Civitates evertit destruxit solo adaequavit quot Provincias vastavit quot Regna depredatum est quantum denique innocentis sanguinis prosundere non dubitavit dicat hoc Gallia dicat Belgium dicat Scotia dicat etiam vestra haec Anglia Siquidem omnis illa tyrannis barbarics crudelitas saevitia quae hodie apud vos obtinet aliud nihil sunt quam vestri Evangelii fructuâ— Quibus ita constitutis Evangelium adhue vestrum Deo attribuere ad illum reserre audetis Potestne blasphemia major ista reperiri Pet. Ribad Appendix sive Lib. 4. ad Nicol. Sanders de Schismate Angl. cap 17. You may see the same also in his Spanish Hist Ecclesiastica del Schisma del Reyno de Inglaterra lib. 3. cap. 17. Lying Perjury Deceipt Flattery Hypocrisie Tyranny Sedition Destruction Murther and what not is nothing but the fruit and result of our Religion upon which the man wonders how we dare intitle it to God or Christ but never remembers the treasonable Principles of himself and his Brethren with the Practices of his Church Jacobus Gretser another of the same stamp will have our Religion not onely to be the off spring but also the b Sectam vestram Martis Bellonae esse filiam parentem clarius est quam ut sine impudentia negare possis loquatur Gallia utraque Germania Anglia Scotia Jac. Grets Apol. pro vita Ignat. Loyolae lib. 3. pag. 475. Mother of War and Sedition to deny which he looketh upon as a grand piece of Impudence And c Ubique seditiones tumultus praetextu Religionis movent ubique jugum Principum quantum possunt excutiuâ—t sibi omnem gubernationem vindicant Discussio Decreti Magni Concilii Lateran pag. 129. Leonardus Lessius of the same Order but disguised under the false name of Guilielmus Singletonus is much of the same opinion and we need not doubt but these men speak the sentiment of their whole Order But to come neerer home No sooner was King James setled in the Kingdom here but the English Romanists drew up a d 1604. pag. 7 Supplication to his Majesty and the Parliament in which they do not a little vaunt of the loyalty of their Religion in these words The Catholick Subject is if any other the Glory strength and perpetuity of the Kingdom because he principally seeking Heaven in this world and will not for the world be diverted cannot be treacherous or disloyal or undutiful to your Highness but in every service and distress occurring valiant resolute and most faithful and all these fair words were to the same King and Parliament whose destruction they intended and had at that time contrived it Towards the latter end of the said King James his Reign Prince Charles was sent a wooing into Spain at which time the Romanists were fill'd with hopes though upon no certain grounds of the Conversion of the Prince a Free Toleration of their Religion or rather that the whole Kingdom would be at their Devotion As a preparative to this grand Expectation Father Pateson drew up a Book under the Title of Jerusalem and Babel or The Image of both Churches collected mostly out of the Answers to Anti-coton and Brerely This Treatise he dedicateth to the Prince the main designe being to vindicate the Popish Loyalty and to declare the Protestants to be absolute Rebels For proof of which he boldly affirms a Pag 347. Editionis Lond. 1653. Now it is manifest that in the short space of her Reign viz. of Queen Mary of England which was not much above five years she had more open Rebellions and Insurrections made agâ—inst her from such of her Subjects as were not well-affected unto her Religion then Queen Elizabeth had from Catholicks in full forty and five c. And to testifie farther what loyal people they were to Queen Elizaheth let Pope Spain or any other confederate against her never so much thus the same Penman taketh upon him the confidence to testifie b Pag. 491. Among so many Priests as by that time there were both in England and beyond the Seas and in so long a time as this pretended Confederacie was in framing when Spies and Intelligences were many and well paid by the State was there so much as one Priest nominated and accused to have been so corrupted or induced any way by these Princes or their Ministers to practice ought to the prejudice of their Country was there any one apprehended or convicted of such a Treason was there ever any subject of England call'd in Question for entertaining Priests that were sought after upon that account In a word when the Spanish Armado was under sail for England was there so much as one Priest or Seminary-man found or known to be in it Or at any time since discover'd to have been imploy'd in that service And lastly thus the same man characters the two Religions The c Pag. 560. Catholicks seek onely by way of Petition Supplication Prayer and humble Remonstrating of their sufferances the other viz. Protestants seek chiefly by Fire and Sword and Cannon-Bullet and by thundring of Ordnance With these Arguments or Weapons did Pateson endeavour to force the Prince from his Religion but they were too weak and blunt against such a noble and knowing Champion yet when he was in Spain he is there assaulted again and that by no less man then Zacharias Boverius the old Cappuchine who wrote a Folio Book call'd Orthodoxa Consultatio and dedicated it to the said Prince where he endeavours by might and main to bring a dislikeing in Prince Charles to the Church of England by hinting to him the Divisions of it as if forsooth the Romanists agreed in all things He would also perswade him to turn Romanist one of his encouragements being that the Pope can d Ortho. Coâ—sult part 2. Reg. 6. p. 286. Depose Kings a very excellent complementive Argument to convert a man out of his Rights and Dominions But this e Caeterum si Reges â—e oves esle aegre serent ac luporum more Ecclesiasticum Potestatem invadant sciant profecto eam potestatem Pontifici totius Ecclesiae Pastori à Christo esse collatam quae veâ—o Pâ—stori adveâ—sus Lupos gregâ—s vastatores ipso naturali jure permissa est nimitum ut Lupos à grege arceant Id enim postulat commissa sibi à Christo Dominici gregts cura qua Ecclesiae conservationi sedulo invigilare debet ut Lupos gregem invadences expellat ac modis omnibus Ecclesiasticae Reipub. utilitati atque incolumitati consulaâ— Praestat namque Principem à grege expelli quam gregem totum corruete Zach. Bover Demonstrationes Symbolorum verae falsae Religionis Tom. 2. Art 5. pag. 150. Doctrine Boverius had taught in his former Writings from which his Orthodoxa Consultatio if a man may be a Plagiary to himself is stoln for the nonce Dr. Benjamin Carier having plaid
the Turn-coat would gladly perswade King James to change too undertaking to make him believe that true Policie would really oblige his Majestie to it thus a Letter to King James vid. Dr. George Hakewell's Answer to it pag. 94. B. C. The first reason of my hope that Catholick Religion should be most available for the honour and securitie of your Majestie and your Children is taken from the consideration of your Subjects which can be kept in obedience to God and to their King by no other Religion i. e. then Popery But somewhat after he confesseth that there may be some few Romish Traytors but with this difference b Ib. pag. 102 103. It is certain there be Traytors against God and Man of all Religions and Catholicks as they are the best Subjects so when they fall to it they are the worst Traytors But if we look upon Examples or consider Reasons the Catholick is the onelie Religion which as it doth duely subordinate Kings unto God so doth it effectually binde subjects to perform all lawful obedience unto their Kings Another Runaway viz. Dr. Thomas Baily is very zealous for the loyalty of the Romanists and yet at the same time bravely tells us what good Subjects the Romanists were to Oliver Cromwell whereas the other people of England were against him but take his own words c Dâ— Baily's life of Bishop Fisher p. 179. Where should a man finde better Subjects i e. then Romanists and yet these are the men who have been traduced all along as inconsistant with politick Government And why should the same loyaltie be suspected at any time still to remain within the same breasts since that their Religion Laws both Civil and Ecclesiastical Custom Provision for the future present Practice Oaths and Protestations all along evermore obliging them to such Obedience especiallie whereas at this present all other Sorts and Sects of Christian Religion excepting those who are for all Sorts and Sects appear against this d 1655. present Government like Aries Scorpio Leo Sagittarius c. as if they would all and everie one of them wound each part and member of this bodie politick the Roman Catholicks like Pisces the emblem of the Fisherman are contented to remain quiet under foot A little after he renews the former comparison betwixt Queen Mary's and Queen Elizabeth's Reign thus e Id. pag. 183. 184. It is most notoriouslie evident that there were more open Rebellions during the five years of her short Government then during the four and fortie years of her late Majesties after Reign But Bailie need not talk much of Loyalty either to Kings or Queens since nothing liketh him so much as a Protector whom he hopes considering his vertuous actions will be no small friend to the Loyal Romanists and so alluding to Henry VIII his Cromwell he goeth on and tells us of his hopeful Oliver f Id. pag. 260. And who knows but that it i e. the Restoration of the Roman Religion may be effected by the same NAME And then observing that the then Pope Innocent X had as part of his Arms a Dove with an Olive-branch in her mouth he thus proceeds with his Worshipful hopes and comparisons between that Olive and his Oliver g Id. pag. 260 261. Oliva vera is not so hard to be Constru'd Oliverus as that it may not be believed that a Prophet rather then a Herald gave the Common Father of Christendom the now Pope of Rome Innocent the Tenth such Ensignes of his Nobilitie viz. a Dove holding an Olive-branch in her mouth since it falls short in nothing of being both a Prophesie and fulfilled but onely his h Oliver Cromwell Highness running into her Arms whose Emblem of Innocence bears him alreadie in her mouth Thus you see his hopes of Cromwell yet the same man can a His end to Controversie in his Epistle or Preface tell the world that the Beheading Banishment and other Miseries of our late Kings was a just judgement of God upon them because they were not of the Popes Religion But a great deal more might be said of this man but enough at this time if not too much One tells us that the effects of Protestant Religion in all Countries is b W. W. The Catholick Doctrine of Transubsiant pag 115. Licentious Libertie Rebellion and other horrid Vices and this is argued to the Lady to have a care of our Religion and to imbrace that of Rome as if they were all good people and never taught Rebellion yet it may be he will not allow the deposing of Kings to be Rebellion or Treason Another desiring of the bloudy and murdering Rump or the Remnant of the wicked long Parliament that the Papists might have a freedom or liberty for their Religion amongst others is pleas'd to give this encouraging Reason c The Christian Moderator part 2. p. 7 I am confident they will neither be such fools as to forfeit their Libertie nor so ungrateful to forget them that gave it since out of all our Histories not one Example can be assigned that they ever offer'd to move the least sedition in a time when they enjoyed but half the Liberties of Free born Englishmen And it is a wonder to see how this man doth magnifie the Rump and d Id. p. 12 29. declareth that most of the Romanists who seem'd to be of the old Kings side onely fled to his Garrisons for shelter and not to take up Arms to offend the Parliament I shall here say no more of him but that he calls the Rump the e Id. pag. 38. Renowned Parliament for delivering us from the Tyranny and Oppression of the Prelates And indeed our Reverend Bishops and their Clergy were the onely men that the Romanists stood in aw of the Ignorant Phanatick wanting Learning to cope with such penmen But to come yet neerer our present time since the happy Restauration of his Majesty there came into the World a Book under the Title of Philanax Anglicus who was the Author of it I know not but this I can tell the Reader that be who he will he was an arrant Plagiary it being all stoln out of Pateson's Image of both Churches The Publisher calls himself Thomas Bellamy but upon enquiry there is no such man found but f Annal. anno 1586. Cambden will tell him of two of that name Jerome Bellamy hang'd for Treason and his Brother hang'd himself to avoid publick Execution This pretended Fair-friend would make the world believe that g Phil. Angl. pag. 71. It is plain that in the poor five years of her viz. Queen Maries Reign there was de facto more open and violent Opposition and Rebellion made by her own Subjects then Queen Elizabeth had in fortie five years or any Prince before or since the Wickliffian Doctrine Thus what one boldly affirmeth others as ignorantly believe which is too common with such people whose designe is not
publicari inibi affigi per aliquod temporis spatium affixas dimitti eisque postmodum inde detractis earum exempla in eisdem locis pariter affixa relinqui mandamus Decernentes ut earundem literarum publicatio sic facta tam contra eundem Henricum Regem quam alios in praemissis conscios complices fautores defensores receptores ad eos qui consilium auxilium opem operam custodiam ministerium praebuerunt tulerunt praestiterunt supradictos eorum quemlibet perinde arctet afficiat ac si literae ipsae eis vel eorum singulis personaliter lectae intimatae insinuatae fuissent cum non sit verisimile ea quae tam patenter publice facta fuerint ipsos posse quomodolibet ignorare Quia vero difficile foret praesentes literas ad singula loca deferri ad quae oporteret VOLUMUS ut earum transcriptis etiam impressis manu publici Notarii subscriptis sigillo personae in dignitate Ecclesiastica constitutae obsignatis eadem prorsus fides ubique gentium locorum in judicio extra illud adhibeatur quae eisdem originalibus adhibeatur si essent exhibita vel ostensa Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostrae Hortationis Monitionum Requisitionum Praecepti Mandatorum Pronuntiationis Declarationum Denunciationis Citationis Praefixionis Assignationis Decretorum Derogationis Voluntatis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit Indignationem Omnipotentis Dei ac beatorum Petri Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum anno Incarnationis Dominicae MDLXXXIX tertio nonas Maii Pontificatus nostri anno quinto A. de Alexiis M. Vestrius Barbianus And so wonderfully powerful was this Bull against Henry and his De justa abdie Hen. III. l. 4. c. 14. p. 418. well-wishers that they tell us by way of Miracle how one at Venice but offering to speak in behalf of the King sunk presently down and no sooner was carried home but he died CHAP. VI. King Henry III. murdered by Friar Clement The Pope's Speech in Commendation of the Murder THe King as aforesaid being not a little perplext at the late Papal Monitory Bull R. de Beaune the Archbishop of Bourges endeavoured to comfort him by suggesting that the Pope would alter his mind when he better understood the bad Designs of the League To whom the King after a deep sigh replied He thought it very hard that he who had ever fought and laboured for Religion should be rashly Excommunicated because he would not suffer his own throat to be cut by his rebell-Rebell-Subjects since those who had * Emperor Charles V. bâ— his General Lewis de Bourbon anno 1527. sack'd Rome and kept the Pope himself prisoner had never been Excommunicated But the King of Navarre then present gave him the best counsel and comfort by his Answer But they were Victorious Sir Let your Majesty endeavour to conquer and be assur'd the Censures shall be revok'd but if we be overcome we shall all die condemn'd Hereticks Accordingly it was resolved to augment their Army as much as they could to lay siege to Paris the Head of the Leaguers which obtain'd would make all the Kingdom submit and the design of that siege would draw multitude of Souldiers and Adventurers in hopes of good plunder In short what by the joyning of the two Kings Armies by the coming in of the Swisses rais'd by Monsieur de Sancy to the Forces of the Duke of Longueville and other daily Additions and Voluntiers the King presently found himself at the head of above forty thousand fighting men With this strength he presently besiegeth Paris which was such a cooler to the Leaguers what by the sickleness and cowardise of the people then as usually happens to such great Cities what by the scarcity of Victuals the not sufficient number of Souldiers nor Pay to encourage them with their stubbornness and threats to quit the Service if not presently paid and victuall'd with these Inconveniences I say the People and Souldiers were so disheartened that they were even ready to revolt but that the Priests and Friars affoarded them much encouragement not only by their example in taking up Arms themselves but also by their Seditious Preachments which usually worketh very much upon the ignorant and can countenance Knaves and Rebels to act for their Interest that is to do any wickedness and villany whatever And lest any badge of Royalty should remain to put them in mind of their Loyalty and Allegeance the Cordeliers struck out the Head of the Figure of Jâ—urnal the King which was painted kneeling before the High Altar of their Church the Jacobins also defac'd the Kings Picture in their Cloysters But nothing did more persuade the people from a Revolt then the assurance which the Priests and other chief Leaguers gave them that they should be freed from their Enemies within a few days in hopes of which the Citizens were more active in opposition though they understood not the means of such a delivery In the mean time the Council of Sixteen with some other Chieftains consult their deliverance the plot is not long finding out for there then living in Paris one Jaques Clement a Friar of the Order of St. Dominick commonly call'd Jacobins one very ignorant and so more sturdy bold and apt for any wickedness of which he was more capable by his extravagant Davila p. 815 816 817 857. And Favyn Hâ—st de Navarre p. 949. Hist des derniers troubles d France l. 5. fol. 6. Satyre Menip p. 125 126 127. Laurence bocuhel Hist de l. justiâ—â— criminelle de France tit 11. ch 12. Zele and not a little augmented by the daily Preachments he had heard against the King Thus puff'd up they us'd to call him Captain Clement and thus determin'd he confesseth that he is boldly inspir'd to kill the King The Father to whom he confest it imparted it to Edmond Bourgain Prior of the Covent of Jacobins and one of the chief Counsellours of the League who bid Clement consider whether it might not be a temptation of the Devil and so that he should fast and pray begging of God to enlighten him what to do A little after Friar Clement returneth telling them that he now found himself strengthened and confirm'd for the deed upon which they encourage and engage him to it telling him that he shall be well recompenced for the fact if he die he shall surely fly to Heaven as a Saint and be enrolled amongst the Roman Martyrs on Earth but if he live he and his shall be provided for that he shall have a Bishoprick if not a Cardinalship And that Ant. Câ—lâ—net p. â—03 there might be some hopes of his life 't is said that the Dutchess of Montpensier and others assur'd him that there were many Leaguers and their partakers in the
Boâ—aventure Aâ—â—inus Perron c. rather say that these with your other chiefest Doctors Divines School-men Canonists Lawyers with your grat est Scholars and Writers have belyed and slander'd you and your Religion rather then I who am onely the Instrument to convey to you the Words sentiments and belief of these your grave Oracles leaving at your own discretion either to approve or reject them For if you doubt or question the truth of this Assertion According to the Church of Rome Kings may justly and lawfully be deposed it being nothing to the purpose which way or by what knavish distinction The true-blew Romanists will positively assure you that it is a truth so certain that not so much as any one do make any doubt of it For as saith Bellarmine It is agreed on by all Nor amongst the School-men is there any Controversie about it nor can they shew one Catholick Author against it And to say that Kings may be deposed is a golden sentence and this is not a meer Opinion but a certain truth amongst all Catholicks And that this may be justly done none but a Madman will deny Decianus saith that it is the true and common Opinion so that Germonius affirmeth that it is madness not to believe it It is now evident and conspicuous to all says Mancinus and Capistranus Botero would have us believe that it is ridiculous to think otherwise or as Gretser saith to deny this King-deposing Doctrine as the same to deny the Catholick faith And this he repeats over and over again that he might be the better believed and offers at some reason for it too which he need not have troubled himself with to have convinced King James seeing his Majestie would easily believe him if by the Catholick Faith he meant the Roman Religion as we need not question but that he did In behalf and vindication of Allegiance in King James his time was here publish'd by Authority a little Book call'd God and the King In opposition to this Tract is another Dialogue printed by the Romanists beyond Seas and also call'd Deus Rex wherein is affirm'd that this King-deposing Doctrine is doubtless the suffrage of all men Gregorius Nunnius Coronel telleth us that if we should read all the Ancient and Modern Divines and Lawyers we shall finde that they do unanimously affirm this Doctrine and those who think otherwise are not onely far from truth but madmen If you ask Cardinal Perron of this thing he will tell you that it was always the judgement of the Roman Church that all Magistrates and Divines maintain'd the same and to believe the contrary would make them Schismaticks and Hereticks or else the Church must have fail'd and so the Pope not to have been Christs Vicar but a perfect Heretick and Antichrist If you advise with Adolphus Schulckenius Vicar-General of Colen he will plainly tell you that it is the judgement of all their Divines Lawyers Councils and Popes that he is no good Catholick that denyeth it which cannot be opposed without great rashness and blasphemy and no less man then Cardinal Allen assureth the Catholicks that by maintaining this Principle they are no Traytors nor hold Assertions Treasonable false or undutiful His friend Father Parsons saith that it is asserted and taught in all the Schools both of their Divines and their Lawyers and that the Doctrine is certain and must be believed as an Article And again that it is the most certain undoubted Common Judgement of all the learned Catholicks And in another of his Books thus he assures his good Romanists All Catholick Subjects also of other Countries do hold and acknowledge this Doctrine If this Doctrine be not true Sanctarellus will have the Church to erre and Suarez affirms that it is as certain as it is certain that the Church cannot erre That to believe otherwise is against Ecclesiastical Custom the practice and agreement of the General Councils against the opinion of all learned Catholicks â—nd against reason it self Nay in short that to believe the contrary is downright and flat Heresie as several of them tell us Carerius calls it the very Heresie of Calvin and suchlike Hereticks meaning in not allowing the Pope to have power to depose Kings and Solarzanus testifieth the same with this addition that it hath been formerly condemn'd as Heretical No less man then Leonardus Lessius though under the disguise of Singletonus tells us that to think that Kings may not be depos'd is expresly against the great Lateran Council whence he makes these following Conclusions and the same method and arguments are also used and approved of by Cardinal Bellarmine I. If Kings may not be deposed then of necessity must that General Council of Lateran have erred and not onely this but also that of Lyon that of Vienna that of Constance c. nay that the very Council of Trent it self must also have erred and also not onely these his General Councils but also several Provincial ones II. If this King-deposing Doctrine be not true then must the Popes themselves also be fallible for then must Gregory VII have erred Vrban II have erred and so must also Gregory IX III. If this Principle be not true then must also the Church it self have erred for many Ages nay farther to have erred willingly or maliciously with a designe or on purpose And that Hell hath prevail'd against the Church and so the Roman Church not to be a true Church nor the Church of Christ IV. And if the Church Councils Popes have erred in this they may also erre in other Articles as the Sacraments Trinity Incarnation c. and that with greater ease and facility whereby Christ must be a Deceiver and so we may suspect the whole Christian faith it self Thus you see the judgement of their so much cryed up holy Lessius who farther assures us that to deny this Doctrine is the meer cunning and instigation of the Devil Again That there is scarce any Article in the Christian Religion the denying of which is more dangerous to the Church then this Doctrine Again That it is more pernicious and intolerable then to erre concerning the Sacraments And to conclude with him he at last conjures all that call themselves Catholicks upon their Salvation to have a care how they deny this For as Coquaeus will tell you this King-deposing Doctrine is agreeable to the holy Scriptures and the Rules of Christ Another assures us that to doubt of the truth of it would seem not onely to oppugn the verity of the Christian Faith but to savour of perfect Heathenism But not to trouble my self or Reader with their zeal and resolution in defence of this King-deposing Doctrine in which I might be endless I shall tell you that no less man then our Cardinal Allen declares his judgement in these very words God had not sufficiently provided for our Salvation and the preservation of the Church and Holy Laws if there were no way to deprive
