to affirme againe that the euent must needes be excedinge doubtful who shall in the ende preuaile for that besides the multitude before named of pretenders he auouched very seriously that after al this his speech he could not vvell resolue with him selfe vvhich of al these titles in true right of succession was the best and much lesse which of the tytlers vvas likest to preuaile and this I presume the lawyer told them of himselfe for that he did easely forsee and imagine that after al these arguments on euery side alleaged he should be requested by the company as vehemently he vvas to put downe his opinion what he thought and iudged of al the whole matter hitherto discussed and of euery mans pretence in particuler Which in no case he could be brought to do for a longe tyme but refused the same vtterly and craued pardon and yeilded many reasons why it was not cōuenient might be odious But al would not serue to acquiet the companye which with all earnest importunitie vrged hym to satisfie their request so vppon large and earnest intreaty he vvas content in the ende to yeeld to this only that he would lay together by way of discourse the probabilities of euery side and lastly set downe in two or three propositions or rather coniectures his priuate ghesse vvhich of them in his iudgment vvas likest to preuaile First then he began to say that the probalities of preuailing or not preuailing of euery one of these pretendors in the next succession of the crowne of Ingland these pretendors maye be considered and measured either in respect of the partie of religion that vvas like in Ingland to fauour him and his pretence or els in respect of his owne particuler familie frends and allies both at home and abroad And for that the partie of religion is like to weigh most and to beare the greatest swaye and most potent suffrage and voice in this action and that with reason according to that the Ciuilian hath proued at large in the last of his discourses therefore shal I also quoth the lawyer first of al treat of this pointe of religion in this my last speeche It is wel knowne said he that in the realme of Ingland at this day there are three different and opposite bodies of religion that are of most bulk and that do carry most sway and power which three bodies are knowne commonly in Ingland by the names of Protestants Puritanes and Papistes though the later tvvo do not acknowledge these names and for the same cause would not I vse them neither if it vvere not only for cleernes and breuities sake for that as often I haue protested my meaning is not to giue offence to any side or partye These three bodies then quoth he do comprehend in effect al the force of Ingland and do make so general a diuision and separation through-out the whole lande in the hartes myndes of their frends fauourers followers as if I be not deceaued no one thing is lyke so much to be respected in each pretender for his aduancement or depression as his religion or inclination therin by them that must assist him at that daye and are of different religions themselues And more I am of opinion sayd he that albeit in other changes heertofore in Ingland as in the entrance of king Edward and Queene Mary and of this Queenes Maiestie that now is diuers men of different religions did for other respects concur and ioyne together for these Princes aduancements notwithstanding that afterwards many of them repented the same which is to be seene in that for king Edward al the realme without exception did concurr and for Queene Mary it is knowne that diuers protestants did by name among other points it is also knowne that Sir Nicholas Throgmorton a feruent protestant in those dayes being of king Edwards priuy chamber dyd not only aduise her of the sycknes and decay of king Edward from day to day but also was the first that sent an expresse messenger to aduise her of her brothers death and vvhat the two dukes of Northumberland and Suffolke did contriue against her and that with such celeritye that king Edward dying but on thursday night the tenth of Iuli the Lady Mary was most certainly aduised therof by saterday morning next and that very early in kenninghal castle of Norfolke 80. miles of and diuers other protestants did assist her also in that her entrey as in like manner al those of the Roman that day sayd he and especially if he can conceale for a tyme the disceasse of her Maiestie vntil he may be able to put his affaires in order but this is holden to be either impossible or very hard for the different iudgments and affections which are not thoughte to be wanting in the court councel and Princes chamber it selfe wherof we saw the effect as before I tould you at the death of king Edward which was as much indeuoured to be kept sectet as euer any was and as much it imported the concealers and yet with in not many houres after had the Lady Mary most certayne notice therof by those that were opposite to her in religion as I haue shewed before so ardent are mens myndes in such occasions so capable of new impressiōs designemēts desires are al kinde of subiects vppon such great changes A chiefe member of the protestant body as you know for wealth and force is the cleargie of Ingland especially the bishops and other men in Ecclesiastical dignity which are like to be a great backe to this partie at that day though some men thinke that it be not very certayne which part of the nobilitie and councell will stick vnto them for that many in hart are presupposed to fauour the Puritan And for the priuy coūcell in particuler though during the Princes life their authority be supreme yet is it not so afterward nor haue they any publique authoritie at al the Prince hauing once expired but only as noblemen or gentlemen according to each mans state and calling in seueral and for the next successor seing none is knowne nor sworne in the life of this Prince nor were it her safetie that any should be cleere it is that after her Maiesties discease euery man is free vntil a new be established by the common wealth which establishmēt doth not depēd vppon the appoyntment or wil of any few or vppon any mans proclayming of himselfe for diuers are like to proclayme themselues but vppon a general cōsent of the whole body of the realme which how it vvill be brought to passe God only knoweth to him we must commende it I do no know quothe he of any certaine person pretendent to whom this protestant partye is particularly deuoted at this day more then to the rest thoughe the house of Hartford was wont to be much fauoured by them but of latter yeares little spech hath bin
man is not bound to performe that vvhich by oth he promised if on theother part that be not performed in respect wherof this oth vvas made as for example if two should sweare the one to assist the other vppon the way in al respects after falling vppon enimyes that vvere ether kynn or frēds to the one of them he should take ther part against his fellow cleere it is that the other vvere not bound to kepe his oth tovvards that party that hath so vvickedly broken it to him Nay not only in this case that is so euident and palpable by nature it selfe but in many other also is it both lawful honest and conuevient to leaue some tymes the performance of our oth as namely vvhen the fulfilling therof should conteyne any notable hurt or inconuenience against religion piety iustice honesty or the vveal publique or against the party himselfe to whom it vvas made as if a man had sworne to restore a sword to a madd or furious man wher with it vvere likely he would destroy himselfe and others and other like cases which Cicero putteth downe in his first booke of offices and deduceth them from the very ground of nature and reason it selfe sayeth that it were contrary to the dewty of a good or honest man in such cases to performe his promise Our diuines also do alledge the example of Herod that had sworne to the daughter of Herodias to giue hir vvhat she demaunded vvho demaūding the head of S. Iohn Baptist though Herod were sory for the same yet sayeth the text that for his othes sake he commaunded it to be performed which yet no man wil deny but that it had bin far better left vnperformed and the othe better broken then fulfilled according to an other rule of the law which sayeth In malis promissis fidem non expedit obseruari it is not expedient to keepe our promise in things euel promised And finally to this purpose to vvit to determyne how many wayes an oth taken may be lawfully broken or not kept ther is a vvhole title in the Cannon law conteyning 36. chapters wherin are set downe many and diuers most excellent and euident cases about the same determined by Gregorie the first other ancient Popes and Doctors and in the second parte of the decretal ther is alleaged this sentence out of Isidorus and established for law In matis promissis rescinde fidem in turpi voto muta decretum impi a enim promissio quae scelere impletur that is in euel promises performe not your vvorde in an vnlawful vow or oth change your determination for it is an impious promisse vvhich cannot be fulfilled but with wickednes and the very same matter is handled in the questiō following which is the fyfth through out 23. whole chapters together So as nothing is more largely handled in our law both Ciuil and Canon then this matter of promisses and othes how and vvhen and why and in vvhat cases they hould or bynde and when not Al which to apply it now vnto our matter of kings that we haue in hande we are to vnderstande that tvvo euident cases are touched heer as you see when a subiects oth or promise of obedience may be left vnperformed towards his Prince the first whē the Prince obserueth not at al his promisse and oth made to the common wealth at his admission or coronation the other when it should turne to the notable damage of the weale publique for whos only good the Princes office vvas ordeyned as often before hath bin said and proued if the subiect should keepe and performe his oth and promisse made vnto his Prince And both thes cases are touched in the depriuation of Childerike the last king of France of the first lyne of Pharamond which was recounted in the former chapter for that as Paulus A Enulius Belforest Girard and other French stories do testify the bishop of vvirtsburg that in the name of al the nobility and common wealth of France made his speech to Zacharie the pope for his deposition and for the election of Pepin in his place alleaged thes two reasons saying Truth it is that the French haue sworne fidelity vnto Childerick as to ther true and natural king but yet vvith condition that he on his part should also performe the points that are incident to his office which are to defend the common vvealth protect the church of christ resist the vvicked aduance the good and the like and if he do this then the French are redy to cōtinew ther obedience and allegeance vnto him but if he be apt for none of thes things nether fit ether for a Captaine in vvare or for a head in peace and if nothing els may be expected whiles he is king but detriment to the state ignominy to the nation danger to christian religion and distruction to the vveal publique then it is law ful for you no doubt most holy father to deliuer the French from this band of their oth to testifie that no promise can bynd this natiō in particuler to that which may be hurtful to al christendom ingeneral Thus far that bishop his spech vvas allowed Childerick deposed and Pepin made king in his place as the world knoweth By this thē you see saic the Ciuilian lawyer the ground wheron dependeth the rightious lawful deposition and chastisment of vvicked Princes to wit ther fayling in ther oth promises which they made at ther first entrance that they would rule and gouerne iustly according to law conscience equity and religion wherin when thev fayle or wilfully decline casting behind them al respect of obligation dewty to the end for vvhich they vvere made Princes and aduanced in dignity aboue the rest then is the common wealth not only free from al oths made by her of obedience or allegiance to such vnworthy Princes but is bound moreouer for sauing the vvhole body to resist chasten and remoue such euel heades if she be able for that otherwise al vvould come to distruction ruyne and publique desolation And heere now come in al thos cōsideratiōs vvhich old philosophers lawmakers and such others as haue treated of common vvealthes are vvont to lay downe of the difference and contrariety betwene a king and a tyrant for that a king as both Plato and Aristotle do declare vvhē once he declyneth from his dewty becommeth a tyrant that is to say of the best and most soueraine thing vppon earth the worst and most hurt-ful creature vnder heauen for that as the end office of a king is to make happy his commō vvealth so the butt of a tyrät is to destroy the same And finally the whole difference is reduced to the principal head that before I haue mentioned to vvit that a king ruleth according to equity oth conscience iustice and law prescribed vnto him and the
