other Companions They present the Petition They take upon them the name of Beggers And why they do so The Marquis of Berghen and Monsieur Montigni are sent into Spain and are not admitted of by the King The practise and profession of heresie is publickly introduced in Flanders The Nobilities audaciousness in defending it Their assembling together at Getrinberg The Regent endeavours to satisfie them And is at last inforced to take away all manner of Inquisition The hereticks and unquiet people are hereby encouraged From whence they come to open violencies against the Churches WHen Cardinal Granville was gone from Flanders occasion of complaining did rather cease in Orange and the rest then a will to complain And therefore seeming very well satisfied with this the Kings resolution they made publick demonstrations of joy in all places That now the Country was freed of him who sought to oppress it The Councel left in its former dignity and the Regent her self in the reputation which was due to her in the Government That Flanders had not a sorer enemy then the Cardinal nor the Nobility a more malitious interpreter of their actions to the King Let him in Gods name carry that pride and arrogancy which he so much joy'd in somewhere else and let him exalt himself where either the obscurity of his birth was not known or where the splendor of others was less esteemed of They accompanied the Cardinals deperture with these words full of bitterness not yet satisfied with the hatred which whilst present they had in so many sorts shewed towards him On the other side they shewed all due observancy to the Regent they never intermitted commg to Councel neither did they let slip any other occasion by which they might reconcile her unto them and make her their protect or unto the King We told you before that the President Vighlio and Barlemont did side with the Cardinal in all things in Councel he had made the King have a great good opinion of their fidelity and wisdom as also the Councel of Spain so as when the Cardinal was gone 't was soon seen that the Regent confided more in these two in many resolutions then in all the rest and 't was easily to be judged that she had Orders from the King so to do and that though the Cardinal was gone yet his Councels remained still in Flanders Vighlio was an upright man and no less pious in matters of Religion then faithfull in what concern'd the King And where it was needfull he opposed the ambition and arrogancy of great ones more then became his condition Succeeding then in Granvilles sence and encouraged thereunto by the esteem which was put upon his Councels in Spain he forbore not to put the Regent in mind How little cause she had to confide in those great ones who having no other end then to make themselves every day greater could not receive any addition to their Authority which tended not to the diminution of the Regal power That their eyes were now upon France and by the example of those Contrivers of Innovations they would introduce the same troubles and Faction into Flanders that they might afterwards fall out within themselves who should have the greatest share of their Country when they had made a prey of her Was there any doubt but that all those pretences were false which they had made use of to remove Granville from Flanders How had he offended them unless they would esteem themselves injured by the service which he had done the King and which with such loyalty and constancie of mind he had alwayes endeavoured to sustain not regarding their complaint nor threats That she would be soon enough aware of this For one pretence failing they would raise up others and after having warred against the Kings Ministers of State they would bare-faced make war against the King himself This speech of Vighlio's proved a prophesie so fully was it confirmed by the event Nor was it long ere just as he had foretold Orange and the rest took up new occasion of Complaints in a business which fell out in Religion and 't was this The Councel of Trent was already published and the controversies which arose between the Catholicks and Hereticks in matter of religion were truly determined by that divine Oracle of the Church neither had her sacred Decree brought forth less fruit in the reformation of Ecclesiastical discipline Of all the Princes of Christendom the King of Spain had made it his particular care to see that Councel take good effect He was alwayes fixed and unalterable not to admit of any Religion in his Kingdoms and States but the Catholike profession For his Territories being so far divided one from another he thought that they might be the easilier united in their obedience under him by the bond of an uniform zeal which might equally fasten them in their devotion to the Church The Councel then being ended the King was resolved for what concerned his Temporal authority that the Decrees made thereby should be observed in all his Dominions and therefore had given such orders as were needfull to the Dutchess of Parma to make them be received and observed in Flanders She propounded this to the Councel of State and there wanted not some who presently opposed the proposition They said That the Conncel was in many things contrary to the priviledges of the Provinces that the Ecclesiastical government would be too much advantaged thereby that the strictness thereof did too much
to the lower by her breadth In these respects their friendships adherents and allyances were very great in those parts Moreover divers of the best Families of Flanders derived from Germany and amongst others that of the Prince of Orange who afterwards married with the house of Saxony as hath been said The heretick Princes held therefore their streightest corespondencies with him and to him did discover their most intimate sence of the affairs of Flanders because it was most conformable with his own Orange being afterwards gon to them by reason of the Duke of Alva's being come into Flanders he still indeavoured to increase in them a resolution not to tollerate that oppression which he in the most horrid manner he could invent affirmed to be already introduced by the Spaniards amongst the Flemish Affirming that this cause was common to both the Germanies he mingled the Interest of Religion together with that of State and by the strength and vivacity of wit made dangers a far off seem very near at hand He chiefly propounded a meeting between those Princes who were most to dread the Spanish forces in Flanders the Queen of England assisted him herein by her authority and the Hugonots of France by their practices So as the resolution was soon put on and divers Hans Towns joyned therein likewise by sending their Deputies thither particularly those which are situated upon the Rhine in which by reason of their neighbourhood with Flanders the aforesaid power of the Spanish forces was most dreaded Of the Princes the Count Palatine of Rhine was most remarkable his State lay nearest to Flanders he had the best forces and being past on from Luthers heresie to that of Calvin he held greater corespondency with the hereticks of France and with the Queen of England The rest were the Duke of Wittenberg the Landgrave of Hesse the Marquis of Bada the Marquis of Durlack and some neighbouring Counts besides those of Nassaw The King of Denmark and the house of Saxony sent likewise their particular Deputies to the Diet. Business doth still proceed slowly which is to be agitated by many either they differ in their ends or agree not in the means or for the most part are lost through confusion But their progress is more slow then ordinarily in Germany where negotiations are not had without much prolixity more by writing then by word of mouth and where more time is spent in banqueting then in business The Diet proceeded on then but slowly and by reason of the variety of opinions many difficulties were met with in the things proposed Whereupon the Prince of Orange being all on fire himself and that he might set others on fire likewise spake one day thus It is not assuredly any waies to be doubted most Noble Princes and worthy Deputies but that we now treat upon a common cause The one and the other Germany are sufficiently united in situation tongue name traffick life and in all things else And who knows not that in former times they both made but one body their people do chiefly affect liberty And though in Flanders the Prince be heriditory whereas in Germany he is elective yet almost the same preeminence is due by them to their States as is here attributed to your Dyets But how oft and with how much labour and danger hath it behoved the one and the other Nation to oppose themselves to the avaritiousness of their Princes I will leave the pursuit of ancient affairs that I may come to the more modern and those of Germany that I may descend to the present affairs of Flanders When the Emperour Charls the fifth was dead every one knows the King his son's chiefest desire was to leave those parts and settle himself in Spain Being there wholly transformed into the sence and Customs of that people he grew desirous to govern Flanders after the same manner and Empire as Spain was governed And what more imperious Minister of State could he leave behind him with the Dutchess of Parma then the Cardinal Granville Did I say Minister of State nay rather supream Governor since whilst he was there the Dutchess bore only the name of Regent the whole power lay in him base Burgundian The first Author of Flanders's mischiefs and who deserves chiefly to be punished since the fault was chiefly his The Government of the Ecclesiastical and Temporal affairs was suddenly altered in divers sorts by absolute Authority but chiefly by new Edicts still more grievous to the conscience and by introducing the Inquisition The secretest Oracles are come from the Councel of Spain and are executed by secret consultations in Flanders If the Nobility have complained their complaints have proved vain to Petition is counted treachery to seem troubled rebellion and the casual headdy giddiness of the common people a premeditated insurrection of the whole Country In fine nothing but to have a pretence to use force against Flanders was expected in Spain And what more light pretence could be taken then to go about to suppress those tumults which were seen to cease almost assoon as begun When so suddenly hereupon the Flemish are insolently declared in Spain to be rebels to God and to the King and a foreign Army marches to cause Flanders to be treated hereafter not as a successive Nation but as a Conquered Countrey And who could be better chosen to execute such violences then the Duke of Alva the most haughty minded man of all Spain Flanders greatest enemy and who knows better then any other how to extinguish all remainders of religion and in lieu thereof to use all sorts of Tyranny And just so it fell out He hath begun to raise Citadels in the chiefest Cities he hath placed Garisons every where the places of execution run down with bloud in all Towns no more home-Laws are heard of but forein ones The Country is almost unpeopled by exilement imprisonment and running away And nothing but gastly looks complaints misery desparation and calamity is seen every where In this deplorable estate is Flanders at the present How much more happie then is Germany which enjoys her former libertie and which abhorring all forein force knows no other Empire then her own I partake of this felicity for from hence I derive my bloud and my first stem remains still here Nay I am more hated in Spain then any other of the Flemish by reason of my German spirit I am held to be the contriver of Conspiracies the head of sedition the pestilence of those Countries Their greatest anger thunders against me and the severest punishments are already fallen upon me Thus they seek to turn my glory to infamy And what greater glory can there be then to maintain the liberty of a mans Country and to die rather then be inslaved I then most high Princes and Noble Deputies who am both a German and a Fleming after having laid before you the miseries of the Lower Germany whose tears and supplications I bring hither with me
new ones to be committed And that clause did in particular displease very much wherein the Kings intention of assuming unto himself a power of anulling all priviledges for the late risings was so clearly seen There wanted not those in Flanders and elsewhere who fomented these evil suggestions And because the gathering of the hundreth penny was already begun and that great difficulties were met withall therein many of the ill-affected Flemish and Kings back-friends in the neighbouring parts indeavoured still to alienate the people more and more This alienation by reason of the abovesaid grievance appeared particularly in Holland and Zealand to be greatest as also in all that Maritine Coast. And as for the other of the tenth and twentieth penny 't was plainly seen that none of the other Provinces would ever be brought unto it But because Traffick was much greatest in the Maritine parts by reason of the commodity of Navigation which made them be more frequented by forreiners and chiefly by English Merchants and by those of the neighbouring Hans-Towns Cities of Germany all of them infected with heresie Therefore a greater backwardness was seen for the present in the aforesaid Provinces and a greater preparation for the like in the future This mean while the Dukes necessity of monies increased Much pay was due to the soldier The new Citadels proved to be a very great expence and nothing near so much mony could be come by from Spain as was requisite Lodrone's Regiment of High-Dutch did just at this time mutiny for want of pay And though the ring-leaders of the mutiny were severely punished and that the contagion brake no farther forth in the Army yet the danger was great as was also the Dukes fear Whilst things past thus in Flanders the Archdutchess Anne daughter to the Emperour Maximilian was gone from Germany towards Spain to marry with the Catholick King She came by Flanders that so she might imbarque in Zealand and goe the sooner to Spain The Duke of Alva went therefore to receive her upon the confines and waited upon her till he saw her under fail who soon after arrived happily in Spain With her were the two Archdukes her brothers Albertus and Vincelaus The latter whereof dyed afterwards in Spain and the other tarried long there This is that Albertus who devoting himself first to Ecclesiastical life was made Cardinal and was afterwards sent to govern the Kingdom of Portugal and lastly the Low-Countries wherein returning to a secular profession and having married the Infanta Isabella eldest daughter to the King and had those Countries in portion with her of Governour became afterwards Prince of them and joyntly with his wife governed them many years Princes both of them of such religion and piety and indow'd with all other such eminent virtues as this our History will have fil'd room enough to illustrate it self in their times if it shall please God that it shall arive thereat and that their memory may thereby be rendred as famous to posterity as the knowledg of them hath been in this our age The Duke of Alva made use of the new Brides going into Spain to obtain leave of the King that he might quit the Government of Flanders To the which the King giving way the Duke of Medina-Celi was destin'd to succeed him who at that time was Viceroy of Cicily But whatever the occasion was it was not for the present so done the King thought it may be that the danger of new troubles in Flanders was not so far ceased as that it was fit to remove the Duke of Alva from thence who peradventure foreseeing them desired that the tempest might fall upon a new successor Being then returned to Brussels after he had attended the new Queen to the sea-side he betook himself wholly to the business of the new Impositions And because greater difficulties and obstacles were every day found in that of the tenth and twentieth penny he indeavoured that in lieu thereof the Provinces should pay at one intire payment 6 million of Crowns which he afterwards reduced to four But this appearing still to be too excessive a sum no favourable resolution could be had therein The Provinces were rather inclined to build the intended Citadels at their own cost and this was propounded but the Duke would in no ways listen thereunto holding that it neither stood with dignity nor safety to suffer that the Flemish in so important a business should chuse rather then obey 'T was said that to sweeten the Duke both in his intercessions to the King and in his own rigour towards the Countrie the Provinces offered to give him a donative of a hundred thousand crowns in Gold and that he with no less wisdom then generosity refused it as well not to render his Authority undervalued in Flanders as not to afford colour for such calumnies as his enemies might plot against him in Spain He at this time did one thing which did exceedingly exasperate the Flemish and increased their batred more against him The Citadel of Antwerp was already made defensable and the Duke caused all possible haste that could be made to perfect it He gloried to leave such a memory of him behind him in the Low-Countries thinking that by such a curb he had mainly secured their obedience to the King But desirous that together with this image of his mind another of his body might likewise remain there he made his Effigies be set up in the Citadel in a Statue of Brass The Statue was all in Armour save the head and 't was made by Jongeling a German one of the famousest workmen that was then in all Europe At the feet thereof was a monstrous Figure of brass also which had two heads and six arms and other misterious signes in other parts which did clearly denote the past successes of the Covenant Petitions and Revolts This great piece of workmanship was sustained by a great Pillar of Marble with four faces In that which looked towards the City were ingraven some single Letters with a full point to each of them without any other expression of words therein contained but the sence thereof as it was commonly interpreted was in praise of the Duke of Alva for having preserved obedience to the Church and King in the Low-Countries and restored Justice and quiet unto the Provinces In the two side faces some misterious significations were exprest in Sculpture in praise likwise of his Government and in that behind was the Sculptures name The Flemish seemed deeply concern'd in this action and great complaints were made thereof every where as if the Duke would be publickly seen in this his Statue upon their necks and as if not content to have reduced them already to this slavery he would boast of his Trophies in this to them so ignominious a fashion Innovations were not long in insuing In the late indeavours which those of Nassaw had made to enter with their forces into Flanders they had experienced how hard
wherefore recourse must needs be had to that Assembly For what remained they said That they would never relinquish those Cities strong Holds Munitions and Arms wherein their safety did consist till they saw a setled peace in the form by them proposed That they held their reformed Religion to be good and that they would not for such an occasion abandon their Goods Parents and Country nor leave the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand made desolate by the excluding from thence so many who profest the same Religion which would redound very much to the Kings disservice by his losing so many Subjects and by the too much impoverishing of both the Provinces in the lesning of their Commerce and Merchandise The Kings Commissioners saw very well by this opiniatracy of the adverse party that no reply which they could make would be to any purpose Yet more to justifie the King in his proceedings then out of any hope of good success they resolved to present another paper whereby to confute the oppositions made by the contrary party They said That to speak in that manner against the Spaniards and the rest of the Kings subjects shewed they had no mind to a reconciliation but that they were still more radicated in their enmity And yet the end of this Treaty was only to take away all misunderstandings and to establish peace and concord That they again replyed when peace should be once made the King would not stick at removing the Spaniards and all those that they termed strangers out of those Countries That to do this before were for the King to lay down his arms before his time contrary to his dignity contrary to all reason of war and contrary to all right of justice That as the King did not pretend this at first in respect of those men who did serve the Rebels and who were indeed all of them strangers so when peace should be made he would on his part agree that all that sort of souldiery should depart the Country As for the assembling of the States General they shewed how that it would require too long time and that the Treaty being to pass through their hands would cause a much longer expence of time That such Treaties were never known to be handled by the States General That this would be to make the Subjects authority greater then the Kings and to make them the Law-givers whereas they were with all moderation to receive them That therefore when the peace should be established the King would suddenly call the States And in the re-ordering the affairs of Flanders would follow whatsoever was convenient and which had been formerly practised by his predecessors those Councels and Records which upon like occasion should be given him by them Concerning the restitution of Towns Munitions and Arms they said that no more reasonable demand could be made That in all reason when the alienated Provinces should return to the Kings obedience the Towns and Arms thereof should likewise return into his hands as formerly That this was practised in the making of every Peace between Prince and Prince then much more ought it to be so between Princes and Subjects Touching the point of Religion they replied again That the King would not in any the least degree alter his resolution taken therein and which they had declared That to change Religion was not in the power of Princes much less of Subjects That the Apostolick Roman Religion had for so many Ages and with so much piety been the onely Faith profest in Flanders That at the Kings taking possession of those Provinces the King and People had reciprocally sworn to defend and preserve that alone That by the departure of those that were infected with Heresie Holland and Zealand would not suffer any considerable diminution of people much less would they be left desolate for they were not so many nay if the Heretick Preachers were driven from thence who had brought with them and upheld that infection the Catholick Religion would soon return to flourish there again That notwithstanding the King would suffer such as would continue pertinacionsly in their Sects to transport their goods in form aforesaid And to be sure that whatsoever was promised should be performed the King would to that purpose pledg his Royal Faith in the most ample manner and would thereunto adde if the adverse party should so require the like of the Emperor by whose authority through his express Ambassador this Treaty which was now in hand was introduced When this Paper which was very long and spoke home was presented by the Kings side the adverse part took time to answer shewing that they must fully communicate the whole to the States of Holland and Zealand and therefore they their Commissioners were inforced to goe themselves in person into those parts Count Zuarsemburgh endeavoured very much to keep them from going from the Conference fearing as indeed it fell out that the Treaty if once interrupted would hardly ever be reassumed But they would by no means be perswaded and therefore at the same time the Hostages were set at liberty It was a good while ere the Answer came which was at last sent in a long paper and repeating the same things yet more bitterly against the Spaniards and against the Kings demands did conclude That they stood firm to the Conditions propounded by them concerning Peace that they thought them altogether necessary and that they would never accept of any other Accommodation When this Answer was made known to the Ambassador and the Kings Commissioners the Treaty forthwith broke and the Ambassador soon after returned for Germany In fine the business between the King and the Rebels was grown to too great a diffidence The Publike Faith is sufficient between King and King and to this Tribunal it is that recourse is had for Justice in differences which arise betwixt them But the Rebels more considered the Kings Forces then his Faith for the Treaty being betwixt Prince and Subjects they were still afraid and therefore demanded such terms for their security which they neither ought to ask nor the King to give The Prince of Orange was sole Arbitror and Moderator of whatsoever was treated of by the Rebels and 't was he who fill'd them with so continual suspitions It was every day more clearly seen that amidst the revolutions of the Country he hoped to reap good advantage for himself and therefore he chose rather to hazard the Common interest in Wars then to see his own designs quite overthrown by Peace and quiet Nor did the Heretical Faction in Germany France and England for the conformity of their ends desire the continuance of the troubles in the Low-Countries less then he 'T is therefore not to be imagined with how much industry all those of that party did strive to hinder the proceedings of that accommodation which was introduced by Cesars means and how much afterwards they laboured to make the Ambassadors endeavours subject to
the King particularly inviting the Duke to endeavour to raise a Fortune worthy of himself in Flanders now that he had little hopes of finding any in France Don John was easily acquainted with all these practices who notwithstanding patiently bearing with them and willing to take away all pretences which the discontented Flemish could make use of confirmed the aforesaid offers in satisfaction to the Provinces and concluded that obedience being rendred by them to the Church and to the King he would in all things else accept of such Propositions as they should propound unto him The Vicecount of Gaunt and Lords of Rassenghean and Viglirual went sundry times to and fro between the States and Don John and the easilyer to agree upon what was fitting for the receit of Don John into the Government a Truce was made for 15 days which was afterwards prolonged for some few days longer All the difficulties arised from diffidence For the States would that in the first place all the Spaniards and whatsoever other foreign souldiers should go out which Don John seemed to agree unto but then he thought it a just demand that at the same time the States foreign Militia should likewise go out And because the States appeared very obstinate against this it was propounded that at least for security sake some considerable men of theirs might be put as Hostages into the Castle of Huy a Town in Liege under the custody of the Bishop of that City till such time as the Spanish Forces being first sent out their foreign Militia might likewise be made depart And 't was added that at the same time a Guard should be given to Don John under some Captain of that Country who should swear due loyalty to him He chiefly desired to know what form of obedience should be observed to the Church and King and instanced that the condition of his being received into Government might be such as Religion might not thereby receive too much prejudice nor the Royal Dignity be too much offended The Town of Huy as a nutral place was likewise propounded for a place of security where the agreement which was managed on both sices might be made between Don John and the States But divers difficulties arose in all these points which Orange particularly fomented with all his might because his end was either that Don John might not at all be received or at least that he might only have the bare title of Governour and that the Government might remain absolutely in the States hands which was almost as much as to say absolutely in his own power The Emperour Maximilian was dead a little before this And the Flemish having had recourse to him for protection before he died they therefore made the same application to his son Rodolphus who succeeded him in the Emperial dignity Not could the King of Spain be hereat offended Rodolphus had therefore made choice of Gerard Grosbeck Bishop of Liege together with two other of his Councellors to mediate some agreement between Don John and the States Cesar thought it likewise fitting and herein the King did likewise agree with him that the Duke of Cleves as a Prince so nearly interessed in the neighbourhood of Flanders might likewise send some express personages in his behalf to facillitate the accommodation In the beginning of the year 1577 these Ambassadors went to the Town called Marcha in Famines which is in the Province of Lucemburg towards the Country of Liege where Don John was himself in person that he might be nearer Huy where the Commissioners were which the States made use of in the abovesaid Treaty The States stood inflexable to two points The one was That first of all the Spaniards together with all the other foreign souldiers should be sent away The other That this new agreement with Don John should in no ways prejudice the union made between the Provinces at Gaunt Very great were the difficulties which were met withall in these and divers other points and Don John knew very well how much the Kings Authority and his would at last suffer by this accommodation But rather then return to arms he being desirous to try all means of accommodation and being much prest thereunto by the Imperial Ambassadors and by those of the Duke of Cleves who were perswaded that when the Spaniards should be sent away Don John should receive all manner of satisfaction from the Flemish in all things else he at last condescended to the agreement in such manner as the Ambassadors thought fit Which was That all the Spanish souldiers as also the German Italian and Burgonian should effectually depart out of the Low-Countries within forty days That the Towns and Castles should forthwith be delivered up into the hands of the Flemish That all prisoners should be set at liberty particularly Count Buren who was prisoner in Spain upon condition that his father the Prince of Orange should after the meeting of the States General make good on his side whatsoever they should determine That the King should permit the Provinces to enjoy all their former priviledges and immunities That on the contrary the Catholick Religion should be by them maintained in all places That they should likewise dismiss all their foreign souldiers and should renounce all foreign confederacies and leagues That they should presently pay down 60000 pound sterling for satisfaction to the Spaniards who were to be gone and should take upon them also to satisfie the Germans These were in substance the chief Articles of the agreement and upon these conditions the States obliged themselves to receive Don John for their Governor This agreement being made order was immediately given by Don John for the departure of the Spaniards and all the other foreign Souldiers and he sent Octavius Gonzaga and the Secretary Escovedo a Spaniard to see it effected But Orange hearing the Agreement declared publickly that they were not such as did satisfie him nor yet the Provinces of Holland and Zealand He complained That his son was not freely restored unto him that sufficient provision was not had for the safety of the Provinces since there was no order for the demolishing of the new erected Castles That it was an unworthy action to pay the Spaniards the great wealth considered which they had got by plunder from the Flemish That convenient respect was not given to those Princes whose favour and assistance had been so advantagious to the Flemish That by this agreement that other of Gaunt was not sufficiently made good from which he and the Provinces of Holland and Zealand did not intend to recede nor run such hazards as the rest were quickly like to do The States replyed unto these Objections and endeavoured to make it appear that the agreement of Gaunt was not any ways altered and that howsoever they would see it observed But Orange by cavils or subterfuges continued still of the same mind so as it was impossible to get him nor the other two Provinces which
manner as it will be too hard a matter for any Foreign Nation to land there much more hard to keep there when they are landed That Kingdom is inclosed and fortified on all sides by the Sea the Havens there are but few and any Fleet may be easily kept from entring thereinto The English yield not to any Nation of the world for skill in maritime affairs and their maretime Forces together with those that will be added to them by Holland and Zealand may without doubt oppose whatsoever Fleet Spain can set forth at least by way of defence But say that our men were landed in the Kingdom how can we hope to establish them there Usually in the making of Conquests some internal disposition is required and there is a continual necessity of external aids to maintain them There can no safe correspondencie be hoped for from the English it being a Nation which will suffer no other Government then its own And succours from elswhere will be so hard to be effected so expensive and so uncertain as the Forces of Spain which are already so distracted will never be able to supply them Hath not your Majesty experience by your marriage with Queen Mary how much the English doe hate all manner of Foreigners and how contrary all the Laws of the Kingdom are there unto Is not the Rebellion of Flanders sufficient to let out the best blood of Spain without adding thereunto that which you shall suddenly see arise in England Then since there is so little hope of any good success in this affair methinks it were better to let it alone and so to resent the wrongs done unto you by the Queen as fighting with her at her own weapons not to come to open war upon her States If war shall be made and the design not succeed how much more will she oppress the Catholicks of England and of Ireland How will she foment the troubles in Flanders nourishing still her own desire of usurping the government thereof And how much more justly shall she plot all manner of mischief with the Hollanders and Zealanders to the Crown of Spain in the Indies and in all other parts So as by this enterprise no glory or advantage will redound to your Majesty but shame and loss Let your Majesty therefore bend all your might to end the Rebellion of Flanders The Duke of Parma's Army being reinforced by Land and the Provinces of Holland and Zealand being set upon by Sea with the same Forces which would be imployed against England your Majesty may safely believe to see that Rebellion subdued and the Church restored to its former right as also your Royal Crown If in the mean while the Queen of England shall continue to aggravate her offences yet more against your Majesty then may you resent your self against her in open war with more expedition more advantage and more happy success The former success will doubtlesly very much help the other where as on the contrary if the design of assaulting England misgive as it is to be feared it will for my part I fear and I wish my fears may prove false the Rebellion of Flanders will never have an end The Duke of Parma being desired to signifie his mind in this point seemed to incline to this second opinion And howsoever if the business concerning England were to precede he said that some Port or Haven in Zealand was first to be won and this out of two very important reasons The one that upon any occasion the Spanish Fleet might have some safe and near refuge and the other that the Kings Havens in the Province of Flanders might not be hindred by the Hollanders and Zealanders in the Duke of Parma's transporting his Army into England The King staggering between these two opinions was a while in dispute with himself which of them to follow But in fine it appeared that the securing of England did so absolutely draw with it the putting an end to the Rebellion of Flanders as it was resolved in Spain to make all the speed and all the greatest preparations that might be for the execution of this enterprise The King was afterwards the more encouraged herein by the disposition he found in the Pope not only of approving but of favouring the design Sixtus Quintus was then Pope who appeared very zealous in maintaining the universal cause of the Church In the particular of England he considered what had befaln in the time of Pius Quintus by whom he had been made Cardinal When Pope Pius found that the Queen of England grew still more perverse in prosecuting the Catholicks and to doe all ill to Religion both at home and abroad he at last published an Apostolical Bull wherein was contained such punishments against her as the Church in like cases had alwayes wont to inflict But instead of being thereby bettered the Queen grew more cruel and impious Nothing was seen or heard of in that Kingdom but a perpetual irremissible fury against Catholicks some were banisht others imprisoned others deprived of their goods together with their Country and many bereft both of goods and life The Priests were chiefly persecuted and Heresie triumphing over their punishments and to see their Ministery already wholly routed out 't was thought the Queen intended fully to extinguish all the remainder of Catholick Religion and all the footsteps of that Piety which for so many Ages had so exceedingly flourisht there Nor was her hatred towards the Church bounded within her own Dominions it was known how greatly and how continually she fomented the Heretical factions of Germany France and Flanders to nourish troubles there and particularly to beat down the Catholick religion by her means likewise Scotland was greatly subverted and her beheading of the Queen of Scots who had been alwayes very zealous in the Catholick cause was generally detested by all the Catholick Princes of Europe and in particular had caused much horror in the Pope Wherefore joyning this with many other actions whereby the Queen did so cruelly afflict the Church and disturb the publike peace almost every where he considered he was not to let slip the occasion now presented of favouring the King of Spains aforesaid enterprise thereby to advantage the Catholike cause universally over all Europe and particularly in England and Ireland To this purpose he thought it fit to make a Subject of England Cardinal and this was Doctor Allen who was one of the antientest and most qualified Ecclesiasticks both for learning wisdom and goodness of all those of that Nation that were abroad Allen was then at Rome and the Popes intention was to send him into Flanders and then into England in case the design should succeed there to exercise such Ministerial duties as should upon such an occasion be most needfull for the service of the Church and particularly for those Catholicks The Pope being thus minded the King applied himself with all fervencie to the business and to make very