Defender of the Faith When I finde you refuse the Oath of Allegiance one reason being because it will not allow the Pope to have a true right and authority to depose Kings and to absolve subjects of their Oaths of Allegiance When I finde you in your very b Image of both Churches pag. 171 172. Apologies for your selves confess the Romanists to be but conditional Subjects i. e. onely to one of your own perswasion in Religion as is farther proved all along in this History that Heretical Kings may be depos'd When I finde you in your late c Vid. The Roman Clergy of Irelands Remonstr before P. Welsh's more ample Account Remonstrance and Petition to his present sacred Majesty King Charles II. come off so bluntly in relation to his Majesties life and your own loyalty in these really insignificant yet too much significant words And we do hold it impious and against the Word of God to maintain that ANY PRIVATE SUBJECT MAY KILL or MURTHER the ANOYNTED of God HIS PRINCE though of a different belief and Religion And what will they have to be the meaning of these idle words though they will not have a Ravaillac to kill a King will they allow of an English Rump or a French League to order the same though they will not allow a private person will they think it legal if done by a Representative a Popular Convention or the three Estates But a word is enough to the wise and 't is dangerous sometimes to speak too plain When I finde your selves confess that even since the happy Restauration of his Majestie d P. Welsh more ample Accompt pag. 32. Some of you have given sufficient demonstrations of their failing in the duty of good Subjects and that some of your Tenents have been e Id. p. 43 44. inconsistent and injurious to good Government And yet for all this to take upon you the confidence of declaring to the world your innocencie and loyalty and that Treason and Sedition are onely the Principles of us English Hereticks the Puritan and Phanatick I grant are as wicked as your heart could wish for so you are pleas'd to nominate all those who are true sons of the Church of England Upon these slanders in respect of this Church I could not but think my self obliged to shew to the world where as to this case the truth is and in so doing shew my self a dutiful son in vindicating his Mother A Church famous for her Loyalty and Sufferings not one of her Constitutions intrenching upon the Crown nor any of her sons faithless or rebellious to his Prince whereas that of Rome by her Popes Bulls Constitutions Pen-men and Sword-men have destroy'd Nations harras'd Kingdoms Dethron'd Emperours Depos'd and Murdred Princes trampled upon Crowns and Scepters In a word hath declared f Illos quod bella civilia abhorrerent à nobis Imperio deficere nollent crimen laesae Majestatis scelus perfidiae admittere recusarent Haeresios nota inussit Jo. Aventiâ— Annal. Boiorum lib. 7. pag. 613. Loyalty a Crime Treason a signe of true Roman Religion look'd upon her self as the Supreme Judge of the world in all cases usurp'd a power to dispose of all Dominions to dethrone Monarchs and absolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance Some may fancie a Surata 76. Edit lat 1550. or Surat 66. Mahomet in his Alcoran the first absolver of Oaths and that Pope Zachary presently after put it in practice against Childeric King of France But letting this pass we have it from good Authority that there were formerly a Sect amongst the Turks call'd Assasini whence we say to Assassinate they lived in the Mountains of Phoenicia towards Tyre their Government and chiefest Laws were Mat. Paris pag. 83. Hen. Spelman glossaâ—ium § Assasini these Their Governour or Master was not Hereditary but Elective He under the Notion of Humility as if he would be onely the servant of servants refused all lofty Titles being onely call'd the Old man of the Mountains Was honour'd and worship'd as Vicar to Mahomet and so their Father and Prophet They pretended to be such exact Observers of their Turkish or Mahometan Laws that all other seem'd but as meer cheats or Non-conformists in respect of them They were led with that Blinde Obedience that they never question'd their Masters command be the action never so dangerous difficult or wicked they never left off till it was finish'd Any Prince whom they either hated or thought to be no friend to them or their party upon the least hint they would Murther though they were sure to suffer for it Whosoever murther'd a Prince that was not of their Religion they believed him to have the second place next to Mahomet in Paradise For they also believed that the Old man their Head and Prophet could also dispose of Paradise 'T is said that this Sect was long ago destroy'd by the Tartars and whether any who call themselves Christians have espous'd their Tenents I shall not say But to return As for the Pope though the Pagan King of Peru might call him a b Hier. Benzo Hist Nov orbis lâ—b 3. cap. 3 great impudent fool though the great Turk might call him the c Jo. Gerhard loc Theolog. Tom. 5. de Ecclesia § 294. King of Fools or though Marbizan the Mahometan might term Pius Il's Bulls onely d Hist impressa ante Alcoran Edit lat 1550. p. 99. Epigrams yet it may seem to go hard when those he pretends to be his own sons should shew no more respect to him as when Philip King of France call'd him Your Foolishness and the Emperour Maximilian I should say he was onely e Discours d'un Bourgeois de Paris sur les Pouvoirs de Cardinal Chigi legat en France p. 80. King of Fools But methinks Sancho Brother to the King of Arragon if my Author mistake not another onely saith Spain was most ingeniously even with his Holiness and bit the closer by seeming to do him Lâ—uys Garan le chasse Ennuy-Cent 2. § 3. the greater honour the story in brief thus Pope Adrian IV supposing he had Authority to dispose of all Kingdoms in the world gave to the former Sanctius the Land of Aegypt then in Possession of the Sarazens yet he should have it if he would take but the small pains to conquer it and accordingly at Rome proclaims him King of Egypt so bountiful and noble was this English Breakspear Sancho informed of this would not be behinde-hand with his Holiness in courtesie and so very gravely proclaimed the Pope to be Caliph of Bandas which he might also conquer and possess if he pleas'd Yet others there are as may be seen in this following Treatise who are more wide on the other side and will be satisfied with nothing but I know not what strange Almighty Faculties Authorities and Blessings adhering to the Pope As if they were related to George the Suffragan of
a Apologia pag. 24. Opinion of all Divines both Ancient and Modern of all Catholick Lawyers of Oecumenical Councils and Popes and that in this there is no b Id. P. 26. disagreement amongst them this power being c Id. P. 59. given to the Pope by God and he cannot be held a Catholick that is against it For not one d Id. P. 128. Catholick Author can be brought out who expresly denyeth it nor can any e Id. P. 163. Reason be brought against this Authority of the Pope And that Zacharias did not well when he deposed honest Childerick King of France cannot be said f Id. P. 596. without great rashness and Blasphemy Another there is somewhat voluminous in this point and of the more note because a French-man and a great favourite both there and in Italy and this is Leonardus Coquaeus a Mendicant Augustine Fryar who in Opposition to King James saith that the g Hâ—bâ—t authoritatem excommunicandâ— coercendi proscribendi Reges haeâ—eâ—â—cos ovili Christi pernicâ—osos Lâ—m. Coq Examen praefat Monit pag. 103. Pope cannot onely Excommunicate bridle or punish Kings but also turn them out of their Kingdoms And to make this more convincing in another place he h Id. Pag. 142 143. endeavours to prove by Example that this hath been done Nor is this any i Id. P. 49. usurp'd Authority of the Pope but it is properly belonging to him for as Coquaeus saith Christ had not been careful enough of the Church and salvation of Souls if he had not left the Pope a power over Kings And in a larger k Antâ—mernaeus Tom. 1. pag 380 523. Tom. 2. p. 6 17 21 105 128. Book he harps very often in behalf of King-deposing Gregorio Servantio a Dominican and Bishop of Trevico being angry with the Venetians gives the Pope power over them and other Temporal Princes and to Se unâ— di pecorel'a divien Lupo che si mangia iniquamente con tirannide le pecorello de' suoi sudditi ò la scia entrer la peste dell'Heresia ò diventa un cane tanto timido come quel Childerico detto che non val nieâ—e potrà il Papa come vicario di Christo discacciate il Lâ—po overo sostâ—uire un altro Cane valente che custodesca la greggâ—a Escâ—l suâ— precâ—tto qualche volta non fera esseguito questo sara ce facto non de jure secondo il quale noi ragioniamo Defesa della potesta Immunita Eâ—â—â—â—s p. 68. carry on his design the more cleverly he makes a great deal of do with the common allusion that if the King from a Sheep turn Wolf and tyrannize over bis Subjects or let Heresie enter amongst them or become a timerous Dog that then the Pope may turn out the Wolf or put in a more valiant Dog And for more confirmation of this he makes use of the Canon-Law And much to the same Authority is hinted at and imply'd by a Nuova Risposta sopra le Censure di Paolo V. contra la Signoria di Venetia pag. 16. pag. 59. Giovanni Filoteo di Asti to make good the Popes power in the disposing of Kingdoms and Kings Of this humour of King-deposing is the famous Spaniard b Potest talem Principem dominio suo privare Suar. Defensio fid Cathol l. 3. c. 23. Numb 21. Franciscus Suarez And if the Pope do deprive him and give his Kingdom to another the other may c Id. Lib. 6. cap. 4. Numb 19. Si Pontifex aliis Regibus potestatem tribuat invadendi tale Regnum tunc juste fieri potest justly invade and take it And this power of the Pope over Kings he affirms to be as d Id. Lib. 3. c. 23. Numb 16. true and as certain as that the Church is infallible in Faith And to prove this I suppose was one of the main Reasons if not the chief of his e Hic est ut dixi cardo praecipuus scopus praesentis Controversia Id. L. 3. c. 23. Numb 1. writing that Folio wherein he would gladly perswade King James that he was in an f Id. Lib. 6. c. 4. Numb 22. error in denying the Popes power in deposing Kings And what was the sentiment of some of our English Priests in this case you may perceive by these following Remarks August 1. 1581. EDmond Campion being demanded whether he doth at this present acknowledge her Majesty Queen Elizabeth to be a true and lawful Queen or a pretended Queen and deprived and in possession of her Crown onely De facto He answereth That this Question depends upon the fact of Pius the Fifth whereof he is not judge and therefore refuseth further to answer Edmond Campion This was thus answered and subscribed by Edmond Campion the day and year above written in the presence of us Owyn Hopton Jo. Hammond Robert Beal Thomas Norton ALexander Briant He is content to affirm that the Queen is his Soveraign Lady But he will not affirm that she so is lawfully and ought so to be and to be obeyed by him as her Subject if the Pope declare or command the contrary And he saith That that Question is too high and dangerous for him to answer May 6. 1581. Before Owen Hopton Knight John Hammond and Thomas Norton The Examination of Ralphe Sherwin November 1580. Being askt whether the Popes Bull of deprivation of the Queen were a law sentence or no he refuseth to answer Being ask'd whether the Queen be his lawful Soveraign and so ought to continue notwithstanding any sentence that the Pope can give He doth not Answer Being again ask'd whether the Queen be his Soveraign notwithstanding any sentence that the Pope can give He prayeth to be asked no such Question as may touch his life Ralph Sherwin Novemb. 12. 1580. Articles ministred to the Seminary Priests who were in the Tower and were condemned with their Answers to the same May 13. M. D. LXXXII I. WHether the a a It deposed the Queen by Declaration and absolved her subjâ—cts from their obedience due to her Bull of Pius the Fifth against the Queens Majesty be a lawful sentence and ought to be obey'd by the Subjects of England II. Whether the Queens Majesty be a lawful Queen and ought to be obeyed by the Subjects of England notwithstanding the Bull of Pius the Fifth or any other Bull or sentence that the Pope hath pronounced or may pronounce against her Majesty III. Whether the Pope have or had power to authorize the Earls of b b Who upon the score of Religion Rebell'd against her anno 1569. Northumberland and Westmerland and other her Majesties Subjects to rebel or take Arms against her Majesty or to authorize c c Sent into Ireland by Gregory XIII to foment the Rebellion Dr. Saunders or others to invade Ireland or any other Dominions and to bear Arms against her and whether they did therein lawfully or no IV.
depose him and declare him an Enemy nay and act against his very Person too he then ceasing to be a Prince Franciscus Fenardentius one of the most furious of all the Franciscan Orders doth somewhat agree with the former as you will easily judge when you hear him speak b Conventus legitimus Ordinum tâ—â—us Regni qui ex Eccleâ—asticis Nobilibus populi selectis viris coalescit cum universi Regni Majestatem potestatem faciem referat sicut Concilium Generale Episcoporum universam representat Ecclesiam Regem Religioni populo perniciosum Tyrannum infestum potest exauthorare alium ejus loco substituere Franc. Fenard Com. in Esther pag. 87. The Parliament composed of the Clergy Nobility and Commons representing the Majesty and power of the whole Kingdom as a general Council of Bishops doth the whole Church may depose their King being a Tyrant and hurtful to Religion and the People and then may chuse another into his place To these Divines we may add an old noted Lawyer Andraeus de Isernia who tells us that to whom the Government of the Kingdom is given to the same person is also committed all things that belong to the Government whereby the people deprive themselves of all Relations to such authority c Non remansit apud Populum qui non potest revocare nisi Rex male se gereret tunc expelleret Regem Tyrannizantem sicut Tarquinium Romani Andr. de Isern Comment in usus Feudorum Tit. Quae sint Regalia V. Monetae pag. 743. Vnless the King do not govern well for then forsooth they may expel him the Nation as the Romans of old did Tarquinius Adamus Tannerus a German Jesuit of great repute in his Country both with the Emperour and other Princes yet for all the many favours received from them he must not contradict the Principles of his Order and Church and therefore he positively maintains that Kings may lawfully sometimes be deposed and because he would not seem to do any thing without Reason he thus tells you upon what goodly foundation this bad Principle stands because forsooth d Ratio est tum quia Respub uti in Principem suam potestatem contulit ita ab eodem potest ex justa causa auferre Tum quia quaeque Respub habet potestatem sibi prospiciendi de legitimo Câ—pite quale non est hic quâ— ex Pastore populi in Lupum degeneravit Ad. Tanner Theolog. Scholast Tom. 3. disp 4. Quest 8. dub 3. Num. 32 33. as the people do deliver their power up to the King so upon just account they can take it from him again and also because every Common-wealth hath the Authority to see that they have a lawful head and he who from the Pastor of the people turns to be a Wolf is no lawful Governour But now let us see the Opinion of a Scotch-man and that held one of the learnedst of his time his Divinity he got from Sorbonne but where he got his Politicks I know not unless from the practice of his Church of Rome however take it as it is a Totus populus est supra Regem in aliquo eventu potest eum exauthorare quemadmodum Romani Tarquinium superbum imperio exuerunt sed non potest de jure sine maxima evidentissima causa Jo. Major in quartum sententiarum Dist 11. Quaest 10. The people are above their King and in some cases may depose him as the Romans did Tarquin yet this they cannot do lawfully but upon urgent occasions This was a fit man to be Buchanan's Master who trod his steps to an hair in these Principles as appears by his ungrateful b De jure Regni apud Scotos Dialogue presented to King James But the Scholar had not so good esteem of his Masters skill in History as appears by the Satyrical Epigram against him though Major deserved better Cum scateat nugis solo cognomine Major G. Buchan Epigram lib. 1. pag. 337. Nec sit in immenso pagina sana libro Non mirum titulis quod se veracibus ornat Nec semper Mendax fingere Creta solet Since as he saith he 's onely Great in name And with false trifles doth his story frame No wonder that he calls himself so right Since greatest lyars sometimes truth may write But that we might not at this time think our Neighbours worse A conference about the next succession of the Crown of England Imprinted at N. with License 1594. Part. 1. cap. 2. pag. 32. Id. Pag. 36. than ourselves let 's hear an English-man speak to this case and this shall be the noted Jesuit Robert Parsons under the Visard of R. Doleman Yea not onely in this point saith he hath the Commonwealth authority to put back the next Inheritors upon lawful considerations but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession if they fulfill not the Laws and Conditions by which and for which their dignity was given them And again So yet retaineth still the Common-wealth her Authority not onely to restrain the same Prince if he be exorbitant but also to chasten and remove him upon weighty considerations In one place he seems to vapour with his Compact though I would gladly know when where by whom and how in England for that 's his drift this Agreement was and made conditional and by what Laws the people are made Judges and Punishers but let us hear the Jesuit himself speak Yea with such plain Exceptions Promises and Oaths of both Id. Cap. 4. p. 73. Parties I mean between the King and Common-wealth at the day of his admission or Coronation as if the same be not kept but wilfully broken on either part then is the other not bound to observe his Promise neither though never so solemnly made or sworn for that in all Bargains Agreements and Contracts where one Party is bound mutually and reciprocally to the other by Oath Vow or Condition there if one side go from his promise the other standeth not obliged to perform his In another place he turns the Condition into an Obligation affirming that the people not onely may but that they ought depose their Kings thus Then is the Common-wealth not onely free from all Oaths made by Id. Pag. 77 78. her of Obedience or Allegiance to such unworthy Princes but is bound moreover for saving the whole body to resist chasten and remove such evil heads if she be able And then again to weaken the succession by blood and to make an Heir-apparent but a trifle and to make the outward Ceremonies too much essential to the Office he thus in his fury gives you his Infallible Decree I must needs affirm to be most absurd base and impious that flattery Id. Cap. 5. pag. 120. before mentioned of Belloy and his Companions where he holdeth that onely succession of blood is the thing without farther approbation which maketh a King and that
France and Sister to Charles IX a Lady of excellent parts as appears by her writing though it may be truly said of her Memoires that she wrote them more to justifie her self and wipe off some stains then to inform posterity of what was true for all is not currant that she attests However it be having been married many years without either Children or Affection to her Husband she was at last divorced from him 1599 as being married against her will and to one that was then an Heretick and too near a kin to her besides the Spiritual Relation her Father Henry II. having been Godfather to her Husband and all these Nullities confirm'd and to the Divorse ratified by Clement VIII though Pope Gregory XIII had formerly dispens'd with them and approved of the Marriage But for all these pretences the truth of it was that this King naturally gave himself up to the pleasure of variety to which he wanted not many flattering promoters insomuch that some of his Dames of pleasure wanted but a litâ—â—e to fit in the Throne and Margaret having been thus for 27 years fruitless the people desired succession by some other means which afterwards happened from Maria de Medicis daughter to Francisco Grand Duke of Tuscamy married upon the Divorce to this Henry Margaret who yet kept the Title of Queen died 1615 who doth * Men oâ—râ—s p. 31. confess that the Contrivers of this Massacre did design it not only against the Huguenots but also against the Princes of the Bloud Royal and that they were not a little angry when they understood that the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé were preserved from the slaughter And what vertue or goodness could then be expected in the French Court of which a late excellent Author doth give this Character Hard. de Perefixe Hist Hen. le 〈…〉 That then it never was there any more vicious or more corrupted where then Atheism Sorcery Impiety Ingratitude Perfidiousness Poisonings Murderings and such like horrible wickednesses did sway in the highest degree To which we might adde the designs of Catherine de Medicis the Queen-mother one that hath left a very bad and black Character behind her some making her the Authoress of the many miseries of that Kingdom and amongst many others I find one thus very biting against her Tres Erebi Furias ne posthac credite vates Tho. Lanâ— Consult Germ. p. 272 Addita nam quarta est nunc Catherina tribus Quod si tres Furias à se dimitteret Orcus Haec Catherina foret pro tribus una satis That th' Furies are but three now speak no more Since Catherine doth make the number four And yet should Hell cashier those three this Kate Alone would serve to plague grim Pluto's State And we might also suppose that the ill-will these Brothers of Valois bare one to another might be some advantage to these troubles and one tells us that they endeavour'd to ravish the French Crown one from Hist Hen. le Grand another on which he remarks as it were by a judgment that they all died unhappily And possibly these Garboils and miseries might be somwhat promoted by the natural humour of that Nation which is said to be very * Phil. Brist Geogr. vol. 1. p. 78. Fickle and Quarrelsom the Sieur Montaigne himself confessing and asserting That †Mettez 3 Francois au deserts de Libye ils ne seront pâ—s un mois ensemble sans se harceler esgrat ner Lâ—s Essais de Moâ—taigne l. 2. c. 27. p. 666. if three Frenchmen were put together in the wilde desarts of Libya where self-preservation might oblige them to assist and befriend one another before a months end they would be provoking scratching and falling out one with another As for the Brother Kings * Fuseb Philod lp Cosmopolit Dialog 1. p. 75 76 77 79. some think that the famous French Poet Pierre de Ronsard though a zealous Romanist did design their Characters and vices under counterfeit names in the end of his La Trançiade but whether so or not let others judge However though these accidents might make the way more easie for the following mischiefs yet we shall find that horrid League more highly carried on by those of the house of Lorrain of which pretended holy Covenant we proceed now to speak more particularly passing by in the mean time those worse then Civil Wars between the King and Huguenots where all things went to wrack and the Kingdome was almost ruined of which thus an †Tho. Daneâ—t Hist of France in Epist Dedic Dr. Pet. du Mâ—ulin's Vindication of the sincerity of the Protâ—stants Religion c. 2. p. 29 30 c. eye-witness doth testifie 1577. We found such a Wilderness in all the Countrey between Bayonne and Bourdeaux that whole Forrests and Woods were turn'd up and consumed the Towns utterly desolated the people dispersed the Churches quite subverted and the Children a lamentable thing to be recorded remaining unchristned by the space of ten years And wherever the fault lay I shall not Apologize here for the Huguenot who was too zealous in his way and too much byass'd by fury and indiscretion as it commonly hapneth to those holy people who cry up Religion with the sword in their hands as if it were lawful for subjects to rebel upon the account of any Religion or such pretence in the world But nothing here is intended against the Huguenot since 't is said in their Vindication that these troubles were neither upon the account of Religion nor between the King and them but rather a begun Quarrel 'twixt the Princes of the Blood and the Guises with their Minions the first taking it ill that the latter should sway all by excluding them from the management of publick affairs to whom as Princes of the Blood-Royal by the Custom of France it did belong especially in the Minority or indisposition of their Kings and so one time were willing to gain that which they thought their right and another time thought it best to defend themselves but of these things I shall not judge being at this time nothing to any purpose CHAP. II. The Articles of the Holy League and the Guisards Under plotting against the King SIgismundus II. surnamed Augustus King of Poland and much commended 1572 1573 for his Prudence Valour and Learning dying the people choose for their King Henry Duke of Anjou Brother to Charles IX King of France who accordingly goeth into Poland and is there * Feb. crown'd But here he stay'd not long for the same year his Brother †30 May. Charles dying year 1574 the Crown of France belong'd to him as next and so upon notice of his death he * June steals out of Poland to the no small trouble of the Natives and posts to his Hereditary Throne which he thought more worth then the other Elective yet in France he always kept the Title of King