to haue my part with Iudas as also with the leptosye of Giezi and with the feare and trembling of damned Cain and besides al this I shal be subiect to al punishments that are ordeyned in the lawes of their Maiestyes concerning this affaire This oth did al the gouernours of christian countryes take in old tyme vvhen christian Emperors did florish and it hath remayned for a law and president euer since to al posterity And if we ioyne this vvith the other othes before set downe in the fift chapter vvhich Emperors and kings did make themselues vnto their ecclesiastical Prelates at their first admissiō about this point vve should see nothing vvas so much respected in admission of a prince or Gouernor nor ought to be as religion for that as I haue said before this is the chiefest greatest highest ende of euery common vvealth entended both by God and nature to assist their subiects to the atteyning of their supernatural ende by honoring and seruing God in this life and by liuing vertuously for that otherwise God should draw no other srute or commodity out of humane common vvealthes then of an assembly of brutish creatures maynteyned only and gouerned for to eate drink and liue in peace as before hath bin declared But the end of man being far higher then this it followeth that what-soeuer prince of magestrate doth not attend vvith care to assist and helpe his subiects to this ende omitteth the first and principal part of his charge and committeth high treason against his lord and master in whose place he is and consequently is not fitt for that charge and dignity though he should performe the other two partes neuer so vvel of temporal iustice and valor in his person vvhich two other poyntes do apperteyne principally to the humane felicity and baser ende of mans weale publique and much more of a christian Heerof it insueth also that nothing in the vvorld can so iustly exclude an heyre apparent from his succession as want of religion nor any cause what so-euer iustifie and cleare the conscience of the common wealth or of particuler men that in this case should resist his entrance as if they iudge him faulty in this pointe which is the head of al the rest and for vvhich al the rest do serue You do remember that before I compared an heyre apparent vnto a spouse betrothed only and not yet marryed to the common vvealth Which espousal or betrothing according to allaw both diuine and humane may be broken and made voyd much easier and vppon far lesser causes then an actual perfect marying may of vvhich our sauiour himselfe said Quos Deus coniunxit homo non seperat vvhom God hath ioyned let to man seperate and yet sainct Paule to the Corinthians determineth playnely that if tvvo gentiles marryed together in ther gentility vvhich none denyeth to be true mariage for so much as concerneth the ciuil contract and afterward the one of thē being made a christiā the other vvil not liue with him or her or if he do yet not vvithout blaspheming of God tempting him to sinne in this case I say the Apostle teacheth and out of him the canon law setteth it downe for a decree that this is sufficiēt to break dissolue vtterly this heathē mariage although cōsummate betwene these two parties and that the christian may mary againe and this only for the want of religion in the other party vvhich being so in actual mariage alredy made and cōsummate how much more may it serue to vndoe a bare betrothing which is the case of a 〈◊〉 only to a crowne as before hath bin shewed But you may say perhaps that sainct Paule speaketh of an infidel or heathen that denyeth Christ playnely and vvith vvhom the other party cannot liue vvithout danger of sinne and leesing his fayth vvhich is not the case of a christian Prince though he be somevvhat different from me in religion to vvhich is answerd that supposing ther is but one only religion that can be true among christians as both reason and Athanasius his Crede doth playnely teatch vs and moreouer seing that to me ther can be no other fayth or religiō auaylable for my saluation then only that vvhich I my selfe do beleene for that my owne conscience must testifie for me or against me certaine it is that vnto me and my conscience he vvhich in any pointe beleeueth otherwise then I do and standeth vvilfully in the same is an infidel for that he beleueth not that vvhich in my fayth and conscience is the only and sole truth vvherby he must be saued And if our sauiour Christ himselfe in his gospell doth vvil certayne men to be held for heat hens not so much for difference in fayth and religion as for lack of humility obediēce to the church how much more may I hold him so that in my opinion is an enimye to the truth and conse quently so long as I haue this opinion of him albeit his religion vvere neuer so true yet so long I say as I haue this contrary perswasion of him I shal do against my conscience and sinne damnably in the sight of God to preferr him to a charge where he may draw many other to his owne error and perdition vvherin I do perswade my selfe that he remayneth This doctrine vvhich is common among all diuines is founded vppon that discourse of S. Paule to the Romans and Corinthians against such christians as being inuited to the banquetts and tables of gentiles and finding meates offred to Idoles which themselues do iudge to be vnlawful to eate did yet eate the same both to the scandal of other infirme men ther present as also against their owne iudgmēt and conscience which the Apostel saith vvas a damnable sinne and this not for that the thing in it selfe was euel or vnlawful as he 〈◊〉 but for that they did iudge it so and yet did the contrary Qui discernit si manducauerit damnatus est saith the Apostle He that discerneth or maketh a difference betwene this meat and others as iudging this to be vnlawfull and and yet eateth the same he is damned that is to sav he sinneth damnably or mortally Wherof the same Apostle yealdeth presently this reason Quiae non ex fide for that he eateth not according to his faith or beleefe bnt rather contrary for that he beleuing it to be euel and vnlawful doth notwithstanding eate the same and heere vppon S. Paul inferreth this vniuersal proposition Omne autem quod non est ex fide peccatum est al that is not of fayth or according to a mans owne beleefe is sinne to hym for that it is against his owne cōscience iudgmēt beleefe beleeuing one thing and doing an other and seing our owne conscience must be our witnes at the last day to condemne or deliuer vs as before I haue said he must needs sinne greuously or
to vvit that as al the duty reuerence loue and obedience before named is to be yealded vnto euery Prince which the common wealth hath once established so yet retayneth stil the common wealth her authority not only to restrayne the same Prince if he be exorbitant but also to chasten and remoue him vppon due waighty considerations and that the same hath bin donne and practised at many tymes in most nations bothe Christian otherwise vvith right good successe to the weal publique and this shal be the argument if you thinke good of our next meeting for that now it is late and I would be loth to haue you go away vvith my tale halfe tould for that it is a matter of much moment as to morrow you shal here Al vveare content vvith this resolution and so departed euery man to his loging vvith purpose to returne the next morning somwhat more early then their accustomed houre to the end the matter might be thoroughly debated OF KINGS LAVVFVLLY CHASTISED BY THEIR COMMON VVEALTHES FOR THEIR misgouerment and of the good and prosperous successe that God commonly hath giuen to the same CAP. III. THE company vvas no soner come together the next morning but they were al at the ciuiliā lawyer to performe his promise and to prosecute the matter he had propounded the night before to vvhom he answered you require of me if I be not deceaued two points ioyntly to be proued vnto you the first that common wealthes haue chastised somtymes lawfully ther lawful Princes though neuer so lawfully they vveare descended or otherwise lawfully put in possession of their crowne and secondly that this hath fallen out euer or for the most part commodious to the vvealpublique that it may seeme that God approued and prospered the same by the good successe and successors that ensevved therof Which two points I am content quoth he to shew vnto you by some examples for that the reasons herof haue in part bin declared before shal be more in particuler hereafter but yet must I do this vvith the protestation before mentioned that nothing be taken out of this my spech agaynst the sacred authority and dew respect and obedience that al men do owe vnto Princes both by Gods law and nature as hath bin proued but only this shal serue to shew that as nothing vnder God is more honorable amiable profitable or soueraine then a good Prince so nothing is more pestelent of bringeth so general destruction and desolation as an euel Prince And therfore as the vvhole body is of more authority then the only head and may cure the head if it be out of tune so may the Wealpublique cure or cutt of their heades if they infest the rest seing that a body ciuil may haue diuers heades by succession and is not bound euer to one as a body natural is vvhich body natural if it had the same ability that whē it had an aking or sickly head it could cut it of and take an other I doubt not but it vvould so do and that al men would confesse that it had authority sufficient reason to do the same rather then al the other partes should perish or liue in payne and continual tourmēt but yet much more cleare is the matter that vve haue in hand for disburdening our selues of vvicked Princes as now I shal begin to proue vnto you And for profe of both the poynts ioyntely which you require I might beginn perhaps with some examples out of the scripture it selfe but that some man may chāce to say that thes things recounted ther of the Iewes vvere not so much to be reputed