The Contents An Agreement is made between the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes on the one part and the new King of great Britain on the other The siege of Ostend continues and with what success Frederick Spinola comes into Flanders with a Squadron of Gallies And his brother Marquess Ambrosio Spinola comes thither likewise with 8000 Foot raised in Italy Both their intentions to advance themselves by the military profession But Federick is slain not long after in a Sea fight Count Maurice prepares great Forces besiegeth Graves and takes it A new mutiny in the Catholick Camp The Arch-duke resolves to turn his Forces against the mutineers Maurice comes into their aid and secures them from all danger With their Forces and his own he besiegeth Balduke The Arch-duke goes in person to relieve it whereupon Maurice retreats from thence Slow proceedings about Ostend The siege thereof is put into the hands of Marquis Spinola Who with great fervency embraceth the managing thereof Maurice the mean while incamps before Sluce Spinola marcheth to relieve it but not succeeding therein the Town is lost Spinola returns to the siege of Ostend and at last ends that enterprise He goes afterwards into Spain and returns from thence made Camp-master General of the Catholick Army in Flanders He opposeth divers of Count Maurice his proceedings then suddenly passeth the Rhine goes towards Friesland and there takes Oldensel and Linghen And soon after Count Bucquoy takes Vachtendonch Spinola goes again into Spain and is sent back by the King into Flanders with addition of Honours He passeth again with his Army towards Friesland takes Groll and Reinberg and forceth Maurice afterwards to raise his Siege from before the same Town of Groll JAmes King of Scots succeeding Queen Elizabeth came forthwith to London which is the Metropolitan City of England where his arrival was celebrated with great demonstrations of joy the Scots and English contending by usual and natural emulation who should glory most the one for having given a new King to the English or the others for having got him from them But amidst these mirths the Catholicks were much afflicted who soon lost all hopes of being better treated in matter of Religion as the new King in the latter time of the Queen to make them well disposed towards him had made them believe they should be For even from his very first coming to London they found they should suffer no less bitter persecution under him then for so long a time they had done under her That he might unite the two Nations together as much as it was possible the new King would be stiled King of Great Britain comprehending thus both the Kingdoms under one Title and endeavouring by all other means according to the Form of that Heretical Government to establish himself at home in all security He then applied himself to Foreign Correspondencies knowing how much the well grounding of these would contribute to his own domestical affairs He renewed the Confederacies which the late Queen had with the King of France and the United Provinces of Flanders And with the like inclination which she had shewed a little before her death of coming to some agreement with the King of Spain and the Archdukes he heartily gave himself to continue the Negotiation wherein the King of Spain and Archdukes did not refuse to correspond on their behalfs So as the business growing every day nearer an end it was not long till they came to mutual splendid Embassies by which such correspondencie was at last established as the so contrary Interest between them in point of Religion and matter of State could admit of Which we have thought fit to touch upon only here not to digress too far from the particular affairs of Flanders Then that we may return to the Narration thereof the chief business which did then depend in those Provinces was the Siege of Ostend The greater the difficulties appeared of bringing it to an end the more resolute was the Archduke to endeavour it by all possible wayes being particularly instigated thereunto by the Province of Flanders which shewed it self very ready to continue all the largest Contributions which to that purpose could be thereby subministred The Archduke when he came from that Siege had left the care thereof as we told you to the Campmaster Rivas who failed not to use all diligence in daily advancing the Works The most important whereof were two The one the great Platform in St. Alberto's quarter which was raised as fast as might be to annoy incessantly the Old Town of Ostend from thence by many Peeces of Artillery And the other the great Dike already begun in Bredene quarter with intention of leading it on so far as it might command the great Channel and so hinder the continual and large succours which by means thereof were received into the Town from the Sea To make this Dike a great quantity of those Sauceges which we spake of before were made use of and were much greater then the former To the first and largest foundation which was well incorporated with wet sand and other condense matter others of the like sort were added till the Dike was grown to the height it ought to be and the breadth thereof was very extraordinary great To boot with the ordinary Plain thereof upon which two great Canons might stand abrest there was a great Parapet raised in it against the Town to shelter the Souldier and which being in divers places furnished with Artillery did greatly indammage the Enemy likewise on that fide This work was made in a sandy and low situation and whither the Sea at full Tide came so as it cannot be said with how much expence labour and loss of blood this work was advanced Whilst such diligent work was had by Land touching the Siege of Ostend Frederick Spinola did continually scoure that Sea-coast with a Squadron of Gallies which he had a little before brought from Spain Frederick was come to be trained up in Arms in Flanders in the Duke of Parma's time And though he had not then any particular Imployment yet was there generally great hopes had of him in all those occurrences wherein his wit industry and capacity did plainly appear He had learnt by experienced men that by maintaining a good Squadron of Spanish Gallies upon the Coast of Flanders the Hollanders and Zealanders might be very much prejudiced in their usual Navigations in those Seas and Gulfs It was considered that those Vessels which frequented those parts were either Fisher-men or Merchants that the Gallies by their nimbleness might continually infest that passage that to boot with the great prejudice which the Enemy might receive thereby by Sea they might peradventure receive more damage by Land for the Gallies might at all times run into the nearest Sea-gulfs land men pillage their Villages and upon good success attempt some important surprise whereby they might get footing in Zealand Which if it should so fall
as hath been shewed above and in the rest divers resolutions were contained touching the affairs of Justice and concerning rather particular then publick interests Thus did this Negotiation of Flanders end at last the issue whereof was so long expected throughout all Europe And truly at this Truce as if it had been at an universal Quiet all Europe seemed to rejoyce which had seen for so many years and amidst so many fatal and dreadful spectacles the blood of all her Nations run upon the Theatre of Flanders FINIS A TABLE Of the most remarkable things contained in this FIRST PART A ABBOTS monasticall in Flanders complain against the new erection of Bishopricks 11 Adolphus Oranges brother slain in Battail 57 Alcmar in the Rebels hands 109. Besieged by the Kings party ibid. Alexander Farnese prince of Parma in Flanders upon oceasion of his marriage with Mary princess of Portugall 21 Alst in Flanders seâ—zed by the Mutiners 141 Amsterdam 96. A City very faithfull to the Church and the King ibid. Infested with the other Towns of Holland ib. Again molested by them 1â—0 Anne daughter to Maurice Elector of Saxony 19. Married to Orange ibid. Anne the Archdutchess daughter to Maximilian the Emperor married to the Catholick King 71. Is accompanied by the Archdukes Albertus and Wenceslaus her brothers ibid. Anthony Stralen a principall man in Antwerp 46. Is executed 58 Antonio Pittore endeavours to seize upon a passage and hinder victuals from being brought to the Kings Camp 102 Is routed slain and his head thrown into Harlem by the Spaniards ibid. Antwerp is threatned to be sacked by the Mutiners 122. Contributes a sum of money to satisfie them ibid. Taken by the Kings men 14. Sackt 147. The Commissioners from the Emperour from France and England meet there 177 Archduke Albertus and his praises 71 Archduke Matthias 162. passes secretly into Flanders ibid. Made Governour of the Countrie by the Councel of State 163 Archbishop of Colen in the Kings Army 86 B THe Baron of Battembourgh seeks to relieve Harlem 105. Is routed and slain 10â— The Baron of Erberstein makes a secret agreement with the States 142. Receives their men into Antwerp 143 Drown'd in the Scheld 147 Bartholomeo Campi Ingineer to the Kings Camp 99. He is slain 105 The Battel of Friesland 59. Of Geminghen 62. Between the Kings men and the Hugonots of France near Mons 8â— By Sea in the Lake of Leyden 104. By sea in the Gulf of Zuyderzee 110. In the Scheld between the Kings Forces and the Rebels 113 The Battel of Mooch 117. Of Geblours 1â—8 Berghen-ap-zome and its scituation 76 Bernardino di Mendozza sent into Spain by the Duke of Alva 103. He wrote of the Wars of Flanders 104 Was sent by the Commendador to Mastrick 115 Breda a Town belonging to Orange 23 What passed among the Confederates there ibid. Brederode makes himself Head of the Petitioners 24. His Oration to his Companions ibid. He presents a Petition to the Lady Regent 26. raiseth sedition 39 goes into Holland to set up Tumults there ibid. Seconds Orange in every thing ibid. Dies miserably ibid. Brill taken by the Geuses 73. Fortified by Lumay 74 Buren a Town confining upon Holland taken and sackt by the Kings Party 132 The House of Burgundy soveraigne over all the Provinces p. 1 C CAmbray raised to an Arch-bishoprick 9 Captain Plumart 91 His Proposition to Avila and Mandragone ibid. He finds the Food by which they were to go for the relief of Tergoes ibid. Capitulations between the Duke of Aianson and the States 172 Charls the fifth son to Philip the first 2 He peaceably enjoys Flanders ibid. Born in Gant 3. His favours to the Flemings ib. How much he was loved and reverenced among them 4. A comparison between his nature and that of his son Philip ib. The Castle of Gant besieged by the States 145. It is surrendred 148 The Castle of Antwerp besieged by the States 145. It is aemolished 147 The Castle of Namours seized by Don John 159. The Catholicks and hereticks in Antwerpt come to an agreement 39 Christophoro Mandragone Camp-Master goes to the relief of ter-Goes 91 Enters the Town and succours it 93 Is Commander at the defence of Middleburgh 108. Sends very earnestly for relief 112. Yields up the place 114 Seizeth upon the Isle of Finaert 133 Wades through the Channel of Scowen under Ziriczee 136 Coligni Admiral of France Head of the Hugonot Faction 83. His negotiations with Orange ib. The Commendador Maggiore of Castile sent to govern the Low-Countries comes to Brussels 111. Prepares two Fleets for the succour of Middleburgh 113. Sees one of them routed ib. Much troubled at the new expedition of Count Lodovick 115. Goeth over to Antwerp to appease the Mutiners 122. His designes upon Holland and Zealand 132 His perplexity about attempting the Ford from Filisland 134. He dies 139 His Character ib. A Confederacy in Flanders which they call a Covenant 22. Subscribed by a great number of the Nobility ib. The Confederates come to Brussels 24 They meet in the Count of Colemburghs Hourse ib. Admitted to the Lady Regents audience 26. They take upon them the name of Gueses 27. many of them goe in one Livery ib. their Licentious actions 28 The Conference in Breda for a Treaty of peace in Flanders 129. It is dissolved without coming to any conclusion 131 The Councel of State and its authority with the Lady Regent 9. What their opinions were concerning her designe for taking up of Arms 34. It enters upon the Government after the Commendadors death 139. Prepares for War against the Spaniards 141. Much daunted at the coming of Don John 150. They send Commissioners into Holland and Zealand 155. Their jealousies of Don John 157. They storm at his surprizing of the Castle of Namours 159. Writes to the King a Letter against Don John 160. Their practizes with foreign Princes 16â— Publishes an Edict against Don John 165 Declares it will not acknowledge him for Governour 170. Dispatcheth away a very solemn Ambassy to the Duke of Alanson 173 A Consultation held in Brussels upon matters of religion 21. what is resolv'd upon it ib By Frederick di Toledo whether the siege of Harlem should be prosecuted or given over 103. by d' Alva whether the Kings Forces should be imployed upon the siege of Mons or against Holland and Zealand 81. In Spain whether the King should go into Flanders 41. In Spain about the innovations in the Low Countries 164 Count Egmont a Flemming born 5 His nature and Customes ibid. Governour of the particular Province of Flanders and of Artois 12 Goes over into Spain 20. Returns well satisfied by the King 21. Is committed to prison 46. Is condemned 58 Count Horn Admiral of Flanders 12 Inraged against Granvel ib. His opinion that the people ought to be stirred up to innovations 36. Is attached 46. Is sentenced to death 58 Count Peter Ernestus Mansfield raises men to secure the Lady
more averse thereunto with whom the Bishop of Arras joyned in opinion who was one of the most imployed Ministers of the Court. Out of these reasons they also hindred Orange his afore mentioned Marriage it appearing to them that it was not good to consent to such an Alliance so neer to the King himself and that it would make Orange yet greater in Flanders by the neer leaning stock of Loraine and would cause yet more ambitious desires in him then those which had more then once been already discovered in him when the King had chosen the Dutchesse of Parma to be Governess of Flanders and caused her therefore to come from Italy he thought it fitting before his departure to call a generall Assembly of all the Provinces the which he held in Gaunt Where the Deputies being assembled together the King spoke first severally with every of them apart concerning the affairs of chiefest importance and at the first opening of the Assembly he was present himself in person together with the new Governess where after a great silence The Bishop of Arras began to speak by the Kings command to the Deputies and inlarged himself into a long discourse wherein he shewed the reasons which forced the King to go for Spaine and afterwards apply'd himself to the particular affairs of Flanders He said That his Father the Emperour had not for the space of many years seen Spaine and that at last he went thither out of no other end but to lay his bones there that the present King had also absented himself from thence for many years not to abandon Flanders which was then exposed to the greatest dangers of War which was very hot between him and the King of France That at last the peace of Cambray was insued his Marriage with the Daughter of Henry the second and all good intelligence and concord between both the parties that the affairs of Flanders being thus setled reason did require that he should now turn himself to the affairs of Spaine to provide in those parts likewise for many things which did necessarily require his presence that the King hoped either to return quickly himself to Flanders or else to send his son thither that he did acknowledge those Provinces to be his principall Patrimony and that from thence he had his rise to the succession of so many Kingdoms and that therefore he would vie with his Father in his love to them and endeavour to exceed him in his favouring of them that certainly of all goods that could befall them peace was to be preferred which occasioned commerce commerce traffick and traffick the plenty which the people of Flanders did now injoy that in peace likewise the Church did most flourish in her Ministery and the Nobility injoy their greatest priviledges that then this quiet was equally advantageous for all the three orders of the Country and that the King was therein interested more then any others by reason of the dangers whereinto the Princes Authority doth usually fall through the peoples turbulencies that the King knew nothing could more crosse this his so wise and pious object then Heresie the monster of impiety and Sedition and that when people did once arm themselves against their God they did at the same time arm themselves against their Princes of which the neighbouring Countries did afford too horrid and dreadfull examples that therefore the King as a Father no lesse then as a Prince did exhort the Provinces to preserve the purity of the ancient Faith to wit that faith which their Forefathers had for so many Ages professed with such lively zeal and caused to flourish with such constant Pietie That therefore they should cause the Edicts to be observed which were first published by his Father and afterwards confirmed by him in this point that they should not suffer themselves to be abused by false words taking licentiousness for liberty that they should take example from the evils of others not to fall into the like themselves that they should give all due obedience and respect to their new Governess and that they should assure themselves that as the King went from them full of Gratitude for the good service which they had done him and his Father so he would alwayes continue his Fathers and his wn affection towards those Provinces to witness which he would presently cause all forrein Garrisons to be drawn from forth their fortresses and take away all unusuall contributions from the Country These were the chief things which the Bishop of Arras uttered in the Kings name The answer which the Provinces did at the present give was full of Humility and obsequiousness and seemed to breath forth fidelity but those States ended afterward with very little of satisfaction to the King For touching the things spoken of before wherein the Country seemed to be distasted he saw the ill disposed minds of the Provinces in the faces of their Deputies and might judge that affairs would not continue long in the condition he left them The Flemings were then chiefly vexed through fear of having the inquisition introduced amongst them and there wanted not some who spoke their mindes therein publikely in the States That Flanders was not accustomed to such Rigors that it was terrified at the very name of the inquisition which would be the cause of deserting traffick and Merchandizing throughout the whole Country How much better would those evils be remedied by fairmeans then by fire and sword That every Humane body had its particular Habit and so every Nation its proper and natural constitution of temper That what did become Spain and Italy might not be fit for Flanders nor for the other more Northern people of Europe Who were more naturally inclined to liberty then those of the Southern parts By these and such like words wherewith they pierced the ears of the King they would either have had him have annul'd the published Edicts before his departure or at least have moderated them But he would never assent thereunto But gave this remarkable answer to one of his Officers who represented unto him the danger which he thereby might run into of losing either all or many of those Provinces and that therefore he might do better somewhat to connive alledging the neighbouring Countreyes for his example That he would rather be without Kingdoms then injoy them with Heresie Moreover the King with no lesse maturity of judgement then zeal of Religion foresaw the pernitious consequences which might from thence arise in his other Dominions for such an example would have encouraged the rest to have made the like desires and would be very dangerous to be admitted of and no lesse dangerous to be refused He therefore remained resolute to have the said Edicts put in execution as also fully to establish the new Erection of Bishopricks The King in the yeare 1555 had renewed the Edict which his Father the Emperour had made in the year 1550 wherein by Authority of the Apostolick
See the form was ordained which the inquisitors were to observe in the expunging of Heresie The substance whereof was That they should proceed with all rigor in seeking out those who were infected with Heresie and in punishing them according to the penalties appointed the execution whereof was committed to the Magistrates of Cities and to the Provincial Councels with provision to be had that no particular Tribunals should be introduced for the inquisition as it was formed and as for the new Erection of Bishopricks it was carried as hath been said in the relation The King having ordered matters of Religion thus declared that for all things else the former ancient Government should be continued wherein next unto the Regent the Councel of State should have the first place of which were many of the chief Lords of Flanders and because it was impossible to confide in them all therefore the King gave private instructions that the Regent in matters of greatest jealousies and weight should abridge the number to a few and intrust the chief managing thereof in the hands of the Bishop of Arras whom to this purpose he left with her Before the King went from Gaunt he would make a new creation of Knights of the golden Fleece in the places of many that were dead And amongst others he honoured some Lords of that Country with that Order whose Ancestors had formerly been thereof Finally the King preparing for his journey and being desirous first to give such instructions to the Dutchesse of Parma as were most convenient for the administration of Government he took her one day aside and as it is reported said thus unto her I could not give you a greater testimony my beloved Sister of my confidence in you then that which I have now deposited into your hands in assigning over unto you the Government of these Provinces of Flanders You see their situation by how much they are the more remote from my other Kingdoms so much the neerer are they to be endangered by the States which do inviron them T is true France is now at peace with me but 't is not so within it self being full of Factions and in the hands of a childe who instead of giving Lawes will be enforc'd to receive them to boote that the emulation which hath alwayes been and ever will be between France and Spain is too much known The Queen of England who Oppugnes the Religion which I defend will alwayes be plotting to the prejudice of my forces particularly those of Flanders the same suspitions almost out of the same reasons may be had of the Heretick Princes of the neighbouring parts of Germany As also for the spite they bear to see the Empire continue so long in my blood These neighbours will still be practising some innovations here And the most dangerous business which can be apprehended from them will be their infecting the People with Heresie and the making the Nobility upon such occasions aspire to Novelties They will then endeavour to incite the vulgar people to madness by the poison of false opinions and to withdraw them by degrees from liberty to licenciousness from licenciousness to tumults and from tumults to Rebellion And without doubt the introducing of Heresie being permitted these other evils will consequently follow True piety and falie cannot cohabit together And when people begin once to differ in their beliefe the great ones break forth presently into Novelties and by a thousand false pretentions turn Religion into Faction Miserable effects are seen hereof in Germany and no lesse miserable are already begun in France Therefore to preserve Flanders from so dangerous evils care must be had above all things to keep her free from Heresie and that only the Catholike Religion be practised there Which is the true and ancient Religion and which alone is profest in my other Kingdoms From hence doth my Family acknowledge her chiefest greatness and by the means thereof as Subjects are more united within themselves in the worship of the Altars and Temples so are they by her means also the closer tyed together in obedience to their Princes and Magistrates So as I by defending and sustaining of her am by her defended and sustained And rendring hereby the greatest service that I can to God I do consequently the greatest advantage I can to my Crown I go from hence therefore resolved that the Edicts published against the Hereticks in these Provinces be inviolably executed wherein I shall desire you to use your greatest vigilancy and to be sure that your sence be the same that mine is which is not notwithstanding that a setled Inquisition be introduced here I see the differences between these Provinces and those which have received it But on the other side the greatest evils require the strongest remedies To boot that this doth not oppose the priviledges of the Provinces nor the form of that Government which I have promised and sworn unto Nay to tollerate the introducing of heresie would be the greatest violation thereof I could commit Since hitherto it hath wholly been grounded upon the Catholick Religion and all things would be disturbed and quite overthrown if I should give any allowance to the bringing in of heresie When this danger shall be provided for it will make the remedy the easier for the other which may arise from some peccant humour of ambition in some of the great ones Ambition usually seeks out pretences so as course must be taken that no such be found Of all other pretensions that of conscience is the most specious and they who plot most against the common good seem by this way to be most zealous in procuring it Let this so plausible occasion be taken away the other which may move the people to commotions will the more easily cease You my sister very well know the humours of the people of Flanders and how they ought to be govern'd They are born almost as much to liberty as to subjection He that commands must entreat and oft-times must yield instead of obtaining To such natures 't is fit to adjust a proportionate Government You must therefore use all possible diligence in maintaining the accustomed Priviledges and Immunities of the Country and endeavour to satisfie the people in them they being almost wholly constituted in their power The common people live peaceably when at ease and quiet and 't is little to be feared that the ambitious can either discompose them by hidden fraud or grow more bold by open conspiracy to move them to commotion and yet you must by all means endeavour to keep the Nobility devout to my service by particularly giving them their due imployments their due respects and by assuring them that they shall always see my father supervive in me in favouring and protecting them Thus it may be hoped that affairs may here succeed happily and that none of the great ones instead of expecting honours and favours from me will provoke me to rigour and severity But
oppose the liberty of the Country and 〈◊〉 that the Catholike Princes of Germany had refused to receive it and that the same contrarieties appeared to be in France Orange in particular moved these oppositions Though it was not true that any evil could redound to the Country by the Councel as experience did afterwards shew But he did this that he might not let slip any occasion in shewing himself zealous in whatsoever might appeare serviceable for the common good of the Flemish To boot that it was already begun to be feared that these might proceed from some corruption in him in point of religion He had already two years ago married for his second wife Anne daughter to Maurice Elector of Saxony a woman who was an Heretick whereat the King was displeased neither was the Regent nor Cardinal Granville well pleased thereat Bringing her afterwards to Brussels he gave way that not only she but many others under colour of belonging to her family had the exercise of the Lutheran religion used amongst them So as the ceremonies thereof were observed in his house and his wife had with her some of her sisters of the same sect Orange excused himself herein by reason of the Liberty of Conscience which was enjoyed in Germany and by his being obliged so to doe in his conditions of marriage But whatsoever his opinion was then in point of Religion it was thought that he had willingly allied himself to a Prince so considerable in Germany to the end that he might get new adherences in those parts and thereby advantage or aggrandise himself upon any occasion that might arise He therefore under the abovesaid pretences did oppose the introducing of the Councel more then any other And being egg'd on by Ambition and by those ends which till then he had secretly hatched in his mind not stopping at those difficulties which arose of Religion he propounded many other things by way of Reformation of Government under pretence of doing the King service and of the good which would thereby redound unto the Country He proposed how that it would be much better to have all things discust in the Councell of State which were now severally agitated in the Cabinet Councell and Councel of the Treasurie He said that many times the results of one Councel did thwart those of another and that by reason of the affairs being thus divided they were usually spun out into much length and great difficulties were occasioned That the Councel of State being esteemed the chiefest it was as the eye of the Prince which watched over the common good of his people that therefore the Government thereof should be answerable to its dignitie That notwithstanding not to ingrosse the whole body of business into the Counsel of State a deputation might be made to some inferior officers who might discuss the more common affairs of the two other Councels and that these of greatest importance being thus united and choice being made of the ablest Councellors to manage them the expedition would doubtlesly be much greater and the profit much more But all the rest of the Councel did not agree in this Egmont though he was oft times drawn to be of Orange his opinion through the advantage which the subtile craft of the one had over the others more open nature seemed not to approve of these innovations touching the Councels and in the business of the Councel of Trent he said that it was a business to be maturelty considered upon to the end that the Kings orders therein might be effected so as might give best satisfaction to the Provinces But Veghlio was for the present putting of the Councel in Execution He said That the Church in all ages had endeavoured by the way of Councels to preserve the Purity of her decrees and the order of her Discipline And how salutiferous would such a remedy be in particular to those evils wherewith Flanders did at the present labour and which did still threaten her more and more that if the Councel could any wise prejudice the priviledges of the Provinces some accomodation might be thought upon therein For what remain'd that the King ought to boast and glory himself that he had not either the same necessity or the same sence as other Princes had and that his was so conformable to that of the Church and grounded upon such reasons which did so well unite Wisdom and Piety together Neither did he lesse oppose Orange his proposition touching the reducing the three above said Councels into one Shewing That that would be not to order but to confound businesses which being so many and of such weight and labor might be sufficiently digested in each of them apart that the introducing of those Councels did not then begin but that the use of them was so Ancient as shewed the good use which was made of them and that therefore they ought not by any means to be altered And afterward inciting the Regent in secret against Orange his Ambition he shewed how dangerous such propositions were to the Kingly Authority and that of her her self For that the Councel of State would by this means not only be superiour to her Regencie but to the power of the very King Barlemont agreed in opinion with the President Vighlto and these two together with some others which they had drawn over to side with them were by Orange and the rest who had shewed themselves enemies to Granville called by the name of Cardinalists Complaining still that his sence remained in Flanders though not his person the complaints and contrarieties of opinions in the Councel did therefore daily increase more and more and from these disorders the like in the Provinces where the Edicts met with such difficulties as some of the meaner sort of Hereticks had lately had the boldnes in Antwerp to hinder the publike execution of justice which was to have been done upon one of them by burning him in the place appointed thereunto The like had not long before happened in Valenciennes and the like was feared in Tourney to this was added that in these and others Cities the Hereticks were heard to sing their vulgar Psalms by night publikely in the streets And did by day exercise their sects in more then one place and did almost threaten that they would have the free use thereof by force since they could not have it by Toleration The Dutchess wavered between the inconveniencies and dangers which might insue as well by putting the Edicts rigorously into execution as by giving any the least connivencie to the exercise of Heresie she therefore thought good that Count Egmont should go to Spain to inform the King fully by word of mouth of all the occurrences of Flanders and in particular of those which had respect to Religion and to solicit such remedies as should be thought most fit The Councel approved of his going and because in the informations which were given unto the Count of those things which he was