enough to oppose his Enemies nor certain where to secure himself fearing if he left Paris it would rise against him and if he stay'd there he might be seiz'd on so zealously bent was that City for the Covenant However he gets a strong Guard about him and sends the Queen-mother to treat with the Confederates And what a grand conceit they had of their enterprise may in part be Gomberville vol 1. p. 648. seen by their Cardinals Letter to the Dutchess of Nevers wherein he tells her How pleas'd he is with the good will which she and her Duke bears to their designs which is onely for the honour of God though others traduce them as Ambitious That they shall shortly have the bravest Army that hath been in France these five hundred years That though the Queen-mother now talk to them of peace yet their demands are so many for Religion that she will not grant them c. Your most humble Uncle to serve you CHARLES Cardinal de Bourbon Chalons 23 May 1585. But in short the Treaty is carried on very cunningly on both sides and at last both Parties growing jealous of their own Force and Guise doubting the Cardinals constancy by reason of his easie nature a Peace was clapt up advantageous enough to the Covenanters for by Agreement 7 July the Huguenots were to be prosecuted several Cities and strong places given to the Guisards strong Horse-guards appointed and paid by the King to wait upon their Chieftains Guise himself is to have one hundred thousand Crowns his Forces paid and all things forgiven c. And for better satisfaction upon this Re-union of his Subjects as they call'd it the King in Parlement must publish an Edict which Perefixe calls a Bloudy one The summe of it was thus HENRY by the grace of God King of France and Poland c. 18 July Edict de Juillet How God and Man knoweth his care and endeavours to have all his Subjects of one Religion i. e. the Roman the want of which hath been the occasions of so many troubles Wherefore with the advice of his Mother and Council he doth ordain and command this unalterable Decree and Edict That in his Dominions there shall be but one viz. the Roman Religion under pain of confiscation of Body and Goods all former Edicts to the contrary notwithstanding That all Huguenot Ministers or Preachers do avoid and depart the Kingdom within one moneth That all his other Subjects who will not change their Religion shall depart within six moneths yet shall have liberty to sell and dispose of their goods That all Huguenots or Hereticks shall be incapable of any Office or Dignity That all * * Courts 〈…〉 in severâ—l plâ—â—ces by former Edicts 1576 1577. wherein half were to be Romanists and half Huguenâ—ts These were restored agâ—in by the Edict of Nantâ—s 1589. with maâ—y other favours to the Hugâ—enots mâ—ny or which have been since null'd and taken away Chambre mi-parties and tri-parties shall be taken away That all those Towns and Places formerly given to the Huguenots for their security shall by them be deliver'd up That what hath hitherto or formerly been done shall be pardon'd on both sides And that for the better preservation of this Edict all Princes Officers Governours Justices Mayors c. shall swear to keep it and their said Oaths to be registred HENRY By the King in his Council Broulart Read and publish'd in Parlement the King present De-Hevez The King of Navarre seeing himself thus aim'd at not only challengeth Guise to single Combat which the Duke answer'd only by Libels but also vindicated himself by an Apologetical Declaration drawn up by Philippe Morney Sieur du Plessis whose Pen and Learning that King used to make much use of as appears by his Memoirs and whose Life was afterwards writ by one of his Amanuenses and in whose commendations you may read a large Ode in Monsieur * Le Paâ—nasse des Poetes Francoises tom 2. fol 69 70 c. D'Espinelle's Collections King Henry III. perceiving that the Leaguers made great noise against him for not prosecuting the war against the Huguenots or rather against the King of Navarre told them his willingness to such a war and therefore desir'd them to put him in a way to have Moneys for the raising and paying the Armies but this they car'd not for being unwilling that he should be either strong or rich yet to stop their clamours he gave order for the levelling of three Armies to fight Navarre and his Associates Thus were their three several Interests in France at the same time I. The King and his Royalists II. The King of Navarre with his Huguenots in their own defence as a * Andr. Favyn Hist de Navarre p. 936. Davila p. 579. Romanist confesseth III. The Guisians or Covenanters designing the ruine of the two former and to advance themselves And now Pope Gregory XIII dying there succeeded in the Chair Sixtus V. who upon sollicitation of the Guisards thunders out a Bull against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé which being too long for this place I shall refer you to the reading of it in other * Pet. Math. Sâ—â—mma Constitut Rom. Pont. p. 901 902 903. Fran. Hoâ—oman â—ulmen Brutum Goldest Monarch Rom. tom 2 3 p. 124 125 126. Authors But because it is in none of the Editions of Cherubinus his Bullarium possibly since that time thinking it not convenient to exaspeâ—â—te that Kingdom as they have either fraudulently or politickly left out some other Bulls take the summe of it as followeth First it telleth us what a fine thing a Pope is that by his right and power can throw down and depose the greatest of Kings Then what favours and kindnesses this Henry hath received from the Pope for Gregory XIII abolished and pardoned his former sins and Heresies and gave him a Dispensation to marry his Queen Margaret and the like done to the Prince of Condé Yet for all this they have adhered to Calvinism opposed the Roman Religion and endeavoured to carry on that which they call A Refâ—rmation for which they have by Arms and Council withstood the Romanists Wherefore according to our duty we draw the sword of vengeance against these two Sons of wrath Henry sometimes King of Navarre and Henry Prince of Condé And therefore declare them and all their posterity deprived of all their Dominions Principalities Titles Places Jurisdictions Offices Goods Rights c. And that both they and their posterity are and shall hereafter be uncapable to succeed in or possess any of the premisses And we also absolve all Nobles Feudatories Vassals Subjects and all other people from their Oaths of Allegeance Fidelity and Duties they owe or promis'd to them And do hereby command and forbid all and every one that they in no wise obey the aforesaid Henries or any of their Laws or Commandments and those that do otherwise we excommunicate with the
a fiery disposition we may suppose him not a little netled at this Paper but as by degrees his passion cool'd so did he affect Navarre and admire his courage and noble resolution And Guise question'd not but that all would go well enough with him for though once self-Interest being all his design he and his brother the Duke of Mayenne had made some Overtures to the King of Navarre to joyn themselves with him with an intent to ruine the French Kings Favourites or his Party that so the Leaguers might command that Kings person and Councils yet he also plotted the overthrow of Navarre and his Associates the better to secure all Authority to himself to which purpose the French King was so work'd upon as to * 7 Octob. 1585. decree all Huguenots to turn Romanists or depart the Kingdom within 15 days and their goods to be seiz'd on and sold but the women had 6 moneths granted them Yet the French King justly distrusting the Guisards greatness and designs had the better to keep the Scales even and to secure himself between both parties favour enough both for Navarre and a Peace with the Huguenots and always looking upon Henry to be next Heir to the Crown wish'd he would change his Religion the better to render him more capable to enjoy it And accordingly began to enter into some Treaties with him which so madded the Covenanters that they and the Pulpits ranted very malapertly against the King as one inclining to the Hereticks and an enemy to the Roman Religion which falsities and slanders were no small trouble to Henry of France by them daily losing the goodwill and affection of his Romanish Subjects nor was Henry of Navarre any whit less offended at the Duke of Joyeuse who had obtain'd from the Pope the Confiscation of all the said Kings Hereditary Territories upon his deprivation by the former Bull or Sentence CHAP. IV. A Council of Sixteen appointed at Paris to act all for the League Where they daily contrive to seize upon and murder the King but are discovered to him by Poulain The Guisards desire the King to shackle himself Guise comes to Paris The Barricadoes The King steals out of Paris Aseeming Peace made by the Edict of Union The Duke of Guise and his Brother Lewis Cardinal of Guise kill'd at Bloys VVhilest the Country now tended to War and Sedition we cannot suppose Paris to lie unconcern'd and as some say her River * Pap. Masson de flum Gall. Seina is not so heavy as other waters so the story of this wicked League might argue her Inhabitants to be more light fickler and apt to Rebellion then any other people and dash out those Commendations of Loyalty which the Learned * Les Antiquitez des Villes de France l. 1. c. 3. André du Chesne hath appropriated to this City Who designs a Rebellion must be sure to secure the chief City to his service which once done half his work is finish'd And this was neither unknown nor neglected by Guise who for a long time had made it year 1584 his care and business to work over the Parisians to his Interest by his Creatures and Ministers fobbing into their heads strange stories of the bad and gasping condition of the Roman Religion by reason of the Kings Inclination to Heresie and endeavours to have Navarre succeed him To prevent all a Council of XVI active Leaguers are appointed at Paris to carry on the Solemn Covenant to whom the Duke of Guise sendeth Le Sieur de Mayneville there to reside and advise the best means to stir up the people to joyn with them which they thought could not be better done then by persuading the people of the danger of Religion and how many thousand Huguenots lay skulking in the City well armed with a resolution to cut the throats of the Romanists This close Committee of Covenanters first met secretly in the College de Fortet so call'd from its Founder Pierre Fortet upon which occasion it was afterwards commonly styl'd * Le Beâ—câ—aâ— de la Ligue The Cradle of the League Afterwards they assembled in the Covent of the Dominicans or Jacobins and at last for fear of being suspected or discovered they met not at any certain place but sometimes at one private house and sometimes in another At this time was Provost of the * L'Isle de France is properly call'd that Trâ—ct of ground containing Paris S. Denis Montmorancy Dammartin Poissy S. Germain en Laye Luzarche c. but the Provosiship or Govâ—rnment is of a lâ—rgor â—xâ—ent Isle of France one Hardy who being old and so not very active did usually act by his Deputy or Lieutenant as they call it which was now one Nicolas Poulain born at S. Denis him the Leaguers have a desire to draw into their Caball because they could make special use of his Authority nor did they doubt much of his compliance being greatly in debt and so the hope of gain and reward would prove strong motives Accordingly Jean le Clerc Sieur de Bussy and Georges Michelet two active men of the close Committee and zealous Guisards assault the aforesaid Poulain with many persuasive Arguments to joyn himself to their designs to which at last he consents takes an Oath of Secrecy and they all swear to one another another Oath That if any one of them were seiz'd on or imprison'd for this their cause that then every one of the rest should venture life and estate for his delivery But Poulain continued not long firm to them for whether he was troubled at their wicked designs or to ingratiate himself with His Majesty thereby to better his Fortunes he discovereth all privately to the King though kept on his usual meetings with the Leaguers and when with them seem'd as zealous as the rest what he knew of them he afterwards drew up into a little * Le Procâ—â— du Nicolas Poulain yâ—u ma◠〈◊〉 in Claude Malingre Sieur de S. Lazare Annales Generales de Paris p. 329 330 331 c. And it iâ— alâ—â—â—ry lâ—â—ely râ—printed in the Recuil de diverses Pieces servant a l'History de Henry III. Râ—y de France c. Octavo 1666. Narrative out of which we shall take what we think most material The better to increase their Number and strengthen their Cause they had chosen ouâ— several cunning Fellows one out of each Trade Company or Profession even amongst the several Courts of Judicature Law or Justice who were to inâ—eigle themselves amongst their respective Trades and Faculties noise up the Honour of Guise the Danger of Religion the Growth of Heresie the Faults of the King the Tyranny of his Favourites and so the Necessity of the League to defend themselves Country and Religion And for their better security they consult how to provide themselves with Arms. The King suspecting some mischief had by express Order forbidden all Gun-smiths Cutlers and such like Artificers to sell any sort of Arms
Cardinal de Guise and some others were great sticklers for the League countenanced there by Cardinal Pellevé◠The actions of which Cardinal being a Subject of France did so vex King Henry III. that we are * Journal De 1586. 1587 told that he order'd his Revenues to be seiz'd on and distributed to the poor The King being gone from Paris with an Army to oppose the Germans then marching into France to assist the Huguenots the Covenanters had some thoughts of seizing on the City in his absence according to Guise his Instructions who phansied that he might secure the Kings Person in the Country To this purpose they sent Lauchart to Guise for further information who upon maturer advice would not allow of the plot sâ—eing the King then to have such a Force about the City and a good Army under his command However they assure the Duke of their strength and willingness to attempt any thing that he shall command And the better to incite the Rabble to Rebellion the Pulpit the worst Instrument in Seditious design is made use of several turbulent Priests or Ministers being set on work to bespatter the King and his actions one of the chief of these Firebrands was Jean Boucher Preacher of St. Benoist a zealous wall-ey'd Fellow of whose wicked Doctrines we have told you formerly out of his book De justa abdicatione Henrici III. The King sent for him and publickly told him of his lies and slanders as how he had told the people in the Pulpit that the King caused one Burlart of Orleans to be put into a Sack and thrown into the River although the said Burlart was yet alive and daily kept company with the said Boucher by which the King told him he had committed two grand faults first so basely to bely his lawful Sovereign and then after telling such a lie in the Pulpit to go forthwith to the Altar and Sacrament without acknowledging his foresaid falsities although all confess that every one ought to confess his faults before he receive the Eucharist yet the King told him that at this time he would forgive all though he might revenge himself as Pope Sixtus V. did who year 1587 sent several Franciscans to the Gallies for traducing him in their Sermons Another call'd Prevost being Preacher of St. Severin amongst his many other Seditious prattlements had from the Pulpit told his Parishioners that The King was a Tyrant and an Enemy to the Church and People Upon which the King as became him sent for him which so netled the Covenanters that they forthwith spread abroad that the King was resolved to punish and imprison all the good and godly Preachers A thing very offensive to all manner of Zealots of what pretended Opinion soever Rebellious Experience making it a certain rule that none clamour up Preaching more then those who pretend to know Religion better then their Teachers the more ignorant the people be the more apt they are to think they comprehend the deepest mysteries and though they are bid to obey for Conscience-sake yet for all their crying up of the Bible they make a contrary fundamental-Rule viz. Rebell for Conscience-sake yet let these Toleration comprehensive or in sum Rebellious Villains for their actions hitherto in History hath not separated them be worse then can be imagined they shall never want some rascally upstart Nobles who raised themselves by fighting the King and cheating the Church to be their Treasonable and Sacrilegious Patrons especially where their Twatling Dames have more zeal then honesty and from such Vagabonds in Religion good Lord deliver all Kings Kingdoms and Churches but when Kings are subjects people will be Kings but a brave and daring Prince durst never yet be opposed to the ruine of the Undertakers but such can never be whose Favorites are more for pleasure then true honesty and a National interest as it hapned now in France Prevost inform'd that he was sent for was secur'd in an house of one of his Neighbors call'd Hatte a Notarie and for his farther protection Jean le Clerc Sieur or Landlord de Bussy one of the chief of the Covenanting Sixteen with several other Armed men put themselves into the foresaid house oppos'd and fought against those whom the King sent to enquire for the same Delinquents and made such an Hubbub and Riot that the Kings Messengers though headed by Seguier the Lieutenant-Civil or one of the Judges were forced to withdraw themselves and shift for their own security These and such like seditious actions so incouraged the Leaguers that the Town sounded nothing now but the misdeeds of the King and the Glories of Guise that if it had not been for him the Ark would have fallen into the hands of the Philistins and Heresie would have triumphed over the true Religion Nay the Sorbonists were so bold as to make as we are told a secret Decree That Princes might be depos'd from their Government Journal if they did not what became them as the charge taken away from a negligent Guardian And towards the latter end of this year 't is said that the King was Id. inform'd that the Duke of Guise had posted disguised to Rome where he stayed only three days with Cardinal Pellevé and that the Pope sent him a rich sword Another tells us that one Viliers was sent to Rome to desire the Popes assistance and that a Letter was found about him said to be writ by the Dutchess of Lorraine Mother to the Duke containing thus much I am very glad to understand the state of your Affairs and I advise you to Ant. Colynet p. 173 174. go forward for never a fairer Occasion was offered you to put the Scepter in your hand and the Crown upon your head The two last years we could not expect much matter from the Leaguers though we see their designs bad enough seeing most of the Souldiery in France were imployed against Navarre and his Huguenots many of the Covenanting Nobles being engag'd in those wars which diverted them from their attempts upon the King but we shall see the next year make amends for all The Duke of Guise the better to make all things sure hath a meeting 1588 Davila p. 667 669. D Aubigne tom 3. l. 1. c. 21. Spondâ—nus of the Chieftains of the House of Lorrain at Nancy a strong Town in that Dukedom where it is talk'd high of deposing the King of putting him into a Monastery of destroying the House of Bourbon to dispose of all things themselves and such like extravagancies But at last it was concluded that the Duke of Lorrain should keep the Forces of the League in action and that Guise and others should unite with Cardinal Bourbon to present a Petition to the King much for their own advantage which if granted their business might easily be done without clamour or any great opposition if denied they had force sufficient to obtain it Accordingly the Paper is presented to
the King in which after many fair words they demand That the King should really and briskly joyn himself with them and root out the Huguenots That he would put such persons as they should name from his Court Council and their Offices or Imployments That he would make the Council of Trent be received in his Dominions That he would grant some strong places unto the Covenanting Princes where they might keep Garrisons and make Fortifications at the charge of the Crown That he would maintain an Army near Lorrain under the Command of one of the Leaguing Princes That he would cause all the Estates of the Huguenots to be sold to satisfie the expences of the late wars and to assist the Covenanters in their future designs That he would settle the Inquisition in the chief Cities of his Kingdom and such like The King received the Propositions with a seemingly contented countenance but defer'd his Answer nor did the Duke of Guise care much whether he satisfied their demands or no the design being only to render His Majesty odious to the People as an Enemy to them and Religion and a Friend to the Hereticks And the fair and dissembling carriage of Guise for the Ease of the People Good of Religion and Scorn of the Kings pimping flattering upstart Favourites who rais'd themselves by cheating the King and the oppression of the Poor had in procuring favour and esteem far the advantage of the Kings carriage and actions whose only care was Luxury and Idleness Dancing Fooling with litâ—le Dogs pratling with Birds and such like childish gayeties All which were sufficiently known to the Guisards upon which they daily spread abroad as is usual upon such neglects and occasions their Pamphlets Libels and Lampons whilest the Zele and Honour of Guise is celebrated in every street and corner styling him the new David year 1588 the second Moses the Deliverer of the Catholick people the Prop and Pillar of the Holy Church the new Gideon the Safety of the Kingdom and such like In the mean time the secret Council of the Covenanters in Paris was not idle and having as formerly said for the better carrying on their Plots the City being divided into * Les Seize Quartâ—ers every one of which is usually govern'd by a Quaâ—tinier or Alderman XVI Wards or Quarters appointed a trusty Covenanter to supervise every Ward and the Leaguers in that Division from which number the chief and Council of the Guisards in Paris was commonly call'd The Sixteen Les Seize But Guise now perceiving the business daily to ripen for action thought this Division not close enough therefore sends back La Chapelle one of their busiest Counsellours to tell them his desire who forth with pulls out of his pocket a Map of Paris purposely divided into V Quarters every one of which had now by the Duke a Colonel appointed over it their names were Count de Brissac the Sieurs de Bois-Dauphin de Chamois d'Eschavoles and Colonel St. Paul and under every Colonel were several Captains and so to every one was given a Note what to do where any might have Arms that wanted Besides he had ordered the Duke of Aumale and other his Associates to be in readiness with their Forces at appointment And to the no small joy and encouragement of the Guisards now died Henry de Bourbon Prince of Condé poison'd he was as is confess'd by all and with him might that Branch have ended but that his Princess imprison'd upon suspicion as guilty of her Husbands death a little after was brought to bed of a young Prince and was call'd Henry The King of Navarres Life had formerly several times been attempted of which D' Aubigne will afford you a couple of odd stories And in this Year * Tom. 2 l. 5. ch 5 Monsieur de Calliere will tell you of another design against his person and we need not question but that his death be it any way would * Hist d M. â—u Matignon p. 219 220 221. have been very acceptable to Guise and his Party who about this time did †spread abroad that he was really dead whether to encourage their Associats to dismay the Hâ—guenots or that they knew of some Attempts * Ant. Colynet p. 214 against his Life and hoped they would accordingly take effect let others judge In the mean time the Parisians carry on their Plots and all things being now in a pretty readiness they resolve to take opportunity of the time of Lent it being the Kings custom then to go in Procession in the habit of a Penitent amongst the Whipping-Friars without any other Guards or Retinue and thus they thought they might without much difficulty seize on him clap him up in a Cloyster then the Duke of Guise to summon the States-General tell them of the Kings unfitness to rule and so the League might sway all as he pleased But Poulain discovering this to the King he feigned himself sick went not abroad that day and so escap'd the snare yet the Covenanters proceed make a secret Muster of their Forces which they find to be about XXX thousand stout men and perceiving their designs discover'd but by whom they could not tell thought it not fit to waste time or give the King opportunity to seize upon any of them or prevent their Contrivances wherefore they send to Guise to come without fail who promiâ—â—th and in the mean time sendeth many Officers to lurk secretly in the City against his coming The King inform'd of this adviseth for his own safety but the Factions at Court did somewhat weaken the Determinations yet he gets some Companies to strengthen himself in the Louvre procureth what Friends he can secretly to joyn with him yet after all he perceived himself not able to cope with his Enemies though they were somewhat cool'd at his Preparations About this time His Majesty being at Bois de Vincennes accompanied 5 May. not with abovn six or sevee the Sixteen design'd to intrap him in his return then to Alarm the City by giving out that the Huguenots had surpriz'd him and in tended his death thinking by this trick to raise up their Confederates but Poulain discovering this the King sent for his Guards and so this also fail'd In this designed Treachery Catharine Dutchess of Montpensier and Sister to Guise was an active Instrument The King being also inform'd by the same Poulain that the Duke of Guise was now resolved to come to Paris and the Covenanters ready to receive him sendeth several Messengers to him with express command not to approach to which he giveth cunning and doubtful answers with an intent to disobey and accordingly with all possible haste attended with but a very few of his Gentlemen and Servants not keeping the High road but through by and private passages that he might not meet any other of the Kings Prohibitions and so seem publickly to disobey His Majesty enters the City the people running mad with joy