for acts of the common wealth as for particuler ordinations of God himselfe vvhich yet is not any thing agaynst me but rather maketh much for our purpose For that the matter is more authorized hereby seing that what soeuerGod did ordeyne or put in vre in his common vvealth that may also be practised by other common vvealthes now hauinge his authority and approbatiō for the same Where-fore said he though I do hastē to examples that are more nearer home and more proper to the particulier purpose wherof vve treat yet can I not omit to note some two or three out of the bible that do apperteyne to this purpose also thes are the depriuation and putting to death of two wicked kings of Iuda named Saul and Amon though both of them vvete lawfully placed in that dignity and the bringing in of Dauid and Iosias in their roomes vvho were the two most excellent Princes that euer that nation or any other I thinke haue had to gouerne them And first king Saul though he were elected by God as you know to that royal throne yet vvas he slayne by the Philistians by Gods order as it vvas foretold him for his disobedience not fulfillinge the law limites prescribed vnto hym Amon was lawful king also that by natural discent successiō for he was sonne heyre to king Manasses whom he succeded and yet was he slayne by his owne people quia non ambulauit in via Domini for that he walked not in the vvay prescribed vnto him by God and vnto thes two kings so depriued God gaue two successors as I haue named the 〈◊〉 wherof are not to be found in the whole ranck of kings for a thousand yeares togeather for of Iosias it is written Fecit quod erat rectum in conspectu Domini non declinauit neque ad dextram neque ad sinistrā he did that which was right in the sight of God nether did he decline vnto the right hand nor the left He reigned 31. yeares and Hieremias the prophet that liued in his tyme loued so extremely this good king as he neuer ceased afterwards to lament his death as the scripture sayeth As for king Dauid it shal not be need-ful to say any thing how excellent a king he vvas for as many lerned men do note he was a most perfect paterne for al kings that should follow in the world not as king Cyrus whom Xenophon did paint out more according to his owne imagination of a perfect king that he wished then to the truth of the story but rather as one that passed far in actes that which is written of him and this not only in matters of religion piety and deuotion but also of cheualry valor wisdome pollicy nether is it true which Nicholas Machauel the Florentyne and some others of his new vnchristian schole do affirme for defacing of christian vertue that religion and piety are let ts ostentymes to politique and wise gouerment and do breake or weaken the high spirits of magnanimous men to take in hand greate enterprises for the common wealth This I say is extreme false for that as diuines are wont to say and it is most true grace doth not destroy or corrupt but perfecteth nature so as he which
by nature is valiant wise liberal or politique shal be the more if also he be pious and religious Which we see euidentlv in king Dauid who notwithstanding al his piety yet omitted he nothing apperteyning to the state and gouerment of a noble wise and politique Prince For first of al he began with reformation of his owne court and realme in matter of good life and seruice of God wherin he vsed the counsel and direction of Gad and of Nathan the Prophet as also of Abiathar and Hitam the cheefe priestes and of Heman his wise councellor He reduced the whole clergie into 24. degrees appointing foure thousand singars with diuers sortes of musycal instruments vnder Asaph Heman and other principal men that should be heades of the quyre He appoynted al officers needful both for his court and also the commō wealth with the armes of the crowne which was a Lyon in remembrāce of the Lyon which he had slayne with his owne handes when he vvas a child he ordeyned a mynt with a peculier forme of money to be stamped tooke order for distributing reliefe vnto the poore other lyke actes of a prudent and pious Prince After al this he turned him selfe to his old exercise of warres to which he was giuen from his child hood being wonderful valiant of his owne person as appereth by the Lion and beare that he slew vvith his owne handes and the corage vvherwith he tooke vppon him the combat with Goliath and as he had shewed himselfe a great vvarier and renowmed captayne many yeares in the seruice of Saul agaynst the Philistians and had gayned many noble victoryes so much more did he after he vvas king hymself for that he conquered not only the Philistians but also the Amorits Idumeans Moabites vvith the kings and people of Damasco and al Syria euen vnto the ruier Euphates left al thes countryes peace-able to his successor and the scripture recompteth in one only chapter how that in three or foure battailes wherin Dauid himselfe vvas present vvith in the space of two or three yeares almost a hundreth thousand horse and foote slayne by him and that himselfe slew in his dayes eight hundreth vvith his owne handes and that he made by his example thirty seuen such Captaynes as ech one of them was able to lead and gouerne a vvhole army and yet among al thes expenses of vvarres had he care to lay vp so much money and treasure as vvas sufficient for the buylding of that huge and vvonderful temple after him which he recommended to his sonne Salamon and amiddest al this valor and couradge of so vvarlyke a king and Captayne had he so much humility as to humble himselfe to Nathan the Prophet vvhen he came to rebuke him for his fault and so mnch patience and charity as to pardon Semei that reuyled him and threw stones at him in the high way as he vvent and among so many and continual busineses both martial and ciuil great affaires of the common vvealth he had tyme to write so many Psalmes as we see and to sing prayses seuen tymes a day to almighty God and to feel that deuotion at his death which we read of finally he so liued and so dyed as neuer Prince I thinke before him nor perhapps after hym so-ioyned together both valor and vertue courage and humility vvisdom and piety gouerment and deuotion nobility and religiō Wherfore though I haue bin somwhat longer then I would in this example yet hath it not bin from the purpose to note somwhat in particuler vvhat two vvorthy kings vvere put vp by God in place of tvvo other by him depriued deposed And now if we vvil leaue the Hebrues and returne to the Romans of vvhom vve spake before we shal find diuers things notable in that state also to the purpose vve haue in hand For before I tould you how that Romulus their first king hauing by litle and litle declined into tyranny he was stayne and cut in peeces by the senate which at that tyme conteyned a hundred in number and in his place was chosen Numa Pompilius the notablest king that euer they had who prescribed al their order of religion and manner of sacrifices imitating therin and in diuers other poyntes the rites and ceremonyes of the Iewes as Tertulian and other fathers do note he began also the buylding of their Capitol added the two monethes of Ianuary and February to the yeare and did other such notable things for that common wealth Agayne when Tarquinius the proud ther seuenth and last king was expelled by the same senate for his euel gouerment and the whole manner of gouerment chainged as before hath bin rouched we see the successe vvas prosperous for that not only no hurt came therby to the common vvealth but exceding much good seing their gouerment and increase of Empire vvas so prospetous vnder their consuls for many yeares in such sort that wheras at the end of their kings gouerment they had but fiftene myles territory without their cytie it is knowne that when their consuls gouerment ended and vvas chainged by Iulius Caesar their territory reached more then fiftene thousand myles in copasse for that they had not only al Europe vnder ther dominion but the principal partes also of Afia and Africa so as this chastisment so iustly layd vppon their kings vvas profitable and beneficial to their common wealthe also Moreouer vvhen Iulius Caesar vppon particuler ambition had brokē al law both humane and diuine and taken al gouerment in to his owne hands alone he was in reuenge hereof slayne as the vvorld knoweth by senators in the senate-house and Octauianus Augustus preferred in his roome vvho proued aftervvards the most famous Emperor that euer vvas I might note here also how Nero sixth Emperor of Rome vvhich succeded lawfully his vnckle Claudius in the Empire and being afterward deposed and sentenced to death by the senate for his wicked gouerment which was the first iudicial sentence that euer the senate gaue agaynst Emperor albeit peace insued not presently but that Galba Otho and Vitellius three great Captaynes of the Empire made some litle enterludes of tragical killing of one the other yet with-in few monethes the whole Empire by that meanes fel vppon Vespasian and his sonne Titus two of the best gouernors that thos tymes euer saw The like might be noted of the noble ranck of fiue excellent good Emperors to wit Nerua Traian Adrian Antoninus Pius aud Marcus Aurclius that ensued in the empire by the iust death of cruel Domitian which execution the senate is thought in secret to haue procured being not able to performe it openly by iustice which vvas seen by that that when the act vvas dōne the senate did presently by publique decree allow of the same and disanulled al his barbarous actes for their
the bracelets the staf vvith the scepter and diademe euery one wherof the archbishop put vppon the Emperor telling him the signification of ech thing and vvhat it did bynd him vnto as for example vvhen he put the svvord about him he said accipe hunc gladium quo ijcias omnes Christi aduersarios malos christianos authoritate diuina per Episcopos tibi tradita Which is take vnto thee this svvord vvherby thow mayst cast out and driue away al the enimies of Christ whether they be barbarous infidels or euel christians and this by the authority of God deliuered vnto thee by vs that are bishops And thus he did vvith al other ornaments and ensignes telling the signification and obligation of euery one and taking the Emperors promise to performe al. And after al the historiographer concludeth thus Rex perfufus oleo sancto coronatur diademate aureo ab Episcopis ab eisdem ad solium regale ducitur in eo colocatur That is the king being annointed vvith holy oyle was crowned by the bishops and by the same vvas brought to the royal seat and therin placed This happened about the yeare of christ 940. and the ceremony is recounted more amply in this mans coronation then in any other both for that he was a very noble Prince and the very first of the Germain nation that vvas lawfully and orderly preferred to the imperial seat after that it passed from the children of Charles the great and ther be diuers points worthy the noting in this example and among other that albeit he were lawful king and Emperor by succession as also by appointment of his father yet was he chosen and admitted againe by the Princes and people that he swore to fulfil al those pointes and condicions which the signification of the Emperial ornaments did bynd him vnto After this about 60. yeares or more Pope Gregory the 5. in a synode holden in Rome did by the consent of Otho the third Emperor and nephew vnto this other Otho of vvhom we haue now treated appoint a