to say in Spain Orange thought that the disorders which were already risen and which yet were to be feared in matter of Heresie were not represented in such manner as they ought to be he spake as much concern'd or very feelingly therein reflecting particularly upon Vighlio who was to draw up the instructions This said he is either to deceive our selves or the King in going about to lessen those evils which are so much greater then the Relation which is now to be sent makes them appear to be Let the King know the bottom of our evils to the end that he may the better know them and know how the more easily to cure them Let us not conceal how great the number of hereticks are here almost in all our Provinces how little they do already value his Edicts how small respect they bear to the Magistrates and let it be concluded that Flanders is not capable of the Inquisition And that to continue it would be a greater evil then the mallady it self I am said he a good Catholick and a faithfull servant of the Kings but the deplorable examples of Germany and France do sufficiently prove that conscience will be perswaded not enforced and that heresie ought not to be suddenly allay'd by violence since it may sooner be quenched by fair means He put them in mind again of the difficulties of the Councel of Trent and what he had propounded touching the reforming of the Councels upon which things he did much expatiate himself with great fervency But the Dutchess taking Count Egmont aside and giving him such instructions as she thought fittest dispatched him away for Spain loading him with all those hopes which might more encourage him to the journey and wishing him for his own sake to carry the business so as might stand best with the Kings liking The King was well pleased that Egmont should come to Spain for he was thought to be of a good and easie nature when left to himself and therefore the King hoped to draw him the easilier over to his sense by favours which he would conferr upon him And that having won him who was so much beloved in Flanders the others would either forbear novelties or being divided amongst themselves they should not at least so easily put them in execution Egmont began his journey in the beginning of the year 1565. and when he came to Madrid he was honourably received by the King and the whole Court But as for the business he prevailed no more then the former endeavours and complaints about the Inquisition and Edicts against the hereticks had done The King was firmly setled in his first resolution of not giving any the least toleration at all therein and he as also the whole Councel of Spain was as firmly perswaded that the mischiefs of Flanders in matter of Religion were chiefly occasioned by the weakness and connivency of those who were trusted with seeing the Edicts executed The King was displeased with the Proposition touching the alteration of the Councels as arguments of ambitious and unquiet thoughts which still appeared more in Orange Nor would have any thing spoken thereof nor listen to any opposition that was made to the Councel of Trent He notwithstanding dispatcht Egmont away in a very benigne manner and full of hopes that he himself would follow speedily after him to Flanders in person to see the better to the affairs of those Provinces He did him many favours and in particular presented him 50000 Dutch Guelders and promised he would help to see his daughters of which Egmont had good store well married and would take him and all the interests of his Family into his particular protection He therefore returned very well satisfied from the Court of Spain magnifying the Kings goodness his inclination to the Flemish the favours which he would in particular conferr upon the Nobility and his firm resolution of coming quickly into Flanders But Orange seeming little to believe what Egmont said and not trusting to the hope which he so amplified told him upon a time in the presence of many by way of sharp derision That he little understood the Spaniards cunning and that suffering himself to be deluded by his own privat advantages he had not well minded the Countrys publick welfare whilst he was in Spain At the same time that Egmont returned from Spain Alexander Fernese Prince of Parma and son to the Regent came likewise from thence to Flanders by reason of the marriage which was concluded between him and the Princess Mary of the bloud Royal of Portugal This Alexander is he who afterward governed the Low-Countreys so gallantly for the space of 15 years and who by his so many illustrious actions will enrich this our History if God permit me life to finish it and a sutable vigour to my pen. His marriage was to be celebrated in Flanders and not long after Peter Ernestus Count Mansfield Governor of Lucemberg went by sea together with his wife and a noble and numerous attendance to conduct his Bride from those parts And after a dangerous voyage having at last brought her safely to Brussels the marriage was there solemnized to the which Octavius Fernese Duke of Parma came from Italy to honour his son and see the Regent his wife But to return to the affairs treated of by Egmont in Spain The Regent thought it fit that he himself should make relation thereof in the Councel of State The Councels opinion was that a conference should be had in Brussels of some Bishops some Divines and some Lawyers who might consider how the Kings Orders in the aforesaid matters of Religion and wherein was so much difficulty might best be effected To this end the Regent sent for the Bishops of Arras of Ipri and Namures who had intervened at the Councel of Trent For Ravenstaiâ— and Jansene two of the most esteemed Divines which were then in those parts for two Presidents of the Provincial Councels of Flanders and Utricht together with two Councellers the one of Malines the other of Brabant The result of this conference was That all possible care should be taken to preserve the true Catholick Doctrine throughout the whole Country That to this purpose Seminaries should be instituted in Cities and Schools in other places That it should be endeavoured to reduce all Ecclesiastical persons to convenient reformation And lastly it was judged that touching the punishment of Hereticks the necessity of the times were such as for the present moderation was rather to be therein used then rigor since it was seen that the severity of punishment made them still more mad and pertenacious The Dutchess acquainted the King at large with all that was treated of in this Conference by her Letters of July the same year 1565. to the which the King answered by a new and express Declaration That he would not forgoe what he had already so maturely resolved on concerning his Edicts the Inquisition the Councel of Trent and other
things which concerned Religion He seemed much incenst that dispute should be still had about such businesses and complain'd that the disorder of the Heretick was occasioned and increased through the too great connivencie of his Officers that if any of them were wanting either in courage or in zeal the Regent should change them and should consider that the dangers were not so great which might be feared from observing the Edicts and from so moderate a use of the inquisition but that those were much greater which would insue by leaving Heresie and the wilde boldness of her Sectaries without such a curb He concluded that the Regent could do him no such acceptable service as to endeavour by all possible means the maintaining of Flanders united in the Catholike Religion to his other Kingdoms since by rendering this obedience to the Church the obedience which was due to his Crown was the better established and that when these two obediences should be given he would in all things else not onely make Flanders enjoy her Priviledges but confer greater immunities upon her These so strict commands being come to the Regent from Spain she suddenly published a new Edict against the Hereticks in confirmarion of the former she writ herein apart to the Councels and Governours of the Provinces And deputed certain persons in each of them who were to give her an account every three moneths of the State of Religion and particularly what observance was given to the Councel of Trent It was generally hoped for in Flanders upon Egmonts going into Spain that the King would have moderated the Edicts and wholly have suppressed the inquisition So as when the contrary appear'd and that the rigor of the Edicts was rather augmented that the inquisition so much abhor'd by them was establisht it cannot be said how much the People were hereat inraged and what preparations were suddenly made for the ensuing troubles The fear of the inquisition being by this new Edict every where diffused and the terror thereof being by many artificiously encreased some grew so bold as to give a beginning to a confederacy whereby they straitly bound themselves to keep united together and to oppose the inquisition as much as they might Philip Marnissius Lord of Saint Aldigonde was reputed the Author hereof who was a bold man and who already began to think ill of the Catholike Religion and was alwayes afterwards one of the most obstinate of the Heretick Faction A particular writing was then drawn up in testimony of the aforesaid confederacy and was suddenly subscribed by many And in respect of the reciprocal promises therein contained it was called a Compremise or Covenant the Tenor whereof was That the King being abused by some few under the pretence of Religion who were more sway'd by Ambition Avarice and infidelity then by honesty Justice or the love of their Country would by all means establish the Spanish inquisition in Spain the use whereof and the calamities which would thereupon insue were set down in the most fearfull terms that could be devised 't was added that the care of remedying such evils belonged chiefly to the Nobilitie and that the best remedy was to joyn all in one sense not to admit of the inquisition in any manner whatsoever 't was shew'd how that the same intention would be had throughout the whole Country such a novelty being too pernitious to all men and did too much repugne the publike Priviledges and in fine the confederates engaged themselves each to other by oath never to seperate or ever to admit of the use of the inquisition under what soever name either of visitation commission or Edict They cal'd God to be a witness of their good intentions and invoked the Holy Ghost to bring their endeavours to a happy end This is the Compremise Arbitrement or Covenant which is so much written of by all those who relate the affairs of Flanders And this proved the first sparkle of that fire which did afterwards involve and doth to this day keep all the Provinces in so long and so bitter a War The above said writing was suddenly disperst abroad throughout the whole Country for the first confederates dividing themselves into the chiefest Cities and all possible diligence and cunning to make it be subscribed by as many as they could They gave out that all this was done by the Agreement of the persons of best quality in all the Provinces and that Orange Egmont the Marquess of Berghen and divers others of the prime nobilitie were the Authors thereof though they would not yet discover themselves to the end they might do it hereafter to better purpose Thus Catholicks and Hereticks the Nobles and Citizens Merchants and Plebeians and many others of all conditions and professions strive who shall run fastest to subscribe The confederacy is praised and received with great applause In their cups and at their meat great is the ardor which is seen in every one to embrace it Down goes the Inquisition the mischief suddenly grows greater the venome whereof doth not now creep in but like a Torrent overflowes and enlargeth it self every where Of such force is inraged fear with mortals and so much more doth apprehended evill sometimes prevail then the evil would do were it effected At the same time many seditious papers were scattered about in the Cities of greatest commerce whereby the apprehension of the Inquisition was endeavoured to be augmented in the people In particular it was given out that Henry Duke of Brunswick was shortly to come with some Alman Forces to assist the Inquisitors That to this purpose requisite moneys were sent from Spain that the King sent some Inquisitors of the very Spanish Nation and that already one Alonzo del Canto was in Flanders to this purpose The Dutchess of Pa ma was exceedingly troubled to see this and the more she thought the less she knew what to do she saw how needfull rigor would be but on the other side she could not exercise it without Forces What good was there to be expected from new Order or new Edicts unless in were to make her authority the less esteemed and the peoples boldness the greater in despising her The Regent being thus perplext and not knowing yet for certain whether the chiefest Lords had joyned in subscribing to this Compremise or no she was advertised that many of them were at the present with Orange in Breda a Town of his together with divers other personages of quality The appearing occasion of their meeting was to visit the Count of Zwarsenburg who had married a sister of the Prince of Orange and who was then upon his departure for Germany With Orange was Count Lodovick a brother of his a man of a turbulent and fierce Nature And the rest of that Assembly were the Counts of Horn of Hostrat and of Mega together with some others of those Noblemen who had subscribed the compremise and because Egmont and the Marquis of Berghen could
and that which distinguisheth men from beasts and Cities from wildernesses nor was it to be doubted but that the one and the other of them did acknowledge so happy a condition much more from the Catholike unitie and from the strong holds of the inquisition which defend that unitie then from the immence wals of Mountains and vast dieches of Seass where with they are by nature invironed and united Thus spoke they in favour of the inquisition who knew more then did the nest and endeavoured thus to make it be better thought of The Regent had made use of the same reasons to the same end and at the same time as she had often done formerly to moderate the violence and the heat of the Nobles who were gathered together in Brussels but their hearts were too much hardned and their ears deaf to admit of any reason in this affair Brederodes discourse was received with a favourable Hum. And in signe that they would persist more then ever in the resolutions which they had taken they all cry'd aloud He is a Traytor that proves faultie hereupon they were admitted to Audience before the Regent who would have the Councel of State and those Knighes of the golden Fleece who were then in Brussels to be present The consederates marcht two by two from Colembergs house as it were in Procession to the Regents Palace and the two last were Count Lodovick and Brederode Brederode spoke in the name of them all he first complained of the bad relations which he said were made of them to the King and the Regent and then added that the Publike necessity of the Country and their own private urgencies had inforced them to this kind of Action He then presented a petition to the Regent in the name of them all and desired it might be read The contents were these That infinitly praise worthy was the zeal which first moved the Emperor and then the King to provide for the dangers which might befall the Catholike Religion in Flanders That time which is an un orrupt Councellor had made it clearly seen that the remedies which were applied did agravate the evil that the King continuing not withstanding in the same minde and greater disorders daily accruing The Nobility could no longer contain from representing the danger That they were chiefly concern'd therein both by their prerogative of place and by their strict bond of Allegiance but that their interest did likewise particularly oblige them thereunto since the Nobles living for the most part in the Country and enjoying there their Estates they should be the first who should be sencible of the inconveniencies and experience the injuries when the alterations which were to be feared should happen that therefore it was necessary to take away the occasions which would inevitable produce so bad effects That the inquisition and Edicts had put the whole Country into commotion and in all places had turn'd patience into desperation That therefore they did humbly beseech her Highness that she would as soon as might be advertise the King of the premises by expresse Messengers and that in the mean time she would suspend the use of the former and moderate the rigor of the others that the necessity wherein Religion was concerned might better be seen into by the States General and a remedy found out by their uniform consent That if in fine it should appear that these their humble and devout intreaties should no wayes avail they cal'd God to witness the King her Highness self and all the Gentlemen that were there present that they had done what upon such an occasion belonged to good and faithfull subjects and that the fault was not to be put upon their account if peradventure any evil should ensue The Regents answer was That she would consider better upon what they had propounded And she afterwards answered them in writing thus That she would send some personages of purpose into Spain according to their desire That States were grounded upon Laws And that such Laws were most necessary as did most favour Religion That notwithstanding for their better satisfaction proceedings should be had therein with all possible moderation That in the mean time the Kings mind was to be known to whom as she would do them all the good offices she could so she promised unto her self that they would shun all manner of novelty in this behalf The Confederates would gladly have received a more direct answer to their request of having the Inquisition suspended and the rigor of the Edicts moderated And some there were who interpreted the words of the Regents answer to the worst sense So as they seemed not only not to be satisfied therewith but did in bitter terms complain thereof They this mean while shewed their mad pranks in divers manners One of which was the aparelling of many of them in one and the same colour near upon the russet of an ordinary cheap stuff and the shewing of themselves so together in company Upon a certain occasion the Regent her self saw them and 't is reported that Barlemont who was then with her should say unto her ' Madam what fear can you have of these Gueux ' A French word which in English signifies Vagrants or Beggers There are some Writers who say that Barlemont gave them this name when they went to present their Petition to the Regent in way of procession and that this being by them known they took occasion thereupon to aparel themselves and to appear in manner aforesaid and not contented with the bare colour and habit of beggers they hung some upon their hats some about their girdles certain vile and sordid implements such as are used to be worn by beggers they had nothing in their mouths but the word Gueux they used it in all places and upon all occasions but especially in their cups and in the freedom they take at meals This fell out particularly one day when they a great many of them were at a solemn invitation in Count Colembergs house where beyond all other vanities they strove who should most celebrate the name of Gueux or beggers The wine is ply'd and great goblets goe round the defie encreases and they lay hands on vessels of a very large sise they break their order of sitting one gets upon chairs another upon tables and their drink the fury of drunkeness fits them with a thousand mad vagaries they crie as every glass goes down Long live the King Long live the Gueux And the whole house rung of nothing but this They had an oath amongst them likewise very sutable to that place and that action in French dog-rime to this purpose By this bread by this salt and by this Budget The Guex will from their Tenets nere budg yet nor yet contented herewithall they wore almost all of them as they walked the streets of Brussels a certain medal hanging at their girdle wherein these words were written in French True to the King even to the
thither from all parts Merchants and Plebeians Gentry and Citizens to put their hands to the building of this Temple The Prince of Orange to boot with his being Governor of Holland and Zealand and of a part of Burgundy was likewise Governor of Antwerp In the tumult which had hapned in that City he had endeavoured that it might appear he had used all dilligence to impede them he himself came often thither in person and when he could not be there himself he sent the Count of Hostrat thither 'T was known that Orange his authority in that City was very great so as few thought that he would make use thereof according as occasion did require And when they saw Hostrat adhere unto him they thought they were both of the same mind Orange had likewise gone into Holland and Zealand to appease the tumults which had ensued there in matter of Religion presently after that of Antwerp But his endeavours there availed but little likewise by reason of the maligne constellation of times or they were but little sincere by his own peradventure more maligne contrariety Great was the commotion which had ensued in Gaunt the chief City of Flanders where the hereticks had likewise insolently introduced the use of their heresie as also in almost all the other considerable places of that Province Egmont who was Governor thereof had been there too in person and because his presence had done but little good he began to be suspected as well as Orange Though it was considered by some in their justification that in the Province of Groninghen where Count Aremberg was Governour and in Ghelderland and Zutfen which were Governed by the Count Mega both of them being esteemed great Catholicks and faithfull to the King The like revolts were seen in matter of Religion and like difficulties in removing them but howsoever those two were chieflyest suspected since they exceeding the rest so far in Authorities 't was thought that the tumults fomented by them had made all the rest prove likewise remediless THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO BOOK III. The Contents The King is highly offended for the novelties happened in Flanders A letter from Montigni to Count Horne the Regent resolves to take up Arms. A meeting of Orange Egmont and others in Terramond Valentiennes is befieged is reduced So is Antwerp The Regent enters Antwerp well provided of Arms. A great disposition throughout the whole Low Countries to quiet Consultations in Spain upon the affairs of Flanders two opposite Orations made unto the King by the Duke of Feria and the Duke of Alva the King resolves at last to send an Army into Flanders And gives the command thereof to the Duke of Alva upon newes hereof Orange retures into Germany Alva enters the low Countries he forthwith imprisons Egmont and Horne The Dutchesse of Parma departs for Italy The Duke of Alva is Governour of the Low Countries THus went the Affairs in Flanders at this time in the interim newes was brought to Spain of the so many and so strange innovasions happened of late in those Provinces nor can it be said how much the King and his Councel were troubled thereat Wherfore the Marquess of Berghen and the Lord Montigni could not be admitted to Audience before the King the King did not only seem not to approve of what had bin done in Flanders to the so great prejudice of the Catholike Religion and his regal Authority but he discovered a great indignation against the Flemish and a firm intention to chastise them and because such a designe required time and time dissimulation therefore the King yielding in this conjuncture to the force of necessitie writ unto the Regent That she should endeavour by all means possible to compose the tumults the best she might incouraging her notwithstanding to use force when she should think it were a fitting time to do so To this end some monies were sent from Spain and thereupon it was taken into consideration that for the present some Alman and Walloone forces might be raised till time should better advise what was to be resolved on touching the sending of Spanish forces and the like of other nations subject to the Crown of Spain into Flanders by reason then of these orders which were come in secret and much more by reason of the manifest appearing necessity of providing by Arms against the tumults which had already happened and to those of greater danger which might insue the Regent resolved to raise a good number of souldiers and to place them under such Commanders as she might confide in the speediest and neerest Levies which could be made abroad were the High Dutch and in Flanders the Walloones The Regent had not as then any other souldiers then those who a little before she had assembled to secure Brussels from tumults and for the more safety of her own person which might be about 500 Walloone foot and 100 Harquebusiers on horse back under the Command of Ernestus Count Mansfeild She did then without any delay give order for the raising of the aforesaid forces to wit the Lower Almans in two Regiments under the Counts of Aremberg and of Mega and two Regiments of the Upper Almans under Count Erbestin and Baron Shamburg The Walloones were divided into three Regiments one of which was given to Charls Count Mansfield son to Ernestus another to the Count De Reules and the third to Monsieur De Hierghes son to the Lord Barlemont to boote with these foot order was given for the raising of some horse The opinions of those of the Councel of State touching the raising of Arms were different Those of greatest Authority amongst them did not seem to incline thereunto alledging that instead of taking away jealousies which was of most importment this would be the way to increase them Others thought this remedy requisit since faire means had hitherto prevail'd so little but the Regent would adhere unto the latter opinion and shewed how that it was the more necessary for that it was known a little before that the confederats had divers projects on foot to raise men also and that to this effect divers correspondencies had already been had between them and the neighbouring parts of Germany and France This preparation for Arms did much trouble such who thought they might be used against them The Hereticks who had so many wayes offended had reason to fear and the better sort of the Petitioners and the rest of their order who had licentiously run upon so many novelties had almost as much cause to fear but Egmont Orange and Horne were in private no lesse troubled hereat they being suspected to have continually fomented the disorders more then the other Lords Their names were publikely torn to pieces in Spain and they were already called Traytors oftner then Subjects This opinion which the King and the whole Court had of them all three and in general of all the Flemish had
his being there in person see the agreement better established a handfull of base people were so bold as not only to shut the gates upon him but to make him keep aloof by musquet shot The Dutchess much moved at this excess commanded Norchermes howsoever to bring the intended Garison into the Town But the Townsmen increasing in their contumacy refused to receive them whereupon the Dutchess declared them presently rebels and made all things be prepared to besiege the Town Their confederate hereticks both within and without Flanders had presently notice of what past Some few Hugonots came immediately thither from the Frontiers of France but from the neighbouring parts of Flanders above 3000 foot and some horse were forthwith gathered together and some pieces of Artillery and all these went to put in such numbers of men into Valentiennes as might suffice to secure the Town in its present condition These people were led on by John Soreas a man of base abstract who had assembled them together between Lilla and Torney Norchermes being hereof advertised he suddenly drew up some Companies of foot together with some horse and with him Rosseghen the Governour of Lilla did joyn Then falling at unawares upon these suddenly assembled tag-rags rather then soldiers they easily routed them Soreas was wounded and many others slain though they had seated themselves strongly in a wood between ditches and marish grounds which made the getting thereinto very difficult The Artillery was likewise taken the rest of the rout sought to get into Torney but Norchermes and especially the Country people reduced them to such straits as they could never make head again and making use of this occasion he went himself in person to Torney entred by the Citadel and reduced things to obedience there where they were not much less likely to have been wavering then in Valentiennes he punisht divers in that City and put some heretick preachers to death who had been the chief incitors of the people to this contumacy And making amends by present rigour for past impunitie he went from thence and turn'd to Valentiennes to lay formal siege unto it and to reduce them by force which he could not do by Treaty yet before the siege was made the Dutchess was content that Count Egmont and Duke Arescot should go to Valentiennes to see whether by their Authority and Offices they could bring the people therein to their wits But all was to no purpose Norchermes delayed then no longer Such preparations as were needfull being made and particularly of great pieces of Artillery he began the siege in the beginning of March a great Battery was made ready and yet they within seemed resolute to defend themselves fed with several hopes of succour but their rashness turn'd suddenly to weakness being in an instant cast down seeing no succour from without and wanting wherewithall to defend themselves they hardly expected the first battery they yielded upon discretion to Norchermes He entred the Town and gave Laws thereunto such as satisfied the Regent as well in what concern'd religion as their obedience to the King He left a sufficient Garison there and put the Government into the hands of a Catholick Magistrate having first cleansed the Town of the most seditious hereticks and of al their preachers He for the example of others punisht some of the prime offenders with death and particularly many of the French Hugonots who bore arms against the King in that siege In the beginning of war fame hath always a great share and the bare reputation of one victory suffices to the getting of many others The news of Valentiennes was suddenly divulged abroad and the Regents forces began to be dreaded every where Fresh Tumults about this time began to be made in divers places and especially in the Castle of Cambresis upon the Frontiers of France in Balduke a chief City in Brabant and in the Town of Mastrick a place of important situation having a stone-bridg over the Mause which makes the passage surer and safer on that side which confines upon Germany Such remedies as were requisite either by way of Treaty or by force were apply'd in all these places and in a few days they were reduced to quiet obedience And as the Kings canse did improve so did the cause of religion by reason of this success of the Regents forces the Nobles of the Confederacy began to stagger the chief head whereof was Henry de Brederode as hath been said Some grew cooler others fell off and many laid aside all unquiet thoughts thus they endeavoured by several ways to be restored to the Regents favour nor did she forbear to use the fittest means for this purpose Yet Brederode growing every day more vain and being drawn by the spirit of heresie to the like of rebellion he used all means not only to re-unite the best sort of Petitioners but also to excite new disorders in those of meaner condition He gave out that nothing was performed which was promised in matter of religion but that the liberty thereof was daily more and more lost and they severely punished who would enjoy it What was there then wanting but to see the Inquisition and the Edicts on foot again and that they were shortly to see their necks not only under the yoke of the Flemish forces but under the intollerable yoke of those which were preparing in Spain He formed some new Petitions full of such complaints as these and made them be presented to the Dutchess The first was presented in name of the People with new pressures for liberty in matters belonging to religion and to facilitate the work they offered three millions of guilders The Regent suddenly refused it as altogether rash vain and disloyal and 't was known that this proceeded only from Brederode and some few of his followers He made another be afterwards presented under the name of many of the Nobility and renewed the former desire of being permitted to come to Brussels and being heard by the Regent but this second prevailed no more then did the first Brederode failing of all hopes this way precipitated himself into a more rash councel which was to try some novelty by force of arms He went to Holland and there endeavoured to incite the people to new tumults especially in Amsterdam which next to Antwerp was at that time the Town of greatest Traffick in all Flanders The Dutchess doubted some sedition of concernment especially since it was generally known that Brederode seconded Orange in all things and therefore though by his presence he caused some alteration there yet the Dutchess took such good order as that all disorders were there soon quieted Brederode being rather driven then gon out of Amsterdam he staid at Vianen a little Town of his own not far from Amsterdam he began to fortifie it and to bring soldiers thither The Counts of Aremberg and of Mega went suddenly by order from the Regent towards that Town who had the Government of
difficulty in being received But being got into the town and greater mislikes arising amongst the Citizens they came from words to blows nor did the quarrel end till the Town by military licentiousness was sackt This success drew after it very bad consequences For every Town in Holland seemed to share in this sacking of Roterdam and the example shewn therein by one Town to another extended it self suddenly from one Province to another The affairs were notwithstanding for that time appeased there by Count Bossu Lumay growing bold by this prosperity and growing stronger by new men who came in unto him went to get further footing thereabouts especially in some other place upon the Mause But divers of the Kings souldiers being assembled together hindred all his further attempts at that time Orange prepared this mean while to march with his Forces from Germany He was to this purpose in a Town of his called Dilimburgh near the Rhine and endeavoured again to make all that side of the Country joyn with him And seeing that fortune began already to smile on him in Flanders by this success of the Bril he thought it good to allure men yet more by writing He and his brother Lodovick did therefore publish a Manifesto the tenor of which was to this purpose They shewed how much they were obliged by Nature and Honour not to suffer their Country to be opprest They said that the King being abused could not remedy those things which were concealed from him They added to the past miseries by greatly exagerating the present calling the Duke of Alva's introduced grievances Tyrannies and things till then unheard of in Flanders They endeavoured by specious titles even of doing service to the King to make the Country incline to them and particularly to secure the Catholicks in matter of Religion And in fine they strove to be so zealous of the publike good as others should not fear that any of their own private ambition were hidden underneath it The Duke of Alva seeing these beginnings delayed not to take new men into pay He gave order for the speedy raising of 6000 Walloon Foot under 3 Camp-masters to wit the Messieurs of Capres Bevoir and Liques and he gave out other Commissions to the same effect He was chiefly jealous of Zealand by reason of the particular correspondencies which Orange held there who was formerly Master of many places there of importance The Ilands of that Province are full of Havens but Flushing is the chiefest This Town stands further into the Sea then any other on that side which looks towards Spain and commands the mouth of the Channel where it is seated The Duke sought to secure himself of this Haven which opens and shuts the chief ingress into that Country by a Citadel which he caused to be built there but which was not yet made defensible Neer Flushing stands the Ramechins a little Castle but well fortified And more inward Ramua an open Town but which hath one of the best Havens of all the North. Between Flushing and Ramua a little within land stands Middleburgh the greatest and chiefest City for traffick in all Zealand as hath been said and which therefore makes its own Iland called Walcheren the noblest of all those Ilands The City holds communication with the Sea by a large Channel cut out by hand and receives all commodities from thence The Duke of Alva having these jealousies of Zealand he in the first place endeavoured to secure Flushing and suddenly dispatched thitherward Captain Osorio d' Angulo with three companies of Spanish Foot Nor did the Duke conceive amiss The marching of these people being heard of at Flushing the Townsmen resolved not to receive them into the Town and boldly did as they resolved The Souldiers being come neer the Town the people within took up Arms ran to the gates and shut them up Exclaiming that they came to raise by force the new Impositions and moreover to sack Flushing as they had done Rotterdam Nor were they content to keep out the Kings Souldiers but imprisoning Captain Pacieco a Spaniard who had the care of ordering the new Citadel and after having treated him abusively in divers sorts they cut off his head and hung it up for a publike spectacle in the market-place This opposition accompanied with such sad circumstances forced Osorio to quit the Island and to retreat as he did to some place of safety expecting new Orders from the Duke who was extremely troubled at this success But it cannot be said how glad Orange was of this and how much his Fautors rejoyced every where They all of them applied themselves with all diligence to send men into Flushing and in a few dayes many High-Dutch and French came and were there received and the Queen sent some Souldiers privatly thither from England Jerolomo Lorâ— of Seras born at Breda came thither afterwards who was made Governour of the Town by Orange and he gathering together 3000 Souldiers did better establish the Insurrection of that Town The Tumultuaries expecting from hence better progress they without any gainsaying took Ramua and Vere a considerable place not far from thence and all other places of lesser importance So as of the whole Iland of Walcherin only Middleburg and the small Castle of Ramechins remained to the King Wherefore the Tumultuaries desiring to be masters of the whole Iland and hoping to be so they resolved to besiege Middleburgh and sate down before it with those men which they had whose numbers increased daily The Duke hearing of this so great revolt feared very much that Middleburgh would also be lost He knew that there were but few of the Kings Souldiers within it and that many of the Citizens were but ill enough inclin'd Wherefore he suddenly sent the Signeur de Beavoir thither with 400 old Walloon Foot for the new Souldiers of his Regiment were not as yet raised Beavoir was received into the City And because to boot with the small number of Souldiers the City was but ill munited and victuall'd the Duke gave order to send speedily a powerful succour thither he commanded that many ships should be made ready in Antwerp and that the greatest strength of Spaniards and Walloons that could be had should be mustered and that the Rendezvous should be at Berghen ap Zoom Berghen is but a few leagues distant from Antwerp the River of Zoom runs by it which not far off fals into the Scheld So as it is a place of importance in it self and was then the fittest from whence to send that succour To encourage the enterprise the Duke sent his son Frederick to Berghen and with him Signior Norchermes and here all things were preparing which were needfull for the above-mentioned enterprise But news coming every day of greater danger if Middleburgh were not suddenly secured therefore it was requisite to send away an indifferent aid since there was not time allowed for a plenary succour Sancio d' Avila was chosen