That the King of Navarre with the other Princes of Bourbon his Adherents should be declared to have forfeited their Right and Title to the Crown That a Form of Government should be made which the King should not have power to alter That such of the Kings Favourites should be banish'd the Court and turn'd out of all Offices and Places That War should be made against the Huguenots and the absolute Command of it committed unto him That the King should have no extraordinary Guards about his Person and so dismiss his Guard 45 Gentlemen That the Dukes of Aumale Elboeuf and Nemours should have the Government of Picardy Normandy and Lyons and that the Leaguers should have six other Towns as they should name That the Duke of Mayenne should be Admiral and his Creature De la Chastre be Mareschal instead of Byrâ—n That Brissac an active Leaguer should be Governour of Paris And at last concluded That he was resolved either to lose his life or secure Religion and the Estate of his Family The Queen-mother returneth and the King finding no mâ—ans by staying there to escape his snarâ—s of the Enemies who were now forming 13 May. a Siege against him resâ—lved to withdraw himself so stealing through the * So calâ—'d from the 〈…〉 of Tâ—les theâ—e formâ—rly Tuilleries the Gardens by the Louvre he took horse with a dozen Gentlemen posted to Trapes and the next day to Chartres where he was receiv'd with great demonstrations of joy 'T is said that the people were so bewitch'd with this Solemn League and Covenant that seeing him thus fly for his safety they * Jo. de â—â—â—ssieres tol 4. l. 21. p. 259. shot at him cross the River calling him all the Contumelious names that malice could invent And that the King was so troubled at these Villanies and Indignities that having got a little from Paris he turn'd him about uttering some threats and menaces against that ingrateful City The Courtiers hasted after the King with what speed they coâ—ld make most trudging afoot for in this burly-burly happy was he that could procure an horse though never so bad many Persons of Quality being content to make use of their own legs â—â— preserve themselves and amongst those who fled to the King was Niâ—â—las Poulain not daring to stay in Paris suspecting himself discover'd and well was it for him that he so escaped for the Leaguers were so mad against him for his Loyalty that they imprison'd his Wife threatned his Children rifled his house and as for himself he got to Chartres and the King without ever a Peny of mony nor do I hear of any reward excepting Promises that he received for his faithful service in so often saving the Kings life it being the custom for such good-natur'd or negligent Princes not to understand worth and vertue and so to be Misers in rewarding of such but Prodigals in heaping Riches and Honours upon their phantastical and flattering Minions or Favourites and it may be Poulain was too grave and serious for such a wanton and frolicksom Court as Henry III's was And here the Skill or Policy of Guise hath been much call'd in question for not speedily following his blow having all the advantages that possibly could be expected his great neglect being his letting the King escape the seizing of whose Person might have compleated his Triumphs and by his Enemies so wanting an Head might have brought France to submit to his pleasure all which might with ease have been accomplish'd had he but forthwith begirt the Louvre by which he might have taken the King but this nelect he remembred too late and afterwards repented of so grand an oversight Though here he had fail'd yet he resolveth to secure himself to which purpose having gain'd all the strong places in Paris put out and imprison'd the * Like the Lord Maâ—or of London Prevost des Marchands and others whom he suspected to favour the King and settled his own Creatures in their Places he surpriseth all the Neighbouring places and presently Orleans Bourges Amiens Abbeville Montrovil Rouen Rheims Chaalons and above twenty other considerable places submitted to him the mad people every-where crying out Long live Guise long live the Protector of the Faith And his Sister the Dutchess Dowager of Montpensier was so zealous against the King and Peace that she would brag how the King should be * Jo. de Buss vol. 4. p. 261. shorn for a Monk and shew the Scisars which should do the feat And for a good encouragement the Spaniard sendeth 600000 Crowns supposing that the League would make rare work for him And thus D'A bigne tom 3 l. 1. ch 23. Guise commanding all the King can find no safety for himself but by Peace though upon never so bad Conditions and that which was no small argument of his Compliance was the approach of the Spanish Armado by them call'd the Invincible and the vast Preparations of the Duke of Parma in Flanders which though in the main design'd against England yet he understood not what if Conquerours as most suppos'd they would they might act against him and France knowing full well the Catholik King to have all along assisted the Covenanters In short The King thus forc'd to shackle himself lest the Mischief and Rebellion should run too far he submits to Guise granting him and his Faction all the Proposals they desir'd and so by a Decree call'd the Edict of Union or July a Peace is hudled up between them The Edict it self being somewhat long take here the Heads of it HENRY by the Grace of God King of France and Poland c. We ordain and decree these following Articles as an unalterable and fundamental Law in our Kingdom We swear and renew the Oath made by us at our Coronation to live and die in the Roman Religion We ordain and would have all our Subjects to swear as we do and to joyn themselves with us in the extirpation of Hereticks We swear that we shall never favour or advance them and command all our Subjects to swear never to admit of an Heretical King or one that favoureth Heresie to reign over them We promise never to promote or imploy any but of the Roman Religion and expresly forbid any to be receiv'd into any Place or Imployment but who have proved themselves of the said Religion We swear and promise to protect and use our Subjects who joyn with us in these our undertakings as becometh a good King We would have our said united Subjects to swear to assist one another against the Hereticks And that our said Subjects swear to live and die in their Allegeance to us And that they swear to depart from all Practices and Leagues contrary to the said Union our Person and Authority We declare all to be Rebells who will not sign this said Union and all Towns who will not admit it shall be deprived of all their Privileges and Franchises And to
Doctors of Sorbonne were wonderfully terrified but he not willing to lose them quite knowing such men to be dangerous enemies amongst the people waited upon them himself gave them good words told them all was pardoned and Justice satisfied which he ratified by an Edict At the same time he also decreed year 1592 that upon pain of death no more Councils Meetings or Conventicles should be had any way except the Ordinary one of the Union with the sense of the lawful Magistrates which being registred in full consent of Parliament put an end to the power and greatness of the Sixteen and somewhat spoil'd and cool'd the designes of the Spanish Ministers And an Oath was also drawn up and read in Parliament for all the Souldiers in the City to take the better to keep them in Obedience Whilst these things were acting Pope Gregory XIV dying Innocent IX succeedeth him who allowed the League fifteen thousand Ducats a month desiring them to fall to work and chuse a King of the Roman Religion aiming as 't is thought at Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third party but what his other designes were his * 30 Dec. death after a two months Popedome would not let be known And after him succeeded Clement VIII The Parliament at Rouen now puts forth a severe * 7 Jan. 1592 Edict against any that shall adhere to Henry of Bourbon as they call'd him yet the prosecution of the League was somewhat hindred by the Jealousies arising betwixt Parma and Mayenne the latter fearing to be out-vapoured by the Spaniard was not so averse as formerly from an Agreement with the King to carry on which the great Statesman Villeroy who as yet kept himself with the Leaguers and du Plessis Morney the Kings faithful friend had divers meetings but the Covenanters Propositions were so high and lofty getting all into their own hands leaving his Majesty a meer shadow that it brake off without any determination though the King was willing to grant much to be at rest and quiet This Treaty was presently made known thinking to do Mayenne a displeasure and so it did both the Spaniards and Leaguers being offended at him in offering to treat without their consent or knowledge and so made jealous as if intended to leave them in the lurch But on the other side the King gain'd not much by the bargain the Romanists who followed him next that it should be carried on by an Huguenot viz. Morney began to have the same suspicions of His Majesty And in this zeal and humour having consulted themselves they forthwith gave Mayenne to understand that it was fitting for the common safety that all the Romanists should be united and so to require of the King to change his Religion within a prefixt time and then they would acknowledge him otherwise they would joyntly proceed to the Election of a King of the Roman persuasion for such an one and none other they would have Adde to this Pope Clements favour of the League allowing it 15000 Ducats a moneth exhorting them to chuse a new King of the Roman belief alledging none to be capable of a Crown but one of that Religion commanding the Nuncio Cardinal Piacenza to forward the Election Upon all these and other such like considerations the King is perplext beyond measure now clearly perceiving that all of them were gone to that height of Conditional Subjection as never to receive him for King unless he would be of their Religion nor was his force sufficient to oppose The case is hard but a Kingdom is not to be lost yet the war goeth on vigorously on both sides In the mean time the Pope having sent to his Nuncio in France to hasten the calling of the States General that a Catholick King an enemy to Hereticks and a Defender of the Church might be chosen the Duke of Mayenne took heart fancying that the Pope might aim at him year 1593 and thus entertaining some thoughts of being King he resolved to convocate the States General the Spaniard would have it at Soissons that Parma might the sooner assist or awe them from Flanders the Duke of Lorrain desires Rheams where his greatest Interest lay but Mayennâ— thought Paris best his own Authority being greatest there by his former weakening the Sixteen In the mean time all care is taken by them to exclude Henry and nothing could thwart them more then his turning Romanist of which they had some fears several earnestly solliciting him to it To prevent this October 't is spread abroad how unlawful it is for any to desire his Conversion how it is against Divine Civil and Canon Law the Decrees of the Popes Mem. de M. de Nevers vol. 2. pag. 634. the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom the Holy Union c. and therefore conclude that those who propose or endeavour such a thing are wicked Citizens unstable perjur'd Politicks seditious Disturbers of the Common-weal favourers of Hereticks suspected of Heresie Excommunicated ought to be driven out of the City lest they should corrupt the rest And those of Chaalons having put forth a * 18 Novemb Decree against Cardinal de Piacenza the Popes Nuncio as also the Popes Bulls as they did formerly against Pope Gregory XIV Those of the Parlement of Paris publish an Act whereby they Declare the said Decree of Chaalons null of none effect or force being published by those of no Right or Authority to be a Parlement being Schismaticks Hereticks Enemies to God and his Church disturbers of the State and publick peace of the Kingdom Order the said Decree as full of Scandal Schism Heresie and Sedition to be torn and burnt by the Hangman Forbid any to receive or obey the said Decree Injoyn all to honour and obey Pope Clement VIII and acknowledge his Legat. Affirm that their intended General States design nothing but the Preservation of the Roman Religion and to choose a true Christian Catholick French King Forbid any to hinder or molest the members coming to the said meeting of States DU-TILLET Paris 2 Decemb. 1592. Accordingly to summon the said States-General the Duke of Mayenne 1593. 5 Jan. Publish'd a large Declaration in which he undertakes To Vindicate himself Desireth the Romanists to unite That though the Leaguers had too much cause to desire the late Kings death yet they had no hand in it it being a blow from Heaven That Navarre could not be King because an Heretick Obedience being only founded upon the of the Roman Religion So they cannot be blamed for their Actions nor can be Rebels seeing they fight only against Hereticks and their Associates who have despised the Popes Bulls and Admonitions c. And so throwing an odd blot upon the King concludes To this the Popes Legat Piacenza thinking that of Mayenne'â— not plain and severe enough added another Declaration Desiring all to be obedient to the Pope who will never assent to an Heretical King or the ruine of the Church
of this Oath none like Father Parsons who to have the better pretence of Reviling will father King James his Apology upon Thomas Montague and through that supposed Name bespatter his Majesty He tells us that all the * The Judgmeâ—t oâ— a Catholick English-man §. 14. pag. 9. Learned men beyond Seas cry it down as unlawful as opposing matters of Faith and he himself assures us That none can take it * Id. pag. 14. § 22. without peril of everlasting Damnation At last Parsons coming to argue against it is driven to the Fanatical Argument Liberty of Conscience and thus boldly asserts it For saith he * Pag. 38. §. 20. neither Breathing nor the use of common Air is more due unto them i. e. good Subjects or common to all than ought to be Liberty of Conscience to Christian men whereby each one liveth to God and to himself and without which he strugleth with the torment of a continual lingring death And then a little after thus boasts * Id pag. 51. §. 37. Let them shew but one only Authority Sentence Example or Testimony out of any of these three kind of Witnesses Scriptures Fathers or Councils that we must obey Princes against our Conscience or Religion and I will grant he saith somewhat to the purpose Thus will they have all their Religion or Faith to hang upon the taking or not taking of this Oath But in this zeal for liberty he meets with a Rub and that is this Why then do the Romanists force Protestants by their Inquisitions to abjure their Opinions and if they refuse Id. pag. 23. §. 36. punish them with Death or as the Crime requireth To this Objection Parsons thinks he saith enough by telling you that the case is not the same because forsooth the Roman Church hath jus acquisitum ancient right over Hereticks but the Protestant Church of England hath no such thing upon Catholicks As Treasonable an Assertion as could be imagined seeing according to his Consequence and the thing in hand A Protestant King can have no right over Romanists and so Protestanism must ipso facto deprive Kings and render them uncapable of Dominion where the people are of the Roman Religion so that Henry IV. was not nor could be King of France till he was reconciled to Rome The truth is all of them who write against the Oath ground all their Exceptions upon this That they think it takes away the Pope's power of depriving Kings and absolving Subjects from their Allegiance so that we may see what it is that pincheth them and how much they look upon Loyalty and true Obedience to be an Enemy to their Interest and Church But to render this Oath more odious and terrible they amaze the simple people with strange stories of God's Judgments against the takers of it and this with the Vulgar they make one of their best Arguments They alledg That the Captain of them viz. Father Blackwell dyed Vid. Rog. Widdrington's Theolog. Disput cap. 10. Sect. 4. suddenly To which the other Party reply That 't is granted that Blackwell on Saturday in the afternoon viz. 25 of January 1612 fell into a swoun being well before upon which he was had to bed whither some Priests came to him to whom he affirmed he had done nothing contrary to his Conscience in taking the said Oath and that it was a lawful Oath and so dyed a little after but his death was five years after he had taken the Oath That if sudden-deaths be Arguments they could retort and tell them of some Priests Enemies of the Oath who dyed by the same Judgments as of one in the North who otherwise very healthy was so suddenly strucken with a deadly Disease that he dyed within sixteen hours Of another that fell down a pair of Stairs whereby he was so bruised that he lived not long after Of a third who leaping hastily over an Hedg fell into a pit on the other side of the Hedg and so was cast away To all these might be added that one of the greatest Champions the Oath had was Mr. Thomas or Rowland Preston a learned Benedictan Monk who lived many a fair year after his taking and defending the said Oath though the Pope and his Party might have wish'd that he had dyed sooner or writ less Yet he disguised his Writings under the Name of Roger Widdrington who indeed was another Romanist living in the North under which Name he opposed Suarez baffled Bellarmine confuted Gretzer Becanus and the rest of their Party whereupon some began to call it Widdrington's Doctrine i. e. to defend the lawfulness of the Oath of Allegiance The Jesuits had several designs against him once they plotted to seize upon him in a Boat upon the River Thames and so to hurry him beyond Seas where they would have claw'd him for his defending Loyalty and Allegiance but he suspected that the beyond-sea Air would hasten his death therefore for some years he secured himself in the Clink where he lived with freedom followed his Studies and had an excellent Library of his own Again the other Party object That Mr. Jackson who took the Oath dyed of the Plague But this is nothing to the unwarrantableness of the Oath unless we will argue that it was unlawful to regain the Holy-land from the Saracens because S. Lewis ix King of France and one that is Canonized is said to dye of the Plague in that Expedition or that we must not read Sanders his Book de Schismate because Edward Rishton a rebellious ungrateful Priest published it and made Continuations to it and dyed of the Plague in Lorrain Nay the Anti-Loyalists flye so low that rather than have nothing to say they would object as a fault the living or breathing at a Bishops House and all this a-do because Mr. William Warmington lived in the Bishop of Winchester's House whereas the Objection was occasioned by their own uncharitableness For Warmington having taken and engaged himself as a Champion of the Oath his own Roman Friends and Kindred became his Enemies withdrawing from him all the Benevolence they used to allow him Warmington put to this stress of Livelihood only for his Loyalty and Obedience petitions the King for some Allowance The King graciously accepts it commends him to Dr. Bilson the Bishop of Winchester with order to take him to himself to his own House there to provide for him The Bishop obeys Warmington lives with him wants nothing hath liberty at pleasure and freedom of his Religion And is not this a notable Argument to prove the Oath of Allegiance unlawful But if these should fail they can flye to their old trick of Miracles and bring Heaven it self to confute the Oath and this they doubt not but will work much with the honest Romanist One of their Stories take as followeth Mr. Thomas Newton of Pickworth in Lincolnshire a Roman Catholick meeting at Standford with one Mr. Edward Sutton of Kellam in
Queen Elizabeth 454 455 456 Francis Duke of Anjou his death 502 Suspected by poyson Ibid. Causes the Guisard to rejoyce Ibid. Don Juan d'Aquila lands in Ireland with Spanish forces 658 c. L'Auspespine the French Ambassador in England plots the murder of Queen Elizabeth 450 B BAbington's treasons against Queen Elizabeth 445 446 Baldwin II Emperour of Constantinople deposed 279 Fran. Baroncello his pranks at Rome 306 Cardinal Baronius bad Principles 78 The Barricadoes 523 Pierre Barriere his plots against the King 589 Becket vid. Thomas Cardinal Bellarmines bad Principles 68 69 Berengarius murther'd 192 John of Bilboa his imposture 360 361 Birket constituted Archpriest of England 720 Blois the Assembly of the States-General meet there 527 The D. of Guise rules all there ibid. Boniface VIII Pope his life and actions 282 c. Cardinal Bourbon declar'd King 562 Bow at the name of the Pope and Virgin Mary 40 Richard Bristow's bad Principles 62 66 C CAelestine V Pope 282 283 Alphonso Carillo Archbishop of Toledo chief of the Rebels against Henry IV King of Castile and Leon 337 338 c. Catherine Queen of Navar deprived 343 344 Robert Cecil threatned in a Letter from the Romanists 707 708 Charles III le Gross Emperour depos'd 185 First dated his Letters from the year of Christ 186 Charles III le simple King of France deposed 203 204 Carlos I King of Spain chose Emperor called Charles V 353 His going from Spain into Germany opposed by the Spaniards 353 354 Chastel stabs the King 596 Childerick II King of France and his Queen murdred 160 Childerick III King of France deposed 165 166 His Subjects absolv'd from their Oaths of Allegiance by Pope Zachary Ibid. Clement VIII thanks the Irish for their Rebellion 651 Sends a Letter to Tyrone the Rebel 655 Fryar Clement kills Henry III of France 547 The Prince of Conde poysoned 521 Conradino King of Naples beheaded 281 Constantines Donation a meer cheat 117 118 c. Constantine V Emperour of Constantinople murdred 169 170 The Covenant vid. League Council of Sixteen vid. Paris Culene King of Scotland murther'd 211 D DAndalo in a Chain under the Popes Table 307 Deodato Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183 Desmond ' s Plots against Ireland and Articles with Francis I. King of France 385 386 Proclaim'd Traitour 390 His death 392 Devils abused 27 28 The Devil confess'd his sins and loved the Mass 28 Pray'd for that his sins might be forgiven 136 S. Dominick his lying stories 5 Donald V King of Scotland imprison'd 183 Duffe King of Scotland murder'd 208 209 210 Duncan King of Scotland murder'd 215 E EDict vid. Vnion Edmund King of England murther'd 205 Edmund Ironside King of England murder'd 214 Edward King of England sirnamed the Martyr 206 207 Edward II King of England his deposing and murther 309 310 Edward VI insurrections in the North and West against him 408 409 Queen Elizabeth leaves out the word HEAD and is stiled onely Supreme Governour 400 Her Vindication 410 411 c. to 423 Her commendations by Forraigners 411 Defended from cruelty in putting some Romish Priests to death 413 414 416 Declared in a Bull of Pope Pius V Excommunicated Deprived and Deposed 419 Her mildeness and mercy towards Romish Priests 419 420 421 422 423 Who were put to death for Treasons not for Religion Ibid. Deposed by Pope Paul IV Her murder designed by Pius V 426 Her Subjects absolv'd from their Oath of Allegiance by his Bull 427 to 431 Insurrections in the North against her Government 432 Attempts to kill her 445 446 Several plots against her 675 676 c. Empire its troubles by the Papal arrogancie 303 England not subject to the Papal Power 233 234 Equivocation 190 Exorcisms used by the Romanists to inveigle the ignorant people 446 447 448 449 St. Ericus IX King of Swedland kill'd 252 Erick VI King of Denmark beheaded 279 Erick VII murdred ibid. Ethus King of Scotland imprison'd 183 Exorcisms cheating 27 F FAbritio Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183 Felton condemned for Treason not for Religion 419 Esteemed as a Martyr by the Romanists 433 Florence wicked designs against it by the Pope 331 332 c. Folly of Heathens 1 2 Formosus Pope his troubles 196 197 His body drag'd out of the grave and his fingers cut off 197 198 France the holy League and Covenant there 483 More stirs there upon the deaths of the Guises 529 The people's Declaration 530 S. Francis his childish stories 2 3 4 Frederick I Barbarossa his troubles 254 c. Frederick II Emperour troubled and depos'd 266 G GAlla Duke of Venice his eyes put out 183 Father Garnet his life 696 to 707 The story of his straw 704 705 Gerberg a Nun drown'd in a Wine-vessel 178 Gibbelines their Story 270 Giovanni Duke of Venice banish'd 183 Men held for Gods 1 2 God abused and blasphemed 29 30 Gradenico Duke of Venice murder'd 183 Gregory I against a Vniversal Bishop 154 Commendeth the murther of Mauricius 155 156 Calls himself servant of servants 156 Delivers Trajans soul out of Hell 157 Gregory VII his power 218 219 c. Deposed by a Synod at Worms 220 By another at Brixen 226 Dyeth and is Sainted 227 Gregory XIII his explication of Pius V his Bull against Queen Elizabeth 435 436 Jac. Gretser his bad Principles 69 Guelfs their story 270 Guisards several designes against the House of Navar as the chief of that of Bourbon 488 489 490 Their under-plottings against Henry III of France 494 495 496 to 502 Their designes against the House of Bourbon 502 And to make themselves next Heirs of the Kingdom 502 503 c. Look upon Cardinal Bourbon as first Prince of the Bloud rather then the King of Navar 507 Duke of Guise holds a Treaty or Conventicle with some Spanish Commissioners and others and the agreement at that Cabal 505 Has a meeting of the Chieftains of the House of Lorrain at Nancy 520 Presents several propositions to the King ibid. Comes to Paris has the acclamations of the people 522 The Queen-Mother sent to treat with him 524 His insolent demands 524 Refuses to swear Allegiance to the King and plots to take away his life 528 Is kill'd at Blois ibid. Cardinal of Guise kill'd by the Kings order ibid. Gunpowder-Treason vid. Treason H LOng Hair of great value 167 Hare occasion'd the taking of Rome 187 Harenscaran punishment what 256 257 Heaven abused with lyes 29 30 Henry II King of England his troubles by Thomas a Becket 235 236 c. His grief and penance for Beckets murther 247 248 Henry IV King of Castile and Leon his miseries by his proud rebellious Nobility 337 c. They make a League against him ibid. Designe to kill him 340 Henry IV Emperour his troubles and deposition 218 219 c. Deprived 220 224 225 His strange Humility and Submission 222 Crown'd at Rome 226 Depos'd by his son 228 229 His poverty and death