certaine forme of electiō for the tyme to come of the German Emperor to wit that he should be chosen by six Princes of Germany three ecclesiastical which are the archbishopes of Moguntia Colen Treuires three temperal Lords to vvit the Duke of Saxony the Counte Palatyne of Rhene and the Marques of Brandeburge and vvhen thes six voices should happen to be equally deuided then that the Duke of Boemia for then it was no kingdom should haue place also to determyne the election Al which was determined in the yeare of Christ 996. in Rome and approued after ward by al the Princes of Germany and allowed by al other Christian Princes and states of the vvorld and so endureth vnto this day And among al other points this of his coronation and his oth to be taken for his wel gouerment vvas and is most exactly set downe recorded by many historiographers of that tyme and since But I shal alleage them only out of Iohn Sleydan as the most conuenient author for this our tyme and purpose First of al then he writeth that after any man is chosen Emperor he is to be called only Caesar and the king of the Romans and not Emperor vntil he be crowned and the conditions which he sweareth vnto presently after his election Are to defend the christian and catholique religion to defend the pope and church of Rome whose aduocat he is to minister iustice equally to al to follow peace to kepe and obserue al lawes rightes and priuileges of the Empyre not to alienate or engage the possessions of the empyre to cōdemne no man without hearing his cause but to suffer the course of law to haue his place in al and whatsoeuer he shal do otherwise that it be voyd and of no Validitie at al. Vnto al thes articles he sweareth first by his legates then he giueth a coppy of his othe in vvriting to euery one of the six electors and after this he goeth to the cytie of Aquis-gran to be crowned in the great church vvher about the midle of the masse the archbishop of Colen goeth vnto him in the presence of al the people and as keth whether he be redy to sweare and promise to obserue the catholick religiō defend the church minister iustice protect the widowes and fatherles and yeald dutiful honor and 〈◊〉 to the pope of Rome wherunto he answering that he is redy to do al this the Archbishop leadeth him to the high aulter wher he sweareth in expresse vvords al thes articles wwhich being done the said archbishop turning himselfe to the Princes of the empyre and people ther present doth aske them whether they be content to sweare obedience and fealtie vnto him who answering yea he is annoynted by the said archbishop before the aulter and then do come the other tvvo Archbishops of Moguntia and Treueris and do lead him into the vestery vvher certaine deacons are redy to apparrel him in his robes and do set him in a chayre vppon vvhom the Archbishop of Colen saith certaine prayers and then deliuereth him a sword drawne and putteth a ring vppon his finger and giueth him a scepter in his hand then al the three Archbishops together do put on the crowne vppon his head and leading him so crowned and apparreled vnto the high aulter againe he sweareth the second tyme that he wil do the part of a good christian and Catholick Emperor Which being ended he is brought back and placed in the emperial seat throne vvher al the Princes of the empyre do sweate obedience and fayth vnto him begining vvith the three Archbishops and continuing on vvith the three other electors and so al the rest in order vvhich is a notable and magestical manner of admitting and authorizing of a Prince as you see and it is to be marked among other things that the emperor sweareth three tymes once by his deputies and twise by himselfe before his subiects sweare once vnto him and yet wil Belloy as you haue hard needs haue subiects only bound to their Princes and the Prince nothing at al bound to them againe In Polonia which being first a Dukedome was made a kingdome aboute the same tyme that this forme of electing of the German Emperor vvas prescribed the manner of coronatiō of their kings is in substance the very same that we haue declared to be of the Emperor For first of al the Archibishop of Guesua metropolitā of al Polonia commeth to the king standing before the high aulter and sayeth vnto him thes wordes VVher as you are right noble Prince to receaue at our handes this day who are though vnworthily in place of Christ for execution of this function the sacred annoynting and other ceremonies ensignes and ornaments apperteyning to the kinges of this land it shaibe wel that we
for that I do not thinke it to be improbable which this author and others do note to wit that most nations round about haue taken their particuler formes of anoynting and crowning their kings from this anciēt custome of France though the substance therof I meane of ther sacring and anoynting be deduced from examples of far more antiquity to wit from the very first kings among the people of Israel whō God caused to be anoynted by his priestes and prophets in token of his election and as a singuler priuiledge of honor and preheminence vnto them wherof king Dauid made so great accōpt when he said to the souldiar that had killed Saul his enimye in the warr quare non timuisti mittere manum tuam in Christum Domini VVhy diddest thow not feare to lay thy hands vppon the anoynted of God and he put him to death for it notwithstanding that Saul had bin long before deposed and reiected by God and that himselfe had lawfully borne armes against him for many daies so much was that ceremony of anoynting estemed in thos dayes so hath it bin euer since among christian people also for that kings hereby are made sacred and do not only perticipate vvith priests but also vvith Christ himselfe vvho hath his name of this circumstance of anoynting as al the vvorld knoweth Probable then I say it is that albeit the substance of this ceremony of anoynting kings be much elder then the christian kingdome of France yer is this partic uler and maiestical manner of doing the same by waye of coronation the most ancient in France aboue al other kingdomes round about especialy if it began vvith ther first christian king Clodouaeus not ful 500. yeares after Christ as french authors do hold At what tyme also they recount a great miracle of holy oyle sent from heauen by an angel for anoynting Clodouaeus vvherof they say they haue stil remaining for the anoynting of their kings at Rhemes vvhich point I vvil not stand to treat or discoursein this place but rather wil refer my reader to the foresaid chapter of Francis Belforest chonicler of Frāce vvho alleageth diuers vvriters of almost 500. yeares antiquitie that write of the same but howsoeuer that be very probable it semeth that al the ceremoneys of coronation in Germany Polonia before recited which had ther beginning long after the reigne of Clodouaeus might be taken frō thence and so the affinity and likenes of the one to the other doth seeme to agree and Garribay also the chronicler of Spayne and of Nauarra in his 22. booke talking of this custome of anoynting and crowning the kings of Nauarra saith that this excellent custome began ther I meane in Nauarra aboue 800. yeares past and vvas brought in by certaine Earles of Champayn of France named Theobaldes who comming to attayne that crowne brought with them that reuerent ceremony of anoyntig crowning ther kings according to the vse of the French which custome endureth vntil this day in that part of Nauarra that is vnder the house of Vandome albeit in the other that is vnder the Spaniardes which is far the greater it vvasleft of in the yeare 1513. When Ferdinande surnamed the Catholique king of spayne entred ther-vppon for that the Spanish kings are neuer anoynted nor crowned but otherwise admitted by the common vvealth as before I haue declared But among al other kingdomes it semeth that Ingland hath most particularly taken this custome and ceremony from France not only for the reason before alleaged that diuers of our Inglish kings haue come out of France as William Conqueror borne in Normandy king Stephen sonne to the Earle of Blois and Bollen a French man and king Henry the second borne likwise in France and sonne to the Earle of Aniou but also for that in very deede the thing it selfe is al one in both nations and albeit I haue not sene any particuler booke of this action in Ingland as in French ther is yet it is easy to gather by storyes what is vsed in Ingland about this affaire For first of al that the Archbishop of Canterbury doth ordinarily do thes ceremony in Inland as the Archbishop of Rhemes doth it in France ther is no doubte with the same solemnity and honor according to the condition and state of our countrey and Polidor Virgil in his story noteth that pope Alexander did interdict and suspend the Archbishop of Yorke with his two assistants the bishops of Londō Salisbury for that in the absence of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury and without his licence they did crowne king Henry the seconds sonne named also Henry at his fathers perswation and diuers do attribute the vnfortunate successe of the said king Henry the yonger that rebelled against his father to this disorderly and violent coronation by his fathers appointment secondly that the first thing which the said Archbishop requireth at the new kings hands at his coronatiō is about religion church matters and the cleargie as in France vve haue seene it appereth euidently by thes vvords which the same Archbishop Thomas surnamed commonly the martyr remayninge in banishment vvrote to the same king Henry the second which are thes Memores sitis confessionis quam fecistis posuistis super altare apud westmonsterium de seruanda Ecclesiae libertate quando consecrati fuistis vncti in regem à praedecessore nostro Thebaldo Which is do you cal to your remembrance the confession which you made and laid vppon the aulter at vvestminster for keping defending the libertie of the church when you vvere consecrated and annoynted king by Thebaldus our predecessor By which wordes appereth that as the king of Ingland vvas consecrated and annoynted in thos dayes by the Archbishop of Canterbury so did he sweare and giue vp his oth also in vvriting and for more solemnity and obligation layd it downe or rather offered it vp vvith his owne handes vppon the aulter so much as vvas repuired of him by the said Archbishop cleargie for the special safety of religion and theis ecclesiastical liberties which is the selfe same pointe that vve haue sene before as vvel in the oth of the kings of France as also of Polonia and Spayne and of the Emperors both Grecian and German The very like admonition in effect I finde made by an other Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury to an other king Henry to wit by Thomas Arundel to king Henry the fourth vvhen in a parlament holden at Couentry in the yeare 1404. the king vvas tempted by certayne temporal men to take away the temporalityes from the cleargie Wherunto vvhen the said Archbishop Thomas had answered by diuers reasons at last turning to the king he besought him saith Stow to remember the oth which he voluntarily made that he would honor defend the church and ministers therof VVherfore he desired him to permit and