thereupon and the thing chiefly resolved on is that all Foreiners shall be expelled the Country FLANDERS was thus consumed with the flames of war when the Emperor imployed his authority to reduce those Provinces to peace Maximilian the 2. was then Emperor To boot with the common Austrian tye he and the King of Spain could not be more nearly joyned in their own persons for the Emperors wife was Sister to the King and the King had taken to wife a Daughter of the Emperors Wherefore Cesar valued the Kings affairs in Flanders as his own And on the other side that fire so near Germany to foment the which the Heretical Faction of the Empire had been so ready kept his thoughts greatly agitated fearing left the fire being redoubled by passing likewise into the German Provinces his house might thereby be set on fire as was the King of Spains in the Low-Countries He therefore well weighing in his Councel what the condition of the affair considered was best to be done and having adjusted what was most necessary for the Catholick Kings interest and honour sent an Ambassador to procure a Treaty concerning it in Flanders This Ambassador was Count Suarzemburg one of the ancientest Counts of Germany and who was no less esteemed of in chose parts for his wisdom then for his bloud He came into Holland about the beginning of the year 1575. he staid some days in Dort whether Orange and some of the Deputies of Holland and of Zealand came to meet him The Ambassador negotiated with him in particular in the name of Cesar and gave unto him a Letter from his Imperial Majesty wherein mingling authority with intreaties he exhorted him to be a means of facilitating the Ambassadors negotiation After this private Treaty they came to the publick management in Breda a Town situated upon the uttermost bounds of Brabant towards Holland and therefore very fit for the intervening of the people on both sides Orange was master of that Town before the troubles began in Flanders but being afterwards forfeited to the King 't was kept as one of the Kings Garisons as we shewed in the beginning Here then met the Deputies on both sides in March following for the King there was Monsieur de Rassenghien the Connt Della Rocta Arnold Sasbout Charis Suys and Albertus Lexino and for the Rebels James Vanderdoes Philip Bernice Bharls Boisot Arnold Dorp and Junius de Giuâ—ge And for their security whilst they were to stay in a Town garded by the Kings Forces the Camp-master Julius Romero and Christopher Maxdragone together with Mihell Cruiglias and Mihell Allentor all four Spaniards were committed into particular custady in Dort as Hostages In the opening of the Treaty the Ambassador in a very grave and gracious manner exhorted the Deputies on both sides that they would set their whole minds and endeavours to procure a happy issue of this Treaty and he laboured the Rebels Deputies apart giving them a Letter which the Emperour had writ to the States of their Provinces They then fell to Treat We told you in the former book that in that Treaty of peace which was then indeavoured to be introduced the Rebels Proposals were chiefly reduced to two heads The first That all the Spaniards together with all other foreign souldiers should be made to leave the Country and that then the General States being assembled Religion and the peace of the Provinces should be established as they should think best The Rebels Commissioners made the same Proposals at Breda As for the first Head the Kings Deputies answered That the Vassals of the same Prince were not to account one another strangers That indeed the Germans French and English were such of which the Rebels made use and that notwithstanding as soon as Flanders should be reduced to peace the King would forthwith cause the Spaniards and all those others that they called foreigners leave the Country As for the convocation of the States General they answered That the whole body of the Provinces which by the troubles of War were now so divided was likewise first to be re-united by peace Which being done the King would willingly and suddenly call such an Assembly would hear their opinions and would agree unto whatsoever they should think fitting After this the Kings Deputies fell to propound such conditions as they thought fittest to effect the desired concord Which were these That in the first place all past effences should for ever be forgotten That the revolted Cities and Towns should be restored to their Priviledges and every other person to their former Honours and possessions That all the Towns Cities strong Holds Artillery Warlike Ammunition and Arms which were now in the Rebels possession should return into the Kings hands That the Catholick Religion should be restored in all places without the permitting of any other Sect. That notwithstanding the King would out of his clemency and goodness permit all those that had followed Heresio to go freely out of the Country and would allow them time to sell such goods as they could not carry with them All business between the Commissioners was transacted in writing The Rebels Commissioners having seen the Propositions proposed by the Kings side answered fully on their behalfs but in so bitter words and in so contrary a sense as it was easie to be seen how little hope there was of bringing the begun negotiation to a happy issue The Papers which were propounded were very prolix and therefore to avoid tediousness we will give you here only a breviat of them The Rebels Deputies in the râ—answers made first rather a long Invective then any complaint against the Spaniards exagerating that they had been the chief cause of all the evils that had befaln those Provinces Then reassuming the head concerning foreigners they repeated the same things over again more at large They said That the Spaniards and all the rest which were not native Flemish were not as strangers any ways to participate of that Government That those foreigners which they on their sides were forced to make use of were meer mercenaries But that the Spaniards contrary to the immunities and priviledges of the Provinces were by violence brought thither and there by violence established That the Government of Cities keeping of Forts chief Commands in the Army were in their hands And that it was they who according to their arbitrary will gave now the Laws That if the King when he went from Flanders was pleased to take away those who were then there he ought much more be induced to do the like now when it was seen by evident proofs how prejudicial their stay there was Touching the Convocation of the States General they stood stiff to their first principles Saying That in making such a peace as might be best for Flanders the King could not be better advised then by those who were best acquainted with her malladies and who knew best what were the firtest remedies for her cure
Officers of War That he might confer the Offices of the Country as the precedent Governours haa done and above all he required that in case the Prince of Orange and the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand should not perform to do what became them on their parts that then the States should break off from holding any Intelligence with them and should joyn with him to use such remedies therein as should be requisite The States reply'd That in the first place Don John should return to Brussels where he should receive all fitting satisfaction But he persisting in the resolution he had taken and they on the other side being no less firm in their resolves jealousies increased suddenly on all sides It was this mean while every where known that Don John was retired to Namures whereat Orange you will easily believe was not any whit displeased thinking that from this novelty many others might suddenly arise which might make for his purpose Yet he appeared in publike to be very much grieved for it and complained very much of it in all parts He inflamed the States to resentment And to aggravate Don Johns offences he divulged certain Letters which as his Associates said were come into his hands by the King of Navars means who they affirmed had intercepted them in Gascony upon occasion of their being sent by Don John and Escovedo through those parts into Spain These Letters contained divers particulars which not without reason might render Don John suspected if they had been true as Don John affirmed them to be false The Contents thereof were chiefly this That he exhorted the King to make himself be obeyed by Arms in Flanders for that otherwise he would lose all authority there These Letters were held to be very true by the States and as such were by them disperst throughout all the whole Country and were translated into divers languages that they might be the better understood by every one Orange growing hereupon daily into more credit with them he strongly perswaded them to Arm representing the danger which might insue if any delay were made Affirming That assuredly Don Johns actions in Namures were anticipately plotted in Spain and that therefore it was to be presupposed that the Kings forces brought but a little before into Italy would suddenly be led back to Flanders That therefore they must be prevented Don John must suddenly be driven from Namures A passage of such importance must be taken from him let him then go into his so faithful Province of Lucemburg and let him try how much he would be bettered by that Provinces not joyning in uniform consent with all the rest This counsel was soon imbraced and with equal readiness executed The States gave out divers Commissions to raise men and prepared to use force against Don John unless he would return to Brussels in his former condition The mean while they wrote a long Letter unto the King laying all the accusations they were able upon Don John and offered to justifie the cause which they would by all means maintain on their sides They did inlarge themselves particularly in the business concerning the Germans in that of Namures and upon the Letters which had fallen into their hands That Don John by artificial practises had hindred the auditing of the Pay with those of that Nation that under false pretences he was gone to Namures and upon falser suggestions of fear had made himself Master of that Castle That doubtlesly the aforesaid Letters were written by him and Escovedo he not being able to deny his own Characters which were found in some of them That his evil mind to the Country did here by appear his intention of not standing to the Agreement made between him and the States and that his desire of bringing all things again to Arms was thereby manifestly discovered That Escovedo had nourished this opinion in him and that being a Spaniard he did strangely maligne and hate the Flemish They therefore desired the King that he would shew his heavy resentment by his proceeding against him and that he should injoyn Don John duly to observe what with so many circumstances he had solemnly agreed upon with them Otherwise they should be inforced to protest that he failing on his behalf the mischief and disorders which would necessarily insue to the prejudice of the King Religion and of the Countries welfare were not to be imputed to them Don John writ likewise into Spain endeavouring to clear himself of the imputations laid upon him in that Letter adding what was most needfull to what had formerly been represented by Escovedo He shewed That the difficulty in the German business rise from Orange his Faction who endeavoured to gain that Souldiery to themselves That having miraculously saved himself from so many treacheries and conspiracies he with much adoe had got with some of his trustiest friends into the Castle of Namures That those Letters which were ascribed to be written by him or by Escovedo were certainly to be judged as either wholly fained or in a great part altered by the same faction And what greater contradiction could there be then that he should first send the Spaniards away and afterwards advise the King to proceed with violence against the Flemish That at that time such an advice would have been very much contrary to the season to reason and to his Majesties service But that now instead of giving it he did avow it was very requisite to doe it For that if his Majesty did not suddenly by his forces prevent those dangers which did so eminently threaten Flanders all the Provinces would revolt which when they should once be lost they would not be so easily regotten This was the opposition between Don Johns Letters and those of the States but neither of them forbore this mean while to advantage themselves by preparing Arms for it was almost impossible ever to return to a new agreement Don John endeavoured to get the chiefest places of the County of Namures into his hands and in particular secured himself of Charlemonte and Mariamburg both of them very well fortified and which had taken their names the one of them from the Emperor Charles the fifth and the other from his sister Queen Mary He likewise held very secret intelligence in the Citadel of Antwerp to draw over the Walloons who had the keeping of it to side with him and so to become master of that so important strength He dealt likewise with some German Companies who were in the Town and which were of Fromsberg and Fouchero's Regiments and did the like with other Officers of that Nation which were in Bergen ap Zome in Tolen in Breda in Balduke and in other places But in the government of these negotiations the event shewed that Fortune did favour the States much more then she did Don John The practise in the Citadel of Antwerp was discovered and prevented And the Flemish having a vigilant eye every where and having better
into greater slavery then ever That Arms were taken up for driving out the Spaniards but not for that the Country should be more tyrannized over by the Flemish themselves To what other end did Orange his ambition tend What other designe had his adherents That Arms were at first taken up in Holland and Zealand under spetious pretences And finally it was not enough that the Inquisition should be hindred but that in lieu thereof the new sects of heresies should have defused their venom throughout all those parts should have alienated those Provinces from the Church and begun manifestly to alienate them also from the King That the former disobedience made way for the second the one not being to be severed from the other That in the interim Orange under the name of Governour did retain almost the whole authority of Prince That by the same cunning he had rather forced then gotten the Government of Brabant That now under fals pretences liberty of conscience was demanded thorowout the whole Country And with what intent unless it were to make Liberty fight against Liberty to wit the unjust Liberty of Heresie against the legitimate Liberty of the Church to the end that the latter being opprest the people might the easilyer withdraw themselves from their Allegiance to the King That it was time now to dive into the knowledge of such ends and not only to know them but to break them Let Brabant and Flanders be of another opinion and let those other Provinces joyn with them the Country of Walloons would still continue in the sole Catholick Religion and with safety to its Priviledges in their sole Allegiance to the King of Spain These words full of indignation were soon accompanied with acts as angersom For the two Provinces of Henault and Artois would not assign over Landresy Quisnoy and Balpema to the Duke of Alansons men as was ordered in the agreement made between him and the States and with the same resolution denied to pay their share for the Souldiery This commotion of the Walloons made those of Gaunt rage horridly as those who were naturally most given to revolt and had more readily received Liberty of Conscience allowing all advantage to Heresie amongst them and taking up Armes they resolved to use force against the Walloons John Casimire after having spoken with the Archduke Mathias was at this time gone to Gaunt In this his coming his chief aim was to get money for his Souldiers who not able to move for want of Pay did not at all advance but talked rather of mutinying then of fighting The Gaunteses did in part satisfie his desires and favoured by him took so much heart against the Walloons as they resolved more then formerly to force them to joyn with them The Province of Flanders is divided into two parts The one and which is the greater part and wherein Gaunt and the other chief Towns and Cities are contained is called by the name of Flemicant because nothing but Flemish is spoken there The other which is the lesser but which hath in it likewise many good Towns is called Gallicant because the French tongue is commonly used there The former lies towards the Sea and the other towards the Walloons Country The Flemicant part of the Province went hand in hand in all things with the Gaunteses and the Gallicant inclined towards the Walloons as being more addicted to the Catholick religion then to Heresie As soon as the Gaunteses had taken up Arms the Walloons did the like and divers acts of hostility were committed by both sides in particular the Walloons entred the Town of Menin situated upon the River Lisa which divides the Flemicant part of Flanders from the Gallicant and here they began to fortifie themselves and to prejudice the adverse Country The Walloons would not notwithstanding for all this their difference with the other Flemish either acknowledge Don John for their Governour nor any wayes adhere to the actions of the Spaniards which caused some of them to take unto themselves the name of Malcontents This was a name taken at the first by some of the prime Nobility from them it spread abroad into divers of meaner quality and was finally used by every one of that Country Many of them wore a Chaplet of Pater-nosters and of Ave-Maria's about their necks to shew that they would keep good Catholicks and all of them did generally declare that they would continue loyal to the King when they should be restored to their former Government This was the so famous Faction of Malcontents which afterwards proved very advantagious to the Kings affairs as shall be seen in the pursuit of this Story Orange was not this mean while so blinded in endeavouring his advantage by Heresie but that he clearly saw how great a prejudice such a division might work He desired the Heretick Army might prevail but yet that the Catholicks should have all their due rites for the satisfaction of those that would not abandon them Wherefore he failed not to use all possible means as also his own and the States authority to compound the aforesaid differences To this purpose the Lord S. Aldegond went with some other personages of quality to Gaunt but the people there listening more to their Ringleaders who were seditious and for their own private interests more inclin'd to foment then to finish the begun differences would by no means be brought to alter their resolutions Thus stood the affairs of Flanders when the Duke of Alanson came in with his Army which was more expected then well received by Orange his own faction for he brought not so many with him as he was tyed to do and those but ill provided of what was necessary for their own maintenance Alanson had found it more easie to raise men then to raise money for he had little or none of his own And the King his brother being neither able nor willing to assist him openly for the reasons touched upon before his hopes fell very short likewise on that side And the King of Spain had again renewed his complaints to the King of France for this business of Alanson He had likewise done the like in very sharp tearms with the Queen of England for the assistance she had given the Rebels in Flanders And for Germany he complained likewise of the Emperour because he had not used more effectual means to hinder John Casimires expedition and all these complaints wrought this effect that express personages were sent from each of them to see if it were possible to bring the Affairs of Flanders to some good agreement The King forbare not to make great preparations for War but he would much more gladly have seen peace in Flanders so as it might have been done without prejudice to Religion or to his honour Nor were there wanting some of his Councellers who interpreting Don Johns actions worse then before thought him to be in a great part the cause of all the new Tumults
she obtains leave to do The whole Government of the Country remains therefore in the Prince her son The Flemish Rebels agree in their former resolution of chusing the Duke of Alanson for their new Prince What followed thereupon and with what conditions THe Kings Army was much afflicted for the death of Don John it is hardly to be believed what sence of sorrow was shewed for it for many days throughout the whole Camp The news thereof coming to Spain the King staid awhile before he would confirm the Prince of Parma in the Government of Flanders He very well knew the Prince his Military worth But then again he feared lest that his warlike spirit might not rather make him desire the continuance of the war then to see those Provinces restored to peace which the King desired above all things always provided as hath been often said that all due obedience were given to the Church and the like to his Crown Moreover the King had had it often formerly in his thoughts to send the Dutchess of Parma back again into Flanders if it should prove needfull to remove Don John from that Government He called to mind what satisfaction her former Regency had given unto those people and to make it prove the better again he thought to place her son the Prince of Parma with her for the part of Arms thinking that the Government being thus tempered the people would be much better pleased and his service might on all sides be better done The King therefore was a while doubtfull what to do in this case But because speedy remedy was to be applyed to the evils of Flanders and for that the King could not doubt but the Prince of Parma would with all loyalty and devotion do as he should be by him directed therefore without more adoe he approved of Don Johns Declaration and confirmed the Prince in the Government of those Provinces The Kings Army was greatly rejoyced to hear of this choice thinking that by the proximity of his bloud and by his greater resemblance in valour Don John might seem to live still in the Prince Wherefore Fernese applyed himself wholly to the Government committed to his charge His first resolution was To endeavour by all means possible to draw the Walloon Provinces over to the Kings side He considered of what importance it would be to have so great and such Catholick forces within the Country side with the Church and with the King And that on the contrary Rebellion and Heresie could not be weakened by any means better then by this He therefore began to endeavour this by several ways He treated chiefly with the Nobility who enjoy particular prerogatives in the Walloon Provinces and to whom the vulgar sort do usually adhere when the States do meet But notwithstanding this overture of a Treaty did not at all allay his ardency to War Putting on therefore Don Johns resolution he determined likewise to keep within those quarters wherein the Army was fortified about Namures and to expect there till the enemies forces should vanish especially the foreign aids which out of the reasons formerly alleadged he thought would not be long a doing Nay his hopes thereof were the more increased for that the dissentions grew every day greater amongst the Flemish He therefore attended the guarding of his quarters the keeping of his souldiers in perfect good discipline and did at the same time very much sollicite the King that he would speedily provide moneys for the necessaries of the Army and send over new men This mean while the disorders grew daily greater amongst the Flemish Rebels For divided in divers sorts amongst themselves both in affairs of Religion and in other things which respected the State of one common cause they had made many particular ones and every Province having its own particular ends few of them joyned any longer in their resolutions as they ought to have done with the rest The chiefest contestations were between the Walloons and Gaunteses as hath been said nor was it ever possible to find any means how to accord them Whence falling from words to blows neither of them paid their Contributions first agreed upon to the common Cause being kept from doing so by the necessity of converting it to their own peculiar uses The Faction of the Malcontents grew this mean while still the stronger for almost all the Nobility of Henault and Artois had wound themselves thereinto The Gaunteses and their adherents received their greatest indammagements from this Faction nor could there be a greater contrariety then was between them The Malcontents seemed more resolute then ever to continue in their Catholick purity and their due Allegiance to the King and the Gaunteses shewed themselves full as resolute to have only the contrary exercise in point of Religion and in all other things shewed their abhorrition of the Soveraignty of Spain So as by reason of this variance between the Confederate Provinces their first Union was mightily weakned Together with their want of money they began daily to be wanting in their Souldiers and not being able to maintain their own home-Souldiers much less able were they to maintain those very many that they had received from abroad Wherefore the French and German Aids did no more service but instead of easing the Country ran out licentiously on this side and that side and failing of their Pay paid themselves with large usury by Rapine insomuch that it was doubted whether they might not fall from tumultuary Free-booting to some downright Mutiny This necessity and these dangers were represented to the States by Casimir and Alanson who desired instant remedy But such evils could not be helped unless provisions were had first for the discords which were the occasion thereof which by reason of the aforesaid difficulties were become irremediable though the States and in particular Orange used all possible care and diligence to compose them It was clearly seen that the greatest novelties arose from the Gaunteses wherefore at the States desire John Casimir went again to Gaunt and used all the most efficacious means he could to reduce the Gaunteses to a more moderate sense But all was lost labour especially by reason of the obduration of those Ringleaders who for their own self-interest did the more willingly nourish sedition in that City This was the cause why John Casimir by Orange his advise resolved to go himself to England to perswade the Queen to be more firm in favouring the Flemish with her assistance especially in point of monies But the Queen after having received him very honourably were it either that she would not further offend the King of Spain or that she could not really be at further expences sent him away with bare terms of good Intention and with ambiguous hopes which were soon after resolved to the negative John Casimir being returned from England to Flanders without any good issue in his Negotiation found many of his men already disbanded and the
City at last fell on all sides into their hands The Town being taken thus as it were by assault it was impossible for the Prince and other Commanders to refrain the Souldiers fury who fell with exceeding cruelty upon the conquered Passing from anger into rage and from rage almost to inhumanity they put all to the sword without respect of age sex or condition and those who did not perish by the sword perisht by the River whereinto they desperately threw themselves rather encountring thereby death then eschewing it Nor was the Victors greediness of Prey lesser afterwards then their thirst after Blood had been before for they so miserably plundered the City as it was questionable whether avaritiousness or cruelty was therein the greater Yet suffered they Tapine to live out of the valuation they put upon the great valour which he had shewn The City suffered so much calamity as being almost altogether unpeopled it was a long while ere it could be remitted into its former condition Whilst the Prince of Parma was thus diligent about Mastrick he was not idle in the Agreement which was in treaty between him and the Walloon Provinces and at last he came to a happy end therein though he met with such difficulties as he oftentimes had but small hopes All the other Provinces opposed themselves against this Treaty and Orange in particular with all possible diligence endeavoured to cross it But the difficulties arose no less from the self Walloon Provinces and from the obstinacie of the Malcontents they persisted more then ever in their resolution of having the Peace of Gaunt fully made good and especially that the Foraigners should again be sent away and they would have so bounded the Kings authority in other points also as there should hardly have been any the least appearance thereof They pretended among other things That the King should send one of his Sons into Flanders to be bred up there and to be the proper Prince of that Province They would have it in their power to enter into Confederacie again both at home and abroad if the King should fail on his part in performing the Agreement And their end was in fine so far to advance their own prerogatives as they might never have reason to suspect such as should be left for the King to enjoy The Prince of Parma was chiefly troubled to think that he must deprive himself wholly of all his Foreign Forces and be inforced to put himself into the hands of the Walloons For though their Forces should prove never so faithful they would hardly ever be sufficient to maintain the Kings cause so powerfully as it ought to be But as in Don Johns time all the Provinces joyntly would have the same Covenant with him before he should be admitted into the Government so the Walloons were now inflexible in their desire to have the same thing done by the Prince in the first place and that in all things else as it was then so now the Peace of Gaunt should be made good The Prince was in a great strait On the one side he knew how requisite it was to joyn the Walloon Provinces to the Kings party and on the other side he feared lest he might quickly run upon the same rocks as Don John had done He therefore wrote to the King to know his direct pleasure in a business of such weight Who after having weighed all things well resolved by all means to draw over the Walloon Provinces to joyn with him not doubting but that time it self together with his good usage particularly towards the Nobility would make the Walloons willing to receive again those Forces into their company which were now to be sent out of the Country The Prince this mean while still sweetned the Malcontents grievances Amongst others of their Faction the Count de Laleign Governour of Henault and the Marquis of Rubais Governour of Artois who was formerly called Viscount of Gaunt were in great authority with them The Prince had endeavoured to win over these two together with divers others of the Nobility who were in good esteem with the Walloon Provinces to the Kings service and the King himself was not wanting in doing the same by his Letters and other carriages towards them Matthew Mulart Bishop of Arras had been very serviceable in all the Negotiation especially with the Ecclesiastical Orders of those Provinces So as coming at last to the conclusion of the Treaty the Deputies of all sides met in Arras about the end of May and made up the Agreement There were theeein the Provinces of Henault and Artois together with all the Gallicant Flanders under which are particularly comprehended the Towns of Doway Lilla and Orsies The rest of the Walloon Country were not there because they were already at the Kings devotion The chief Articles of the Agreement were these That the Peace of Gaunt should be fully performed That according to the Articles of that Peace all Foreign Souldiers should be gone out of the Country within the space of six weeks and that they should not return without the express pleasure of the Provinces That the mean while an Army should be raised out of their own Country by the Kings mony and by what the Provinces should contribute on their behalf That all the Magistrates and other Officers should swear to profess only the Catholick Religion That the Country should without any violation keep all its wonted priviledges and that the Government in all other points should be maintained in the same form as it was in the Emperour Charles the Fifth's time That the King should alwayes send a Prince of his own blood to be Governour and should be pleased if it might be to confirm for the present the Archduke Mathias in the Government That he would be pleased to give ear unto their earnest desires whereby they beseeched him him to send some one of his Sons as soon as conveniently might be to be bred up in those Provinces who might afterwards succeed his Father therein Thus was the Agreement made at which it is not to be said how much Orange and the rest who were of a contrary opinion stormed At the same time that this Agreement was in agitation and was concluded on apart with the Walloon Provinces other greater practises were had to make a full and general Accommodation between the King and the other Provinces also To this purpose the Emperor was not only resolved to use as formerly all the means he could but Pope Gregory the 13. had shewed the like desire of using all diligence on his behalf that Flanders might be brought to return wholly to the Catholick unity and to their former obedience to their natural Prince The City of Colen was judged a fit place to treat in of such an important business For the better to facilitate the event the Elector of Colen had offer'd to interpose his endeavours as also the nearer Elector of Treves The resolution being taken to
go on with this endeavour the Pope determined to send John Baptista Castagna Archbishop of Rossano to be present there on his behalf A man of great fame for the many Nunciatures which he had with much reputation discharged Who was afterwards created Cardinal by the same Gregory and after Sextus Quintus ascended though but for a very few dayes to the Popedom Otto Henrico Count of Suarzemburg was by the Emperor deputed to this Negotiation together with two other Commissioners And the King himself would likewise send some Personage of quality thither which was Charles of Aragon Duke of Terranova one of the chiefest and most esteemed Subjects of Sicily and joyned some Flemish Deputies with him The Duke of Cleves and Bishop of Liege by reason of their neighbourhood sent likewise particular Deputies on their behalfs to the same Treaty All these together with the two abovesaid Electors met about the beginning of May at Colen to treat of the aforesaid business The Heretical faction of the Flemish Rebels were unwillingly brought to listen to this endeavour and they particularly Orange used all possible means to disturb it for they feared that such Mediators would favour much more the Churches and the Kings cause then theirs But because the Catholick part was as yet maintained by the Rebels the contrary part could not sufficiently withstand the necessary deputation to the Treaty Wherefore by authority of the Archduke Mathias as Governour of the Confederate Provinces and chiefly by their own a good many Deputies were chosen to this purpose and the Duke of Ariscot for their Head and these met at the appointed time and in the same place with all the rest There was great expectation had of this Treaty but it was soon known that the event would not be answerable For coming to the Treaty they fell upon the same difficulties which were formerly met withall when the Emperor likewise interceded in the Conference at Breda Nay they were the greater on the Rebels behalf for that they thought they had got advantage by the since succeeding novelties They therefore appear'd more resolute then ever in point of Religion that they would have Liberty of Conscience especially in Holland and in Zealand which were already the Heretick Sanctuaries And for what concerned their obedience to the King they would mingle so much of advantage therein for themselves as the Government should partake much more of a Commonwealth then of a Principality And even then it was seen that the common sense of the Rebels was to bring themselves to that form of Free-government which now the United Provinces of those Countries enjoy after having totally withdrawn themselves from the obedience of the Church and King Those who intervened in the Treaty used all diligence to moderate the difficulties and to bring them to some fair agreement but all was but lost labour especially for what concerned Religion for the stiffer the Deputies of the Flemish Union were for the Liberty of Conscience the more resolute were the Royalists in not admitting that any Religion save the sole Catholick should be professed throughout the whole Country For all things else the King would have been willing to have used those same favours towards such Sectaries as would depart the Country which were so largely offered in the Conference at Breda But the contrary Deputies sometimes cunningly dodging sometimes plainly denying and most commonly turning the Proposals into bitter complaints against the former Spanish Governours and against the whole proceedings of that Nation shewed apparently at last that the Rebels would by no means be drawn from their former resolutions Wherefore there being no hopes of agreement the Treaty after some moneths broke up In which because the same things were treated of which were discust formerly in the Conference at Breda and afterwards in Gaunt in the Peace concluded amongst the Provinces and lastly with Don John in what was lately establisht between them and him therefore to shun the prolixity of saying the same things over again here we have only given you an incling of what may suffice to know what was done in this new Meeting at Colen Yet in it the Kings cause was greatly justified in that the Duke of Ariscot resolved to take part no longer with the Rebels as did also some of their Commissioners especially those of the Ecclesiastical Order who at last discovered plainly that Orange and the other Fautors of the Heretical faction would have beaten down too much the Kingly Authority together with the Catholick Religion Whilst they were in Colen upon the Treaty of Peace they did not any whit omit the managing of Arms in Flanders The Prince of Parma had ended the Siege of Mastrick as you have heard Upon the which he got another considerable place which was Malines This City was in the Rebels hands but therein was a great dissention amongst the Citizens some of which won by the Prince wrought it so as they conveyed in some of the Kings men by stealth and drove out the States garrison The Village of Villebruck which the States had fortified as being a place of importance between Antwerp and Brussels fell likewise into the power of the Prince And on the contrary the Rebels grew every day stronger beyond the Rhine The Count of Rinemberg commanded for the States in Friesland Who not only in that Province but every where else thereabouts endeavoured the advantage of the Flemish Union Deventer in the Province of Overisel was fallen into his hands and afterwards Groninghen more luckily And on this side the Gaunteses in their particular war against the Malcontents had by surprise recovered the Town of Menin And the Malcontents had made themselves masters of Alst. Insomuch as the Hostility grew hotter then ever on each side The Agreement being made between the Prince of Parma and the Walloon Provinces and all the Foreign Souldiers being sent out by the Prince according to the Articles the Kings Forces were so weakned as the Prince could no longer be Master of the Field nor besiege any considerable place The Walloons laboured to gather men together who might be sufficient for their numbers to prevail over the Enemy But neither had they sufficient monies for their expences not other such preparations as their need required there was particularly such wants in point of the Cavalry as the Prince was inforced to keep some Italian horse called Albanois under the name of his Guard to which the Walloons had given way till such time as they could raise so many of their own men But howsoever the contrary Forces were no whit the stronger For the Flemish having likewise cashier'd their foreign Aid their Forces were but weak and those without any Commander in chief of their own Country The Count Bossu was dead a little before and the other principal Walloons who were most considerable next to him had imbraced the Kings side Archduke Mathias young in years and yet younger in experience could only undergoe a