so much to search out the truth as to expose another party Well the same Pamphleter proceedeth to tell us that h Id. pag. 93. If we mark well we shall find that in this last Century of years there hath been more Princes Deposed and Murthered for their Religion by these Protestants of Integritie then have been in all others since Christ's time by the Popes Excommunication or the attempt and means of Roman Catholicks i Id. pag. 98. By all which it is plain that Rome is so far from being the Author and Fountain of these Rebel-Doctrines that all Loyalty is in the Reputation of these Protestants of Integritie Popery For he would make you believe of the Romanists that they a Id. pag. 104. are to fight onely with Prayers Arms against Princes have no warrant Quis est Judex si Rex transgreditur Conditiones Regni solus Deus Who is Judge if the King transgresseth the Conditions of his Kingdom onely God Navar. Cunerus and all the Catholick Doctors that ever I have seen agree perfectly in this same sentence But who so bold as blinde Bayard And therefore whence must these Treasonable Doctrines Opinions and Practices come he will tell you and hopeth you will as freely credit him b Id. pag. 110. From Rome it cannot be for its Doctrines with the Opinions and Practices of all its Doctors are quite contrarie and all that is said against that Church in this particular is meer Calumnie And so much for this shameless Libel which is since well Answer'd by the Reverend Dr. Peter du Moulin the Learned Son of a Learned Father T. C or be who it will that was the Author of Labyrinthus Cantuariensis will by no means allow the Romanists to hold any disloyal Assertions His words are c Preface Neither doth Mr. Fisher or any of his Profession allow or use any such nets as the Relator viz. Archbishop Laud mentions that is they neither practice nor hold it lawful to dissolve Oaths of Allegiance to depose and kill Kings to blow up States for the establishing of Quod volumus c. But I would know of the Author for what things they do allow them And in another place he thus undertakes to Apologize for the Popes d Labyrinth Cant. p. 226. § 7. Nor did the Popes ever attempt or so much as pretend to bring the Emperours under them in Civil Affairs which is another aspersion the Bishop layeth upon them Gregory VIII and Innocent III were indeed very prudent men and worthy Champions of the Church to assert her just Liberties but they never endeavour'd to subject the Emperour to themselves in Temporal matters And Mr. Serjeant according to his usual way will thus in a few Idle words vindicate the Popes e J. S. Answer to Dr. Pierce's Sermon pag. 116. Nay but the Court of Rome trod upon Crowns and Scepters An Hyperbole fetcht from the Horns of the Moon When where what Crowns and Scepters Another who undertook to answer the said Sermon would gladly thus cleer the Romanists f The Primitive Rule before the Reformation in the Afternoons Exhortation pag. 18. We Catholicks declare Kings to be free from any Coercive power from their own Laws and Subjects to which they are not bound civiliter but naturaliter onely for if once a Coactive power be allowed Ex coactione sequitur saltem paritas summitatis divisio as the Civilian speaks and Kings once compell'd by their Subjects are no more Scripture-Kings Gods Kings Titular Popular Kings onely For Gods Kings saith Otho Frisigensis being above all Laws are reserved to the Divine judgement hereafter they may not be punished by the secular Laws g Id. pag. 20. As for Catholicks and their fidelitie to Kings none speak it more none advise or practice it more in all secular obediences then the Roman Pastours and the Catholicks in their Communion h Id. pag. 22 23. Yea so far is this Sea Apostolick from frequent practices of that nature upon Kings viz. to depose them of which the Reformed Churches are so guilty that it is evident more Rebellions have been rais'd against Princes for Religion onely in this last Reformed age in a few Protestant Countries then have been rais'd by Catholicks for any cause whatever in seven Ages before throughout all Christendom And whereas this Indirect Power of the See Apostolick is so much traduced as derogatorie from the Rights of Kings the Histories of this last confused Age do manifest that even this Power is and hath been rather a Fortress to Princes against their Rebellions Subjects Yet Id. pag. 22. he is unwilling to speak too plain and therefore tells us that as for the Popes Indirect Power over Kings in Ordine ad Spiritualia to Censure and Deprive Kings I leave that Question to be decided by the two Supreme Powers viz. Pope and King when occasion shall be for it And then probably our Author will declare for the Pope as some Priests did in Queen Elizabeths time anno 1582. Lastly for in these assertions a man might be endless one in his Animadversions upon Dr. Bates and his Elenchus Motuum in which the Doctor is sometimes partial or faulty this a Elenchus Elenchi pag. 17 20 21. Animadvertor I say will by all means have it to be an old and false Calumny to think that the Romanists were not always the best Subjects But words are cheap and why did he not Answer my positive proofs against it as well as make b Id. pag. 26. use of my Book to shew the villany of our Non-conformists and by them to insinuate a discredit of our Church of England to those beyond Seas who through ignorance may suppose the Presbyterians to be true sons of our Church But what they cannot answer some make it prudence to pass by with silence and then the Gentile Romanist who seldom troubles himself with reading any thing but what makes for himself faileth not to vapour that his Champion hath got the day putting most of his confidence in the Title-page seldom or never examining the honesty or exactness of the Writer Thus self-interest perswades and then assures him of the Conquest so that with him to write against the Church of England is the same to confute and confound Thus we see how they would cunningly bear the people in hand what peaceable men they are what good subjects they are and always make a noise of their Obedience and Loyalty as a main Argument to perswade our Kings to embrace their Religion But as for us of the Church of England alas we are nothing but Traytors and Rebels Treachery and Sedition being the chief Articles of our Faith whilst at Rome nothing is taught but peace and loyalty And if we must believe Father Parsons we must thus know the difference of the two Religions for with the Romanists out of England c Three Convers of Engl. part 2. pag. 581 582. All Modestie
Gravitie Learning Pietie Devotion Peace Concord Vnitie and Charitie was carryed away And in the new Gospelling Ship came in all the contrary vices namely of Sedition Division Pride Temerity Curiosity Novelties Sensuality Impiety and Atheism But Quis tulerit Gracehos de seditione querentes Juv. Sat. 2. Who can with patience hear A Guizard blame a Scotish Covenanteer The Ostrich with great pains and ostentation of his Feathers endeavours to make a great flight yet cannot get an inch higher from the ground like the lying Hypocrite whose goodly shews and cheats will little avail him The Jesuits tell us that the Founder of their Order Ignatius Loyola imitated the Devil using all his tricks sleights cheats and cunning to convert Souls Jo. Pet. Maffeius in vita Ignat. l. 3. c. 11 as the other did in perverting of them And I wish some of his Disciples had not made use of Falsities to inveigle and abuse their Proselytes All is not Gold that glisters nor all good Ware that is commended by a fair-Tongued Sales-man and when you see a Religious face suspect a knavish heart Our English Fugitives made the people at Rome believe that in Queen Elizabeths days there Sir Geo. Paul's life of Archbishop Whitgift p. 79. § 116. was no Church or Bishop standing in England but that the people heard their Ministers in Woods and Fields amongst Trees and Brute Beasts The Spaniards were made believe that here they worshipt the Devil When 1623. 5 of November according to the Roman account the Chamber fell at Black fryers killing by its fall almost an hundred with Father Drury the Jesuit their Preacher some had the impudence to print beyond Seas as if the story had been a judgement of God upon some Protestant Hereticks in Holborn How oft have they printed the lye about the Nags-head Consecration and belyed Bishop Morton as if he acknowledged the truth of it in a Speech in Parliament We need not tell what Tales they have publish'd of the Deaths of Beza Calvin Luther Henry VIII Queen Elizabeth nay some had the confidence to give out that King a Vid Purchas Pilgrimage l. 9. c. 3. pag. 831. Edit 1614. James was turn'd Romanist and had sent to the Pope about it And to conclude this no less man then Monsieur de la Milletiere hath without question truely placed King Charles the Martyr in Heaven but had a great deal of Assurance when he could hint and insinuate to us as if the said King dyed in the b La victoire de la verité Epist au Roy de la Gr. Brit. p. 78 79 80. Roman Religion And as for his affirming that none can go to c Second Discourse Politick p. 37. Heaven but of the Roman Church I believe it like the former stories and so joyn it with them and so he might have spared his pains in dedicating them to King Charles II. But Gentlemen to take off these slanders from my Mother the Church of England the freest from establish'd blemishes of any in the World and as we say to set the Saddle upon the right Horse was this Treatise by way of a retort undertaken And for my so doing I need no other Apology then the words of your own d Protestants Apol. Preface to the Reader § 7. Mr. John Brerely or as some think Anderton thus Being therefore thus provoked or rather urged it will not I hope seem offensive to the Discreet and Sober Romanist against whose confess'd loyalty I hereby intend nothing if I but a little examine not what I can or am provoked to object but what is by our Learned Adversaries themselves confess'd and reported on the contrary part Wherein courteous Reader if much contrary to my disposition and thy liking I do somewhat enlarge my self in more fully opening those things I am not without all hope of Pardon especially considering that the foresaid Occasion which compelleth me so unwilling thereof is in it self so provoking uncharitable and exceeding But here it may be objected by some Roman Catholicks that in the following Assertions and Histories of King-deposing I do but belye and slander them falsifie and corrupt mine Authors and so cheat and abuse my Readers For the Romanists forsooth never taught disobedience to Magistrates never allowed Kings to be deposed nor could the Pope and Cardinals the true a Mar. de Alteriis de Censuris Eccles Tom 1. lib. 5. disp 14. cap. 1. pag. 655. Representives of the Roman Church being infallible especially in such solemn things as Bulls and Breves publish such destructive Doctrines In Answer to this Charge I hope I shall return enough to clear my self by affirming first that the Doctrine or words are none of mine but their own as appeareth by the Quotations of their Authors Secondly If in the multitude of these Citations I have by haste or chance not by designe mistaken some it no way contradicts the Doctrine it self which is held so Universally by them as will appear presently hereafter by the Testimonies and Confessions of the Romanists themselves Thirdly That herein I do not intend all that pretend to be the sons of the Roman Religion there being both in England and France many Noble and worthy Persons of that Perswasion who do detest and abhor this King-deposing Principle But whether in so doing the Pope doth look upon them as true sons to him and his Church I shall leave to the determination of the Romanists themselves And if in this there be any doubt or dispute we may suppose the Pope Cardinals and their chiefest Doctors about them may best understand the meaning of their Roman Church and so more capable to decide the Question which is one reason that I all along use the word Romanists as those adhering to the Church at Rome or that which is taught there by the Pope as true Doctrine Fourthly For the better Confirmation of this Assertion I have shew'd and proved these Treasonable Positions from above two hundred of their own approved Authors But if this number be not sufficient b Sexcentae doctorum Pontificum Myâ—â—ades omnibus Eloquentiae nervis â—nixissimè laborant persuadere à summis pendere Pontificibus usum Imperialis Gladii Regios sasces dare adimi Romani Praesulis arbitratu Jul. Taboet Ephemerid Hist Tom. 2. pag. 30. Julianus Taboetius a French Civilian doth assure us long ago that there had been six hundred thousand famous Writers in behalf of the Pope's Authority to Depose Kings and Emperors at his pleasure Fifthly You shall plainly see that it is not I that lay these King-deposing Principles to your Charge but your own selves or Brethren the Chieftains of your Church So if you deny the Point do not say that I have slander'd you but rather say that your Popes as Gregory VII Boniface VIII Sixtus V Pius V c. rather say that your Cardinals as Bellarmine Baronius Allen Rather say that your Saints as
Bernard though f Anno 1131. Sect. 4. Baronius himself cannot believe that he was the Author of it Yet good Bernard knew not all things nor in some things could he see any farther than that blinde Age in which he lived would allow him nor will I take upon me to censure him of flattery for his thus complementing with his Holiness g Beâ—nard de Considerat ad Eugenium sib 2. cap. 8. Thou art the Prime of all Bishops the Heir of the Apostles an Abel for Primacy a Noah for Government an Abraham by Patriarchship a Melchisedech by Order Aaron by Dignity Moses by Authority Samuel by Judicature Peter by Power Christ by Vnction c. And this piece of canting Courtship was taken up by the Arch-bishop h Vid Abrah Bzov. Rom. Pent. c. 6. p. 56. Stephanus Tigliatius and bestowed upon Innocent the Eighth with some Additions But we might go higher yet and see what goodly Priviledges Gregory the Seventh got an Assembly at Rome to bestow upon him as that i Bâ—oâ— Anno 1076. Sect 31 3â— 33. onely the Pope of Rome can depose Bishops That he onely according to the Times may make Laws That he onely may use the Imperial Ensigns That all the Princes are to kiss his feet That he can depose Emperours and Translate Bishops That no Synod can be held without his command nor any Book is Canonical without his Authority That he is undoubtedly made k Vid. Dist 40. â— Noa nos Holy by the Merits of St. Peter That there is but one name in the World i. e. the Pope Nor can such Extravagances as these seem strange to any who is acquainted with their writings and stories the Popes themselves not a little delighting in these Flatteries and accordingly they never want such complying Pick-thanks Thus Fernando de Velasco in behalf of his Master John the Second King of Vid. Bzov. de Rom. Pont. c. 6. p. 56 57 58 66. Portugal applyed that to Innocent the Eighth which the Apostle speaks of Christ viz. That he is a Ephes 1. 21. far above all Principality and Power and every name that is named not onely in this world but also in that which is to come and that he is the Sun and Light of the World Thus Scala the Florentine Ambassador told the same Pope That his Dignity was so great that a more Excellent could not be invented or fancyed on Earth Nay that to dispute or doubt of his Power is no less than Sacriledge as Cheurer flattered him from the Duke of Savoy Julius the Second was told by Diego Pacettus Envoy from Emanuel King of Portugal That he was the Door-keeper of Heaven and held the Keys of eternal Life And Bernardus Justinianus Agent from the Venetians assured Pope Paul the Second that b Cui claudere Coelos aperire detrudere ad Inferos eruere quoscunque velit concessum he could damn and save whom he pleased Which was also affirm'd to Julius the Second by Michael Risius from Lewis the Twelfth of France with this Addition that the Necks of all Kings and Princes must submit to him Narius Bandinaeus Ambassador from Sienna fob'd up Pope Paul the Third with the Epithites of The Father of Godliness Day-star of Justice Prince of Faith Chiestain of Religion Arbitrator of all things Saviour of Christians and Image of Divinity And as if the Princes of Italy strove in the magnifying of his Holiness the Ambassadors of Genoa Sienna Lucca Venice Florence Parma Milan and Ferrara humbly told Leo the Tenth That he excell'd all Kings as much as the Sun doth the Moon And well might these petit Potentates thus tumble themselves before their Infallible Chair when the great French Monarch Francis the Second by his Deputy Johannes Babo à Burdaesia did creenge to Pius the Fourth in the acknowledgement that all Laws depended upon his pleasure that Kings threw themselves down at his feet and Heaven opens at his will and that his pleasure did stand for a Law as his voice for an Oracle Pope Pius the Fifth was once told that the whole world lay at his Feet And Sixtus the Fifth that Princes Kings and Emperours were so much subject to him that they should not onely attend upon him but worship and adore him Which if true then Aquinas was not amiss when as they say he told the world That * Vid. Bzov. pag. 53 55. our Kings ought to be as much subject to him as to Christ himself Nor those others who with the German have declared that all must be obedient to him upon pain of Salvation according to the Decree of d Extra Com. de Major Obed. c. Uâ—am sanctam Boniface the Eighth Their Canon-Law tells us that Christ received St. Peter into the e Sext. de Electione cap. Fundamenta Fellowship of his undivided Vnity Informs us that as f Dist 12. c. Non decet Christ did the Will of his Father so we should do the will of the Church of Rome That g Dist 19. c. Sic omnes all the Orders of that Church ought to be held as if St. Peter himself had proposed them to us And therefore are h Ib. c. Enimvero perpetually and inviolably to be observed And so are the Papal decretal Letters which they say are to be i Ib. c. In Canonicis numbred amongst the Canonical Scriptures Nor is any man k Caus 17. Q. 4. Dist 81. c. Si qui sunt c. Nemini est to judge or revoke the Popes sentence For the l Paul Lancelottus Institut juris Can. l. 1. Tit. 3. c. Decreta Decrees of the Popes are of equal force and authority with the Canons of Councils And good Reason since they Decree that every one is to be m Extra Com. de Major Obed. c. Unam sanctam obedient to the Pope upon pain of damnation and so must we believe that n Extra Com. Tit. 1. c. Super Gentes all Nations and Kingdoms are under the Popes jurisdiction And that o Extra Joh. XXII Tit. 5. Dist 22. c. Omnes Gloss God hath delivered over to him the Power and Rule of Heaven and Earth And well may he thus triumph over Principalities Powers since the Glossaries have the confidence to assure us that he a Naturam rerum immutat substantialia unius rei applicando aliis de nihilo aliquid facere potâ—st sententiam quae nulla est facit aliquam In his quae vult ei est pro ratione voluntas Nec est qui ei dicat Cur ita facis Ipse enim potest supra jus dispensare de injustitia potest facerc justitiam corrigendo jura mutando Decret Greg. lib. 1. Tit. 7. c. Quanto perjonam Gloss Sect. Veri Dei vicâ—m can change the Nature of Things make or rather create something out of nothing since his will must stand for a Law nor must any man
that which was none of his own Yet they may suppose that the Inca spake this not like a Romanist but an Heathen as he was for their Writers anon will tell us another Doctrine and yet all parties smile at the Fool in Athens for thinking all other mens ships to be his own Whether the Pope hath any real Reason for the exercising of this his suppos'd Prerogative is nothing to the Purpose as Thomas Bozius affirm'd to Pope Clement the Eighth and all people else * Sitque aliquis Rex juâ—e solers industrius Poâ—ens Catholicus pius tamen Pontifex Episcopique Pontifice approhante uâ—e naturali Divino in Divinis Scriptis expresso ac tradito per Christum Apostolos valent huic auferre Imperia Regna alterique nullum jus alioque habenti adjudicare ubi judicaveâ—int id esse non modo necessarium sed expediens Tho. Bozius de jure status lib. 3 cap. 4. For although said he that the King be lawful and not onely so but understanding careful powerful one of the Popes Religion and godly too yet can the Pope take his Empire or Kingdoms from him and give it to another although there be no necessity for so doing it being enough if he think it onely convenient Nor is this all for he attributes the same Authority to the Bishops which is of sufficient validity if the Pope do but approve of their actions This Eugubian in other places of his Writings harps much upon De Italiae statu p. 300. 311. the Popes power in deposing of Kings and dividing the World amongst them as if they were his Sons and he the Father of all And then would seem to thrust Dante aut auferente Imperia Regnaque opulentissima omnium Maxima Orbem rerrarum distribuens ac partiens inter maximos omnium Principes veluti inter filios Ib. pag 301. into the World an Opinion of bad consequence of none being held for Kings but those who were anoynted and Crown'd but the Priests Watson and Clark 1603 found that this Plea would neither Id. pag. 305. quit them from Treason nor save their live Amongst other things to Buoy or bolster up this his Opinion of the Popes Spiritual and â—emporal Power he a Id. pag 430. brings the Authority of one Roderigo Zanchez Bishop of Zamora and the truth of it is that where wording is all this Spaniard may carry the Bell away boldly affirming * Est vero naturaliter moraliter Divino jure cum recta fide tenendum Principatum Romani Pont. esse verum unicum immediatum Principatum totius Oâ—bis nedum quoad Spiritualia sed quoad Temporalia Principatum Impeâ—iaâ—em esse ab ipso dependentem mediatum ministerialem instrumentalem eidem subministrantem deservientem foreque ab eo ordinatum institutum ad jussum Principatus Papalis mobilem â—evocabilem corâ—igibilem punibilem That by Natural Moral and divine Law we must believe that the Pope hath the immediate and onely Rule of the whole World in Temporals as well is in Spirituals all imperial Authority depending so much upon him that it is alterable punishable or null'd as he shall command The small esteem which this Bishop thus declared to the World by his Pen he had of Temporal Greatness Another of the same Sea viz. Antonio de Acunna by his Sword declar'd his approbation to it Prud. de Sandoval Anno 1520. though upon different accounts by his turbulent spirit adding fresh Fuel to the Treasonous humours then raging in Spain this old Don still charging in the head of above four hundred Priests which he had under his Command well armed his Word being Here my Priests But at last by a strangling he paid for his Rebellions against his Soveraign Charles the Fifth Emperour of Germany Laelius Zecchus a great man with them both for Law and Dignity is earnest for this jurisdiction of the Popes affirming Papa enim Caesares deponit jura Impeâ—ia transfert Reges Regnis privat c. Lael Zecch Tract Theolog p 82 83. that he can depose both Emperours and Kings being absolute Lord of the Christian World And another Italian Lawyer viz. a De poâ—est Rom. Pont. l. 2. c 3. Sect 18. Adversus impios Politicos hujus temporis Hereticâ—s Alexander Clericus is much of the same opinion and declares that he writ this Book against the wicked Polititians and Hereticks of his time amongst the rest whether he intended Cardinal Bellarmine let others judge since he hath several whole Chapters against him But a greater Lawyer than the former and one of more Learning and Modesty viz. b De Testament cap. 6. Sect. 19. Didacus Covarruvas is willing to let himself be perswaded by the Canon-Law to imbrace this King-deposing Opinion And his Country-man though of an ancienter Cut c De planctu Ecclesiae l. 1. cap. 13 37 56. Alvarus Pelagius out of the same Box swallows down the like Poyson Gaspar Scioppius that unruly German though of the same wicked judgement yet he will pretend to give you some pretty Reasons for it as that because the Pope is the Head as he saith and the Emperour and Kings but Arms or Hands to the same monstrous Body therefore if these do not their Itaque si Reges non nutriant neque vestiant Corpus certe manus aut brachia munere non funguntur itaque velut membâ—um inutile capitis Imperio amputantur Gasp Sciop Ecclesiasticus c. 141. p. 511 512. duty in being careful to preserve the Body the Head as Lord and Master may cut them off A pretty simile to make the supposed wise Head cause of its own ruine But if this do not please you he will give you another as good from the great benefit forsooth that some Countries have received by this Temporal Power of the Popes As by this France had their Antient Family of the Meroveens thrust out from being Kings and the Carlovingiens popt into the Throne That Germany by this hath got the Western Empire but not a word of the Emperours wanting Italy And as for Spain it 's obliged to hug and defend this unlimited Prerogative of St. Peter since it gain'd the Kingdom of Navarre by a Hispania Navarrae Regnum nullo alio titulo nisi quia capiti Ecclesiae Pontifici sui visum fuerit obtinuit Ib. no other Right nor Title but onely because it so pleas'd the Pope In the mean time was not Don John of Albret and his Wife Catharina King and Queen of Navarre and their poor Subjects also much beholden to Pope Julius the Second for his thus ruining of them by the hands of their Enemies By this Argument Schoppius might maintain the knack of Plagiery he gaining at first the name of some Learning by his slie transcribing of his Masters Notes but never the more honesty or right stuck by him nor had he mended his manners had he