to defend well ther realme and subiects then the others were But to proceede said he more distinctly and more perspicuously in this matter I would haue you cal to mynde one point among others which I alleaged before out of Girard the frēch author to wit that the king of france in his coronation is new apparaled three tymes in one day once as a prieste then as a iudge and last as a king armed Therby to signifie three thynges committed to his charge first religion then iustice then man-hood and chiualry for the defence of the realme This diuision semeth to me very good and fitt quoth he and to comprehend al that a wealpublique hath neede of for her happy state and felicity both in soule and body and for her end both supernatural and natural For by the first which is religion her subiects do attayne vnto their end spiritual supernatural which is the saluation of their soules by the second and third which are iustice and defēce they enioy their felicity temporal which is to liue in peace among them selues and safety from their enimyes for which cause it seemeth that these are the three points which most are to be regarded in euery Prince that commeth to gouerment and much more in him that is not yet admitted therunto but offreth himselfe to the common wealth for the same purpose And for that the later two of thes three points which are iustice man-hood hath bin often had in consideration in the examples of changes before mentioned and the first point which is religion hath rarely or neuer at al byn talked of for that in former tymes the prince and the people were alwaves of one and the same religion and scarse euer any question or doubt fel in that behalfe which yet in our dayes is the principal differēce and chiefest difficultie of al other for thes causes I say shal I accommodate my selfe to the circumstance of the tyme wherin we liue and to the present case vvhich is in question betwixt vs about the succession of Ingland and leauing a side those other two considerations of iustice and chiualry in a king vvhich are far lesse important then the other though yet so highly regarded by ancient cōmon wealthes as you haue hard I shal treate principally of religion in this place as of the first and highest and most necessary pointe of al other to be considered in the admission of any prince for the profit of his subiects for that without this he destroyeth al and vvith this albeit he should haue defects in the other two pointes of iustice and manhode yet may it be holpen or his defect or negligence maye be supplyed much by others as after I shal shew more in particuler but if he vvant feare of God or care of religion or be peruersly persuaded therin the domage of the weale publique is inestimable First of al then for better vnderstanding of this point vve are to suppose that the first cheefest and highest ende that God and nature appointed to euery common wealth vvas not so much the temporal felicity of the body as the supernatural and euerlasting of the soule and this vvas not only reuealed to the Iewes by holy scripture but also vnto the gentiles and heathens by the instinct and light of nature it selfe For by this light of natural reason the learned sort of them came to vnderstand the immortality of the soule that her felicity perfection and ful contentmēt which they called her final ende and summum bonum could not be in this life nor in any thing created vnder heauen but must needs be in the life to come and that by atteyning to enioy some infinite endles immortal obiect which could fully satisfie the appetite of our soule this could be no other then God the maker of al himselfe And that consequently al other things of this transitory life and of this humane common wealth subiect to mans eyes are ordeyned to serue and be subordinate directed to the other higher ende and that al mans actions in this vvorld are first of al and in the highest degree to be imployed to the recognising seruing and honoring of this great Lord that gouerneth the whole as author and end of al. To this light I say came the heathens euen by the instinct and direction of nature whereof insued that ther was neuer yet pagan Philosopher that wrote of framing a good common vvealth as Socrates Plato Plutarch Cicero and others nether lawmaker among them that left ordināces for the same purpose as Deucalion Minos Zaleucus Licurgus Solō Ion Numa or the like vvhich besides the temporal ende of directing thinges wel for the body had not especial care also of matters apperteyning to the mynde to vvit of nourishing honoring and revvarding of vertue and for restrayning and punishing of vice and vvickednes vvherby is euident that their end and butt was to make their cytizens good and vertuous which vvas a higher end then to haue a bare consideration of temporal and bodily benifits only as many gouernours of our dayes though Christians in name seeme to haue vvho pretend no higher end in ther gouerment then bodily vvealth and a certayne temporal king of peace and iustice among ther subiects vvhich diuers beasts also do reach vnto in ther congregations and common wealthes as is to be seeme among emetts and bees cranes lyons and other such creatures that by instinct of nature are sociable and do liue in company and consequently also do maynteyne so mnch order and pollicy in ther common vvealth as is needful for their preseruation and continuance But nature taught man a far higher and more excellent ende in his common wealth which was not only to prouide for thos bodily benefits that are common also to creatures without reason but much more for those of the mynd and aboue al for the seruing of that high and supreme God that is the beginning end of al the rest For whose seruice also they learned by the same instinct and instirutiō of nature that the chiefest and supremest honor that could be done vnto him in this life by man was the honor of sacrifice and oblations vvhich we see vvas begun and practised euen in those first beginnings of the law of nature before the leuitical law and the particuler formes of this same law were prescribed by Moyses For so we read in Genesis of Noë that he made an alter and offred sacrifices to God vppon the same of al the beastes and byrdes that he had in the arke odoratusque est Dominus odorem suauitatis and God receaued the smel of thes sacrifices as a sweet smel Which is to say that God was highly pleased therwith and the like vve reade of Iob that vvas a gentile and liued before Moyses Sanctificabat filios consurgensque diluculo offerebat holocausta per dies singulos He did sanctifie his
damnably as the Apostle here saith vvho committeth any thing against his owne conscience though otherwise the thing vvere not only indifferent but very good also in it selfe for that of the doers part ther vvanteth no malice or wil to sinne seing he doth that which he apprehendeth to be naught though in it selfe it be not And now to apply al this to our purpose for Ingland and for the matter we haue in hand I affirme and hold that for any man to giue his helpe consent or assistance towards the making of a king whom he iudgeth or beleueth to be faultie in religion consequently would aduance either no religion or the wrong if he were in authority is a most greuous and damnable sinne to him that doth it of what side soeuer the truth be or how good or bad so euer the party be that is preferred For if S. Paul haue pronounced so absolutely and playnly in the place before alleaged that euen in eating of a peece of meat it is damnable for a man to discerne and yet to eate what may we thinke wil it be in so great and important a matter as the making of a king is for a man to dissemble or do against his owne conscience iudgmēt that is to say to discerne and iudge that he is an infidel or heritique or wicked mā or A theist or erronens in religion and yet to further his aduancement and gouerment ouer christians wher he shal be able to peruert infinite and to pull downe al honor seruice dew vnto God and vvhether he do this euel afterwards or not yet shal I be guyltie of al this for that knowing and persuading my selfe that he is like or in disposition to do it yet for feare flattery carelesnes kinred emulation against others vaine pretence of title lacke of zeale to gods cause or for other the like passions or temporal respects I do fauour further or sooth him in his pretēces or do not resist him when it lyeth in my power by al vvhich I do iustly make my felfe guyltie of al the euills hurts miseries and calamities both temporal and spiritual vvhich afterward by his euel gouerment do or may ensew for that I knowing him to be such a one did notwithstanding assist his promotion And thus much now for matter of cōscience but if we consider reason of state also and wordly pollicie it can not be but great folly ouersight for a man of what religion soeuer he be to promote to a kingdome in which himselfe must liue one of a contrary religion to himselfe for let the bargaines and agreements be vvhat they wil and fayre promises vayne hopes neuer so great yet seing the prince once made and setled must needes proceede according to the principles of his owne religion it followeth also that he must come quickly to break with the other party though before he loued hym neuer so vvel which yet perhapps is very hard if not impossible for tvvo of different religions to loue sincerly but if it vvere so yet so many ielosies suspitions accusations calumniations and other auersions must needes light vppon the party that is of different religion from the state and Prince vnder whom he liueth as not only he cānot be capable of such preferments honors charges gouerments and the like which men may deserue and desyer in their commō wealthes but also he shal be in continual danger and subiect to a thousand molestations and iniuries which are incident to the condition and state of him that is not currant whith the course of his prince and realme in matters of religion and so before he beware he becommeth to be accompted an enimye or backward man which to remedy he must ether dissemble deeply and against his owne conscience make shew to fauour and set forward that vvhich in his hart he doth detest vvhich is the greatest calamitie misery of al other though yet many tymes not sufficient to deliuer him from suspition or els to auoyd this euerlasting perdition he must break withal the temporal commodityes of this life and leaue the benifits which his countrey and realme might yeld him and this is the ordinary end of al such men how soft sweet soeuer the beginnings be And therfore to conclude at length al this tedious speech vvherwith I feare me I haue wearied you against my wil seeing ther be so great inconueniences and dangers both temporal and eternal and in respect both of God and man of body and soule as hathe bin declared to aduance a prince of contrary religion to the crowne and cōsidering that in Ingland ther is so great diuersitie of religions as the world knoweth betweene these parties and factions that haue to pretende or admitt the next prince after her Maiestie that now is calling to mynd also the great liberty scope and authority which the common vvealth hath in admitting or reiecting the pretenders vpon dew considerations be ther right of succession neuer so playne or cleare as before hath bin shewed and laying finally before our eyes the manifold and different actes of christiam realmes before mentioned in this affaire al thes things I say being layd together you may see whether I had reason at the beginning to thinke and affirme that it was a doubtful case who should be our next prince after the Queenes Maiestie that now sitteth at the sterne and if beyond and aboue al this that I haue said our frend the common lawyer heere present shal proue also as at the first enterance he promised that amōg such as do or may pretend of the blood royal at this daye their true succession and next propinquity by birth is also incertayne and disputable then is the matter made ther-by much more ambigious and God only knowhwho shal preuaile and to him only is the matter to be commended as far as I see and vvith this I make an ende thanking you most harrely for your patience and crauing pardon for that I haue bin ouer long or for any other fault that in this speach I haue committed FINIS THE PREFACE OF THE SECOND PARTE THE Ciuilian had no sooner ended his discourse but al the company being most desirous to here what the temporal lawyer had prepared to say about the seueral titles of the present pretendors to the crowne of Ingland began with one accord to request him earnestly for the performance of his promised speach in that behalfe who shewing himselfe nether vnwilling nor vnready for the same told them that he was content to yeald to their desyers but yet with one condition which was that he would take in hand this matter with the same asseueration and protestation with the Ciuilian in some occasions had vsed before him and it liked him wel to wit that hauing to speak in this discourse of many princes peeres and nobles of the royal blood of Ingland to al which by law of nature equity and reason