make for our advantage For the most of us having resolved to imbrace the Refoâ—med religion doubtlesly the Queen of England will in that respect much more concur in our defence then will the Duke of Alanson who is a profest Catholick Together with this advantage in matter of Religion we shall also receive from her all other things which we stand most in need of her Kingdom abounds in People nor wants she Mony proportionably How much ought we to esteem her so near and so potent Maritime forces We may by that means expect at all times all manner of Aid in a very few houres and by that means that Country will be joyned to ours as well as if we were both one firm land And how much is England and our Province already joyned in Commerce May not the English-House here in Antwerp be envied by their own hamber of London And if we consider the Form of Government how much more conformable to ours is that of England then that of France For in France the Kingly power may be said to be almost absolute whereas in England it is so limited as in al affair of greatest weight the Princes there can resolve of nothing without the supreme authority of Parliament Which ought to make us expect a much more moderate government certainly from the Queen of England then from the D. of Alanson who hath already too much drunk in the too haughty and Kingly spirits of France This my short comparing of the present condition of these two Kingdoms doth sufficiently discover my opinion touching the business now in hand Yet all private opinions ought to submit to the publike interest And so shal I do when the contrary shal be approv'd of by this most wise Assembly for I have no consideration of any foreign good which is not altogether subordinate to what concerns our selves This discourse wrought very much upon the Deputies But the Lord of St. Aldegonde one of those that was deputed for the Nobility one of the best esteemed amongst all those of the Flemish Union took upon him to defend the contrary opinion And spake thus I wish it had pleased God most worthy Deputies that our calamities had not clearly taught us what the remedy is to free us thereof This remedy consists in having one for our Prince who being amongst us in person may rather with a Fathers then Princes affection imbrace maintain and govern the concernments of these our Provinces as if they were altogether his own And to pass by the more ancient examples let each of us consider what happiness they enjoyed in more modern times 'T is very well known to all how they flourished under the House of Burgony And that out of no other respect but for that the Princes did then of themselves and in their own persons steer the Government and shewing themselves from time to time in almost every of our Provinces did both give and receive such satisfaction as was most to be desired by each in each of them The Government then altered and began to grow worse under the House of Austria nor was it to be otherwise expected by reason of the many States and Nations which fell under the Empire thereof A great bulk cannot long maintain it self and when one part thereof is wrested all the rest are usually out of frame So in States which are too far divided a sunder the good of Government not being able to be joyntly united in them all the most remote must needs suffer therein and afterwards those that are nearest joyned will rescent it But notwithstanding in the times of Maximilian of Philip the first and of Clarls Flanders enjoyed such a share of their own personages and presence as look how much it sometimes suffered by reason of their absence it reaped other whiles as much advantage by their being present And each of them did still retain as well the sence as the bloud of Germany and Flanders Countries both of them almost alike seated and of the same nature The â—ow King being afterwards born in Spain and being become a Spaniard more by will then by birth he resolves to keep there and not to absent himself in any manner from thence What our miseries have been since then and what those in particular which we have suffered through the pride and cruelty of Spanish Governours we may all very well know since we have all too well tryed it Then to conclude as I said at first that the only help for these our Provinces consists in having here a Prince of their own to govern them I confess I cannot see who can be fitter for that purpose then the Duke of Alanson The Dukes of Burgony descended as it is well known to all from the Royal bloud of France then since Fortune presents us again with a new Prince of the same bloud wherefore should not we greedily imbrace the occasion of receiving him would not the very Government be by this means rather continued then any other of a different Form instituted How great a part of our Provinces do yet retain the French tongue and the Customs more then the tongue Are not all the confines of the Walloons and half the Province of Flanders it self called more by the word Gallican then Flemican so as in respect of the conformity of nature 't is clearly seen that the French are much more conformable to us then the English who had never any dominion over us That France is now in great turmoyls cannot be denyed but what better remedy then this can be found out to rid her of them to wit by drawing Alanson himself out of her and with him so many others who at the present do molest that Kingdom In which case it is not to be doubted but that the Duke will abound sufficiently in Forces and that the King his brother will largely maintain them in so just a Cause Every one may clearly see how much better these of France will be then those we should receive from England France doth over-abound with people every where especially in gallant Cavalry The coming from thence into this our Country can receive no impediment neither by the seas nor wind since both their confines by land joyn together And how opportune for us ought their neighbourhood now to be thought since almost the whole Walloon Provinces being re-united to the King of Spain the French Forces will prove very commodious on that side to force that Country to return to their former Union with our other Provinces and to joyn with us in chusing the Duke of Alanson for our Prince For what concerns all the other rubs me thinks they may be easily removed As for the Kings having no children his age is such as may certainly promise enough The mean while the Duke his brother will likewise marry and have sons of his own to succeed him but say that the Duke were to succeed unto the Crown wherefore may not we in such accse oblige
him to leave us one of his sons to be our Prince in his stead As for Religion every one knows how great a freedom France enjoys therein Wherefore it is not to be doubted but that the Duke will allow a greater liberty therein in Flanders For though our intentions be that the Reformed Religion should be the most prevalent yet it will behove us to allow of the Catholick there being so great a part of our Provinces which is obstinate therein and chiefly the Walloon Countrys to the regaining whereof we must with all our industry apply our selves And as for what authority the Duke may assume unto himself by the example of what the Kings of France enjoy in their Kingdom May not we limit it as we shall please so as he may know he hath the Flemish to Govern and not the French and that he must use our Laws only without any participation of theirs I therefore conclude that all the reasons considered in this present affair make much more for the French then for the English And this is likewise my opinion The which I am not notwithstanding so far in love withall but that I shall be ready to quit it when I shall hear a better None shall be more ready then I to adhere unto the sence of this most vigilant Assembly nor be more willing to endeavour the fulfilling thereof after it shall be maturely advised upon This opinion of Aldegonds bore great weight with it And to enjoy a Prince who was in his own person to sustain the Government and the Interest of the Provinces was a business exceedingly considerable This so important business was not agitated without the Catholick Deputies For though those of the Walloon Provinces were wanting and that there was no respect at all had to the Ecclesiastical Orders yet were there a great many Catholicks in the Provinces who leaned more to heresie wherefore in this Assembly there were divers Catholick Deputies chosen together with the Hereticks The Propositions which were made by the others were generally very ill rescented by these For though they did likewise greatly hate the Spaniards yet they thought it a too desperate business to treat of changing a Prince and almost altogether Religion They shewed How much the King would be irritated by both these That if he would never tolerate any liberty at all of consequence in Flanders how much less then would he suffer heresie to domineer every where And what more unworthy thing could there be then to make Religion subservient to the State the ancient Church to the new Sects and the Piety for so many years professed in those Provinces to rescent Doctrins which had involved almost all Europe in mighty troubles To this injury which should be done to the Church and which certainly the King would own as his own how much would the other add which belonged wholly to himself of bereaving him of his due soveraignty which after so long a succession of his ancestors was past into him and so strictly acknowledged and solemnly sworn unto by the Provinces That therefore it was to be believed he would rescent both these injuries with the whole Forces of his Kingdoms That his Forces had been formerly formidable but how much more now that he had gotten the Kingdom of Portugal That there could no relyance be had upon those of France by reason of the divisions by which that Kingdom was at the present so terribly rent in pieces And say the King of France could he would not assist his brother lest he might thereby draw upon him the Forces of the King of Spain That the Catholick Faction in France held already great correspondency with the King of Spain And now having so justifiable a pretence how much more might that King foment it and how many foreign evils might he add to those home-bred ones That from England they could not receive the benefit of a Prince of their own So as the administration must pass by the hands of Governours And what certainty was there that the English would give better satisfaction then the Spaniards especially in a new Principallity wherein they would never proceed so far by fair means but that they would much more use force That the same King had great commodity of making diversions likewise against the Queen and to incite England to some insurrection either by open war or under-hand practises and much more easily Ireland a Country which was almost altogether Catholick greatly devoted to the Church and well affected also to the Crown of Spain And thus the Provinces having no foreign helps would be wholly exposed to the indignation and forces of a potent and injured enemy from whom they were afterwards to expect the greater punishment in that they had given so just an occasion thereof For these reasons the Catholick Deputies past on to this opinion That above all things an agreement between the Provinces should be endeavoured for that if they were well united their own union might furnish them with sufficient Forces at least to defend themselves That they should never lay down their Arms till the ancient form of Government were first restored by the King That touching Religion the peace of Gaunt should be observed which was so maturely handled and concluded by the full consent of the Provinces That if things should be brought to that necessity as that the Provinces of Flanders must needs be severed from the Crown of Spain they should procure as it was most reasonable a Prince of the House of Austria or one of the Kings sons if he should have more then one or some other body who should marry with a daughter of the Kings upon whom the Dominion of those Provinces might be transferred And that at last if they should fail of all these means the Provinces should take the Soveraignty into their own hands In which case it was not to be doubted but that they should have a much better Cause more justifiable to the world better made good by their people and more favoured by their neighbours But the Hereticks did so far prevail in this Assembly as there was little regard had to this opinion of the Catholicks so as the question remained between the other two But at last that which Aldegonde had maintained in the behalf of Alanson was preferred Orange out of some private considerations of his own to boot with what concerned the Publick leaned more willingly likewise to this side For his Principality of Orange lay in France his wife was at that time of French bloud And great correspondency was had as had always been between him and the chief of the Hugonot Faction in that Kingdom Yet by reason of the weight of the Affair the ultimate conclusion was not at that time taken but the Deputies departed that they might first acquaint each Province with their Opinions and to bring from thence an integral resolution This mean while the business of War past on but coolly on both
hath imployed the rest either in the Theory or Practice of Arms and as yet he hath so managed them in Flanders as every day greater additions may be hoped for to your service His loyalty unto your Majesty is answerable to mine nor should he be of my blood if he were not of my opinion To boot that he cannot but be the more like therein of himself in respect of the so many gracious favours which your Majesty hath pleased to confirm upon him The height thereof will now be in your being pleased to leave the Government of these Provinces wholly to him alone and that he may bear the sole weight thereof which is to consist in Arms wherein my company can be of no advantage at all unto him I humbly beg this of your Majesty with as much affection and reverence as I am able Quiet better becomes my age And not being able to doe more I will continually send my wishes from Italy into Flanders and we will both at the same time conspire to serve your Majesty I with my Prayers and my Son with his Forces Nor can we doubt but the one will be heard and the other prospered by God since the war first begun here hath hitherto been continued and is now prosecuted more then ever more for the glory of his Name then for any self-interest of your Majesties The King at last granted the Dutchess her desire Whereupon she returned to her former peaceable condition into Italy and the Prince her Son remained in his former full Command of Flanders The Flemish Rebels had this mean while fixt upon their resolution of changing Prince nor were the Catholicks able to counterpoise the Hereticks Yet to satisfie the Catholicks Orange had procured that the Treaty concluded in favour of Alanson a Prince who profest and who might give hopes of favouring the Catholick religion And to say truth the Queen of England little valued his being preferred before her For she considered very wisely the uncertainty of such a purchase and how certain she had been on the other side to draw upon her the revenge and Forces of the King of Spain Wherefore she in deep wisdom did rather favour the canvasing for Alanson judging that it would make much more for her security that the Forces of France should be wasted bootlesly in the wars of Flanders that the King of Spains Forces should be likewise consumed at the same time and that by the almost necessity of those two Kings going to war with one another it must come to an open feud between them Nor did she despair but that the Low-Countries more involved in troubles then ever the Flemish would at last have recourse to her protection that she might then draw from thence such advantages as time and occasion should offer her When then the Provinces had resolved to transfer their Government upon the Duke of Alanson they failed not to chuse a noble Embassie out of some of their Deputies to acquaint him with the resolution which they had taken the chief whereof was the Lord Aldegonde They began their journey in August and passing into France found the Duke at Tours where they discharged their Commission to him The Duke accepted of his new Dominion and upon the same Conditions which he was to observe on his part if he would enjoy it Which were these That the Belgick States chose Francis of Valois Duke of Alanson and of Anjou with the usual preheminencies and titles for their Prince That in case the Duke should have more Sons lawfully begotten then one the States might chuse which of them they should like best for their Prince and that if he should be a Child they were to appoint him a Governour and that in the interim they themselves should administer the Government of the Provinces That if the Duke should die without heirs it should be lawfull for the States to chuse a new Prince That the Duke should inviolably maintain the Priviledges of the Country and call together the States-Generall at least once every year in whose power it should be howsoever to assemble themselves together upon any needfull occasion That the Officers of War Councellors of State Governours of Provinces and Towns should always be chosen by him with the approbation of the States That the Duke should reside in the Low-Countries and upon any occasion of going from thence should leave some Nobleman of the Country Governour with the participation of the States For what concerned Religion that the Duke should not have power to innovate any thing out should equally protect both the Catholick and the Reformed religion That Holland and Zealand in point of Religion and Government should continue in their present condition submitting notwithstanding together with the other Provinces unto the Duke in point of concurring to the necessity of Contributions and in the coyning of monies That the Duke should procure all help and assistance from the King his brother and from France against the common enemies carrying it so as the War should be made joyntly between them yet so notwithstanding as the Low-Countries should not be understood to be incorporated into France And that the Low-Countries should furnish him with 240000 pounds a year for necessary expences That all former Confederacies should be renewed and that the Duke should not make any new ones nor treat of any alliance without the consent of the States That all foreign souldiers yea even the French should quit the Country when the States should desire it That if any other places of the Country would joyn with the States and be under the Duke they should be comprehended within the present Treaty That such places as the Duke should take by force should be by him disposed of with the approbation of the States That if the Duke should fail in the things promised and sworn unto the States should be understood to be free from all subjection And for what concerned the Archduke Mathias who was called into the Low-Countries and had plaid his part so well the Duke and States should give him all convenient satisfaction Upon thse Conditions the Provinces of the Fremish Union agreed to come under the obedience of their new Prince An obedience notwithstanding which bore with it so much of command as certainly they were much more free then subject In fine the Duke possest almost nothing of Principality but the title Nor could he exercise any other Authority in the Country then what belonged to the bare Governour of a Province to boot that in Holland and Zealand the whole Government was to be in the Prince of Orange apart The King of Spain quarrelled very much with the King of France for this action Who seeming not to blame it excused himself notwithstanding for the aforesaid reasons as not able to hinder it For as for the rest he confessed he very well knew how much the Rebellion of the Hereticks in Flanders might assist that which the Hugonots had so often raised
should receive a full pardon from the King That the Citizens should return to the true obedience of the Church and King That those who would not live after the Catholick profession might enjoy their goods any where out of the Country That the souldiers should be suffered to march out with theirs Arms bagage and Colours flying That the City should pay 20000 pound to keep from being sackt And that the Princess of Espenoy might be suffered to go freely whether she pleased with all her wealth goods substance and family Thus was Tornay yielded and the Princess at her coming forth was received with such applause in the Kings Camp as it might be judged she came forth not as Conquered but as Conqueress The news this mean while continued that the Duke of Alanson would be quickly in Flanders and that without returning to France he would come directly from England and land in Zealand The Archduke Mathias had till this time kept in the Low-Countries and agita ted with many hopes could never fix upon any From the beginning he could not be Governour there by the Kings approbation He had enjoy'd nothing but likelyhoods in the Rebels Government and nothing but the Title in the management of the Militia yet he thought he merited by suffering Wherefore discovering the Rebels resolution of changing Prince he flattered himself mainly upon that occasion with new and ardent hopes He omitted not to make those things be suggested which might make most for his advantage and particularly his Austrian bloud of Germany which for so many years and with such satisfaction to the people had Governed Flanders But being but little listned unto and less considered and afterwards excluded out of all he was fain to be content and to return to his friends and former condition in Germany VVhen therefore it was noised that Alanson was in England and that he would be speedily in Flanders Mathias tarryed no longer but going by Cullen past over the Rhine and returned to his usual abode in the Emperours Court This year ended with his departure and with the Signior d' Altapenna's indeavour to surprise Bergen ap Zome which Town he was very near surprising for he and his men had already won one Gate and were begun to get more inward when the Garison betaking themselves to their Arms and the people flocking from all parts the Royalists were forced to go out many of them being slain and many wounded In the beginning of the year 1582. certain news was brought to Flanders at last that the Duke of Alanson was departed from England with intention of landing in Zealand After having been entertained many days with much feasting and honourable treatment he went from London and within three days came to Flushing The Queen made him be attended with a great Fleet of her ships which were commanded by Charls Howard Lord Admiral of England and would have him waited upon by divers of the chiefest Lords of her Kingdom amongst which was the Earl of Lester who was then in great Authority and favour with her When Alanson was come to Flushing he was received by Orange Espenoy and a great many other personages of quality who were come thither to that purpose They brought him from thence to Midleburg where staying a few days he came to Antwerp attended by above 50 Flemish ships gloriously trimed he landed upon the banks of Scheld near the Citadel and was met with an incredible applause and concourse of people After the wonted ceremonies of interchangeable oaths he entred on horseback into the City which was every where set out with triumphant Arches and other publick demonstrations of joy for his arrival Alanson being thus brought into his new Principality it was not long ere he began to know that hardly was the appearances or shadow thereof left unto him On the other side the Flemish began quickly to comprehend that he had brought with him nothing but the outside of vain hopes and of spetious titles He could not obtain any Forces of consequence from the King his brother and from the Queen of England such and so many only as by his means the Dominion of those Countries might rather be taken from the King of Spain then enjoyed by himself Wherefore the heat of that first welcome quickly cooled and the Inhabitants of Antwerp began to take some distaste at the Duke in point of Religion The Hereticks were already so prevalent there as but very little share of exercise remained for the Catholicks who had recourse unto the Duke to remedy the oppression which they received On the contrary the others endeavoured by all means to continue their advantages and though some satisfaction was at last given to the Catholicks yet were not they therewithall quieted nor did the Hereticks on their sides seem to be satisfied But an untoward accident which happened not long after had likely to have given him an â—ll favoured welcome and to have indangered his life Which was this A young Spaniard of mean birth in Biscay having resolved to kill Orange and taking bothtime and place fitting for his purpose in Orange his own hous discharg'd a musket in his face and wounded him so as at the first he was thought to be dead The noise being heard many hasted thither and astonished at the spectacle without further adoe slew the offender The news of this flew suddenly from the house to the Piazza and from the Piazza to every least corner of the City Nor is it to be said what a commotion it caused amongst the people Every one ran with anxiety from one place to another to know the truth thereof and lamenting one another and as if not only the Father of the Country but even the Father of every particular Family had been slain they bewailed the privat and publick misfortune which they thought had befaln them In this agitation it was whispered that the French had been the authors of this misdeed that they might rid their hands of Orange and thereby make the Duke of Alansons Authority the more free The baser sort of people turning their commisseration into fury ran headlong to Alansons house intending to kill all the French that they should find there and peradventure not to spare his own person In this interim the first fear was seised in Orange his house for the wound being searched was found not to be mortal the bullet had only past through both his cheeks beaten out some of his teeth and occasioned the loss of much bloud which for a while hindred his speech But when he knew it was a Spaniard who had shot him and heard what danger the French were in and even Alanson himself he writ some Tickets with him own hand and sent abroad divers in his own name who cleared the business and freed the multitude of their suspitions When all tumults were ceased they fell to search into the fact that they might make the juster resentment The most common opinion was
by exposing their own to danger The Souldiers suddenly reassumed their courage but that which did most inhearten them was to observe that the Tide began to ebb which would soon inforce the Enemies shipe to retreat But as this consideration incited the Royalists to doe their utmost so had it the like effect upon the Enemies They thought the Victory already so sure their own as Hollack and Aldegonda were gone to carry the news thereof to Antwerp which occasioned an incredible joy in those Citizens The fight was then renewed more hot then ever upon the Counterdike and particularly near the Fort of the Palata and each side had their hopes and fears for a while But it was clearly seen that the Enemies courage ebb'd with the Tide and the courage of the Royalists did as much increase In fine the Enemy could no longer hold out for many of their ships being already on the ground on both sides the Dike they saw there was no more hopes left for them All the rest was blood and slaughter being void of all succour they were hewed in pieces every where nor did the Royalist thirst more after victory before then they did now after cruelty Above 2500 of the Enemy were slain and many of them men of quality Of the Kings side little less then a thousand most of which were Spaniards and Italians though the Dutch and Walloons did sufficiently act their parts Some 30 of their ships fell into the Royalists hands and but few of the Enemies were taken prisoners for all but those that were slain got easily away by water The fight being ended Fernese gave forthwith order for filling up the Cuts which the Enemy had made in the Counterdike he better secured the Forts he reinforced the Guards and did so provide for all things on that side as the Enemy was either not to make any more assaults or if they did they were to hope for no good thereby But the Antwerpians falling from so high hopes into so deep despair knew not what to doe nor how to evade their threatning misfortune They could hope for no assistance from France The Queen of England by the aforesaid artifices held them on in hopes Their confederate Flemish could doe no more then they had done To boot with Gaunts being long before fallen into Fernest's hands as hath been said Brussels Malines and Niminghen the chiefest City in all Ghelderland were likewise surrendred unto him wherefore as the Flemish Union was brought very low by so many losses the Kings party was as much advantaged by so many acquisitions Antwerp began long before this to suffer much in scarcity of victuals which increasing every day they began to think daily more and more upon the horror of Famine and upon the inevitable necessity of yielding to that enemy The Antwerpians kept as yet some Towns about the walls of the City and kept gartisons in them that they might likewise enjoy some part of the open fields wherefore all their hope lay now in getting maintenance by the means of that neighbouring Territory expecting what might afterwards fall out to their advantage But Fernese soon foresaw this their design nor did he lose the benefit of the opportunity Rubais being slain he had given the chief command of the Horse to the Marquis of Vasto who scouring the Country every where suffered not the Enemy to breath and had already laid waste all that Territory of those Country people And the Enemy opposing the Marquis one day with some of their Horse they were by him routed and defeated Wherefore Fernese presenting his Cannon before some of the forenamed Towns which were the best munited he quickly reduced all the rest And so the Antwerpians were shut up within the precinct of their own walls They began then allso far to despair as there was no talk amongst them but of their necessity of surrendring and the mind of the most was to begin a Parley so to get the best Conditions that they could Hollack and Aldegonda were still obstinate and those that did most pertinacioufly adhere unto them and by sophisticated Letters endeavoured to make the people believe that the Earl of Leicester was already parted from England being sent by the Queen with a powerfull Army to relieve Antwerp that he was every day expected to enter Zealand and that so many Foreign forces being added to those of their own Confederates they might very well hope to see that City quickly free from fiege This cheat might prevail for a while but the deeds speaking a contrary language and famine together with other extremities which usually are suffered by those who are besieged every day increasing the people would be no longer deluded They were first seen to gather together in small companies and then in more open assemblies which at last brake out into open tumults They chafed at the obstinacie of a few saying that for their own private passions they would make the City run hazard of suffering its late misfortune and misery Those who were better accommodated and who had most to lose either by plunder fire or other miseries which Cities are accustomed to suffer when either taken by force or surrendred upon discretion began to be of the same mind On the other side Fernese was not backward in inviting the Antwerpians to surrender and not by standing out to make their conditions the worse Thus the Magistracie resolved at last to send some to the Army to treat of surrendring the City They were fairly received by the Prince and so the Treaty began on both sides wherein at first was found a great deal of intricacie and difficulty and therefore many dayes were spent in adjusting them till such time as Aldegonda coming forth himself with some others of the best of the City the Articles of Surrender were concluded of about the midst of August which made up a just year since the first begining of the siege The Articles in effect were these that follow That the City of Antwerp should return under the obedience of the King of Spair as formerly That the Prince of Parma in the Kings name did pardon and forgive the Inhabiants thereof all faults committed in the late revolutions as well in taking up of Arms as in what soever else they had done against the King and his Royal crown That to maintain Traffick in that City as much as might be it might be lawfull for any body whosoever to live there for four years next ensuing without any particular tye in matter of conscience and religion provided no scandalous act were committe against the Catholick religion which was solely to be profest and exercised for the future in that City That the aforesaid four years being ended those who would not profess the Catholick religion might freely depart from thence and carry all their goods away with them without any manner of hinderance That the City should by the least grievous way that might be find means how to repair the