lived to the age of his great Grand-father or great Grand-Mother the first living one hundred and ten and the other one hundred and five years what spirit he was of may in part be seen by his violent perswading to the ruining of all Protestants in his Classicum Belli Sacri and his ranting and calling of it b Ecclesiast c. 74. p. 242. Dathanismus and Abironismus in King James because he would not believe that the Pope had power to depose Kings But enough of Schoppius let us now see the Judgement of one greater than he Martinus Becanus a man of great Parts and Learning yet is pleas'd to compare Kings and Princes to Per Canes partim Reges Imperatores qui morsu externa vi defendunt Ecclesiam ab Incursione Haereticorum Infidelium Mart. Becan Controvers Angl. p. 131 132. Dogs That by their bitings and force do defend the Church from the Assaults and Incursions of Hereticks And these he saith upon some occasions may not onely be c Bec. de Republ. Ecclesiast l. 3. c. 4. Sect. 48 49. Excommunicated of which he endeavoureth to give some Instances but also d Reges Principes quando negligentes sunt in arcendis vel expellendis Haereticis excommunicandos a Pontifice deponendos Controvers Angl. Ib. Id. Tom. 3. Part. 2. Theologiae Scholasticae cap. 15. q. 5. pag. 421. Id. Refutatio Tort. Torti p. 23. deposed by the Pope And therefore a little after he affirms that none can with a safe Conscience take our English Oath of Allegiance because amongst other things it declares that the Pope upon any account cannot depose a King which Assertion he saith all Catholicks hold to be e Catholici judicant hanc propositionem apertè falsam esse Id. pag. 139. false and against the Lateran Council Gabriel Vasquez one of the most famous School-men of Spain is also of opinion that it is in the Popes power to f Com. in 1. 2. Thom. Tom. 2. Dist 152. Sect. 8. punish Princes and that the crime of Heresie against him is of such force that none of such Conditions are capable of Rule so that the Si omnes de stirpe Regia Haeretici sintt unc devolvitur ad Regnum nova Regis electio nam justè à Pontifice omnes illi successores Regno privari possunt Id. disp 169. Sect. 42 43. Kingdom must chuse some body else But if it so chance that the whole Kingdom be not of the Romish perswasion then the * Qâ—od si Regnum infectum esset Pontifex assignaâ—e posset Catholicum Regem ipsum vi armorum si opus esset introducere Ib. Pope can assign them one whom the people must not deny for if they do his Holiness forsooth may bring him in by force of Arms. Nor can we expect any better Doctrine from Franciscus Feu-ardentius Reges Regnis suis abdicare omni potestate dignitaâ—eque privare potest Com. in Esther p. 82. his very name somewhat shewing the fury of his Zeal this Franciscan is resolved for the Popes pulling down of Kings and yet he could wish that in these things his Holiness would consult with the holy Consistory of Cardinals Julius Ferrettus though not so hot-headed as the former and one that could indure cold as well as any Italian yet though he seldom used a Fire his Doctrine waâ— Zealous enough in behalf of the Pope affirming that he could a Papa dat Imperium Regna iis de causis rite deponuntur ab co Jul. Ferrettus de re disciplina Militari p. 156. Sect. 113. give Empire and Kingdoms nay and depose the Possessors because he is judge of all and instead of a God on Earth And in another b Id. pag. 354. Sect. 26. place he concludes with the same Doctrine against the Emperour And yet this Doctrine he intended for Charles the Fifth and assured it to his Son Philip the Second And for all this bad Doctrine this Lawyer was in great Repute as appears both by his great Preferments and Imployments and the latter end of his Epitath may serve for a hint Jura Poli atque fori belliterraeque marisque Descripsit tandem conditur hoc Tumulo And Celsus Mancinus Friend Towns-man born viz. Ravenna and of the same Profession with the former is just of the same Opinion c Conspicuum fit omnibus à summo Pontifice deponi privarique Imperatores è contra eligi Mancin de jurib Princip l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Nor need this be any such wonder to us when a greater than either of them doth not onely affirm that this d Reges nostri in multis casibus possunt deponi sive per Papam sive ipsis Regnâ—câ—lis Tostat Com. in III Reg. c. 11. q. 35. King-deposing Authority is not onely in the Pope but in the very people too and of this Opinion is no less man than the voluminous Tostatus so that the word Treason will become null'd Although his Country-man e De potestate coactiva cap. 12. Sect. 17. Josephus Stephanus doth not speak any thing of this Power in the people yet he is as forward as any to give it to the Pope especially if the Kings be not of his Romish Religion and in another of his f De adorat pedum Pont. cap. 7. Books gives you a Catalogue of some Emperours and Kings unthroned by the Pope For those Opinions and other his Writings in honour of the Porphyry-Chair he was made Bishop of Orihuela in Valentia and his learning might deserve some preferment being well studyed in Church-Antiquities Another Spaniard viz. g In 2. 2 Tho. q. 12. art 2. col 478. Dominicus Bannez allows the same power to the Pope of King-deposing but had this Guipuscoian in his old age studyed Loyalty more than Hebrew he might have alter'd his judgement and it might have been more for his credit And with this noted son of Mondragon doth another Spaniard h Tom. 3. disp 1. q 12. â—unct 2. col 439. 443. Gregorius de Valentia agree And though their Orders be Enemies yet like Herod and Pilate they can shake hands to propagate Rebellion But we have a Country-man of our own as famous as either of the other two both for his Learning and his stedfastness in this wicked Opinion and this is Thomas Stapleton who boldly declares that for Heresie the i Rom. Pont. punire quosvis Principes potest si rei necessitas exigat Regno private Tom 1. pag. 710. Contr. 3. q. 5. Art 2. Nâ—mpe per populâ—m ipsum cujuâ— est eligere saâ—â—n Principem aut Ordines Regni vel Senatâ—m Civitatis At vero si istud non succedat potest per se immediatè procedâ—â—e dando illud Regnâ—m alteâ—i Oâ—thodoxo Principi vel prâ—mo Victori Oâ—thodoxo illud assignando Ib Sect. 4. p â—â— Pope may not onely punish but also deprive Kings of their
first that made Seminaries at Doway a severe enemy to the Protestants and as fierce a maintainer of the power of Rome and the King of Spain of both which this one Example may satisfie Queen Elizabeth having sent some aid into the Netherlands against the Spaniard Sir William Stanley was made Governour of Deventer in Over-Issel which he presently betraying his trust deliver'd with himself and Garrison to the Spaniard by which he lost by common consent the reputation of Subject Gentleman and Souldier but Dr. Allain thinking to quell these rumours and to encourage the new Renegado's by a Letter from Rome sends Stanley and his Regiment not onely thanks and Commendations for this their action but as he thought a sufficient vindication too part of which take in his own words Yea I say no more unto you Gentlemen seeing you desire to know Dr. Allain's Letter touching the render of Deventer pag. 27 28. my meaning fully in this point That as all acts of Justice within the Realm done by the Queens authority ever since she was by publick sentence of the Church and see Apostolick declared an Heretick and an enemy of Gods Church and for the same by name excommunicated and deposed from all Regal Dignity as I say ever sithence the publication thereof all is void by the Law of God and Man so likewise no war can be lawfully denounced or waged by her though otherwise in it self it were most just because that is the first Condition required in a just War that it be by one denounced that hath lawful and Supream power to do the same as no Excommunicate person hath especially if he be withal deposed from his Royal Dignity by Christ his Vicar which is the Supream power in Earth and his Subjects not onely absolved and discharged of their Service Oath Homage and Obedience but especially forbidden to serve or obey any such Canonically condemned person And in another place of the same Pamphlet he thus tells them their doom if they had been faithful to their trust and the Queen a Id. pag. 30. Any Excommunicate or Canonically condemn'd Prince whom no man by law can serve nor give aid unto but he falleth into Excommunication Thus we see what small esteem he had of his Soveraign and how easie it is for these men to ease themselves of loyalty and Obedience And that the Pope may thus trample upon Kings observe his Doctrine in another of his Writings b Defence of English Catholicks against the book call'd The execution of justice pag. 143. The Pope may in some cases excommunicate for some causes deprive and in many respects fight and wage War for Religion And gain c Id. p. 207. Plain it is that Kings that have professed the Faith of Christ and the defence of his Church and Gospel may be and have been justly both excommunicated and deposed for injuries done to Gods Church and revolt from the same as sometimes also for other great crimes tending to the Pernition of the whole subject unto him And gain d Id. P. 114. By the fall of the King from the Faith the danger is so evident and inevitable that GOD HAD NOT SUFFICIENTLY PROVIDED FOR OUR SALVATION and the preservation of his Church and holy Laws IF THERE WERE NO WAY TO DEPRIVE or restrain Apostata Kings And then plainly declares to the world thus e Id. P. 115. Therefore let no man marvel that in case of heresie the Soveraign loseth his superiority and right over his people and Kingdom And in these f Id. P. 72 73. Opinions he endeavours to prove that there is no harm And gives the Earl of a Westmerland Id. 48. for his Rebellion great commendations and of his fellow-Traytor gives you this Character The renowned Count of Northumberland dyed a Saint and holy Martyr When the Spanish Armado invaded England he printed a pernicious Admonition to the Catholicks of these Kingdoms stuft with horrid Rebellion and Treason perswading them by all means to take part with the King of Spain and to Root out their own Queen What effect his Doctrine took I know not but 't is well known that the Fleet came to nothing and enough of this Allen who for his zeal to the Spanish Faction and the authority of Rome was made Cardinal de S. Martino by Pope Sixtus the Fifth at the desire of Philip the Second And now let us see what a man with a long name will tell us in this cause Andraeas Eudaemon-joannes a man suspected at first to sculk under a wrong denomination but when we know his Country and temper we shall not think him asham'd to own any thing though never so bad or false he was born in the Island Crete now better known by the name of Candia at Canea by the ancients call'd Cydon or Cydonia but bred up from his youth at Rome and a Jesuite If that be true that in the Island of his birth no venomous or harmful Creature can live 't was well that he was forthwith transplanted to Italy for his native soyl and his malicious humour could never agree His writings are onely stuft with railing and vain repetitions hath impudence to deny any thing and affirm what he pleaseth his whole books are composed of contradictions all along affirming that Kings may be deposed nay and sometimes cut off and yet at the same time vindicating himself and his Order from disloyalty and yet so shie in his affirmations though bald in his hints that his books may be read over to as much purpose and satisfaction as one of the Brethrens preachments or Olivers Speeches so that I should wonder that such a generous Pope as Vrban the Eighth and such a learned Cardinal as Bellarmine should have him in such esteem and favour if interest had no sway in this world And though all along one may know his meaning by his Moping yet sometimes he speaks plain enough and declares that the a Potuit enim non ut dominus sed ut Minister Christi deponere Principes Andr. Eudaem-joan Respons ad Epist Is Casauboni pag. 12. Pope can depose Kings and that this b Id. Parallelus Torti Tortoris cap. 4. pag. 197. ultro concedamus facta à Pontificibus jure atque ordine fieri potuisse ut contumaciam ac Tyrannidem Principum excommunicatione ac depositione ulcisceretur hath been done and may be done sometimes lawfully In the year 1594 one Jehan Chastel intending to stab King Henry the Fourth of France with his Kinfe struck him into his Mouth and though he mist of his aim yet he struck out two of his teeth and wounded him sore For this Treason the Villain is excuted but presently one Franzois de Verone writes an Apology for Chastel affirming that he had done nothing but what became a true Christian and Catholick his reasons being because the King as he said was an Heretick and so might lawfully be kill'd or
deposed That he was absolutely perswaded so in the latter the first we shall treat of in its proper place you may judge by his declaring these following Propositions to be Heretical I Qu'un Heretique relaps nommement Fran. de Verone Apologie pour Jâ—han Chastel Part 2. cap. 15. pag. 95. excommunie du S. Siege ne perd le droit de la Couronne II. Que tel est Roy legitime donne Ordonne de Dieu III. Que l'eglise ne le peut priver de ce droit ny les Estats ny generallement les Princes de leurs dignitez ou Royaumes pour crime ou Heresie quelcunque IV. Ny absoudre les subjects de l'Obeissance fidelite a eux deue V. Qu'il fault resister a tels jugemens qu'ils n'obligent en conscience VI. Qu'il ne se fault enquirer des actions ny de la Conscience de son Prince VII Qu'il n'est loysible de resister a un Prince Heretique VIII Qu'un Roy Catholique peut permittre deux Religions en son Royaume I. That a relaps'd Heretick and by name excommunicated by the Pope doth not loose the right of his Crown II. That such an one is a lawful King given and ordained of God III. That neither Church nor Parliament Estates can deprive them of that right nor that Princes for any Crime or Heresie whatever can be deprived of their dignities IV. Nor that subjects can be absolved from their obedience and fidelity they owe to their Kings V. That such sentences as these are not to be obeyed being not obligatory in Conscience VI. That the Actions and Consciences of Kings are not to be pry'd into VII That it is not lawful to resist an Heretical Prince VIII That a Catholick King may permit two Religions in his Kingdom What this Verone was I know not onely we may observe that about Id. Apol. pag. 29. the same time there was a French Jesuit of the same name who afterwards writ some Books And that the same year viz. 1595. that this Book was Printed one Le Bell was punished for endeavouring to convey one Franzois Veron a Student at Poictiers out of France This same Verone also in the same Book vindicates Jacques Clement for murthering Henry the Third The which horrid murder was also publickly maintain'd as an act most lawful and glorious by another French-man call'd Bouchier and he that will thus boldly affirm the greater you may justly suppose he will not deny the less viz. the deposing of them And this he tells us the Pope can do if there be need of it and the Prince Cum ille Christi vicarius sit ut videat ne quid Christo ne quid ejus Ecclesiae ac Religioni injuria fiet ne quid vel populi vel Regni vel Regum ipsorum salutem impediat cujusmodi sunt Haeresis schisma perjurium apostasia similia quae sine gravi Ecclesiae detrimento in Regibus esse nequeunt id ei licâ—re ut cum nihil leniter admo nuisse profuerit cum censuras contemni audierit cum periculum grave Ecclesiae è tali regimine imminere deponi denique utile commodum esse agnoverit tum populos Obedientiae vinculo eximat decque operam ut alteri commodiori grex à Christo redemptus commiâ—tatur De justa Henric III. abdicatione lib. 1. cap. 5. pag. 13. contemn his inferiour censures Nay probable that a greater Authority than this Boucher can more than Countenance the deposing of Kings For anno 1589 a little before the said King Henry the Third was murdered the Colledge of Sorbone in Paris being then present about seventy Doctors declared Id. P. 398 399 370 373. Jan. de Serres that all the Kings Subjects were freed from their obedience to him of which Pope Sixtus the Fifth was informed and desired to compleat by his Authority One tells us with confidence that the Pope can create and depose Vid. Phil. Horn. Thesaur Polit. p. 318 319 323 361 362. Kings Another wonders that some German Divines should deny him to have power to translate Empires And a third tells Cardinal Mont ' alto Nephew to the foresaid Sixtus the Fifth that amongst other Priviledges which belong to the Pope is to give Titles to Emperours and Kings to translate Empires from one Nation to another and to judge Princes And our Country-man Thomas Harding when he sees Childerick of France deposed by the Pope cannot refrain from telling us a Confutation of the Apology fol. 181. b. What a strength of Authority is in that See which is able with a word to place and displace the mightiest King in Europe And this is also approved of by his good friend and great admirer b A brief shew of the false wares in the Apology fol. 93. John Rastell And the Portugal c Quaestiones Regulares Tom. 2. Quest 40. art 1. Quest 63. art 7. Tom. 4. Tit. 4. c. 3. Emanuel Rodericus in several places of his Works fob'd up by the Canon-law tells how the Pope can alter Kingdoms and depose Kings What force either Loyalty or Obedience is with some Roman Catholicks may in part be seen by their cavilling at our Oath of Allegiance as where it saith that the Pope hath no power or authority to depose the King or discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience to his Majesty upon any cause or occasion whatsoever They answer to the first A strange prevention to stir up humourâ— Answer to the Penal Statutes against Catholicks pag. 81 82. and to alter them with DANGEROUS Physick without necessity And to the second they thus retort Although the King should force them to be Mahometans Jewes Pagans or Infidels To that part of it which calls the opinion of the Popes power to excommunicate or deprive Kings Impious and Heretical They onely say How came the English Parliament by Authority to censure Doctrine who delivered them this power who made them assurance of Gods infallible Spirit To that part which saith That they do believe that the Pope nor any other hath power to absolve them of this Oath They deny the Article by their thus reasoning If they do not believe it NOR INDEED CAN BELIEVE IT WITHOUT GROSS IGNORANCE why should they inforce them to swear False or what get they by this And to the last part of it where 't is said that They do acknowledge this Oath to be administred unto them lawfully and by good and full Authority and that they do renounce all dispensations and pardons to the contrary They quite null the Proposition by this their answer He that sweareth false had need of absolution from the sin but needeth no dispensation because the Oath hath no force to bind as in this case By which means they declare their approbation of these following Propositions I. To affirm that the Pope hath no power or authority to depose the King is dangerous II. That in
What was the Opinion of that great-read Cardinal Baronius you may guess by this which followeth Henry the Sixth by the Italian Writers call'd Henry the Fifth the eldest son of the famous Frederick Barbarossa Emperour of Germany being at Rome with his Empress Constance Daughter to William King of Sicily and being Jo. Trevisa translat of Ranulph of Chesters Polyoron l. 7. c. 26. willing to be both Crowned there Accordingly Pope Caelestinus the Third being set in his Bontifical Chair in St. Peters Church held the Imperial Crown between his Feet whence both of them humbling themselves by bowing down their heads received the Crown but the Pope presently with his Foot kickt the Crown from the Emperours head to the ground Upon this Rogerus in short tells us that the Pope did it to shew that he had power to depose the Emperour And this is hint enough to a wise man But Baronius liketh the action so well that he must make a discant too it being his design all along to magnifie the greatness of the Pope and his Comment is this a Uâ— autem id fixum menti ejus haereret nempe dare custodire conservare auferre si causa exigeret Imperium esse in voluntate Romani Pontificis ejusmodi voluâ— commonuisse exemplo Baron Annal. Tom. 12. anno 1191. § 12. That the Emperour might remember that it is in the pleasure of the Pope to give keep preserve and take away the Empire if there be cause and that this Example might put him in minde of it And this he in b An. 1157. § 13. another place makes no doubt of I cannot but wonder at c Vindiciae Concilii Lateranens p. 4 5. Dr. Thomas Vane if he be the Author for some think that by agreement he fathers other mens writings to be so strangely in passion as to call Dr. Cozens now Bishop of Durham Beast Forrainer and Runagate and suchlike unhandsome language since both were English-men and both then living in France one as freely as the other though their going over upon different accounts the Bishop for his loyalty being persecuted over and probably in this reviling Dr. Vane forgot himself to be an Englishman considering the King himself took Asylum abroad upon the same account and a prudent man would not cast it as a Reproach upon Dr. Cozens for not chopping and changing Religions as Dr. Vane did But do but view over a few d Vindic. Concil Later pag. 69 70 71. pages of his little Book and then tell me if he do not allow that the Pope in some cases may deprive Kings e Comment in D. Tho. Tom. 1. col 145. Michael Bartholomeus Salon amongst other priviledges which in some cases he grants to the Pope is that of deposing Kings And the Lawyer f Papa potest deponere principes si nimis gravant subditos De Principibus Quest 7. Id. Imperator non debet deponi à Papa nisi subsit maxima gravissima causa ultra quam dici potest periculosa Imperator alii Principes non possunt deponi sine maximis periculis Id. Quest 35. Martinus de Caraziis Laudensis is of the same Opinion though he seems to desire that good reason should be given for so doing And this is also agreeable to the Learned and one of the best Casuists of the Jesuits Johannes Azorius who in several places of his g Tom. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. lib. 11. cap. 5. Institutions confirms the same h De Privileg Eccles Art 16. § â— Johannes Philippus Maynardus in his zeal against the Venetians not onely with the rest of his Followers in that Quarrel exempts the Clergy from the secular jurisdiction but also alloweth the Pope Authority to depose the Emperour and a Nullus possit esse Monarcha nisi dependeat à Papa De Monarch Hispan c. 5. Thomas Campanella throweth his Politicks upon the same Pontifical Priviledge And with him agreeth b Enchirid. Eccles Tit. de Salario vasall fol. 140. Gregorius Capuccinus Nor need we marvel to finde c Chron. Tom. 2. pag. 882. pag. 899. Edit 1581. Gilbertus Genebrard of the same Opinion when many times his choler and zeal was some discredit to his great learning Of the same extravagancy and passion was the Helvetian Jesuit Laurentius Forerus one who thought to procure to himself no small name by his multiplicity of Pamphlets and Zeal for his Order yet when he makes it his whole design to clear them from any thoughts of treasonable or bad Principles even then he confidently affirmeth that himself and the rest of his Order do and did always maintain that the d Mantissa Ant-Anatomiae Sect. 1. pag. 21 22 23 25. Pope hath power to depose Princes and for this he saith the Jesuits ought not to be slandred or thought bad subjects because they affirm no more e Quaeque alii Theologi communiter ante ipsum viz. Greg. de Valentia docuerunt apertissimum sit à plurimorum saeculorum decursu eandem à maximis Doctoribus Ecclesiae traditam defensam fuisse pag. 23. Dudum ab aliis Catholicis Doctoribus communissime tradita recepta pag. 25. than all other Catholick Doctors do Nay the famous Piedmontois Geographer f L'altra sorte di corruttione si ó lo scandolo de i Principi che ò per malignita depravano el ben publico é l'edificatione della chiesa di Dio ò per neligenza lasciano ruinare la Religione ne gli stati loro per l'uno e per l'altro capo li Pontifici se il male è incorrigibile si vagliono della scommunica e dell ' Interdetto E si queste arme fanno poco effetâ—o li dichtarano in capaci de gli stati e indegni del grado nel qual Dio gli ha posti assolvanâ— dal giuramento della fedeltai subditi e trasferiscano i Regni e gli Imperii all'altri E la ragione si è perche nella Chiesa di Dio la potesta secolare e quasi corpo la spirituale quasi anima onde quella deve ubbere questa commendate in tutto ciò che si appartiene al ben publico di essa Chiesa E i Principi scandalosi sono come membri putridi ò pecore scabbiose che si debbono trancare dalle parti sincere ò cacciare fuora del gregge Et è cosa ridicola quella che in questi tempi dicono e scrivono alcuni Politici Francesi che il Re loro depende immediatamente da Dio cosâ— per la sua vanità indegna di esser refutata conciosia che tutti i Regni legitimi hanno hanuto origine dall ' Electione de i Popoli e per questo nella loro incoronatione li Re giurano di osservar i Privilegi à i Popoli e i Popoli d'esser fedeli a loro e Dio hà dato ogniauttorita di legare e di