the auersion and natural alienatiōn of that people from the Inglish and their ancient inclination to ioyne with the Frēch Irish against vs maketh it yery probable that that subiection of theirs to the crowne of Ingland vvould not loug indure as by expetience we haue feene since the tyme of king Edward the first vvhen after the death of their king Alexander the third without issue they chose king Edward to be their king deliuered their townes and fortresses into his hands did sweare him fealty receaued his deputy or viceroy as Polidor at large declareth And yet al this serued afterward to no other effect but only slaughter bloodshed and infinyt losses and charges of Ingland Thirdly they saye that if the king of Scots should come to possesse the crowne of Inglād he cannot choose at least for many yeares but to stand in great ielousy of so many other competitors of the Inglish blood royal as he shal finde in Ingland against whom he must needes fortifie him selfe by those other forayne natiōs that may be presumed to be most sure vnto him though most contrary by natural inclination least tollerable in gouermēt to Inglish men as are the Scots of whom he is borne and danes vvith vvhom he is allyed and French of vvhom he is descended and of the vnciuil part ofIreland vvith vvhom one great piece of his realme hath most coniunction the authority sway of which fower nations in Ingland and ouer Inglish-men vvhat trouble it may worke euery vvise man may easely coniecture Besides that the Scots-men themselues specially those of the nobility do openly professe that they desire not this coniunction and subordination vnto Ingland which in no wise they can beare both for the auersion they haue to al Inglish gouerment ouer them as also for that their liberties are far greater as now they liue then in that case it would be suffred their king coming heerby to be of greater power to force them to the forme of Inglish subiection as no doubt but in tyme he would And seing the greatest vtility that in this case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this vnion is that the Scotish nation should come to be aduanced in Inglād and to be made of the nobility both temporal and spiritual of the priuy councel and of other lyke dignities of credit and confidence for otherwise no vnion or amitie durable can be hoped for and considering that the king both for his owne safetie as before hath bin said as also for gratitude and loue to his owne nation and allied frends must needs plant them about him in chiefe place of credit vvhich are most opposite to Inglish natures and by litle litle through occasion of emulations and of controuersies that vvil fal out daylie betwixt such diuersity of nations he must needes secretlie begin to fauour and fortifie his owne as we reade that William Conqueror did his Normannes and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible calamity of the Inglish nation though otherwise neither of them vvas of themselues either an euil king or enimye to the Inglish blood but driuē hereunto for their owne saftie and for that it vvas impossible to stand neutral in such national contentions if al this I say fel out so then as vve know it did and our ancestors felt it to their extreme ruine what other effect can be hoped for now by this violent vnion of nations that are by nature so disunited and opposite as are the Inglish Scotish Irishe Danishe Frenche other on them depending vvhich by this meanes must needs be planted together in Ingland And if vve reade that the vvhole realme of Spayne did refuse to admitt S. Lewis king of France to be their king in Spayne to vvhom yet by law of succession it vvas euident confessed by the spaniards themselues as their chronicler Garibay writeth that the right most clearly dyd appertayne by his mother lady Blanch eldest daughter and heyre of K. Alonso the nynth and that they dyd this only for that he vvas a Frenchman and might therby bring the french to haue chiefe authority in Spayne and if for this cause they did agree together to giue the kingdome rather to Ferdinando the third that was sonne of Lady Berenguela yonger sister to the said lady Blanch and if this determination vvas thought at that tyme to be vvife and prouident though against al right of lineal succession and if vve see that it had good successe for that it indureth vnto this day what shal vve say in this case say these men vvhere the king in question is not yet a S. Lewis nor his title to Ingland so cleere as that other vvas to spayne and the auersion betwixt his nation and ours much greater then vvas that betwixt the french and Spanish thus they do reason Agayne we heard out of the discourse made by the Ciuilian before how the states of Portugal after the death of their king Don Ferdinando the first of that name vvho left one only daughter and heyre named lady Beatrix married vnto Iohn the first king of Castile to whō the succession of Portugal vvithout al controuersie did apertaine they rather determyned to chose for their king a bastard brother of the sayd Don Fernando named Iohn then to admitt the true inheretor Beatrix vvith the gouerment of the Castilians by vvhom yet they being much the richer people the Portugals might hope to reape far greater vtility then Inglish men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer country and nation And this is that in effect which these men do answere in this behalfe noting also by the way that the Romās themselues vvith al their power could neuer bring vnion or peace betweene thease two nations of Ingland Scotlande nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in obedience of any authority residing in Ingland and so in the end they vvere enforced to cut them of to make that famous walle begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to diuide them from Inglād and barre them from ioyning as al the vvorld knoweth and much lesse shal any one king liuing in Ingland now hold them al in obedience let him be of vvhat nation he vvil and this for the vtility that may be hoped by this vnion But now for the other pointe alleaged by the fauourers of Scotland about establishmēt of true religion in Ingland by entrance of this king of Scots these other mē do hold that this is the vvoorst and most dangerous pointe of al other considering vvhat the state of religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that forme which in Ingland is mainteyned and vvhen the Archbishopes bishopes deanes archdeacons and other such of ecclesiastical and honorable dignities of Ingland shal consider that no such dignity or promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any cathedral
or collegiate church is remayned on foote vvith the rents and dignities therunto apperteyning and vvhen our nobilytie shal remember how the nobilitie of Scotland is subiect at this day to a few ordinary and common ministers vvithout any head vvho in their synodes and assemblies haue authority to put to the horne and driue out of the realme any noble man vvhatsoeuer vvithout remedy or redresse except he vvil yeald and humble himselfe to them and that the king himselfe standeth in avve of this exorbitant and populer povver of his ministers and is content to yeld therunto it is to be thought say these men that few Inglish be they of vvhat religion or opinion so-euer vvil shevv themselues forvvard to receaue such a King in respect of his religion that hath no better order in his ovvne at home and thus much concerning the King of Scotland Now then it remayneth that we come to treat of the lady Arbella second branch of the house of Scotlād touching whose title though much of that vvhich hath bin said before for or against the king of Scotland may also be vnderstoode to apparteyne vnto her for that she is of the same house yet shal I in this place repeat in few wordes the principal points that are alleaged in her behalfe or preiudice First of al then is alleaged for her and by her fauourers that she is descended of the foresaid lady Margaret eldest daughter of king Henry the seuenth by her second marriage vvith Archibald Duglas earle of Anguys and that she is in the third degree only from her for that she is the daughter of Charles Steward vvho was sonne to Margaret Countesse of Lenox daughter to the said lady Margaret Queene of Scots so as this lady Arbella is but neece once remoued vnto the said Queene Margaret to vvit in equal degree of discent vvith the king of Scots vvhich king being excluded as the fauorers of this vvoman do affirme by the causes and arguments before alleaged against hym no reason say they but that this lady should enter in his place as next in blood vnto him Secondly is alleaged in her behalfe that she as an Inglish vvoman borne in Ingland and of parents vvho at the tyme of her birth vvere of Inglish alleageance vvherin she goeth before the king of Scots as hath bin seene as also in this other principal pointe that by her admission no such inconuenience can be feared of bringing in strangers or causing troobles sedition vvith-in the realme as in the pretence of the Scotish king hath bin considered and this in effect is al that I haue heard alleaged for her But against her by other competitors and their frendes I haue hard diuers arguments of no smale importance and consideration produced vvherof the first is that vvhich before hath bin alleaged against the king of Scotlād in like māner to wit that neither of them is properly of the house of Lancaster as in the genealogie set downe in the third chapter hath appeared And secondly that the title of Lācaster is before the pretence of Yorke as hath bin proued in the fourth chapter wherof is inferred that neythere the king of Scots nor Arbella are next in successiō and for that of these two propositiōs ther hath bin much treated before I remitte me therunto only promising that of the first of the tvvo vvhich is how king Henry the seuēth vvas of the house of Lancaster touching right of succession I shal handle more particulerly afterward vvhen I come to speake of the house of Portugal vvherby also shal appeare playnly vvhat pretence of succession to the crowne or duchy of