Churches which were ruined either before or upon the occasion of this siege That the City should be fuly restored to her antient priviledges and to all her former liberty and prerogatives of Traffick That in the mean while she was to pay 40000 pounds sterling to help to relieve the Army for the so much pains and expence which it had been at in that siege That the Antwerpians should give way to the receiving into the City and longing of 2000 foot and 200 horse in Garison till it should be seen what resolution should be taken in Holland Zealand and the other confederate Provinces of turning to the Kings obedience which if they should do the Prince promised to free the City of all Garisons and not to remake the Citadel as it was before That prisoners on all sides should be set at liberty except Monsieur de Tiligni concerning whose person the Prince was of necessity to receive some particular Orders from Spain and that the Signor de Aldegonda should promise not to bear Arms against the King of Spain for the space of one year These were the chiefest Articles of the surrender to which many others were added touching the restitution of Goods the restoring of Traffick and Merchandizing to the City and divers other petty interests which respected the accommodation and satisfaction of the Inhabitants This agreement being made the Prince for his greater applause in having made such an atchievement received the Order of the Golden Fleece which the King had sent him a little before The Ceremony was performed in the Fort St Philip accompanied with all the greatest Military celebration of joy and Jubilee and 't was done by Count Mansfield one of the antientest of that Order in all Flanders The Prince entred afterwards solemnly into Antwerp not only as a Conqueror but in Triumph he appeared in stately Arms on horseback many horse and foot in arms went before him and many in the like sort followed him Long files of armed foot were on each side And a little before him was all the flowre of the Nobility on horseback whereof there were very many then in the Army Thus he entred by the Cesarian Gate where he was received by the Magistrate by the heads of all the Orders of the City and by an infinite number of common people He found many Arches many Statues many Colums erected in divers parts with whatsoever else of glory could be shewn upon the like occasion by the conquered to such a Conqueror He then returned all due thanks to God in the chiefest Church and being still accompanied with both Military and City-like acclamations he lighted at the Castle and staid awhile in Antwerp to put in order such things in the City as stood in most need thereof THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO The Second Part. BOOK IV. The Contents The Cities of Gaunt Brussels Malines and Niminghen return to the Kings obedience The Confederate Provinces are hereupon in so great straits as they offer the Queen of England the Soveraignty of their Provinces that they may the more freely enjoy her protection The Queen accepts not of the offer but takes upon her their defence much more then formerly In lieu whereof she hath some of their Towns deposited in her hands The Earl of Lester arrives in Holland sent by her as Supreme Head of the Confederate Provinces The Prince of Parma resolves to march into the field He besiegeth Graves and takes it He continuing his victories takes Venlo Nuys passes the Rhine and succours Zutfen Lester looking on Distastes between Lester and the United Provinces The Duke of Parma continues his acquisitions takes Sluce a place of mighty importance During the heat of War an endeavour is moved between the King of Spain and Queen of England to accommodate in some sort the affairs of Flanders but the endeavour is thought but artificiall on both sides The King this mean while considers whether he ought to make open War upon the Queen or no. Consultations had hereupon in Spain The King at last resolves to set upon England with most powerfull forces Preparations made hereupon in Flanders and in Spain Preparations made by the Queen The Spanish Fleet begins to move and with an unhappy beginning is detained many days by a great tempest it comes to the English Channel The English Fleet hasts to incounter it The Spanish ships begin to suffer prejudice Fire-boats like those of the siege of Antwerp The Spanish Fleet is afraid of them and grows into great confusion At the same time the sea grows rough and makes the disorder the greater Some of the Spanish ships are lost and the rest at last are forced to return for Spain A horrible tempest ariseth which occasions the loss of many of their ships as they return and their whole Fleet is parted torn and shattered by the fury of the sea THese were at this time the advantages of the Kings Forces We told you before that ere Antwerp was taken Gaunt Brussels and Malines were reduced And not to interrupt the siege of Antwerp we forbore as then to acquaint you with what befell them if at least they may be called sieges For they were taken by only stopping up their Passes and keeping the Cities from victuals on all sides We will now briefly relate the several successes together with what insued in other parts during the siege of Antwerp After that the City of Bruges was faln into Fernese's hands Gaunt began to suffer great scarcities especially of victuals The Confederate Provinces held two places of very great importance on that Maritine Coast of Flanders to wit Sluce and Ostend And because relief might be sent from thence to Gaunt Fernese after the getting of Bruges endeavoured to possess himself of all the Passes thereabouts so as there could no communication be had between Gaunt and those two places and the success was answerable to the designe Those of Gaunt not being able to receive any help from abroad fell suddenly into great necessities yet they continued still to be contumacious And persisting in their opiniatracy against the Church and King they seemed as if they would rather undergoe any thing then submit themselves again to the Kings obedience and to the Catholick Religion On the other side Fernese though already busied about Antwerp ceased not to use all diligence to reduce those of Gaunt to the utmost necessity of Famin. Wherefore scouring the Country round about with his horse and destroying all every where he kept those Inhabitants from receiving any help or security from without their own walls There were not wanting many in the City who were well minded towards the Church and King Famine increasing then every day more and more those that were better inclined took occasion to lessen the obstinacy of the most contumatious which Fernese had formerly indeavoured to moderate by many gratious offers And so finally to keep from falling into greater mischiefs the
Gauntesses resolved to come to an agreement which followed about the end of September the preceding year They obliged themselves to give all due obedience unto the King to admit onely of the Catholick profession as formerly to rebuild the Castle which was slighted on the side which lay towards the Town and to pay twenty thousand pound for maintenance of the Kings Army and Fernese on his part did in the Kings name grant them full pardon they were restored to their former priviledges and those who would not profess the Catholick Religion had two years space allowed them to be gone and to carry away their goods whether they would That in the first place their Provinces did in all integrity of soul thank her for her having been so gratiously pleased to favour them and protect them against the King of Spain 's violence since the very first time that he used any against them That be continuing more then ever to oppress Flanders and those Provinces not being able of themselvs to defend themselves from so powerful and cruel an enemy were inforced to seek for necessary protection elsewhere That therefore they had resolved to fly unto her for it A Princess so conjoyn'd to them in territories so united in religion and so interested in the cause That to say truth they were then in a very low condition that notwithstanding they were yet possest of Oestend and Sluce in the Province of Flanders which were both of them Maratine Towns of great concernment That Holland Zealand and Freisland Provinces which lay all of them upon the Sea were yet wholly free from the Spaniards and that within land there were yet many of the most secure places under their union and a great part of the best of the Country That they doubted not but that so puissant a Princess as she would Patronise their defence much more out of magnanimity then out of Interest so as leaving the first part to her and considering themselves the second they represented unto her how great an advantage the addition of such Provinces and particularly those of the Maritine Coast would be to England And what doubt could it be but that these two Naval Forces being joyned together would give the Law by sea to all the Western yea and Northern parts That they then offered to submit themselves wholly to her Soveraignity so to injoy not onely her ordinary protection but to be defended by her absolute authority as by their Princess hoping that she would be pleased to admit of such an offer under such fair and reasonable conditions as their people were to enjoy according to the moderate form of their ancient Government for what remained she might assure her self that the Flemish would alwayes vye for Loyalty towards her with the English in readiness in concurring to all her greater exaltations and in joy to see all her ends effected according to her own desire This was the substance of their Proposal Having said this by word of mouth they presented it in writing to the Queen who graciously received it and did in as gracious a manner reply That she would with all attention study to send them back as speedily as might be to their Provinces well satisfied That such an offer bore with it matter of great conseqnence and that therefore she would take particular care that it should be diligently discust by her Councel The English had at first seemed very much to desire this But as usually seen things move more then such as are but meerly imagined so when the weight of this affair was seen nearer hand the Councels differed much in their opinions concerning it Some more boldly were of opinion That so fair an offer was by all means to be imbraced That the United Provinces had already lawfully made themselves their own Soveragins out of their so requisite necessity of not being able to suffer the King of Spains so great oppression They might therefore lawfully dispose of that their Soveraignty as they should best please That they had once already confer'd it upon the Duke of Alanson and wherefore might they not now confer it upon the Queen The King of Spain would undoubtedly be scandalized hereat and would peradventure make war again upon England But how oft had he already offended the Queen Were not the Insurrections in Ireland fomented by him had he not a designe to do the like in England Did not he favour the Queen of Scots Cause as much as he might and did not he upon all other occasions shew his ill will to the English That if he would fall into open war with the Queen it was to be considered how greatly her usual strength at sea would be increased by this new Maritine addition of Flanders Let therefore the King of Spain assault England when he should please he should finde it as secure in forces as inexpugnable by situation But there wanted not those that were of a contrary opinion They said It was the common concernment of all Princes that their subjects should keep within their due obedience what a ruine would it be to Principality if the rendering or denying of obedience should be at the Subjects pleasure That hitherto the Queen had favoured the Flemish not as free people but as those that were opprest that she might still without proceeding any farther do the same justly for the future but to acknowledge a Soveraign power in them and then to accept of that Soveraignty offered by them was an action of bad example for other Princes and particularly of very dangerous consequence for the Queen her self How much more just reason would the King of Spain have in such a case to make her taste of the same evils at her own home How great a disposition was there generally thereunto in Ireland And how great in the so many Catholicks which were yet in England By her example the King would doubtlesly pass from fomenting secretly into open invasion To his Temporal Forces the Pope of Rome might likely enough add his Spiritual ones And it would then be seen what would be got by making so uncertain an acquisition in neighbouring Countries when by doing so certain hazard must be run at home in her own Dominions Amidst these two contrary opinions there was one in a middle way between them which was That the Queen without accepting of the Soveraignty or using any other title of Protection should assist the Flemish with a good strength of men That for security of the expence which she should be at in assisting them they should put some good Town of Zealand into her hands and some other also in Holland And that the Forces which should be maintained by the United Provinces should be under his command whom she should send in Chief with her men Thus having gotten footing in those Maritime parts and her Authority likewise being in the above said manner extended further within Land the Queen might wait for what time would produce who is the
best Councellor and whose advantages are infallible to those that can discern and make use of them The Queen inclined to this opinion And because Antwerp was already in very great danger she gave order for the immediate sending over of 3000 Foot into Zealand to facilitate the relief of that City And the Flemish resolved to put Ostend for the present into her hands But this was not performed because the Aid came not time enough Wherefore they past on to the chief Negotiation and these following Capitulations were agreed upon between the Parties interessed That the Queen of England should be obliged to assist the States of the United Provinces with 5000 Foot and 1000 Horse all of them to be paid by her and that she should send a Commander in chief over with them who should have the Government of their Forces and the chief Command over all their Souldiers That to secure the repayment of the monies which the Queen should spend the States should put Flushing and the Ramekins into her hands in Zealand and the Bril in Holland and leave the same Artillery and ammunition of war in them which was at the present That when the war should be ended and the monies repaid the Queen should be bound to restore the same Towns in the same condition as they were now assigned over unto her That the United Provinces should not make peace with the King of Spain nor league with any other Princes without the Queens consent neither should the Queen come to any particular treaty with the King of Spain without the knowledge and approbation of the Vnited Provinces That to boot with the Queens General Governour two other of her State-Ministers might intervene at all the Councels and negotiations of the Vnited Provinces That in the default of any Governour of Province or Town the States should name two or three personages of which one should be chosen by her General Governour with the participation of the Provinces Councel of State That in case war were to be made by Sea for the common service the States should concur thereunto with equal Forces to those that the Queen should therein imploy and that her Admiral should have the chief Command over them all That the General Governour and the other of the Queens Officers should swear obedience not only to her but to the States also That all of them should inviolably maintain the wonted Priviledges of the Country and that there should be no the least alteration of Government made in those Towns whereinto there should any English garrisons be put and that such Garrisons should be suffered to live for matter of Religion according to the manner of England These were the most essential Articles Which being agreed upon sudden order was given for the putting of them in execution The Queen declared the Earl of Leicester for supreme Head of her Forces of whom mention is made in other parts of this our History and many of the Nobility of England prepared to go along with him That year in this interim ended and the year 1586 insued In the begining whereof Leicester being imbarked with all his people arrived at the Hague in Holland about the first week of February where he was received with all the expressions of Honour and joy that the States could make The Places which were assigned over unto him were of very great importance Flushing and the Ramechins were the chief Key of Zealand and the Bril was likewise a Port-Town of very great concernment in Holland The Garrisons being placed according to agreement the States did so very much intreat Leicester that to boot with the chief Command of their Forces he would likewise accept of the general Government of their whole Country as he inclined to yield thereunto At which the Queen seemed to be displeased and sorthwith sent an Express to complain thereof But the States renewing the same intreaties to her she did not any further repugn it thinking perhaps that she had already so highly offended the King of Spain as he would be but little pacified though she should forbear this second irritation Besides to say truth 't was hardly to be believed but that this declaration of the States had been secretly made known unto the Queen and that Leicester would not have accepted of it without her tacit consent But howsoever it was Leicester accepted of the Administration He distributed his own men and those of the Provinces where it was most needfull and prepared to impede the progress of the Kings Forces as much as might be and to doe all that he could expect was to be done by his men Fernese through the acquisition of so many chief Cities and particularly that of Antwerp did verily believe to put an end to the troubles of Flanders either by some way of fair Agreement or by absolute Conquest Wherefore he was wonderfully moved to see this Victory which he had so assuredly fancied unto himself either by the one way or the other taken from him by this English succour and the King thought himself thereby so highly offended as he did not long delay the resenting of it as you sâ—all shortly hear But though the Enemy had received such a succour yet Fernese did not doubt but that as his Forces were far the greater so likewise should his successes be He therefore resolved as soon as the winter should be over to march with his Army into the field The Enemy though they had lost Mastrick were yet masters of two Towns of great concernment in that lower side of the Mause the one was Graves which belongs to Brabant and the other Venlo in Ghelderland It made very much for Fernese to have all those parts at his devotion to the end that he might the better unite his Forces on both the sides of so important a River and that he might likewise with the less impediment carry them on the other side of the Rhine Wherefore he resolved by all means to make himself master of those two Towns And though the winter were not yet over he resolved to send Count Mansfield to straiten Graves at a distance and gave him such men as were requisite for that purpose He gave order likewise for the besieging of Venlo after the same manner And being much prest thereunto by the Archbishop of Colen he likewise sent the Signor d'Altapenna Governour of Ghelderland to make the like preparation against the Town of Nuys where the Enemy had still fortified themselves more and more and still more prejudiced the adjacent parts by their continual excursions When Mansfield was come before Graves be planted two Forts upon the two banks of the Mause that he might have the freer passage over the river and he raised some others more within land towards where the Town stood The River did very much help the fortifying of the Town on the River side and on the Land side the Enemy had likewise very well bastion'd the walls The Souldiers that
of Vasto advance with some Troops of Horse all of them almost Italians with a great Squadron of Foot composed of Spaniards Italians and Walloons and with many Cart loads of the necessariest provisions to be brought into the City The Horse went in the Van with whom the Marquess coming up unto the Enemies some Troops of English Horse boldly opposed them and charged so home as they disorder'd them and inforc'd them to give back but reassuming courage they fell to fight again and the combat was such as for a while the success was doubtful The Marquess plaid his part manfully The Italian Troops were commanded by Apio Conti the Marquess Hanibal Gonsaga the Marquess Bentivoglio Georgio Cressia and Count Nicolas Cesis who strove all of them who should most signalize themselves upon this occasion But the conflict seemed most to favour the enemy for Cressia was taken prisoner and Gonzaga dangerously wounded When the Kings squadron of foot advanced and heartning the horse stopt the violence of the enemy and afforded time for the Duke himself to come up He came in battel array with resolution to fight if the enemy should endeavour with all his forces to hinder the succour But Leicester would not hazard himself so far but making a retreat be sounded suffered Fernese to pass on who entred himself in person into Zutfen and left the Town well provided Then going suddenly out again he entertained himself thereabouts till Leicester had quite given over the siege and winter drawing on after he had put good Garisons into all the Towns that formerly and of late were reduced into the Kings obedience in those parts he returned about the midst of November to Brussels with much honour for having made so many and so considerable expeditions in so short a time The Duke being gone from Zutfen and having distributed his Army into their quarters Leicester returned again to assault the Forts which were raised on the banks opposite to that Town One of the lesser was suddenly taken by assault And Count Hollack was the first that entred it the more to incourage the rest and in the action he received an honourable wound The other lesser Fort made no better resistance The greatest Fort yet remained which might have held out longer but Tassis inclined rather to withdraw the men into Zutfen the better to defend the City in case the Enemy should resolve to beguirt it Leicester did notwithstanding dispose of all his men about it and did as it were besiege it at a distance that he might do it neerer at hand when the season should permit him he returned from hence to Holland and made his abode in the Hague where the States of the Provinces were then met They seemed but little satisfied with Leicester either in his Civil or Military Government they saw what atchievements the Duke of Parma had continually made whilst he was a looker on in most of them nor could they endure that together with the Towns deposited into the Queens hand he should put English garrisons into divers other Towns as he had done they therefore still grew more and more suspitious judging that such proceedings tended more to domination then to defence and that Leicester intended to use rather an absolute then a limited power nor did they forbear to acquaint him with their sense in a decent and moderate way but he striving to justifie his actions sundry waies sought to appease the States and to dissolve the Assembly which not being able to do he resolved to go for England seeming to depart angry and the States seemed no less offended The distastes on both sides past afterward so far on as the Provinces sent some of their Deputies to the Queen with complaints against Leicester and he on the contrary sought to cross all their negotiations These discords made much for the Duke of Parma's advantage which as he very well knew so did he not fail to make use of it The new year of 1587 was already begun and the Souldiers were all in their winter quarters wherefore by divers practises he wrought it so as that some Towns of very great importance fell into his hands William Stanly an English Gentleman was Governor of Deventer and Colonel of a Regiment of the same Nation This man agreeing with Tassis who was Governor for the King in Zutfen resolved to put the City of Deventer under the Kings obedience Stanly was a Catholick and seemed to do it chiefly out of the zeal to Religion yet he was largely rewarded by the King and so much the rather for that he drew along with him to the Kings service all the English which were with him at Deventer which were the greatest part of his Regiment and he still kept the command of them together with the title of Colonel By his example Rowland York who kept the Forts of Zutfen delivered them up not long after to Tassis The Castle of Vouve not far from Bergenapzome was likewise a little before faln into Fernese's hands which is a strong place and might much facilitate the taking of Berghen The people of the confederate Provinces did mightily storm at these new losses made by treachery to boot with those which were formerly taken by force Were these the aids were these the advantages which they expected from England Was this the fruit that they reaped by the Earl of Leicester 's Government At his coming into Flanders he made miracles be expected at his hands but how soon were these miracles turned into shame How many places had the Duke of Parma taken whilst he looked on And how much to his dishonor had he in particular relieved Zutfen That hereupon departing for England instead of siding with Flanders he was become their enemy Nay he had rather made himself Soveraign then Governour thereof having placed English where he pleased in lieu of native Flemish That he did now oppugne the cause of the Provinces before the Queen in stead of defending it Since then it was not known when he would return or how minded wherefore should not the Provinces the mean while by their own authority resolve upon what was best for their common service They delayed no longer but immediately summoned the States Generall Who when they met it was resolved amongst them that Count Maurice of Nassaw should immediately take upon him the Government of the Militia and that having Count Hollack for his Lieutenant he should provide for all necessary occurrences of the war The Assembly took also divers other resolutions and sent their complaints again into England against Leicester and against the other English Commanders which he had left in Flanders and prest very much that the Queen would remedy so many disorders The Queen was hereat troubled wherefore she suddenly dispatcht away the Lord Buckhurst one of her prime Privy-Councellors to the end that he together with Colonel Norris who had many years before served the United Provinces with great praise and reputation might
according to custome they fell to work upon their Trenches and to prepare for Battery The ground was rather moyst then dry on the one side and therefore they began their works there where the ground would best permit them so to doe The two Camps contended in the making of them and especially in that of Flanders the Spaniards Italians Germans and Walloons strove according as usually to outdoe one another in opening and in advancing the Trenches The besieged made some sallies but with weak forces and weaker courage by which it was judged the City was not in condition to make any long resistance One of their best defences was a Ravelin without the walls built about with good stone and furnisht with a Platform The Batteries were therefore chiefly turn'd upon that Ravelin Nor was it long ere they fell with their Trenches into the Ditch where Mines being joyn'd to the Batteries so great a breach was soon made in the Ravelin as it was now thought fitting to make an assault Which hapned luckily The Spaniards and Walloons did herein particularly signalize themselves and of all others the Camp masters Luis Velasco a Spaniard and Claudius Barlotta a Walloon Barlotta and divers others were wounded and some were slain The Ravelin being taken those that won it lodged there and planted some peeces of Artillery upon it to play upon the Town nearer hand and with the more terror A certain strength of Horse and Foot was still maintained by the Apostolike Sea who were commanded by Appius Conti who plaid his part valiantly But a quarrel arising between him and the Baron Chateaubrain a Lorainer and Colonel of the Germans and falling from words to blows Appius was wounded whereupon he quickly dyed to the grief of the Army which held him in great esteem This occasioned some disorder in the Pontificials for Chateaubrain's German Regiment was maintained by the monies of the Apostolike Sea Yet was the Siege so hotly continued by all parties as those within were within a few dayes reduced to parley and at last yielded upon honorable terms their hopes of succour failing them though the King of Navar had often endeavoured it but more by stealth then openly After the taking of Noyon the Duke Du Mayne went suddenly towards Paris The Catholick States-Generall which followed the League were then met in that City and this meeting was chiefly had for the chusing of a King that would be obedient to the Church and who would preserve that Kingdom in the antient Religion The two aforenamed Officers of State Mendosa and Tassis were then in Paris for the King of Spains service in the business then on foot and a little before Don Diego d'Yvara was come thither likewise on his behalf a man of courege and who was likewise thought very fit for the conducting of that business But to give it the greater reputation and advantage the Duke of Feria was at last sent by the King of Spain to Paris A personage who to the prerogative of his family had the addition of all others which upon such an occasion were to be desired Their chief endeavour was to overthrow the Law Salique which excludes Women from succeeding to that Crown In which case the Infanta Isabella the Kings eldest daughter was to have succeeded as daughter to Queen Isabella who was the eldest daughter to Henry the 2 King of France and who had been formerly wife to the King of Spain And as for a Husband for the Infanta since she could not have one of the House of Austria as the King her Father would have desired but it may be all in vain by reason of the invincible repugnance of the French it was discovered that in such a case the King would condescend to the choice of some one of that Nation and particularly of the House of Lorain upon which the League in France was chiefly built It was foreseen by all the aforesaid Agents how much advantagious it would be for the maintaining their negotiation that the Flanders Forces which entred France in favour of the League should be vigorous wherefore they prest this point hard upon the Governour Mansfield and upon Fuentes who as we have said was next under him But these on the contrary represented That the affairs of Flanders were not to be abandoned that the Enemy began already to move with potent Forces on that side and that it behoved to maintain the Kings cause there likewise as much as might be And yet the event shewed in a short while that the thus dividing of the Kings forces did so weaken and disorder them as that they did little or no good in France and were the cause of very great losses in Flanders And that which greatly increased the disorders was that almost at the same time divers Mutinies broke forth by occasion whereof the King of Spain was more indammaged by his own Souldiers then by his Enemies Now to return to the affairs of Picardy When the Duke Du Mayn was gone from Picardy Count Charls parted from thence likewise and went with his Camp towards the Sea-side into the lower parts of that Province where there were yet some places which held for the King of Navar and especially the Castle of Rue strong both by situation and handy-work as hath been said And because to besiege it would be a business of long time and which did require greater Forces then Count Charls had with him he therefore contented himself with making easier acquisitions Hembercourt a weak place and more within land and S. Vallery more considerable as being seated upon the Some where that River falls into the Sea fell into his hands Here when the Count would have made Further progress he must sheath his sword by reason of a Truce which was at that time made for three moneths between the King of Navar and the Duke Du Mayne Arms being laid aside in Picardy the Count distributed his Army in the parts of that Province which lay towards Artois The expences which the King of Spain was then at in France was excessive wherefore the Souldiers being but slowly paid it was impossible to keep them from rapine so as those parts found more of damage by the cessation of Arms then they had done in the time of war Neither did the mischief rest here licentiousness increasing every day and pillage degenerating by degrees into disobedience at last they fell into divers mutinies The first fell out amongst the Spaniards which being first practised with great secresie was soon after concluded and except it were the Officers and some Souldiers of more respect then the rest it was exactly performed by all others They murmured according as is usual to see their labours so ill requited And to honest their Error they endeavoured to excuse it by Necessity Having then gathered together a sufficient number of men and horse they designed to possess themselves of some of the nearest Towns in Artois and there afterwards to fortifie and
be freed of the Taxes which are imposed upon us we shall fight no longer for the interests of others but for what concerns our selves And in fine all the good and all the bad will be our own which in defence of the common liberty we shall hereafter find This discourse wrought so upon the minds even of those that were most affectionate to the King as they knew not how to gainsay it The no appearance of succour was particularly of great force Nor is it to be believed how much indignation it wrought not only in Groninghen and the parts thereabouts but in all other places which were under the Kings obedience to see that his own affairs in Flanders were by him almost wholly abandoned to sustain those of France which did daily decline The chief of the Magistracy and of the Communalty went therefore to Count Maurice to agree with him touching the surrender of the City And being very graciously received the Agreement was made and these were the most essential Conditions thereof That the City of Groninghen together with the neighbouring Country which makes up that Province should for the future be under the obedience of the States-Generall representing the Body of the Confederate Provinces That it should oblige it self to the Union of this Body by being a particular member thereof for the time to come and that it should submit it self to those Lawes wherein the other Provinces were joyned for the defence of their common Cause That the City of Groninghen and all the aforesaid Country should enjoy their antient priviledges and all their former immunities That that City and Province should by the authority of the States Generall receive Count William of Nassaw for their Governour and that for the present five or six Foot-Companies should be permitted to come into the City to prevent all occasion of Tumults which might happen there That there should be Liberty of Conscience for matter of Religion in that City and Country but that that which was called the Reformed Religion should be exercised there publikely and no other That the City and Province should concur in contributing such taxes as did correspond with their abilities for the maintenance of the Souldiery and for other necessary expences concerning the common Cause That it should be free for any man to transport himself and goods into whatsoever place he would provided it were not in the Enemies country That the Government of the City should depend as formerly upon the Magistracie and that the Magistrate should be changed according to custom taking an oath to be true and faithfull to the States Generall as the other Cities under the Union had done These were the chief Articles of Agreement which were made with those of Gronin hen And as for the Foreign souldiers which were entred into the City they were permitted by Count Maurice to march forth honourably with their Arms and Baggage but upon promise not to serve the King of Spain for three moneths space on that side the Rhine The City was surrendred about the end of July and Count Maurice made his entrance into Groninghen afterwards with all military pomp and solemnity And leaving Count William there for the better ordering of all things in that City and Province he within a few dayes removed his Army from those parts and went himself unto the Hague Where it cannot be expressed with what applause and honour he was received by the States General for having so much increased the advantages of the Union on that side the Rhine by an acquisition of such consequence Whilst affairs went thus in Flanders the Forces which were on the aforesaid Frontiers of France were not idle The Duke du Main was Governour of Burgony the Duke of Guise Governour of Champania and the Duke d' Umale Governour of Picardy all of them being of the house of Lorain and upon whose personages the League did principally depend some discord was already faln out in their former Union and finally the Duke of Guise would be kept no longer from moving some Treaty of agreement with the King since he had imbraced the Catholick Religion and after his so many atchievements which had made him now be almost generally acknowledged for King of France Neither was the Duke du Main much averse from coming to a Composition with him But he endeavoured to negotiate with his sword in hand that he might thereby get the better conditions Only the Duke d'Umale were it either that he was more firm in his former adhering to the League or that he was a back friend to the King for some private respect of his own was resolved to come to no accommodation with him but rather in case the League should wholly cease to go into Flanders and put himself wholly into the King of Spains hands To this end he favoured the Flemish Forces more then ever in his Government of Picardy But such partiality was of no great availment For the Kings reconciliation with the Apostolick See being then mainly negotiated in Rome the League declined daily in so much as even almost whole Picardy was already come over to the King To get the full possession whereof the King was a little before entred into that Province with a potent Army and had laid siege to Laon. The City of Laon being very strong both by situation and Manual Fortification the Duke du Main did much indeavour the not losing of it To boot that the Count of Sommariva du Main's eldest son being within the Town and one that defended it who though he were but very young then was notwithstanding of great expectation the Father did the more desire to see his son free together with the Town To this purpose du Main was gon himself to use what diligence might be with the Archduke And returning with new and very strict Orders to Mansfield that he should use all the means he might for the preservation of the Town they joyned both their Forces together which were notwithstanding so weak as they exceeded not 8000 foot and 700 horse The Rendezvouz being made at la Fera which is within four leagues of Laon they marched from thence about the end of June with a resolution of relieving the besieged There was a choice Garison in Laon of 1200 foot and 30 horse nor were the Inhabitants less willing to make defence then were the Garison The King had about 12000 choice foot and 4000 horse which were the very flowre of his Army And having already taken and fortified his quarters he was very diligent in advancing his Trenches and other usual Works The besieged shewed all manlike resolution to resist which they witnessed by frequent sallies to the which they were the more encouraged by the expectation of relief so near at hand In the Colleagues Camp which still held the exterior Title of the League though it were almost wholly composed of Flemish Forces the Duke du Main commanded in chief the Archduke having