e Non solum ei liceat Monarchae jus nomen sibi ipsi vendicare sed etiam suae ditioni subditos ad Principatus Regna Imperia utcunque ei visum fuerit assumere assumpto vero etiam sine Causa ab iisdem Regnis deponere ea Regna ex uno ad alterum pro suae voluntatis arbitrio transferre Quod si forte in reprobum sensum traditi has i. e. the Popes Censures quoque contempserint tunc Pontifex si tamen id Ecclesiasticae tran quillitati expedire cognoscet populos absolvere poterit à juramento Obedientiae quo se Dominis illis devinxerant cum adhuc juste imperarent ei quoque licitum erit ipsos Dominos incorrigibiles Ecclesiae Rebelles Principatuum suorum jurisdictione privare eorum jura ad alios Orthodoxos Principes transferre Sixt. Senens Bibliotheca lib. 6. Annotat. 72. Sixtus Senensis a man of great Reading but in this case he thought it not amiss to fin for company with the rest of his Party now affirming that the Pope at his own pleasure without any cause can depose of Kingdoms yet a little after he is willing to have a Reason and then the deposition is lawful enough CHAP. II. That the Pope can absolve subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance and their Obedience due to their respective Princes ME thinks 't is an odd humour that the Pope should be so much on Cock-horse above all the world besides as to expect that all Emperours and Kings should swear absolute obedience to him and yet allow other earthly Monarchs to have but a conditional subjection from their Subjects And this Allegiance though never so strongly tyed up with Oaths and Duty yet must the people be perswaded that an Item from Rome can quit them from its Obligation as poor Hortensius believed himself to be King of Poland because Roguish Francion and others told him so Though we abhor the action yet we cannot chuse but smile sometimes to see how many by the knavery of some Polititians are gull'd into villany many of our wicked States-men as the Devil turns himself into an Angel of Light wrap themselves in Religon to catch those who know nothing of it but the word And though we be tyed to Allegiance with the strictest bonds of Birth and Oaths yet from these if occasion serve the Grandees of Faction will ease us either as one Nail drives out another by taking a contradictory Oath to the former or some way or other procuring or making of and to our selves an Absolution the Pope and Disciplinarian being the Chief Masters of this Faculty Our Presbyterians after they had above two years impiously rebell'd against their King and Church to make their actions more plausible to the Vulgar took that abominable Covenant against both and so declaring their disobligation to either as if a latter unlawful Oath could quit one of the former which Law Religion and Nature did bind him to And I cannot but think here of the impious Guisian league in France who having fought a great while against their King Henry the Third and declared themselves not obliged to their Allegiance to him yet as a pretty trick to fool the world they sent to Pope Sixtus the Fifth that he would declare their war Vestram Beatissime Pater opem imploramâ—s Primum ut juramento quo nos Henrico III. quondam abstrinximus soluti declaremur Deinde ut bellum quod cum publica Religionis ac libertatis oppressere necessario gerendum est justum esse decernatur De justa Hen. III. abdicatione pag. 398. to be lawful and quit them from their Obedience to their Soveraign both Knaves of a double dye first to Rebel and then to make that sin lawful And that the Pope hath this power to absolve people from their Obedience is stifly maintain'd by the Roman Champions Amongst the rest Martinus Becanus is thus perswaded and he saith That nothing Pontifex absolvat subditos à debito seu vinculo subjectâ—onis quo obligati sunt suis Regibus nam sublato hoc vinculo ex parte subditorum jam sponte cessat potestas jurisdictio Regnum in suâ—diâ—os Pontifex qui utriusque i. e. King and People praeest in rebus ad salutem peâ—tinentibus potest mandaâ—e dâ—cernere ut subditi non teneantur praestare fidem regibus quando Reges non servant ipsis fidem nihil certius apud Catholicos Mart. Becon Controvers Angl. pag. 133. 135. is more certain amongst the Roman Catholicks than that the Pope may do not onely so but command the Subjects not to obey their Prince With him agreeth another of the same Order viz. a Jesuite but more voluminous and of greater esteem and this is Franciscus Suarez telling us in one place that the a Hos à ju ramento fidelitatis solvere vel solutos declarate Fr. Suar. defens fid Cathol lib. 3. c. 23. § 21. Pope can absolve Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance And in another place saith that to affirm the contrary is to act b Est contra Ecclesiasticum morem Conciliorumque generalium usum approbationem contra Catholicorum Doctorum consensum est etiam contra rationum Id. Lib. 6. c. 2. § 7. against the Custom of the Church the use and approbation of General Councils the consent of Catholick Doctors nay and against reason and is plainly c Propositio illa Haeretica est lib. 6. c. 5. § 1 2. Heretical And as for our English Oath of Allegiance he saith a man d Illud juramentum non ligat jurantem quia non potest juramentum esse vinculum iniquitatis quale illud esset ideo nemo potest ab illo solvi and the words before these are Nemo absolvi potest proprie qui legatus non est need never be absolved from it because 't was never binding to him e De sacrorum Immunit l. 3. Proem § 9 10. Anastasius Germonius f De Haeresi cap. 30. pag. 293 296. Antonius Sanctarellus Cardinal g Contra Barclaium cap. 27. Bellarmine h De Orig. progres S. Inquis lib. 1. Quest 1. Opin 4. § 55. 145. Ludovicus à Paramo i De potest Eccles Quest 40. Art 4. Augustinus Triumphus de Ancona k Summa V. Papa § 10. Sylvester de Priero and l Comment in Cant. Magnif lib. 3. cap. 27. dub 6. pag. 134. Rutilius Benzonius with others amongst the other Priviledges which they allow the Pope to have to straiten the Authority and Grandeur of Kings is the power to absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegance and so to give them liberty either to chuse or take new Masters And m De utriusque gladli facultate Tom. 2. pag. 119. Robertus Cenalis is willing to bestow the same jurisdiction upon the See of Rome As for our Country-man n De visih Monarch l. 2. cap. 4. Nicholas Saunders
cas de Prince Heretiques ou Infidelles persecutans le Christionisme ou la Religion Catholique les subjets pouvoint estre absous du serment de fidelite Id. Pag. 602. Non sâ—ulement toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise qui sont aujourd ' huy au Monde tiennent l'Affirmative ascavoir qu'en cas de Princes Heretiques ou Apostates persecutans la foy les subjects peuvent estre absous du serment fait a euâ— ou a leurs Predecesseurs And que depuis onze cent ans il n'y a eu Siecle au equel en diverses Nations ceste doctrine n'ayt este crue practiquee all Parties of the Catholick Church did hold it and so did the French Church ever since Divinity was taught in Schools amongst them till the coming of Calvin and this hath been b Id. Pag. 602. Elle a este constamment tenuë en France ou nos Roys particulierement ceux de la derniere race l'ont protegee par leur Autorite par leurs armes ou nos Conciles l'ont appuyee et maintencë ou tous nos Evelques et docteurs scholastiques depuis que l'E'chole de la Theologie est instituee jusques a nos jours l'ont e critte preschee et seignee et ou finalement tous nos Magistrats Officiers et Jurisconsultes l'ont suâ—vie et favorisee voir souvent pour de Religion plus legers que l'heresie 〈◊〉 l'Apostasie Mais desquels neantmoins je ne me pretende aider si non entant qu'ils peuvent server a defendre ou la These generale ascavoir qu'en quelque cas les subjets peuvent estre absous du serment fait par eux a leurs Princes Ou ceste hypothese particuliere qu'en cas de Princes heretiques ou Apostats et persecutans la foy les subjets peuvent estre dispenser de leurs obâ—ir maintain'd by all the French Kings themselves Councils Bishops and Doctors as also all their Magistrates Officers and Lawyers Nor is this all for he publickly declares that c Id. Pag. 621. N'ont jamais peu trouver en toute la France depuis que les E'choles de Theologie y ont este instituees jusques a nos jours un seul Docteur ny Theologien ny Jurisconsulte un seul Decret un seul Concile un seul Arrest de Parlement un seul Magistrate ny Ecclesiastique ny Politique qui alt dit qu'en cas d'heresie ou d'Infidelitâ—e les subjets ne puissent estre ablous du Serment de Fidelite qu'ils doivent a leurs Princes there could never be found in France since Schools of Divinity were there setled till his time so much as one Doctor one Divine one Lawyer one Decree one Council one Order of Parliament one Magistrate neither Ecclesiastick nor Politique to have said that in case of Heresie or Infidelity subjects might not be absolved from their Oath of Allegiance due to their Kings And should they believe the contrary d Id. Pag. 635. Et non seulement cet Article i. e. To believe that subjects cannot be absolved from their Oaths of Allegiance to their King nous jette en un Schisme inevitable mais mesme nous precipite en un heresie evidenâ—e nous obligeant necessairement de Confesser que l'Eglise Catholique est perie depuis plusieurs Siecles en la Terre Car si ceux qui embrassent la doctrine opposite tiennent une Opinion contraire a la parole de Dieu impie et detestable le Pape donc depuis tant de Siecles n'a point este chef de l'Eglise et vicaire de Christ mais heretique et Antichrist Et toutes les autres parties de l'Eglise n'ont point este vrayes parties de l'Eglise mais membres de l'Antichrist Or cela estant ou estoit demeure l'Eglise Catholique en la France seule Mais comment sera t'elle de meuree en France si cet Article est vray puisque tous les Docteurs Franzois ont denu depuis â—ant de Siecles le Contraite es casd ' Heresie et d' Apostasie de la Religione Christienne they should be plain Schismaticks and Hereticks or else the Church must have failed and the Pope to have been so far from being Christs Vicar that he had been an Heretick and Antichrist But enough of this the former Chapter being long enough and able to serve for both seeing those who grant that the Pope can lawfully depose Kings will not deny but that he can also absolve their subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance and their Obedience CHAP. III. That Subjects of themselves may depose their Kings and Governours IF we allow that the people themselves may lawfully Rebel against their Princes and at the same time be Judges of the justness of the Reason to be in Authority will be a slavery the word Monarchy absolute non-sence the King obliged to obey every mans passion and folly nor peace nor justice can be expected the Nation bâ—ing in a perpetual hurlyburly every other day as of late times new Magistrates starting up by strength or Policy and he that 's still uppermost of this Leap-frog-Government will extort Obedience confirmed by Oaths from his supposed subjects which will ruine the honest and damn the rest with Perjury Change as a Novelty at first is rather a pleasure than gain to the People and at last a burden and ruine and what a factious people once resolve on they will never want pretence of Reason themselves being judges When the Sacrilegious Prsbyterians prompted by their Master the Devil were resolved to Murder that famous Arch-bishop of Canterbury Dr. Laud for fashion-sake they would have something to say though if we go according to the Narrative of his a Pryn's Canterbury's doom Enemy we shall finde that the Lords Commons and Prynne himself had but the same Reason and Consequence for so doing as according to the Proverb Tenterton Steeple is the cause of Goodwin-Sands I warrant you the ancient b Jo. Magnus Hist Goth. Sueciumque lib. Id. Hist Metropol Upsal l 1. p. 11. Swedes thought themselves as pretty Religious blades as any when they slew their good King Evic Stenchil because he intended to bring in Christianity amongst them Our late Puritans made it one of their main pleas in Print and Pulpit for their fighting against the King because forsooth he intended to bring in Popery And the Earls of Northumberland Westmerland and others thought to pull down and destroy Queen Elizabeth and some did also King James because they setled the Protestant Religion and I do not know which were the arranest knaves of the three parties certain I am that Christian Religion doth nowhere allow Rebellion and if a Heathen and a Christian do the same fault it is not the unbelief of the former that makes him more wicked in the act than the Religion of the latter and he that bauls out the liberty of Conscience and loss of Religion to vindicate
his Rebellion hath too much of Atheism in him to be a true Christian Thus would these men make the condition of Kings to be like that of Damocles with a drawn Sword hanging over their heads by a slender thred His and the Kingdoms settlement to lye at the mercy and alteration of every hot-brain'd Zealot For let him be of whatsoever Religion yet we see he shall not please and that which should have no Arms but Prayers and Tears must be made a pretence to prove the Devil a Saint and Treason an Article of Faith We have formerly seen how the Romish Favorites do hugely contend in behalf of their a Extra Com. l. 1. Tit. â— c. 1. Unam Sanctam Canon-law that the Pope is b Jer. 1. 10. set over the Nations and over Kingdoms to root out and to pull down and to destroy and to throw down But as if this were not enough to overcloud the Authority of Kings they will allow the people also the power to trample upon their Princes by deposing them and this in few words is acknowledged by c Jus deponendi abdicandi e solio Reges ac Principes non solum Ecclesiae sed interdum populis competere ratione exemplis ostenditur Rut. Benz. Comment in Canticum Magnificat lib. 3. cap. 27. dub 6. pag. 134. Rutilius Benzonius Bishop of their Miraculous Loretto Leonardus Coquaeus endeavouring to prove that the Pope hath power to depose Kings in one place brings his Argument by way of comparison that if d Examen Praefat. monit p. 102. Parliaments do sometimes depose Kings why may not the Pope much more do it And in another place speaks more plain That e Imo judicarem quod non expectata sententia Summi Pontificis posset talem Principem a subditis deponi Id. Pag. 49. without the Pope the subjects themselves may pull their Kings from their Thrones But I warrant you that King James against whom he wrote would never be converted by this French-man Here we have the Brabantine Jesuite Martinus Becanus keep a great deal of clutter about the old worne-out Argument of a mutual compact between King and People and so he would conclude that if Kings do not keep their Promises to their Subjects then the Controvers Angl. p. 133 134 135. people may slip their necks out of Coller and throw by their King and something to this purpose he affords you an old Rime Frangenti fidem fides frangatur eidem But this in this case is a false rule with us being no compact nor the parties equals so that do but translate his Riming Proverb to agree with the cause in hand and we shall see the consequence to be false Don breaks his Troth burns my poor house what then May I his slave go and burn his agen This used to be common Logick to the borderers or Moss-troopers but we see ours if held affirmatively cannot prosper in a setled Kingdom But he goeth farther yet to extol the power of the People affirming that when a King is deposed though there Plus dicam in haec re voluit concensus populi ut etiamsi superesset legitimus haeres cui Regnum deberetur hoc palam omnibus constaret tamen si populus praetermitto legitimo haerede alium delegisset ille alius fuisset verus Rex Mart. Becan Controv. Angl. pag. 120. remaineth a lawful Heir to whom the Kingdom of right doth belong and this too apparently known to all yet if the people do chuse another and throw this Heir aside the other so chosen is the true King Almost an hundred years ago an English-man who calls himself John Rastell Master of Arts and Student of Divinity then living at Lovan a A brief shew of the false wares packâ— together in the named Apologie of the Church of England fol. 9â— wrote against Dr. Jewel in behalf of Dr. Harding or rather as himself saith gathered out of Dr. Hardings Book and if so about this cause take both their Opinions For whereas every Common-wealth is greater than the Prince which governeth it and may depose the same upon lawful cause and whereas Riot and doltishness are causes sufficient so to do as making the Prince unable to govern it well it followeth consequently that if the whole Estate of France deposed Chilperick and erected Pipine there was NO FAULT committed in so doing Now certainly you would think that this Chilperick was a strange Tyrant or that his wickedness must be so great that 't was no fault to take the Crown from him and give it to one of his Subjects that had no right to it nor is this all but the Kingdom by this means changed from one Family to another But we shall finde his enormities not to deserve such punishment that he wanted discretion I believe but then they might have given him an assistant and as for his inclination b Hist de' personaggi illustri Religiosi lib. 3. cap. 18. Essenda di natura piâ— Egli menò vita Angelica Paolo Morigi tells us that he was Godly and peaceful and when he was put into a Monastery that he led an Angelical life Whether there was such an English-man or no as this John Rastell I know not because Pitseus maketh no mention of any such and doth tell us besides that c Pag. 764. William Rastell amongst other things wrote several Books against Bishop Jewel whosoever be the man 't is not much to our purpose though William the Lawyer would have given more credit to the cause though for so doing would somewhat have encreas'd the wonder those who are so much addicted to our Common-law not troubling themselves so much with the Romish Politicks or the niceties of the Schools And so much for Rastell and his friends Doctrine d Recognit lib. de laicis cap. 6. Bellarmine tells us that Martinus ab Azpilcueta the famous Spanish Lawyer was of Opinion that the people never transferr'd their power so much upon and into the Prince but that in some cases they might resume it again from him And of the same judgement doth the Cardinal shew himself in one place that if e Videmus in â—ebus publicis temporalibus si Rex degeneret in Tyranâ—um â—icet sit Caput Regni tamen a populo deponi eligi alium Bellar. de Concil l. 2. c 19. the King turns Tyrant the people may depose him and chuse another And again that f Pendet a consensâ— multitudinis constituere super se Regem vel Consules vel alios Magistratus ut patet si causa legitima adsit potest multitudo mutare Regnum in Aristocratiam aut Democratiam e contrariâ— Bellarm. de laicis lib. 3. cap. 6. 't is the consent of the people that constitutes Kings or other Governments over them and so if cause be given they may turn â—he Kingdom into an Aristocracy or Democracy or the contrary g Defens fid
To which Paschasius thus replyeth Alas I am here punish'd for no other fault but because I took part with Laurentius against Symmachus But I beseech you pray heartily for me and if you do not finde me here when you return again then you may conclude that your prayers are heard Upon this Germanus gave himself to prayer for him and after some days returning to the same Bath he found not Paschasius there Argument good enough that he was delivered out of Purgatory and pardoned of his fault for thinking any right to be in Laurentius and lastly that Symmachus must be true Pope or else the Miracle is not worth a Rush And this pretty story a An. 498. Baronius would not have you to think unworthy your reading To run over all the factions interests and feuds at the election of Popes would be too tedious at this time and if those of latter days were not fresh in memory we might tell at large the violent eanvasing at the election of b An. 1590. Gregory XIV between the Spanish party and that of Cardinal Montalta the French not pretending to any interest there Henry the Fourth being King and then of the Protâ—stant Religion We might also tell of the hubbubs in the c Vid. Caes de Lâ—gny les Ambassades du Caâ—d du Perron lib. 3. an 1605. Conclave of Leo the Eleventh and Paul the Fifth between the Factions of the Catholick and Christian Kings of the crying out of Treason against the King of Spain because the Cardinal of the French party got the better and some other violences And as great stir there was at the chusing of d An. 1644. Innocent the Tenth every one striving to get a Pope of his party Cardinal Bentivolio that famous States-man had once like to have carryed it but the French party oppose him as a favourer of the Spaniards and his dying at the same time ended this dispute then Sacchetti bid fair for it but he also was rejected by the Catholick Kings faction as one who loved France and Portugal At last after many plottings and contrivings libelling and ripping up one anothers faults the Cardinals being boldly lockt up in Sixtus the Fourth's Chappel and not to stir till they had agreed Phamphilio carried it by a Majority As for the election of the present Pope e An. 1655. Alexander the Seventh there was as much faction and interest as any of the rest the Spaniards having one party there headed by the two Cardinals de Medices Charles and John the first Uncle the last Brother to the great Duke of Tuscany the French had their Creatures also countenanced by the two Barberini Francis and Antonio the first calling himself Protector of the English And besides these there was a third interest consisting against of several Cardinals and in Rome call'd the Squadrone Volante who would seem to be indifferent to the other two Parties and Cardinal Imperiale a Genoese was head of this Troop Sacchetti had not onely Barberini but the Squadrone Volante and some others zealous for him yet though the most desired by the Romans and was held the best and worst worthy amongst the Cardinals he lost it upon the same account viz. as a lover of France and Mazarini as he had done in the former Conclave However for sometime many Cardinals were so resolved for him that 't was said That they would f O Sacchetti O Cataletta either have him Pope or dye there And for a long time at every scrutiny he had XXXIII Votes in opposition to which every one of the Spanish faction in their Scheduls onely writ Ego **** Card. **** Accedo Nemini By which means they kept unanimous and intire by not dividing themselves in these scrutinies to other Candidate Cardinals but this obstinacie of both parties so lengthned the Conclave that Cardinal Chigi now Pope said merrily that a Pope would never be chosen till the Cardinals Nemini and Triginti tria could agree Cardinal Corrado had several friends but those of Castile rejected him because Barberini was for him though he might have served being a severe Canonist and in truth knew nothing else yet this may be enough since of late times they have not chosen a Pope who had studied Divinity but onely some Canon-law or Politicks Caraffa was thought on but the French reject him because the Spaniards intended his promotion however his death at the same time ended the dispute As for Cardinal Rapaccioli he had both hopes and many friends in the Conclave who voted stoutly for him but de Medici and that party opposed him and Cardinal Spada in writing objected against him that he had caused Prayers to be said that the Devils sins might be pardoned The story of which being pretty odd and unusual take as they report it At Teramo in Italy of which place this Cardinal was Bishop one being possest with a Devil Rapaccioli for curiosity sake went to discourse with it and amongst other things asked the Devil if he indured great torments the Devil replyed exceeding great The Cardinal inquired of him Why he did not repent for his sins the causes of his punishment The spirit replyed That he had earnestly repented but without any benefit Then quoth the Cardinal if God should pardon you would you take such a forgiveness and mercy in good part To which the Spirit consenting Rapaccioli commanded prayers to be said to God that the Devils sins might be remitted and forgiven him Cardinal Maculano or St. Clement had once some hopes having many votes but he had to oppose him Madam a Her life is lately written by the well known Gualdo In it the world may see what a woman she was and how she ruled Pope Innocent X the Roman Church Olympia Sister-in-law to the last Pope Innocent the Tenth for she with some carryed a sway in the Conclave And she also gave a main stroke against Cecchino she and others taking him to be a fierce enemy against her and the House of Pamfilio Pope Innocent having sufficiently abused him about the forgeries of Mascambruno in the Porgugal Sodomists and other base actions though Cecchino was clear and guiltless concerning these things And as for Fiorenzola though many wish'd he were Pope and had several Votes to forward it yet the same Donna Olympia his mortal enemy and some other oppositions hindred his promotion and indeed Barberini by his Votes and Friends would sometimes favour her designs whom though most did hate for her imperiousness in the last Popes days yet they did not wish the ruine of the Family and so had no minde to chuse an Enemy to the Pamfilii being then a kin to the Barberini However Alexander the Seventh hath shew'd himself no Friend to Olympia Several others were thought on and adhered to but to no purpose the Spaniards still oppsing those the French would have and those whom the Catholick King desired At last after they had thus bafled jugled