Lancaster the discendentes of the said king Henry can iustely make The second impediment against the lady Arbella is the aforesaid testament of king Henry the eight and the two acts of parlaments for authorising of the same by al vvhich is pretended that the house of Suffolke is preferred before this other of Scotland A third argument is for that there is yet liuing one of the house of Suffolk that is neerer by a degree to the stemme to vvit to Hēry the seuenth to vvhom after the discease of her Maiesty that now is we must returne then is the lady Arbella or the king of Scots and this is the lady Margeret countesse of Darby mother to the present earle of Darby vvho was daughter to lady Elenor daughter of Queene Mary of France that vvas second daughter of king Henry the seuēth so as this lady Margaret coūtesse of Darby is but in the third degree from the said Henry wheras both the king of Scotland and Arbella are in the fourth and consequently she is next in propinquitie of blood how greatly this propinquity hath bin fauoured in such cases though they vvere of the yōger liine the examples before alleaged in the fourth chapter do make manifest Fourthlie and lastely and most strongly of al they do argue against the title of this lady Arbella affirming that her discent is not free from bastardly vvhich they proue first for that Queene Margaret soone after the death of her first husband king Iames the fourth marryed secretly one Steward lord of Annerdale which Steward vvas alyue longe after her marriage vvith Duglas and consequently this second marriage vvith Duglas Steward being aliue could not be lawful vvhich they do proue also by an other meane for that they saie it is most certaine and to be made euident that the said Archibald Duglas earle of Anguis had an other vvife also aliue vvhen he married the said Queene vvhich points they say vvere so publique as they came to king Henries eares vvhervppon he sent into Scotland the lord William Howard brother to the old duke of Norfolke and father to the present lord Admiral of Ingland to enquire of these pointes and the said lord Howard founde them to be true and so he reported not only to the king but also aftervvards many tymes to others and namely to Queene Mary to vvhom he vvas lord Chamberlayne and to diuers others of vvhom many be yet liuing which can and will testefy the same vppon the relation they heard from the-sayd lord Williams owne mouthe vvheruppon king Henry vvas greatly offended and would haue letted the marriage betweene his said sister and Duglas but that they were married in secret and had consummate their marriage before this was knowne or that the thing could be preuented vvhich is thought vvas one especial cause and motiue also to the said king afterward to put back the issue of his said sister of Scotland as by his fornamed testament is pretended and this touching Arbellas title by propinquitie of byrthe But besides this the same men do alleage dimers reasons also of inconucnience in respect of the common vvealthe for vvhich in their opinions it should be hurtful to the real me to admitt this lady Arbella for Queene as first of al for that she is a
their vvas raysed by some kynde of men about the comming in of king Phillip and what their vvas like to haue byn about the entrance of Monsieur if that purpose had gone for-ward I remember wel said the Lawyer and these men that are of this opinion vvil say to this that it vvas but a populer mutiney without reason or any good grounde at all and only raysed by some crasty heades that misliked the religiō of the princes that were to enter and for some other driftes of their owne but not of any sound reason or argument of state which these men thinke rather to be of their side in good sooth they alleage so many argumentes for their opinion that if you should heare them you would say it weare hard to iudge which opinion had most truth but they are to longe for this place and so said he I shall make an end of the matter that I haue in hand and leaue this pointe for others to discusse With this the whole companye fhewed maruelous great desire to know the reasons that vvere in both parties for this matter so much the more for that it seemed to fal very fit to the purpose of these pretences of forayne princes for vvhich cause they intreated him very instantly that before he passed any further or ended his vvhole discourse of the titles vvhich hitherto they said had greatly contented them he would stay himselfe a litle also vppon this matter which though for a tyme he made great difficultie to do yet in the end beinge so importuned by them he promised that at their meeting the next day he would satisfie their desire and so for that tyme they departed very wel contented but yet as they saide vvith their heades ful of titles and titlers to the crowne VVHETHER IT BE BETTER TO BE VNDER A FORRAINE OR HOMBORNE PRINCE and whether vnder a great mightie Monarch or vnder a litle prince or King CAP. IX THE companye being gathered together the next day and shewing much desire to heare the pointe discussed about forraine gouerment wherof mention had bin made the day before the lawyer began to say that for so much as they would needs haue him to enter into that matter which of it selfe vvas ful of preiudice in most mens eares and myndes for that no nation commonly could abide to heare of being vnder strange gouernours and gouerments he ment to acquite himselfe in this their request as he had done in other matters before vvhich vvas to lay downe only the opinions and reasons of other men that had disputed this affaire on both sides before him and of his owne to affirme or deny nothing And first of al against the dominions of strāgers and Forriners he said that he might discourse without end and fil vp vvhole bookes and volumes vvith the reasons and arguments or at least vvise vvith the dislikes and auersions that al men commonly had to be vnder strangers or to haue any alliens to beare rule or charge ouer thē be they of what cōdition state or degree soeuer and in this he said that as wel philosophers lawmakers wise and good men as others do agree commonly for that vve see both by their wordes writinges and factes that they abhorr to subiect themselues to strang gouerments so as in al the eight bookes of Aristotles politiques you shal still see that in al the different formes of common vvealthes that he setteth downe he presupposeth euer that the gouerment shal be by people of the selfe same nation and the same thing do presume in like manner al those lawmakers that he their mētioneth to vvit Minois Solon Licurgus Numa Pompilius and the rest and he that shal reade the famous inuectiues of Demosthenes against the pretentions of king Phillip of Macedonia that desired to incroch vppon the Athenians and other states of Greece as also his orations against AEschines his aduersarie that vvas thought secretly to fauour the said forrayne prince shal see what hatred that noble Orator had against forraine gouerment and he that shal read the bookes of our tyme either of the Italians vvhen they spake of their subiection in tymes past to the Lōbardes German or french nacions or to the spaniards at this day or shal consider vvhat the french do presently vvrite inueigh against the power of the house of Guyse and Lorayne in Frāce for that they take them to be straingers shal easely see how deeply this auersion against strangers is rooted in their hartes and this for testimony of vvord But now if vve vvil consider the factes that haue ensued about this matter and how much blood hath bin shedd and vvhat desperat attempts haue bin taken in hand by diuers nations for auoyding their subiection to strāgers or for deliuering themselues from the same againe if once they haue fallen into it you shal behold more plainly the very impression of nature herselfe in this affaire for of diuers barbarous nations realmes citties we reade in stories that they rather chose to slea murther themselues then to be vnder the dominiō of strangers others haue aduentured strang attemptes bloody stratagems as the Sicilians who in one day and at the selfe same hower at the tyme of euening song slew al the frenchmen that vvere within the Iland vvhom yet themselues had called and inuited thither not long before and the like is recorded in our Inglish stories of killing the danes by Inglish men at one tyme in most ruful manner and the like was oftentymes thought on also by the Inglish against the Normans when they oppessed vs and by the French against the Inglish whiles we had dominion in France though nether the one nor the other of these latter desigmēts could be effectuated for want of forces and commoditye and by reason of the watchfulnes of the contrary part But yet to speake only of France the rage and fury of the french vvas generally so great and implacable against the Inglish that gouerned theare in the reigne of king Henry the sixt as both Polidor other stories do note at what tyme partly by the dissentions of the houses of York Lancaster in Ingland and partly by the valour of their owne new king Charles the seuenth they had hope to be ridd of the Inglish dominion as no persuasion or reason no feare of punishment no force of armes no promisse or threat no danger no pittie no religion no respect of God nor man could repres or stay them from rysing and reuolting euery where against the Inglish gouerment and gouernours murthering those of the Inglish nation in al partes and corners whersoeuer they found them without remorse or compassion vntil they were vtterly deliuered of their dominion So as this matter is taught vs say these men euen by nature her selfe that strangers gouerment is not to be admitted and moreouer the reasons before alleaged against the king
dangers of this kynde of forrayne gouermēt are and so they do answere to al the reasons and arguments alleaged in the beginning of this chapter against 〈◊〉 gouerment that either they are to be vnderstood and verified only of the third kinde of forraine gouerment before declared which these men do confesse to be dangerous or els they are founded for the most parte in the error and preiudice only of the vulgar sorte of men who being once stirred vp by the name of stranger do consider no furder vvhat reason or not reason there is in the matter and this say these men ought to moue vvisemen litle for as the common people did ryse in tumult against the french for example in Sicilia and against the Inglish in France and against the Danes in Ingland so vppon other occasions would they do also against their owne countrymen and often tymes haue so done both in Ingland other wher when they haue bin offended or vvhen seditious heades haue offred themselues to leade them to like tumults so that of this they say litle argument can be made The like in effect they do answere to the examples before alleaged of the Grecian Philosophers and orators that were so earnest against strangers And first to Aristotle they say that in his politiques he neuer handled expresly this our question and consequently weyghed not the reasons on both sides and so left it neither decided nor impugned and he that vvas master to Alexander that had so many forraine countryes vnder him could not wel condemne the same and as for Demosthenes no maruaile though he were so earnest against king Phillip of Macedonia his entry vppon the citties of Greece both for that he was wel feede on the one side by the king of Asia as al authors do affirme to the end he should set