the end that such quarters might serve for pay to the Army the needs whereof he could not satisfie otherwise by reason of the vast sums of mony which the mutinies in so many parts had exhausted To boot that the Archduke was necessitated to be at great expences by reason of so long and costly a journey in which he had carried a flourishing Court along with him both for his own honour and that he might attend the new Queen with all the greater magnificency The Admiral having received these directions and the Archduke being gone the Admiral went immediately to the Army Not many months before 4000 Spaniards were come to Flanders to supply the foot which were wanting in the old brigadoes One of which being formerly commanded by the Campmaster Velasco who was now made General of the Artillery was given to Gaspero Zapena The Army was then composed of 7000 Spanish foot 3000 Italians 2000 Burgonians 1000 Irish and 7000 Germans and Walloons and to these were added 2500 horse all very gallant men The Army past over the Mause near Ruremond and continuing its march drew near Orsoy which is situated three hours journey above Reinburg upon the left side of the Rhine The Admirals designe was to possess himself of that pass and to fortifie it and raising a Fort upon the other side to secure the passage over the Rhine in that place The Town of Orsoy belonged to the State of Cleves and therefore it being a neutral Country he would not willingly have used any violence in entring into it but it could not be effected otherwise by reason of some opposition which was made which soon ceased and the Admiral entred causing all fair usage to be observed When he was Master of the Town of Orsoy Count Frederick di Berg who then supplyed the place of Camp-master General past over to the other side of the River to raise the aforesaid Fort as soon as might be on that shore He had such men given him as were requisite to secure the work nor was he wanting in using all diligence to perfect it yet he was forced to imploy above a moneths time about it during which the Admiral kept still in Orsoy and quartered his Army thereabouts When this pass was secured it was judged by the Councel of war that that of Reinberg would have been much better both in respect of the place it self for its nearness to Skincks Sconce This Town was in the Enemies hands and well guarded as it was known and by the Arch-Duke's direction the Admiral was to shun sieges yet the Councel though that this of Reinberg might soon be ended for that the united Provinces had no Army in the Field nor could they muster Forces any waies able to oppose the Kings wherefore about the beginning of October the Admiral incamped before Reinberg This Town as hath been said stands on the left shore of the River it is but of a small circuit it hath a Castle which guards the River and an Island made by the River in that very place For the greater security of the Town there stood a Fort in the Island which Fort was likewise defended by the Town on the left side of the River did the Admiral quarter with the greatest strength of the Army and on the right side Count Frederick di Berg with those that were already with him And because it was thought fit first to get the Fort within the Island they began to play upon it cruelly from the side where Count Frederick was till such time as the Camp-masters Lewis d' Villiar with his Spanish Brigado and Barlotta with his Walloons entred the Island on that side and Carlo Colonna and Estinley entred it likewise on this side with their Spanish and Irish Brigadoes Then the Fort was played upon nearer hand with regular batteries and the Kings men prepared already to fall on when they found that those within not willing to abide the assault had abandoned the Fort which being taken they hoped soon to take the Town for the Army had already straitly besieged it on all sides and having advanced their Trenches prepared their Batteries that accordingly they might come to the assault But by a strange accident they came by the Town sooner then they could have hoped All the Gun-powder whereof there was good store was kept in a Chamber of one of the Towers of the Castle It so fell out that a Cannon Bullet one of many which were continually shot from without both against the Town and the Castle entred by a window into the Chamber where the powder was kept and gave suddenly fire thereunto which caused so terrible an earth-quake not onely in the Castle and circuit of the Town but in all parts thereabouts as the very river was much agitated and many ships which were upon that shore were likely to be drowned the houses in the fields were shaken thereby great stones and great store of Ashes caused by the fire fell down but the force thereof was particularly such against the Castle as it blew it almost wholly up into the air The Governor of the Town with his wife and children were thereby slain and great was the number of others that perish'd in the Castle and in the houses neer unto it This made the Defendants quite loose their courage wherefore they treated that very night of surrendring and afterwards marched out of the Town upon honorable conditions The Kings Forces being entred into Reinberg all the adjacent Countries were put into great terror A little below Reinberg on the same side stood Burich a Town belonging to the Duke of Cleves This Town immediately accepted four Foot colours which were sent thither by the Admiral Over against Burich on the other side lyes Wesel one of the best inhabited most merchandising and best seated Towns of as many as stand upon the Rheine which River runs by the best part thereof and on another side the Lippa anoble River falls into it Wesel was likewise in former times under the Dukedom of Cleves but being infected with Heresie and by that means having brought it self into liberty it hath ever since maintained it self therein particularly by imbracing the Sect of Calvinism as that which is most opposite to Monarchy The Townsmen being sore afraid when they saw so great an Army approach it that if they should receive in a Spanish Garrison the City might fall into the Kings hands or else that he might restore it to the house of Cleves they treated presently of compounding by money for their not receiving in of Souldiers And thinking that to promise free liberty for the exercise of the Catholick Religion hereafter in Wesel would be of great help to them in their Treaty they added this second offer to the former The Admiral accepted of them both willingly so to get in so great a strait such a sum of money which was agreed to be 50000 Crowns as also that so great an advantage might be got in
those that assailed them and came the better to where their help was required They also soon discerned that they were all false Alarms that were given without and that the true Assault was made only in one place To this was added that Count Bucquoy not finding the water of the aforesaid Channel so low as he believed he could by no means pass over them Yet the Catholicks did for a long time continue their assault but the Defendants advantages still increasing the Assailants were at last forced to give over with great loss for there were above 600 slain and wounded part of them being Gambaloita's men who was slain himself and part belonging to Durango who was sorely wounded Nor did those within let slip the occasion of prejudicing yet more the Catholicks as they retreated For plucking up some of their Sluces by which they both received the Sea-water into their ditches and let it out again they turned the water with such violence into the Channel which the Catholicks had passed over before they came to the assault and which they were to pass over again in their retreat as many of them were unfortunately drowned John Bentivoglio Knight of St. John's Order our Brother who was but a little before come from Italy after having served the Emperor some years in Hungary was in this action and therein gave such trial of himself as the Archdukes not long after honoured him with a Company of Lances The year 1602. was already begun and with so bitter cold weather as many advised the Archduke to give over the siege of Ostend as a business which might be despaired of But he would not be perswaded thereunto thinking the Kings honour and his own too much engaged not to continue that siege still and bring it to a good end Wherefore he resolved to raise a great Platform in St. Alberto's quarter which might command the Town as much as might be possible on that side and gave new orders that Bucquoy should from St. Charls his Fort advance with all possible speed that great Bank which was designed to command the Channel of Bredene as we touched upon before Having given out these directions and leaving the Spanish Campmaster John di Rivas a valiant and well experienced Souldier to have the chief government of the Siege the Archduke retired to Gaunt to make such provisions against the Enemy as were requisite who on their side made very great preparations that they might be early in the field with great Forces The Treaty of Agreement which had been formerly on foot and almost at the same time broken as we told you then between the King of Spain and the Archduke on the one part and the Queen of England on the other was this interim continued by many means Great desire of coming to some good correspondencie appeared on both sides And the Queen being now very full of years did particularly shew her self every day more and more inclined thereunto When in March she fell very sick of which sickness she dyed after she had lived 70 years and reigned 4â— Thus dyed Elizabeth Queen of England and Ireland who so much afflicted the Church and who so long and by so many wayes fomented the War which we describe She was Daughter to King Henry the Eighth by Queen Anne of Boloign After the death of her Father being bred up in Heresie she was much made of by her Brother King Edward the Sixth who was likewise a Follower of the new Sects which were formerly introduced by his Father But Queen Mary who soon restored the antient Religion succeeding him Elizabeth ran hazard of her life and was either imprisoned or confined all her Sisters Reign who dying without issue the Crown came to Elizabeth The marriage of her Father with Anne of Boloign was always detested by the Catholick Church wherefore she openly maintained Heresie and persecuted the Catholicks And to secure her self the better in her Kingdom she was not content to favour Heresie in her own Dominions but still joyned with the Heretical Factions of Scotland France Germany and Flanders endeavouring thus to keep her neighbouring Countries still in turmoils that she might be the more quiet at home For what remains it is not to be denyed that by Common opinion such gifts both of body and minde concur'd in her as would have been worthy of the highest praise had she so much illustrated them by the true Religion as she did eclipse them by false worship a comliness of Aspect graceful behaviour weight in her words or a winning speech and a pleasing greatness both in her private and publick actions She was endowed with a rare understanding and wit which made her be a great friend to learning to the choicest and most delightful whereof she applyed her self she was particularly so ready in the Latin tongue as she was often pleased publickly to make use thereof and therein to receive the applause of the most learned in both the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge it may be no marriage was ever more coveted then hers Many Princes in several parts of Europe did for a long time strive to be her husband hoping that the refusal of the one might facilitate the pretences of another and she very cunningly still nourished hopes in them and endeavoured divers waies to honest her excuses thinking her self so much more worthy by how much the more she was pretended unto Coming at last to her declining years those seeming appearances ended and then it was clearly seen that she being full of haughty thoughts not caring for issue would never receive a Companion in her Bed because she could not admit of a Companion in her Throne She exercised her greatest enmities with the Pope of Rome and King of Spain as may have been seen in this our History she kept good correspondencie with all the other Potentates of Europe and was by the most of them continually much honoured She was a woman of a manlike spirit infinitely intent upon Government and desirous of retaining the chief hand in managing thereof as she had the prime authority Great were her expences both within and without her Kingdom It is not to be credited how much she spent at home especially in keeping England well munited with Naval forces being ofttimes used to say That her well arm'd ships in that Island were her Armies and her Citadels She enjoyed good health and that so long as none of her Predecessors lived so long as she and but few reigned so long And although she detested the Queen of Scots whom at last she put to death yet she was pleased that her Son King James who was likewise fallen into Heresie should succeed her and unite the Island of England and Scotland into one body which whilst divided had formerly for so many Ages been cause of so many discords wars and calamities on both sides THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO The Third Part. BOOK VII
together with some other of our writings concerning the Affairs of Flanders and that even since then we had a thought of composing this intire present History of the War which happened in those Provinces till by the Truce Arms were laid down we will therefore here insert the same Relation though it were formerly printed it being a member which ought also to be joyned to this body in this place and which will now fully compleat it The Command of the Catholick Army being past into Marquis Spinola's hands great were those designes as you have heard which he brought with him from Spain to Flanders to make the chief seat of the War on the other side the Rhine and to straiten the enemy the most they could in those parts To this purpose were the extraordinary Forces in the two last fields raised But though great advantages were gotten thereby yet fell they far short of the conceived hopes It was seen that Spain could not continue to maintain so excessive an expence That for want of money a new Mutiny had again happened That another might insue and that one of these disorders did much confound and distort the whole body of the Army Spinola was so troubled with these and some other reflections of importance as he at last fell upon those very considerations which already divers of the gravest and best experienced State-Ministers both of Spain and Flanders had faln upon touching the difficulties and dangers which the Warre of Flanders and the going about to weaken or subdue the Enemy by force of Arms brought with it They discoursed thus amogst themselves That all the good they had reaped by forty years War was their having made the Enemy the more strong more resolute to defend their usurpt liberty more firm in the union which they had established amongst themselves and better united to the forein Princes whho sided with them That Nature's self might be said to have fought always for them by their Bulwarks of Sea and Rivers and their strong scituations in all other parts and that where nature was wanting there industry together wih their so many well munited places did make amends That their power by land was verygreat in all things else and their power as sea so great as that the Crown of Spain had been much indamaged thereby even in the East-Indies and was in danger of being a greater sufferer by them in the West-Indies also What amass of strength on the other side and money must it cost the King to maintain the War of Flanders That doubtlesly his Empire was very large but much discunited Flanders the most disunited member of the whole body of his Dominions both by sea and land That the sea was blocked up by the Enemies ships That their passage by land did depend upon many Princes which alwaies caused great difficulties in their sending of aid and destroyed their men more by their marches then by their bickerings Then how many corruptions and disorders had been rooted in their Army and how could they be remedied during the War they being the effects which so long a War had inevitably produced That instead of obedience strife reigned amongst the Nations That there were now more wives then souldiers more mutinies then years that their own Forces were almost as dangerous to them as those of their Enemies And mutinies growing so familiar now of one now of another Nation and ofttimes of many Nations at once what a sad day would that be when the whole Army should mutiny together a day which would bring the Kings affairs in Flanders to their utmost danger as also the Cause of the Catholick Religion for the defence whereof the War at first was chiefly made and hath been so long maintained by the Spanish side If then by so many reasons and so long experience War against the Enemy were to be esteemed so fruitless is it not better said they to come to some fair agreement with them is it not better to order our Army anew and in the mean time to get strength and laying down Arms except what with time would make most to the Spanish advantage Arms being laid down the King of France already grown old might in this interim die and with him that assistance might chance to cease which was subministred to the Enemy by a Prince of such power and repute That after his death the affairs of France might peradventure change face their King being so young the like might be expected in the affairs of England their King being a new King and a Scotchman but ill looked on by that Kingdom the Enemy having likewise received considerable succours from Scotland And in case any of these things should happen how much would the affairs of Spain be bettered But above all it was to be hoped that even peace it self might turn to a secret war against the Enemy That the fear of the Spanish forces was the bond which fastened their union closest so as this fear ceasing through the enjoyment of quiet some domestick evil might arise amongst them which might break the union and some opportunity in favour of the King and Arch-dukes of regaining some of the Rebelious Provinces by underhand-dealing and of subjugating the others afterwards by force These reasons were doubtlesly very weighty and of great consideration and had been oft-times argued in Spain whereupon the King had at last resolved that if he could not effect his ends by arms all possible means should be used to come by some convenient Treaty of agreement with the Enemy in Flanders and the affairs of Flanders may be said totally to depend upon the King For the marriage between the Arch-duke and the Kings sister proving barren and the Provinces of Flanders being consequently to return unto the King again he had therefore chiefly maintained the War with his Forces and consequently all Treaties ' of agreement were chiefly to depend upon his Authority The Arch-duke inclined also very much to bring things to some accommodation he being a Prince naturally given to love his quiet and full of years and experience might comprehend better then any other the dangerous consequences which the War of Flanders brought with it but it was very hard to find out a way how to treat of accommodation A while since the enemy seemed to be quite averse unto any such Treaty and still swelling with prosperity and success they resolved never to listen to any whatsoever Treaty till such time as the King and Archdukes should first publickly declare that they treated with them as with Free Provinces and States unto the which the King nor Arch-dukes made no claim nor pretence whatsoever wherein the Arch-duke found great repugnancy in himself and foresaw the like in the King He thought that to declare those now to be a free people against whom they had fought as against rebels would be to confess that their former war had been unjust and that to seem now so willing to put an end
a great suspition of being over-reached by the Spaniards whence it was to be beleeved that they would interpret all that should come from that side in the worst sense You have heard what the number and Government of the United Provinces are and how they are seated How Holland and Zealand are seated in the bosome of the Sea and the other five lie more inwards into the land these therefore did more willingly give way unto the Treaty at the first and did afterwards appear more inclined to continue it The principal and Fundamental Law of their union is That in resolutions appertaining to the common interest the Votes of all of them must equally agree so as their businesses proceed but slowly they being to be treated of apart in every several Province and alike uniform consent to be gathered from them all by long and tedious perswasions as their liberty is in all of them alike The Kings ratification being then sundry times consulted on and with great jealousies these difficulties were objected by the United Provinces That the ratification came in general terms that it did not contain the essential clause touching their liberty but that the King still styled the Arch-dukes Princes of the Low-Countries that the King writ himself I the King as he used to do to his own Vassals that it was written in ordinary Paper and not in Parchment as is usually done in things of great importance and finally that it was sealed with a little seal and not with a great one as ought to have been Verreychin being afterwards sent for in these difficulties were propounded unto him and exaggerated rather in an insolent then free manner and it was at last concluded that the United Provinces would by no means accept of the ratification in manner as it was by him presented The common peoples madness is alwaies very great but more when they are smiled upon by Fortune They are full of arrogancy and rashness in time of Prosperity and as base and abject in adversity So as a multitude must either not be treated with at all or these alternate defects must be patiently born withal Verreychin used therefore such dissimulation as was requisite and endeavoured to remove their suspitions He assured them that such a ratification would not have been sent from Spain did not the King intend to make it good that his intentions were excellent and that he did vie therein with the Arch-Dukes he prayed them to allow time for another to come that he did again promise in the the name of the Arch-Dukes to cause another ratification bee sent in same form as was by them desired The resolution put on in Holland was that the Arch-Dukes should procure a new ratification to be sent from Spain within six weeks which should contain word for word the same Declaration of Freedom Which the Arch-dukes had made in their instrument that it should be written in Latine French or Dutch and should be subscribed by the King with his own name and to the end that no more errors might be run into the form thereof was given to Verreychin in all the three Languages Father Neyen was this mean while returned from the Court he acquainted them how hard it was to procure the King to send the former ratification though in general terms yet he affirmed that he did verily hope that a second would come in particular terms The Spaniards knowing what necessity there was to commence a Treaty thus with the United Provinces since no other way would be admitted of The Arch-Dukes did again signifie this necessity so as not long after the second ratification came from Spain but it was so penhed as it was feared the United Provinces would raise new seruples in admitting it it contained the pretended declaration of liberty and all the other clauses that were desired But in the conclusion this was added by the King that if the matters of Religion should not be agreed upon as well as the other points his ratification should signifie nothing and affairs should still continue in their former posture It was also written in Spanish subscribed as usually I the King and in all things else according to the former manner Yet it was believed that these last rubs would easily be removed by the example of the Kings having done the same in the two Peaces which were lately concluded with the King of France and King of England The other difficulty touching the new added clause was thought the greater And that word Religion seemed to be immaturely put in since it might raise jealousies in the United Provinces as if it were already determined in Spain to make propositions against the liberty of their Government and against that declaration which the King at the same time made in form aforesaid The Commissary and Verreychin were sent both together with this second ratification into Holland who in the presenting thereof made large professions to the States general again of the great good inclinations of the King and Arch-dukes towards the common good and how desirous they were particularly of the Low-Countries welfare The States took time to give their answer and after much consultation their answer according to their wonted arrogance was thus That the Kings ratification was not answerable to the form which they desired and that amongst other things the new added clause could not be allowed of since the King knew very well as did also the Arch-Dukes that the United Provinces were free Provinces and would alwaies be so though no agreement were made That notwithanding the States would acquaint every Province with the ratification and would within six weeks make their resolution known But with this protestation that they intended not that by vertue of such a ratification any thing should be propounded which might tend to the prejudice of the freedom of their Government in case the Treaty went on This answer being given the Commissary and Verreychin returned to Brussels Whilst affairs were thus negotiated in Flanders divers interests passions and ends were upon this occasion discovered to be not onely in the neighbouring Princes but almost in all the Princes of Europe In Germany the Emperor Radulphus the second pretended that no Treaty of agreement could be made in Flanders without his participation and consent taking for granted that the Low-Countries did depend upon the Empire and therefore no separation could be made therein without his Authority Wherefore he had written some Letters to this purpose to the Catholick King the Arch-duke and the United Provinces The King and Arch-duke answered him in general terms as did also the United Provinces save onely that they added a long justification of their cause and of their war against the Spaniard till the present Neither was there any more news heard of the Emperor in the whole progress of the Treaty But Henry the fourth of France was not so negligent in the consideration of these passages He had sent Ambassadors upon this occasion at
will here mention only things of greater moment wherein their differences consisted The King of Spain and the Arch-dukes to shew their ingenuity and the more to honest all conclusion of agreement desired that the exercise of Religion might be left free throughout all the United Provinces towards which I had not been wanting but particularly before the Deputies went for Holland had prest the Arch-dukes much therein and certainly the United Provinces should by all rules of good Government of their own accord have endeavoured to give the Catholicks who were in no small numbers amongst them satisfaction but the hatred to the Catholick Religion prevailing on the one side with the leading Hereticks and the suspition that this was the more to oblige the Catholicks which were amongst them to the Spaniards on the other side it was to be believed they would not consent to any thing in favour of the Catholicks The second chief point was that which concerned Commerce The United Provinces would have had it absolutely free and the King and Arch-dukes would have the Indies excepted and desired that many insufferable Taxes might be taken off to which the Merchandizes were subject in Zealand which were necessarily to pass from thence to Antwerp and which every day much lessened the Traffick of that City The other chiefest affairs consisted in the exchange which was to be made of divers Towns and other places which the one side were Masters of in the others Country in the adjusting of confines in contributions which were paid in several parts by those whose habitations confin'd on both sides to free themselves from Military incursions in the restitution of goods confiscated in the time of War and in other the like things of Justice They treated sometimes of one of these sometimes of another but very leasurely for great difficulties were met withall in all of them without coming to any resolution The point of exchange of places was in particular much argued The United Provinces were possessed of Sluce in the Province of Flanders together with the Island Cassant which is but of small circuit but commodious for the unlading of Goods having in it some Forts They likewise were Masters of Breda Bergen-ap-zome and St. Getringberg all of them strongly scituated both by Nature and Art in Brabant together with some lesser places fortified likewise On the contrary the Arch-dukes had Linghen Groll and Oldensel beyond the Rhine toward Friesland Linghen is a very strong Hold and the other two places of good consideration The Arch-dukes would have desired to have changed these three places with those which the United Provinces had in Brabant and Flanders And because that which was possest by the United Provinces was much the greater and better part it was thought that the Arch-duke to make the change more qual would willingly have quitted unto them all the rest which they were Masters of in Ghelderland or at least the greatest part thereof Long dispute was had upon this Article but to no purpose for it was not possible ever to agree upon it And with the same difficulties and prolixity they proceeded likewise in the other affairs This mean while the time was expired wherein the Commissary was to return from Spain who did not only not appear but not any news was heard of him whereupon the United Provinces grew very jealous and their Deputies began publickly to complain thereof The King of France was all this while very attentive upon the proceedings in Holland and to make the Spaniards the more jealous he was easily perswaded upon this occasion to make a new League with the United Provinces The Contents whereof was That in case the peace now in Treaty should succeed the King of France should be bound to assist the Vnited Provinces with ten thousand paid Souldiers to make the Spaniards the better keep it and that they on the other side should give the King of France five thousand paid foot in case the Spaniards should make war upon him The Spanish and Flemish Ambassadors which were at Paris quarrelled with the King hereupon but he justified it with divers pretences and shewed how that the King of Spain and Arch-dukes should rather be beholding to him therein as a business which might the easilyer facilitate the peace of Flanders which was in Treaty These artifices were not unknovvn in Spain and it was every day better seen that no agreement would ever be made with the Vnited Provinces without the King of France his interposition and authority To the end then that he might obtain his mediation upon this occasion the King of Spain resolved though upon other pretences to send Don Piedro de Tolledo or of the chief Lords of Spain into France And this was thought then the fitter to be done because the King of France at the-same time had sent for President Jannines to Paris with whom advising upon the affairs of Holland and the King resolving upon the forementioned things which might make him desire to see the affairs of Flanders setled he sent him suddenly to the Hague But Jannines grew quickly to dispair of seeing any Peace concluded He found the business more perplext with difficulties then before and the mindes of both Parties more exasperated The United Provinces could not tollerate the Spaniards slowness for the Commissary did not appear at all nor was there any news heard of what he had done in Spain Whereupon their Deputies resolved to know directly the King of Spains final intention touching the Indies which when they should not know presently to break off the Treaty and this they prest upon the Catholick Deputies with much inconstancy who made them this Answer That the King desired a happy end of the begun Treaty and that he would at last condiscend to that renunciation which they desired and in manner as was by them propounded But that on the otherside he expected that in requital of so important an Affair they should forbare going to the Indies and that moreover they should permit liberty of conscience to the Catholicks within their Provinces That the Commissary was already dispatched from the Court with this answer and that they had already received orders to acquaint them the United Provinces therewithal This Answer quite overthrew all hopes of Peace The United Provinces had put on an unalterable Resolution neither to abandon the Indies nor yet to admit the Catholick Religion amongst them Whereupon having heard this they in Writing did presently declare the Treaty broken and presented the writing to the Catholick Deputies The Treaty of Peace being thus faln to the ground it remained to see whether they might the easilyer compass a long Truce The King of England had all this while seemed rather averse then otherwise to the Negotiation in Holland and having the same ends which the Kings of France had to raise jealousie in the Spaniard as hath been said he also made use of the same means In imitation of the King of France and
at last effected and all of them concurring now in the same resolution the Ambassadors began again to labour to overcome the difficulties in dispute Continual correspondency was had by Letters between Jannines and Richardotto so as the Negotiation of what was needful past between them but the King of Spain needed no less labouring to be brought to give way to the Truce news was sent to the King of Spain of the Proposition made by the Ambassadors of France and England and of the new Negotiation introduced by their means The King would have been well enough pleased with the Truce had it been according to usual form and all things left in the same terms on both sides as they were at present but to declare the United Provinces to be altogether free and to suffer them in express words to traffick in the Indies seemed to put too great a difference between the present Treaty and ordinary Truces yet 't was seen that 't was impossible ever to come to any accomodation without this Declaration of Liberty and that if the United Provinces had stood so absolutely upon it before they would be brought to a bare suspention of Arms for a few months they would now be much more resolute in it in a Truce which was to endure for many years The Arch-dukes who saw the difficulties and dangers of the war in case it should be continued at a nearer distance were easilyer induced to give way to the Proposal made by the Ambassadors and Jannines both by word of mouth and by Letters had endeavoured to perswade the Catholick Deputies that to declare they made Truce with the United Provinces as with free Provinces and States unto which the King and the Arch-dukes made no pretence at all did not any waies prejudice the right which the King or Arch-dukes might pretend to have over them He had shewed how that it was a general Declaration that the word as bore with it a sense of similitude and not of propriety That in the declaring of one mans being friends with another 't was never said I hold him as a friend that the adding in the last words not to pretend unto any thing had reference to the ambiguity of the former words And finally that such a Declaration could not admit of any interpretation save onely during the time of the Truce That then the King and the Arch-dukes ought to be content to make it since it was involved in words which might satisfie both parties First The unskilful multitude of the Vnited Provinces for the outward appearance of their pretended Liberty then the King and the Arch-dukes for the true substance which was retained in them of leaving their former right still unhurt Then opening himself more freely Jannines said My King in such a case would not make any difficulty in granting this Declaration for if the Vnited Provinces when they shall betake themselves to Arms shall not have better Canons and Muskets words and interpretations will avail them but little In this manner and by these wary and wily waies Jannines as a good mediator endeavoured to draw both sides to a Truce to which the Arch-dukes were easily perswaded and endeavoured to bring the King to be so likewise shewing that by this neither they nor the King should do any thing more then what was yeilded unto at the first suspension of Arms much repugnancy did notwithstanding appear in the King 'T was thought in Spain that the Clause wherewith the Vnited Provinces were to be declared Free States though it were limited vvould generally be interpreted in savour of their Liberty and that vvhen they should have got their desires in that behalf the King vvould not obtain leave for the exercise of the Catholick Religion in their Country vvhich he vvas resolved to have by vvay of interchange and moreover if the Article concerning the Indies should be condiscended unto how much would the King be thereby damnified How much reputation would he thereby lose To which difficulties the Archdukes replyed shewing that when the King resolved to have the abovesaid requital 't was onely to be understood if the peace should be concluded and that the King and the Arch-dukes having absolutely renounced all their right the Vnited Provinces were absolutely free that the present Negotiation of the Truce did differ very much by which the King nor the Arch-dukes could not lose any piece of their former right that it was not to be doubted but that a clause so general and so limitated would be interpreted rather in favour of them then of the contrary party That the Ambassadors themselves thought so as also divers of the Inhabitants of the Vnited Provinces who were against the Truce as that which would be no whit more advantagious for them then was the bare suspension of Arms. And as for the point of the Indies they seemed to have hopes to end it so as it should be no considerable prejudice to the King These reasons were not taken as fully satisfactory in Spain but on the other side the King did very much desire the Truce and that the so great and so unnecessary expences of Flanders should cease The Duke of Lerma was then in great authority with the King and having gotten the sole power over the King by such arts as were available in peace he was unwilling to share it with them who might gain it by such means as war affords which made him from the very beginning very earnest in endeavouring the Negotiation and he did now no less labour that it might come to some good event of agreement the same desires were known to be in the Arch-duke who therefore resolved to send his Confessor to the Court of Spain to answer all the difficulties which were insisted on in Spain the which was thought necessary also to put an end to so long a Negotiation wherein above two years had already been spent which had so tyred the two mediating Kings as they began already to protest that they would meddle no more therein if it were not all the more speedily ended Father Inico di Brazuela of the Order of the Dominicans was the Arch-dukes Confessor a very learned and upright man and one who had been long experienced in the affairs of Flanders so as men hoped well of him and of his fidelity that he might reconcile affairs with the King and State-Officers he being a Spaniard a Votary and of a very noble Family and commendable life He was particularly to take all scruples from the King in the point of pretending by way of interchange the exercise of the Catholick profession in the time of Truce whereof he was to press the necessity even for the cause of Religion it self By representing That if they should return to Arms again manifest hazard would yet be run of losing more then formerly on the King and the Arch-Dukes behalf in Flanders and consequenly of quite losing the Catholick Religion in the yet obedient Provinces instead of
Regent in Brussels 3. Offers to pacify the Spanish muciners but in vain 141. His opinion concerning Don Johns retreat to Namours 158 Count d'Aremberg 34. Sent against Lodovick of Nassaw 56. Cannot keep the Spaniaerds from falling on ib. Is slaine 57 Count di Bossu enters the Lake of Leyden with a Fleet 104. Overcomes the Harlemers there ib. Assaults the enemies Fleet in the Gulfe of Zuiderzee 110. Is routed and taken prisoner 111 Count of Swarzenburgh Ambassador to Flanders from Maximilian the Emperour 129. His negotiations with Orange and after with the Commissioners at the Conference in Breda ib. He returns into Germany 131 Count di Barlemont imprisoned by order from the States 143. His councel to Don John concerning his retreat to Namours 157 Correspondencies of Orange and his brother Lodowick in Germany 35 Their designes in Holland and Zealand ib. D THe Deputies for the States General relate to the Provinces the Duke of Alva's Proposition who make great complaints against it 68. What conditions the Kings Deputies offered in the Conference at Breda ib. What answers they had from the Rebels 69 A Description of the havock made in Churches by the heriticks in Antwerp 30. Of Mastrich 55. Of Friesland 56 Of the Battel of Friesland 57. Of Raremond and Liege 65. Of the Battel of Ceminghen 62. Of the Duke of Alvas Statue 71. Of Holland and Zealand 73. Of Mon. 83. Of Zuidt Beverland 90. Of Ter. Goes 91. Of Harlem 98. Of Alcmar 109 Of the sea-fight in the Gulf of Zuidt-Beverland 110. Of the Battel of Mooch 118. Of Leyden 124. Of the Castle of Antwerp 145. Of the taking and sacking of Antwerp 147. Of the City of Namours 158. Of the Battel of Geblours 168 Disorders caused by the hereticks in Antwerp 31 Don John of Austria comes into Flanders unexpected 150. His personal qualities ib. What Orders he had from the King at his parting ib. He gives the Councel of State notice of his arrival ib. His Declaration that he will send the Spaniards out of Flanders 151. He sends out the souldiers of Foreigne parts 153. His enlrance into Brussels ib. he endeavours to draw the Provinces of Holland and Zealand to some accommodation ib. His endustry to weaken Orange his Faction 154. The people in Brussels shew themselves very averse to him 155. Designes upon his person ib. He adviseth with the Counts of Mansfield and Barlemont ib He removes to Namours 159. He makes sure the Castle there ib. His demands to the States concerning his return to Brussels ib. He writes to the King in justification of his proceedings 160 Designes of his on foot in divers places 161. He gets the day at Geblours 168. Takes Nivelle 169. And after that Philippeville 169. Falls upon the Flemish Camp 174. Quarters his Army in a place of great strength near to Namur ib. He dies 177. His Character 178 Duke of Alva design'd by the Catholick King for Flanders 45. He comes into Italy the number and qualities of the men he brings with him into Flanders 46. He is made absolute Governor thereof 48. He frames a new Councel for examination of the late Tumults ib. His rigorous proceedings ib. He secures Ruremond 50. Is much troubled at the defeat in Friesland 58. His Maximes in War 59. The order of his march against Count Lodovick 61 He comes off Conqueror 62. His preparations against Orange 64. He gets the better of him 66. He returns to Brussels in Triumph ib. Laies new Impositions upon Flanders 67. Erects his own Statue in the Citadel of Antwerp 71. Besieges Mons 81. His memorable sayings 86. He hinders Orange from succouring Mons 87 And drives him the second time out of the Country 88. He resolves to relieve Ter-Goes 91. His resolution for continuing the siege of Harlem 103. He relieves Middleburg 107. Composes the Mutiny at Harlem 108. Goes to Amsterdam 110. Returns to Brussels 111. Gets leave to quit the Government of Flanders ib. And departs out of those Countries ib. D. of Alanson prepares to enter Flanders 172. He comes in with his Army 177. The Dutchess of Parma Lady Regent of Flanders 9. Her answer to the discourse the King had with her 10 Displeased at the actions done in contempt of Granvel 14. Sends Egmont over into Spain 20. Publisheth a new Edict in behalf of Religion 22. Is perswaded to take up Arms 23. Her answer to the licentious Petition of the Covenanters 27. She is troubled at their meeting in Geertruydenberk 30. Thinks her self not safe in Brussels 31. Declares in favour of the Petitioners that all use of the Inquisition should be taken away ib. Takes up Arms against Valentiennes 37. Seeks to compose matters in Antwerp 39 Defeats the seditious there and settles the Catholick Army ib. Her solemn entrance into that City 40. Not privy to the imprisonment of Egmont and Horne 47. Displeased at it she craves leave of the King to quit the Government ib. She departs with much sorrow to the Flemmings ib. Her praises ib. E THe Ecclesiasticks in Flanders do not well like the Kings courses 5 Edicts published in Flanders by Charls the fifth Emperor 4. Confirmed afterwards by Philip the second ib. Those of the King in favour of the Councel of Trent meet with great difficulties amongst the Flemings 18. An Edict of Rebellion against the Spaniards 143 An Elect a head set up by the Mutiners 120. Wherein his Office consisted ib. How strictly every Decree of his was observed ib. Elizabeth Queen of England 6. Gives courteous entertainment to the Low-Countrey fugitives 50. Is troubled at d'Alva's prosperity 66. Causeth a great sum of the King of Spains money to be stopped in England 67 Secretly cherishes Lumay a Low-Country runagate 73. Sends him souldiers to the Brill 89. Will not openly discover her self an enemy to the King of Spain 105. Justifies her self in Spain for concluding a League with the States in Flanders 165 F THe Fight between d' Alva and Orange 88. Between d' Alvas Camp and Count Lodovicks 62. Between the Kings men and those that were besieged in Mons 84. In the Lake of Leyden between the Kings men and the Rebels 104. Between the Spaniards and the States men near Lovain 144 Frederick of Toledo the Duke of Alva 's son commands the foot 64. Endeavours by the Amsterdammers mediation to bring over the Harlemers to the Kings side 97. Grows much inraged with those of Harlem and besiegeth the Town 98. He routs Lumay 99 Reinforces the siege of Harlem 103 Will not receive the Town upon Articles 106 The Flemings hold King Philip too much Hispanioliz'd 4. They speak against the Inquisition 8. They shew much contentment at the departure of Granvelle 17 Their extream sorrow for Egmonts death 58. Their bitter complaints against d'Alva for the new Impositions 68 Routed at Vicenac 144. They draw up a new form of agreement among themselves 151 The Flemish hereticks demand liberty of conscience 175 Flushing and the Haven thereof
peace and much more haughty in war long bred up in arms and who thought it always advantagious for him and the King to have them and to make use of them The delay was not long requisite orders were suddenly given for the raising of good store of new soldiers in Spain that they might be placed in the wonted Garisons in Italy and that those who were ancient Companies might be sent into Flanders The chief strength of foot were to be Spaniards the horse were to be composed of Italians Burgundians and High Dutch and some Regiments of foot were to come to Flanders from Germany which by their vicinity might the speedilier be raised Whilst these preparations were a making in Spain Italy and other parts the Regents affairs prospered in Flanders as hath been said Obedience was restored to the King and the Church had almost wholly recovered hers and the Country was on all sides reduced to quiet so as it was expected that the King would change his mind and that no Army should be sent into Flanders But were it that he did think that the tumalts risen in those Provinces were rather husht then quite extinct or that desires to establish his Authority the better there for ever after he would not lose the present occasion of doing it or that he thought he could not without a great body of forces perfectly enjoy the secure possession thereof they being placed amidst neighbours which made him daily more jealous of them he continued his first resolution The Duke of Alva being departed from Spain and come by sea to Genoa he mustered the men spoken of before in the State of Millan which came to near 8000 Spanish foot under four Camp-Masters Allonso Ulloa commanded the Neapolitan Brigado Guellielmo Romero that of Cicily Sancio di Londonio that of Lombardy and the Sardinian Brigado was commanded by Gonsalo di Bracamonte All experienced soldiers and under valliant Commanders He gave the command of the horse which were raised in Italy which might be about 1500. the greatest part whereof were Itallians the rest Spaniards to his natural son Fernando di Tolledo 300 were afterwards added to these in Burgundy and of the Dutch there was but only one Regiment of 4000 foot raised at the present under Count Alberico di Lodrone The Duke would have also divers other Spaniards to be near him who were fit for command and amongst others Sancio d'Avola who was Governor of the Castle of Pavia and who by his valour came afterwards to the chief Commands in Flanders Of the Italian Commanders the chief were Marquis Chiapino Vitelli and Gabrio Serbelloni Prior of the Order of St. Johns of Jerusalem in Hungary Both of them long experienced in the wars of Italy and who had therein won much renown He made Vitelli Camp-Master-General and gave the charge of the Artillery to Serbelloni The Muster being made and the Army marching in very good discipline not meeting with any difficulty either from France or Germany he led it finally into the Province of Lucemberg He made some Brigades of foot advance from thence and quartered them where he thought most convenient the better to secure his entry into the Country and then he himself went to the Regent The Flemish who were much astonisht to hear of these forces were much more astonisht when they saw them Many of them resolved to quit the Country before the Duke should bring them in and the Prince of Orange had already led them an example He being assertained of so great a preparation of forces and that the Duke of Alva was Commander in chief resolved to withdraw into Germany He knew how suspected his actions were in Spain That the Duke of Alva formerly a rival was now become a Superiour and insteed of thundring out contrary opinions in the Councel at Madrid he was to lead a powerfull Army into Flanders That the sore orders were to be put into sorer execution if Count Egmont and the rest would perish through confiding he would secure himself by doing the contrary 't was therefore no longer time to stand lingring 't was better to get into Germany and to be a spectator of the Tragedies in Flanders afar off And how could he with honour be under the Duke of Alva who was but a bare Grandee of Spain whereas he himself enjoy'd the Prerogative of Free States and many other greater in his Family in Germany Let others endure to see the Provinces of Flanders always accustomed to be governed by some of the bloud royal or at least nearly allyd thereunto fall with scorn into such hands Together with him went his brother Lodovick and at the same time the Count of Hostrat went from Flanders Before Orange departed he oft-times incited Count Egmont to do the like and not able to prevail with him he told him You will repent but too late And in other speeches did prognosticate unto him those misfortunes whereinto afterwards he fell THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO BOOK IV. The Contents Divers of the Duke of Alva's cruel proceedings A great many of the Flemish fly to the neighbouring parts The disposition of the confining Princes to foment the revolts of the Low-Countries Orange his particular indeavours in Germany to this purpose He cals a Diet of some Princes and Hans Towns His Speech to the Diet. The Germans resolve to assist the Flemish Their first motion and their defeat Lodovick brother to Orange enters Friesland with an Army Count Aremberg is sent against him by the Duke of Alva They fight Aremberg is routed and slain The Duke resolves to go himself in person against Lodovick To this purpose he gives order for the increasing of his Army Before his departure he causeth Egmont and Horn to be beheaded in Brussels Other severities of his He comes to the Army in Friesland makes an Oration to the soldiers Lodovick retreats but the Duke overtakes him fights him and utterly deseats him THe Reyns of Government being wholly left in the Duke of Alva's hand he apply'd himself with all attention to execute his begun rigour upon the Flemish Soon after that Egmont and Horn were made prisoners in Brussels he sent them both well guarded to the Castle at Gaunt and put in an High-Dutch Garison into it instead of the Flemish Garison which was there before He formed a new Tribunal of Justice by the name of a Councel to sit upon Tumults for the better cognisance of businesses of that weight and all others of that nature and composed it of such as he thought he might most confide in Amongst other he placed a Spanish Lawyer in it and a Burgundian of the same profession and he himself would be the President thereof Then publishing his Authority in Print to make it the more formidable by being divulged and proclaimed all those to be guilty of High-Treason both against God and the King who had had any thing to do in the late actions
of the Covenant Petition and of the violences used against the Churches and the Catholick religion He forthwith accompanied the terror of his Threats with the severity of Punishment He caused the Prince of Orange his brother Lodovick Count Hostrate Brederode and Colemburgh and the rest of the prime men who were gone out of Flanders to be publikely cited to appear before him within a certain prefixt time upon pain of rebellion and the loss of their goods in case they did not appear He caused a great many others of all sorts to be imprisoned in sundry parts of the Provinces who were fallen into the aforesaid faults and they were in so great numbers that all the prisons throughout the whole Country were on a sudden full of them To imprisonment he added Death and made the market-places the places of execution to the end that the publikeness thereof might infuse the greater terror At the same time he designed divers Citadels and began to lay their foundations where he thought either the situation of the Towns or the condition of the Inhabitants did most require it The first was placed in Antwerp with five royal Bulwarks upon the Scheld upon which River the City is seated to hasten the which he went in person to Antwerp and made the City contribute towards the expence thereof giving them assured hopes that as soon as the Citadel should be put into a posture of defence Lodroneas Regiment of High-Dutch which were there in garrison should be removed He began to build a Fort in Flushing the chief Haven of Zealand and which opens and shuts the entrance into the Scheld He designed another in Groninghen upon the confines of Germany and another in Valentiennes which lies towards France But unless it were that of Antwerp the rest were not built for so many troubles arose from so many parts as the Duke had not fitting opportunity to doe it He notwithstanding secured the Frontiers on all sides by good garrisons against all innovations which might be endeavoured from abroad and within he disarmed many of the most suspected Cities and distributed forces in divers parts where he thought it most needfull to curb the Flemish more straightly This so rigorous a beginning of Government put the Country every where into such fear as it was on a sudden abandoned by a great number of people of all sorts they were reported to be above thirty thousand Those who were no wayes concerned were affrighted to see the faults of others so severely punished and they groaned to see that Flanders which was wont to enjoy one of the ealiest governments of all Europe should now have no other object to behold but the Terror of Arms Flight Exiles Imprisonments blood death and confiscations The people fled to the neighbouring parts of Germany to France and England But those of best quality retired to Germany drawn thither by Orange who encouraged them more then all the rest to follow his example and run his fortune And who from thence did answer the Dukes citation in writing refusing to submit himself to his Tribunal as to that of a Judge too much suspected and of too inferior a condition to take cognisance of such a cause saying that he was a free Prince of Germany and therefore in the first place a Subject to the Emperour and that being a Knight of the Golden Fleece he was only to be judged by the King himself who was the supreme Head of that Order Hostrat answered almost in the same sort save only that he left out the reason of being Feudatory to the Emperour for he had no estate in Germany Horn had some estate of that nature and therefore his Mother when he was imprisoned had suddenly recourse to Caesars Authority and had from thence procured favourable offices in her sons behalf to the King and Duke of Alva The like is done by divers Princes of Germany in Orange his behalf and those that were joyned with him in the same cause for indeed the Catholike Princes were no less displeased then were the Hereticks of those parts with the Dukes severity and that such an alteration should be made in the Government of Flanders with which Country they had such conformity both in language customs and laws The King promised all fair intreatment so as the Citation might be obeyed But none of those that were cited daring to trust and the time of citation being already elapsed the Duke proceeded to punishment and amongst other things he made Colemburghs house in Brussels be pull'd down to the ground in memory of the detestation of the seditious practises which were there chiefly woven and concluded Orange was Master of divers fair Towns in sundry Provinces of Flanders The Principality of Orange is in France though not subject to that Crown and of a great many likewise in the County of Burgundy in Brabant amongst others he had Breda a noble pâ—ace having a stately Castle in it and of such consequence as the Duke of Alva would suddenly secure himself the better thereof by putting a garrison into it To the confiscation of his goods the Duke added the retension of the Count di Buren a Youth of twelve years of age who was the Prince of Orange his eldest son and who was then at the University of Lovain following his studies and under pretence that the King would have him follow the same studies and exercises in the University of Alcala d'Enares he sent him well guarded into Spain Orange and his companions together with other Nobles who were fled from Flanders exasperated at these proceedings did what they could to shew their resentment Their chief end was to raise Forces and lead them into Flanders hoping assuredly that when any Forces should appear from without they that were within the Country would suddenly rise This was therefore hotly endeavoured and it was managed by their Adherents in almost all the Provinces of Flanders The Duke of Alva's government infused horror into them and by all dreadful exagerations they endeavoured to make the people abhor it From without they themselves endeavoured by all possible means to draw other Princes to favour their cause From England 't was known the Queen had a great inclination to foment whatsoever novelties which might happen in the Low-Countries She considered that if the King of Spain should possess them peacefully his Forces would be too formidable both by sea and land throughout all Europe That she in particular was greatly to apprehend his Forces by Sea since England and Ireland would be as it were invironed by the Fleets which might be maintained on the one side in Spain and on the other in Flanders That the King would not be backward in molesting her having opportunity to doe it as he who knew she sought to indamage him as much as she might as he had already had several experiences These outward dangers appeared unto the Queen to be the greater when she considered also those within She saw
they let slip any occasion of hastening the effects thereof by way of terror and especially of Plunder So as threatening it every day and the Antwerpians every day fearing it they were so much affected therewithall as they were resolved to contribute whatsoever monies were requisite to free themselves as soon as might be from so dreadful a danger The Mutiniers were notwithstanding contented to receive six payes in Cloth and other Draperies which the City furnisht them withall they were paid the rest in mony And having obtained a large Pardon from the Commendador in the Kings name upon solemn oath in the greatest Church they at last went out of Antwerp and return'd to joyn with the rest of the Army which had already re-entred Holland and had begun to besiege Leyden Amongst other prejudices which the Kings affairs received by this mutiny one of the greatest was the loss of many ships which the Commendador had prepared upon the shore of Antwerp for new designs upon Zealand In Glimes his place who was slain in the former related Sea-fight was Adolphus Hansteede put Who fearing lest the Mutiniers might fall upon the Navy which he had the charge of and would have it in their power for their better security of getting their pretended satisfaction resolved to launch forth with it into the deepest part of the Scheld and there secure himself from that fear But by shunning this danger he ran into a greater The Zealanders had quickly notice hereof and would not lose the opportunity They came unexpectedly with many armed Vessels and without much adoe took most of the Kings ships which what great what little were about forty and almost all of them well provided of Artillery and all Naval preparations and the rest they either burnt or sunk or shatter'd them so as they were for no more service The design was to assault Zealand with this the Kings Fleet by the Rivers and Gulfs which inviron it within and which cannot receive great Vessels and at the same time to doe the same with another Fleet of greater ships on the outside which ships were with all speed preparing in Spain intending chiefly to possess themselves of some good Haven and stil to streighten that maritine Tract the more and to endeavour by all means possible to possess themselves of that Province without which the King could never hope to keep Flanders firm in his obedience And although the same design was continued in Spain after the unfortunate success of the Navy in Flanders yet so many difficulties arose on all sides as it was impossible afterwards to effect it The Prince of Orange was this mean with many Forces about Niminghen whither he was come to joyn with his brother Lodovick as we have said whose defeat and death ensuing and instantly thereupon the Spaniards Mutiny he staid still in those parts and failed not to make his advantage of the disorders hapned in the Kings Camp But seeing the Enemies forces hindred by the said mutiny within themselves he made many incursions into those parts hoping to make some considerable progress He was possest of the Town of Bomel a strong place and which gives the name to a large Island made by the Mause and Wahale Here Orange staid as in a place naturally very advantagious and annoy'd the neighbouring parts which were still in obedience to the King And because Balduke which is one of the chiefest Cities of all Brabant was in greatest danger the Commendador sent men suddenly to secure it and fortified the chiefest Passes thereabouts The Mutiny being afterwards accommodated he dispatched away the Marquis Vitelli with a good strength to disturb Orange in all his designs With him went John Baptista and Camillo brothers to the Marquis del Monte and Vitelli his Nephews by the sisters side Each of them commanded a Company of Lances but came to much greater preferment afterwards in the continuation of the war and won therein a great esteem of valour The greatest weight of the military affairs in Flanders lay then upon Vitelli as well in regard of his place of Campmaster-General which was the chiefest charge in the whole Army next to the supreme command of Governour as for his long experience in war which appeared yet more after the Duke of Alva's departure so cry'd up a Commander and of so great reputation of the Italian Nobility which were then in the Army of Flanders Rafell Barberino was in great esteem and was much imployed in many weighty actions He was very well skill'd in particular in matter of Fortification and therefore his advice was asked and his opinion followed upon all occasions of that nature He was as well esteemed in treating of businesses as in Military imployments and therefore having been formerly sent into England by the Duke of Alva the Commendador continued to make good use of him in divers negotiations which were then in hand to breed if it were possible a better intelligence and correspondency between that Queen and the King of Spain in the occurrences of Flanders This Rafell was Uncle by the Fathers side to Maffeo Barberino which our age hath seen pass through all the chiefest degrees of Prelatship with much applause in the Apostolick See and who by his worth becoming afterward Cardinal and lastly Pope precedes now in the universal Government of Christs flock by the name of Urban the eight A Prince who amidst his so many sublime vertues leaves it in doubt which of them merits more praise and in whom it is no less questionable which of his Principalities becomes him best or that which the Church gives him over men or that which he by his learning hath acquired over knowledge Vitelli being then gone towards the Island of Bomell he reduced many Towns thereabouts to the Kings devotion and built two Forts there the better to curb the enemies in those parts The chief Towns which he took were Leerdam Asperen and Huechelen all of them seated upon the River Linga which runs through Holland He hoped likewise to surprise the Town of Bomell but were it that his practises were discovered or not well managed he could not effect his hopes From hence Vitelli returned to Antwerp and of the people which he had with him a Regiment of Swissers were dismist which the Commendador had lately raised and the rest marched more inwards into Holland to joyn with those of the Kings men who were in that Province A new general pardon was at this time publisht by the Commendador-general in the Kings name like that which was formerly in the Duke of Alva's time came forth with such solemnity And because the other had begot more fear then trust by reason of the so many exceptive clauses which were in it therefore in this the King inlarged his clemency goodnesse and to all such as would enjoy the fruit thereof except such as were guilty of the most heynous offences and he thereunto added also the Ecclesiastical Authority touching such faults
as were committed in matter of Religion But neither did the one or the other Indulgence avail any thing nay this latter met with less of faith in the Flemish then the former had done by how much they were more alienated from the Church and King since the coming forth of the former The Commendador had at this time some little hopes of reducing the Rebels to some pacification Philip Marnice Lord of Aldegonda was made the Instrument herein who in some Military action had formerly been taken and was then prisoner in Utricht This was one of Orange his chief Councellors a man of great courage and abilities in whatsoever imployment And to him were attributed chiefly many of those actions which had occasioned the first tumults in Flanders particularly the drawing up of that Covenant of which we have formerly spoken He gave some hopes that he would bring Orange to such conditions as the King should be satisfied withall Whereupon by the Commendadors order il Signior de Champigni who was Governor of Antwerp and Gunio di Jongen entred into Treaty with him for certain days but it quickly appeared that the Treaty was commenc'd either out of fraud or vain glory For the proposals on Marnice's behalf bore conditions which were impossible to effect He first proposed That all foreigners should be made to quit the Country indeavouring by sundry wayes to honest the motion And for what concerned Religion he represented what had so often been proposed by Orange to wit That the States General might be called and that they should maturely consider what means were best to be used as a remedy therein so this Treaty of agreement was quickly broken off for the Commendador would not have it to continue any longer judging that Religion and the King should suffer too much prejudice by only listening to such Propositions Now follows the siege of Leyden which was particularly memorable for the condition of the succour which so altered the order of affairs as the besiegers became besieged and look what unhappy success the assailed expected the Assailant made trial of the very same Leyden is one of the chief Towns of Holland it is seated low amongst as may be said a labyrinth of channels part of which are running part standing waters and which cut through the Territories thereof on al sides The Rhine runs through it with one of its branches which now is the weakest but hath formerly been the most frequented though this retain its antient name whereas the rest as they draw near the sea change it into that of other Rivers So many other channels are derived from this branch within the Town itself in several parts as the space which is there broken off by the Islands is in a sort larger then what is united to the Continent But if it be divided by so many channels it is re-joyned by many more bridges Of which there are about 150. where they may serve either for use or ornament and the most of them are of stone The Town is well peopled her streets are large buildings well polished it is well flankt round about her ditch is every where deep and in fine she is in all circumstances of such condition as the Kings men had good reason to use all endeavour to gain her as also the Rebels to keep possession of her The Towns of Delf Roterdam and Gouda are much about half a days journey distant from Leyden the Noblest and best peopled Towns in all Holland The Hague is likewise within two leagues of it an open Village but which for beautious situation for number of Inhabitants and gallant buildings may compare with many of the best walled Towns of that Province Yet is not this Village watred or cut through by any river The Town of Delf lies upon a river which joynes upon the Mause Roterdam upon the Roter from whence it hath its name and Gouda upon the Gowe from whence it hath also its nomination where it joynes with the Isell and together therewith falls afterwards into the Mause To these rivers many other channels cut by hand are annext so as there is no Village thereabouts near which there is not either running or standing waters in divers places The Holland Rebels knew long before that the Spaniards intended to besiege Leyden and that the Duke of Alva after the taking of Harlem had declared his intention therein by possessing himself of al those places aloof off which in the winter season were most opportune to effect it The Duke being gone Rechesens had continued the same resolution Wherefore the Rebels to prevent the danger intended to fortifie those Passes which were of greatest importance either to impede the Rebels or to bring succour to the Town Two Villages amongst the rest were most considerable for this purpose the one toward Gouda called Alfen which is seated upon a channel over which there is a bridge which according to the Custom of that Country opens and shuts in the passage of the water with sluces or floudgates The other towards Delf which is called Masen-sluce and which commands one of the chiefest passes upon the way to Leyden In these two places the enemies had fortified themselves and especially in that of Alfen in respect of the bridg which they guarded by a particular Fort. When then the Kings side had resolved to besiege Leyden it was thought necessary before all other things to possess themselves of both these passes The Commendador had given the chief care of the siege to the Camp-master Valdes who to this purpose having assembled together a good many Spaniards and joyned some Germans and Walloons with them was gone towards Leyden His first designe in approaching it was to assault the Village of Alfen and to bereave the enemy of the abovesaid bridg Wherefore picking out some of the stoutest souldiers they assaulted the enemy so furiously as after a bloudy fight they won the fort which was built to defend the bridg And following those with the same violence who retreated they entred together with them into their fortifications wherewith the Town was munited and slew many of them rather in their flight then in their making resistance so made themselves Masters of that place and quartered there As much as the Kings men were hereby incouraged the Rebels were as much discouraged which made the taking of the other fort of Masâ—nsluce more easie to the Royalist and thus these two places fell within a few days into their hands who by so favourable a beginning hoped very much in a no less prosperons end of the Siege They then betook themselves with diligence to be masters of all other Avenues whereby succour might be kept from the Town The parts thereabouts as hath been said are full of Channels and Rivers wherefore 't was thought necessary to block up all passages with sundry Forts by which the City might be come to either by land or water so as ere long there were little less then