Athens and other Grecian citties against king Phillip as also for that his owne common wealth of Athens vvas gouerned by populer gouerment wherin himselfe held stil the greatest svvaye by force of his tonge with the people and if any king or Monarch of what nation soeuer should haue come to commaund ouer them as Phillipps sonne king Alexander the great did soone after Demosthenes should haue had lesse authority as he had for that presently he was banished and so continued all the tyme that Alexander lived But if vve do consider how this state of the Athenians passed afterward vnder the great monarchy of Alexander and other his followers in respect that it did before when it liued in libertye and vnder their owne gouerment only he shal finde their state much more quiet prosperous and happie vnder the commandement of a strainger then vnder their owne by whom they vvere continually tossed and turmoyled with bralles emulations and seditions and oftentymes tirannized by their owne people as the bluddy contentions of their Captaines Aristides Themistocles Alcibiades Pericles Nicias and others do declare and as it is euident amonge other thinges by their wicked lavv of Ostracismus which vvas to banish for ten yeares vvhosoeuer were eminent or of more vvisdome vvealth valour lerning or authority among them then the rest albeit he had committed no crime or fault at al. And finally their hauing of thirtie most horrible and bloody tyrants at one time in their citye of Athens in steede of one gouernour dothe euidently declare the same saye these men and do make manifest how vaine and foolish an imagination it was that vexed them how to auoyd the gouerment of straingers seing that no strainge gouernour in the vvorld vvould euer haue vsed them as they vsed themselues or so afflict them as they afflicted themselues To the obiection out of Deutronomy vvhet God appoynted the Iewes to chuse a king only of their owne nation these men do answere that this was at that tyme when no nation besides the Iewes had true religion amonge them which pointe of religion the Ciuilian hath wel declared before in his last discourse to be the cheifest and highest thing that is to be respected in the admission of any magestrate for that it concerneth the true and highest ende of a common vvealth and of al humane society and for that the Gentiles had not this ornament of true religion but were al destitute generally therof the Iewes were forbidden 〈◊〉 only to choose a king of the Gentiles 〈◊〉 might peruert and corrupt them but also 〈◊〉 companie conuerse or eate and drinke vvith them and this vvas then but yet aftervvard vvhen Christ himselfe came into the vvorld and opened his church both to Iew and gentile he tooke away this restraynte so as now al Christian nations are alike for so much as apperteyneth vnto gouerment And cōsequently to a good and wise Christian man void of passion and fonde affection it litle importeth as often before hath bin said of vvhat country nation or linage his gouernour be so he gouerne wel and haue the partes before required of pietie religion iustice manhoode and other the like requisite to his dignitie degree and charge by which partes and vertues only his subiects are to receaue benefits and not by his country generation linage or kynred and this is so much as I haue to say at this ryme about this affaire OF CERTAYNE OTHER SECONDARY AND COLLATERAL LINES AND how extreme doubt-ful all these pretences be and which of al these pretendors are most like to preuaile in the end to get the crowne of Ingland CAP. X. AFter the lawyer had ended his discourse about forraine gouerment he seemed to be somwhat wearied and said he vvould passe no further in this affaire for that he had nothing els to saye but only to note vnto them that besides these principal titlers of the fiue houses mentioned of Scotland Suffolke Clarence Britanie and Portugal their were other secondary houses and lines also issued out of the houses of Lancaster and Yorke as also of Glocester Buckingam and some other as may appeare by the genealogies set downe before in the 2. and 3. chaptres of which lines sayd he their may be perhapps consideration had also by the common wealth when tyme shal come of choise or admission the matter standing so as the Ciuilian hath largly declared shewed before which is that vppon such iust occasions as these are the common vvealth may consult what is best to be done for her good and preseruation in admittinge this or that pretender seing that this is the end why al gouerment was ordeyned to benefite the publique And for so muche as their is such variety of persons pretendēts or that may pretend in the fiue houses alredy named as before hath byn declared which persons at least do make some dosen more or lesse and that besides these their want not others also of secondary houses as is euident as vvell by the former discourse as also by the arbor that of these matters is to be seen the lawyer turned
therof but rather of Arbella whom the Lord Treasoreris sayd especially to fauour at this present though for himselfe it be held somvvhat doubtful whether he be more fast to the protestant or to the puritan but if the protestant partye should be deuided then their forces wil be the lesse The authority of her maiestie is that which at this present ouer beareth al whē that shal fayle no man knoweth what the euent vvilbe for that now mens hartes are hardly descerned There forrayne frends and allies are of good number especially if the king of France proceed well in his affayres and do not in deede change his religion as he pretendeth that he wil but yet if the puritan do stande against them he is like to pull much from them both in France and Holland and as for Scotland it must needes be agaynst them both and this in respect of his owne pretence except the same be fauoured by them I meane by these two factions in Ingland which is hardly thought that any of them both wil do for the reasons before alleaged though some more hope may be that way of the puritan then of the protestant by reason of the said kings neernes to them in religion The puritan is more generally fauoured through-out the realme with al those vvhich are not of the Roman religion then is the protestant vppon a certayne general perswasion that his profession is the more perfect especially in great townes where preachers haue made more impression in the artificers and burgesses then in the country people And among the protestants themselues al those that are lesse interessed in Ecclesiastical liuings or other preferments depending of the state are more affected commonly to the puritans or easily are to be induced to passe that way for the same reason The person most fauoured by the puritans hitherto in common voice and opinion of men hath bin the earle of Huntington some speech of late of some diminution therin and that the Lord Beacham since his marriage hath entred more in affection with them The king of Scotts no doubt if he were not a strainger and had not the difficulties before mentioned were for his religion also very plausible I do not heare that the earle of Darby or his mother is much forward with these or with the protestant though of the later sort some are snpposed to vvish them vvell The frendes allies of the puritan abroade are the same that are of the Protestant to wit those of Holland and Zealand and such townes of France as follow the new king and ioyntly haue chainged their religion which are not many for that his greatest forces are yet those of the Roman Religion but yet if the sayd king preuaile and perseuer in his religion which of late as I haue sayde is called in doubt by his often protestations to the contrary and open going to masse then wil he be able to giue good assistance thoughe both these countryes I meane both Holland and France are liker in some mens opinions to assist the puritan then the protestant if the matter come in difference betweene them for that in truth they are more conforme to the puritan religion And as for the German citties that kepe yet and follow the particuler forme of Luther in religion they are like to do little for either partye both for their difference from both partyes in religion and for that they are poore for the most part and not actiue nor prouided to giue succur abroad except they be drawne thervnto by force of money The Puritan parte at home in Ingland is thought to be most vigorouse of any other that is to say most ardent quick bold resolute and to haue a great part of the best Captaines and souldiers on their side which is a pointe of no smal moment Greatly wil import among other poyntes which waye inclineth the cittye of London with the tower wherof the puritan as is sayde wanteth not his probability as neither doth he of some good part if not more of the nauy to be at his deuotion which point perhapps at that day vvilbe of as greate consequence as any thing els so much of him The third body of religion which are those of the Roman who cal thēselues Catholiques is the least in shew at this present by reason of the lawes and tydes of the tyme that runne agaynst them but yet are they of no smal consideration in this affaire to him that weigheth thinges indifferently and this in respect as wel of their partye at home as of their frends abroade for at home they being of two sortes as the vvorld knoweth the one more open that discouer themselues which are the recusants and the other more close and priuy that accommodate themselues to al external proceedings of the tyme and state so as they cannot be knowne or at least wise not much touched we may imagine that their nūber is not smal throughout the realme and this partly for the reason I mentioned before in that the most part of the country people that liue out of cittyes and great townes in which the greatest part of Inglish forces are wont to consist are much affected ordinarily to their religion by reason that preachers of the contrarie religion are not so frequent with them as in townes and partly also for that with these kinde of men as with them that are most afflicted and held downe at this tyme by the present state many other do ioyne as the manner is omnes qui amaro animo sunt cum illis se coniungunt as the scripture sayd of those that followed Dauids retinew pursued by Saul and his forces which is to say that al that be offended greued or any way discontented with the present tyme be they of what religion soeuer do easely ioyne with these men according to the old saying Solatium est miseris socios habere miseriae besides that their is euer lightly a certaine natural cōpassion that followeth in men towards those that are thought to suffer or be pursued and this oftentymes in the very enimye himselfe and then of compassion springeth as you know affection and of affection desire to helpe as contrary wise do rise commonly the contrary effects to vvitt emulation enuy and indignation against the prosperity of him that pursueth and is in prosperitie And for that in so great and populous a realme and large a gouerment as this of her maiestie hath byn there cannot want to be many of these kinde of discōtented mē asalso for that naturally many are desirous of changes it cannot be supposed but that the number of this sorte is great which maketh this party far the bigger Moreouer it is noted that the much dealing with these men or rather against them this especially in matters of their religion for these later yeares past hath much stirred them vp as also the like is to be