pag. 181 182 183. disagreements in the Copies themselves and yet all held authentick may add to its suspition But as this is not exactly the intent of my design no more is the History and Assertion of Pope Joane who is said to have flourish'd about this time But to be free as for those who are resolved to deny the story and being of such a Woman-Pope they may strengthen their Faith by the reading of f Annotat. in Platin. Onuphrius g De Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 24. Bellarmine h An. 853. Baronius i Fabula Joannae Papassae Floromundus de Raemond and of late k Familier Esâ—laircisment de la Question David Blondell a French Protestant As for those who are willing to believe it I shall refer them for more confirmation to l Myst of Iniq. p. 167. du Plessis m Hist Eccles tom 1. cap. 9. p. 616 617. Hottingerus our learned Country-man n Pope Joane a Dialogue Mr. Alexander Cooke with the two French-men o Joannae Papissa restituta Samuel Marisius and Le Sieur p Traitè conâ—â—e D. Blonâ—ell Congnard As for my own judgement I shall wrap it up without partiality or passion in this that I am so far from being satisfied with the reasons brought against the being of such a woman Pope that I may fancie those who assert a Pope Joane afford better Authority Testimony and Arguments than those who deny it And as Cooke in English hath sufficiently answered Floromondus and the rest so doth Marisius in Latine and Congnard in French abundantly confute David Blondel though a man of great reading But be it this way or that way it shall never trouble me and so let every man think as he pleaseth for so they must and will Nor do I positively determine any thing here my self And so much for our Pope or No-Pope Joane a story that hath drawn forth to open Battalia and siding the greatest Pens in Europe some to vindicate others to annihilate the sitting of such a Lady in the Porphyrie Chair as Infallible Head of the Romish Church nor to this day will either party give ground or yeild but still fight it out and which is more both singing Victoria and triumphing as Conquerours and thus it hath the happiness or misfortune to fare as some other Articles of the greatest consequence in Religion never to want Friends and Enemies Thus have we seen the pious and victorious Emperour Lewes le Debonnaire miserably banded to and fro by his own unnatural Children and rebellious Subjects and by the consent of the chief of his Clergy and those too as Historians observe whom himself or his Great Father had rais'd and prefer'd from the meanest condition to these chiefest places of Honour and Riches used with all manner of reproach villany and ignominy yet they farther observe that severe judgements fell upon the chief of them who within Jo. de Bussieres Tom. 1. p. 368. a year were taken away by a Plague or Pestilence from Heaven And as for the sons themselves except Pepin who dyed whilst his Father lived after the decease of the Emperour Lewes we may finde them all together by the ears prosecuting one another with all manner of violence and fury But we shall conclude this Tragical story of good Lewes with his Epitaph as it is in the Monastery of St. Arnulf at Metz in Lorraine which is according to the riming fashion of those times by which we may judge the height of their Wit and Poetry for 't is to be suppos'd that such a great Emperour had none of the worst Poets of those days to celebrate his fame and memory thus upon his Tomb and yet we have had many worse made since upon other Emperours and Kings Imperii fulmen Francorum nobile culmen Erutus à seclo conditur hoc tumulo Rex Lodowicus pietatis tantus amicus Quod Pius à Populo dicitur Tumulo Heldegard sobiles Karoli Magni pia proles In Pacis metas colligit hunc pietas Rumelicum villam quicquidve refertur ad illam Arnulfo sancto contulit huicque loco Stirps à quo Procerum Regumque vel Imperatorum Quorum muneribus sistitur ille locus After this Lewes succeeded in the Empire his Son Lothaire who at last willingly resigned making himself a Monk to his Son Lewes the Second of whom I shall say nothing but that in his time the Popes began by degrees to neglect to have their Elections confirm'd by the Emperours whom by little and little they began to trample upon the greatest Monarchs being now I know not how fob'd into a servile reverence of those whose Predecessors had formerly been their Inferiours of which this Lewes the Second may serve for an Example Nicholas the First being chosen and Consecrated this Emperour being then at Rome one time the Pope in great State attended Anastas vit Nichol. I. Platina with all the chief of the City went to give Lewes the Second a visit who hearing of it resolv'd to meet his Holiness and being met the Emperour alights from his Horse and on foot with great humility like a Foot-boy led the Popes Horse by the Bridle and at his departure did the same though certainly it might have been commendable in Nicholas not to have permitted so ignoble an action if not manners to have descended too and gone a foot with the Emperour but with the Proverb When Humility vamps on foot Pride may ride on cock-horse Sect. 3. The Murther of Michael Emperour of Constantinople with Pope Adrian the Second his opinion of the Murtherer BUt as this Chapter begins with bloud so let it end And first we have about this time Michael one whose life and rule I shall not commend Emperour of Constantinople murder'd in his Chamber by Basilius one whom Michael had rais'd from the basest condition to the highest preferment from a common Horse-courser to the greatest Authority and had declared him the next Emperour as now he made himself by the Murther of his Master and Soveraign But Photius Patriarch of Constantinople made so by Michael Ignatius being turn'd out deny'd to give him the Sacrament as guilty of such an abominable crime and yet they declare this Basilius to be a Basilius vero pius Orthodoxus Coquaeus Antimorn tom 1. pag. 455. Pious and Orthodox which we may English a good Roman Catholick And the truth is no sooner was the murther done but Pope Adrian the Second congratulates him by his b Apud Bâ—n Concil General Letters calling of Michael a Tyrant but as for Basilius thus he salutes him Thou art in our time as another peaceful Salomon who hast hearkned to the words of God thy father and hast not forsaken the Law of thy Mother that is as they say the Church Which words put me in minde of Richard Baxter that motly of Presbytery who call'd his friend and name-sake Dick Cromwell the wise
hold on the King pull'd him down also and then with his Knife ript up the Kings belly that his bowels fell out and there he dyed As for the Outlaw the Servants there fell upon him but before they could dispatch him he slew and wounded divers of them John Harding who flourished above two hundred years ago saith it was done at Canterbury And thus relates the story according to the Poetry of those times This Kyng Edmond was slain by a Felon Fol. 115. Whiche of Malice and his false Treason That forfet had and dampned was to dye For his forfet and for his felony At Caunterbury as the Kyng him saw on a day For yre on him he ranne and sore him wound For whiche he stroke the Kyng for ay So they both two there in that stound Eche of them of his mortal wounde Which to a Prince accorded in no wise To put himself in drede where law may chastise After this Murther we have another more execrable Edgar sirnamed the Peaceable being dead his Eldest Son Edward sirnamed the Martyr was a An 975. Crown'd King at Kingston upon Thames by St. Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury of whom they tell so many pretty Miracles to the great content and strengthning of Children and old Women Of this Kings vertues there need not much be said because all Historians do sound forth his commendations and so passing by the grand Controversie about this time viz. whether Priests might have Wives and the Monkish story how this dispute was decided by the speaking of a Crucifix in the Rood at Winchester and the falling down of the Floor of the Chamber at Calne in Wiltshire onely St. Dunstan forsooth remain'd dapperly perking up We will come to the sad story of his Murther King Edgar had two Wives 1. Elthelfled her Son was Edward 2. Elfrida her Son Ethelred Edward as Eldest and of the first Wife though some here make a b But Harpsfield is for him pag. 188. doubt is King Elfrida his Mother-in-law at this is troubled wishing that the Crown were set on her son Ethelred's head but this she kept cunningly to her self nor had good King Edward any suspition of her designs It chanced that King Edward hunting in the Island Purbeck in Dorsetshire either by chance or design was separated from his company and perceiving himself neer Corfe-Castle where his Mother-in-law Elfrida and her son Ethelred then lived to both which persons he bare a great affection he resolved to go see them and accordingly rides up to the Gate His Stepdame comes to him with a cheerful countenance seeming very glad of his visit and kindness and desired him to alight but this he excused pleading haste and that he onely slipt from his company at that time and then to his company again just to see her and his Brother and so desired a cup of Wine to drink to them who might be troubled by a long missing of him they not knowing the occasion She perceiving that she could not bring her designs about within doors resolves to do it without so she appointed one of her servants to stab him there To be short Wine is brought given him and he no sooner had the cup at his mouth but the fellow struck him with a knife into the back The King perceiving himself sore wounded set spurs to his Horse thinking to gallop away for his preservation to his more faithful Friends but the wounds being great and he fainting through loss of blood fell from his horse one of his feet being intangled in the Stirrop by reason whereof his Horse drag'd him up and down through Woods and Lands And thus was that good King Edward a An. 979. murder'd and was sirnamed the Martyr though b Hist Eccles p. 188. in the Margin Harpsfield or somebody else for him will not stand upon it that he ought in strictness to be call'd so being not murther'd for his Religion but his Kingdom After this murther they go on and tell a great many stories of him as how his Step-mother Elfritha for so some call her had his body drag'd into a little house hard by and there cover'd over with straw for the present necessity that it might not be found L. Surius March 18. Zach. Lipell Guil. Garet but a poor woman who was born blind living there by miracle had that night her sight given her Elfrida troubled at this fearing that by this discovery the body might be found had it taken thence and thrown into the Marishes but this would not do neither for a year after God reveal'd to some men that the body was in those Waters but the certain place could not be found out till a fiery Pillar was pleas'd to point them to it whence it was carryed and buryed at Warham and having laid there some years uncorrupted 't was thence with great solemnity translated to Shaftsbury neer the borders of Wiltshire And here might I tell the strange Miracles wrought by the vertue of this holy Edward of blind receiving sight deaf hearing the lame and sick their limbs and health but that I cannot oblige the Readers belief As for the murthering Elfrida although they say that at first she was punished by Miracles as desiring to see the Tomb of her Son-in-law the Horse on which he rode would by no means carry her thither and though she tryed several yet we finde all commanded by the same stubbornness which making her more keen she resolved to go on foot yet though her will was never so strong they say she could not possibly do it However at last we need not question Elfrida's Religion and pardon since to quit and expiate her from the guilt of this horrid murther she built two Nunneries c Ambresbury Almesbury in Wiltshire and Warwell in Hampshire An easie way of recompence for rich people to ease themselves of the most crying sins And though I am not obliged either to censure one or vindicate the other yet some may justly fancie that several of those ancient buildings being thus founded upon blood and rapine might as by a judgement call a destroying hand upon them But far be it from me to oppose Monuments of Charity which without question may hugely advance the glory of God upon Earth and smooth the Founders way to Heaven And I could wish that those ancient Monuments of Piety for without doubt many of them were really so nobly spread about by our Fore-fathers liberality had either continued as good Examples or been better imploy'd at their Dissolutions But this by the way Sect. 3. The Murders of Malcolme of Duffe of Culene of Kenneth the Third Kings of Scotland ANd now let us cross the Tweed and take notice of what obedience we finde there and here we meet with Constantine the Third King of Scotland who being troubled at the great a An. 937. Victory the English had over him where most of his Nobility were slain withdrew himself from the rule
from him our Holinshed I shall say nothing here to the killing of Duncan by Makpender Earl of Mercia nor of the imprisonment of Donald the putting out of his eyes and miserable death in prison because their Titles may be questioned Nor shall I travel more Northward and inlarge upon the g An. 1088. Murder of King Canute of Denmark whilst he was at his Devotions nor enter upon the more frozen parts to insist upon the treacherous end of Ingo the Fourth King of Scotland because Religion was not there in a setled condition Sect. 3. The clashing of Popes and the Emperours power over them at Elections BUt if I would trouble my self at the very Fountain of their Religion viz. Rome we might here shew that obedience yeilds place to sedition and how troubled their Champions are to finde out an Infallible and true Vicar Here might I tell at large how Platina and some others declare Pope Sylvester the Second to be a Magician and to have kept correspondence with the Devil though others at large Apologize for him nor shall I interest my self in the dispute Here could I amuze the honest Roman Catholick by telling him that Benedict the Ninth was once held for the Infallible Head of their Church and yet was but a a Baron an 1033. § 6. boy of ten or twelve years old And here might we puzzle their Succession and make them pump and invent Reasons for a true Pope when at the same time this Benedict said he was Pope Sylvester the Third assured the World that he was Christ's Vicar and also one John affirm'd that he was the onely man that was S. Peters true Successor and every one of these Popes had many Followers And to make up the wonder and number Gregory the Sixth with money hired these men to lay down the Cudgels and so made himself Pope also which Title and Honour he was over-perswaded to yeild up by a b Genebrard Cron. p. 865. Council and yet this man must be a true Pope and no way tainted with Simony and to him by the consent of the Emperour succeeded Clement the Second who being poysoned Benedict the Ninth the third time entred into the Papal Chair but the Emperour hearing of these troubles sent Poppo Bishop of Brescia to Rome who was chosen and succeeded as Pope though his Raign was but short But be it short or long their Authors are here in open War about the legality of his Rule c An. 1048. § 1. Baronius and some others making him legally elected and so a true Pope On the other hand Platina d Pag. 867. Genebrard and some others declare him to be an intruder and so no true Pope And what must be the foundation of his crime but because the Emperour had an interest in his promotion though if this Argument will hold any water they will quite break to pieces the Line of their Succession by throwing aside many Popes formerly elected or confirmed by Emperours and other secular Potentates But fight Dog fight Bear I shall not trouble my self to reconcile them Yet though they now seem so dapperly against the Temporal Authority it is not unworth the notice that no sooner was this Damasus first call'd Poppo dead but the Cardinals and other Romans sent into Germany to the Emperour to desire him to appoint them a new Pope who accordingly sent them Leo the Ninth and whatsoever they tell for excuse of Leo's changing his Opinion at the perswasion of Hildebrand is not much to the purpose since it appears that they durst not refuse him and Hildebrand's policy if true was but a meer trick and juggle And this practice will better appear by the next Vicar for no Platina sooner was Leo dead but the Clergy and others of Rome sent Hildebrand into Germany to the Emperour to desire him to give Baron an 1054. § 53. them a Pope who accordingly yeilded to grant them Victor the Second who by the Imperial Order was elected at Mentz and thence sent to Rome And thus humbly they behaved themselves to the Emperour that they might not offend him nor break their Oaths and Duty which they had made to him And something to this purpose we finde a little after for this Victor the Second and Stephanus the Ninth being dead some at Rome elected and declared for Pope Benedict the Tenth But the Chief of the Romans sent presently an excuse to the Emperour protesting that for their parts they would keep their Allegiance and not acknowledge any Coeffeteau p. 644 645. for Pope but whom he approved of and therefore desired him to send to Rome for Pope whom he pleased who accordingly sent them Nicholas the Second and so Benedict the Tenth was thrust from the Chair as not capable of that honour because he had intruded himself into that Dignity a Qui sine jussu Regis Principum Lamb. Schafnaburg Hist Germ. an 1059. Edict Francof 1583. Qui injussu Regis c. Edict Tubing 15. 33. without the approbation of the Emperour and other Princes But we need not trouble our selves here with many Examples of the secular Authority in the Popes Election having formerly in several other places as they fell in my way hinted at the practice and besides all at this very time they cannot but confess that the very Romans yeilded up their interest in the Election of Popes Genebrard pag. 866. Coqnaeus p. 505. Sigebert an 1046. and gave it to the Emperour and which is more both in Gregory the Sixth's time and Clement the Second his time ingaged themselves by Oath to the Emperour never to chuse or consecrate any for Pope but whom he should approve of and consent to CHAP. II. The troubles and deposing of the Emperour Henry the Fourth by the pride of Pope Gregory the Seventh and other Incendiaries SHould I trouble my self to reconcile all the exceptions that might belong to this Chapter I should be Voluminous to a wonder and possibly not satisfie the Reader But to leave such Disputes in short the question is betwixt the Emperour Henry the Fourth and Pope Gregory the Seventh which of them was in the right and which to blame though one may affirm without offence that both of them had their faults yet Goldastus and from him of late Father a Remonst Hybern part 2. p. 89 90 c. part 5. p. 1 2 c. Caron hath taken a great deal of pains to vindicate the Emperour whilst Gretserus is as large in his several Apologies for the Pope whither I shall refer the curious for farther satisfaction And it was no small misery to Christendom that the Emperour being very young the Popes acted what they pleas'd without controul though at last they drive on so furiously that instead of making the Empire happy by tranquillity they procured its ruine by fomenting new troubles and rebellions For whereas formerly the Emperours had the main hand in making Popes and the
of his seat took from him all his Royal Robes The grieved old Emperour fetching a deep sigh spake to this purpose The God of vengeance behold and revenge this iniquity you commit against me I suffer ignominy the like whereof was never heard of But it is God that justly punisheth me for the sins of my youth Yet for all this are not you free from this offence having broken your Oaths and so shall not avoid the revenge of a just Judge Let God never prosper you upon earth but let your portion be with him who betray'd Christ I know some hint so slightly on this story as if they were willing to pass it by in silence And others to mitigate the crime would gladly perswade us that the Emperour did willingly on his own head depose himself But 't is a poor excuse to conquer a man by force beat him soundly with an intent to make him deliver and then to say that he gave his purse freely when he was not able to keep it and you were resolved to have it And that the Father had really no minde to part with his Authority and Dominion his former battles against his Son for keeping them may testifie and his after-actions may sufficiently confirm it for getting liberty as conveniently as he could he withdrew himself to Colen thence to Liege and by his Letters declares to all Christian Princes and People how basely he had been used for a taste of which hard usage you may peruse his complaining Letter to Philip King of France it being somewhat long I shall refer you to the reading of it in a An. 1106. Sigebert And that he indeavour'd to restore himself by Arms by the assistance of the Duke of Lorraine History will tell at large And are all these signs of a willing and free resignation But at last young Henry gets his old Father again into his clutches where we cannot but suppose that the ancient Emperour was brought into excessive misery for proof of which take this one story testified by their own Historians This Henry amongst other buildings of Devotion had built at Spire a Monastery dedicated to the Virgin Mary and seeing thus all means of a free livelyhood taken from him applyed himself to Gebhard Bishop of Spire one to whom he had been a special Friend having not onely indowed the Church well but also advanced him to his honours Of this Bishop he desires one favour and that but a poor one too viz. that he would grant him the courtesie to live as an assistant in that Church which he himself had built and indowed telling of him withal that he was somewhat qualified for such an imployment because he had been brought up at his book and had some skill to assist in the Chair To which small request the ungrateful Bishop tartly replies with an b Per Matrem Domini non faceam tibi quod petis Helmold Hist Sclav cap. 33. Oath that he should not there be entertain'd though according to their c 16. q. 7. Quincunque fidelium Et Lancelot Inst Can. f. 1. Tib. 28. § defertur autem Canon-law he should not have been denyed being the Founder Which uncharitable denyal so afflicted the ancient Emperour that he could not refrain from tears and sighing onely saying to the people then about him in the phrase of the patient man d Job 19 21. Have pity upon me have pity upon me at least you my friends for the hand of God hath touched me And thus overwhelmed with grief and poverty he presently after dyed at Liege having sway'd the Scepter above fifty years Now may we suppose that the living friends of the old Emperour went all to wrack when the dead could not escape the tyranny of their Popish Enemies Clement the Third his body after it had laid in the Grave five years at Ravenna was dig'd up again as unworthy of that holy Earth and so were the Bishops of his Consecrating served Nor did the Corps of the deceased Emperour fare any better for though at first it was buryed at Liege by the Bishop of that City but these men being under Church-Censures for their affection to old Henry they were not permitted to be received into Absolution and Church-Communion again till they had dug up the Imperial Corps and without any Ceremony laid it on unconsecrated ground and to this their Archbishops and Bishops gave their consents This being done with the approbation of young Henry it was convey'd to Spire and there laid by the a Ant. Dauroult Flor. Exempl cap 7. Tit. 16. § 8. Baron an 1110. § 4. Popes command without the Church and Church-yard in a Sepulcher without any form of buryal where it remain'd five years At the end of which time it pleas'd his Holiness Paschal to consent that it might have Christian buryal yet to this Christianity he was forced being then a b Baron an 1111. § 20. Prisoner to Henry the Son As for Henry he is much commended in History for his Nobleness and Valour having fought bravely in sixty two battles more than Caesar himself had done And his good benefaction to Churches makes him no enemy to Devotion yet would the Popelings from him raise up a new name of Heresie with which they severely brand him and this they call'd in those times Henrician and some Guibertine or Clementine from Clement the Third Heresie which they would make to be the same with Simony and what great Monster this Henrician Heresie is one of their great Rabbies and enemy to all good Government viz. c Ex ejus nomine quod ipse jus Investiturae mordicus sibi vendicaâ—et simonia dicta est Henriciana heresiâ— Cron. p. 898. Genebrard shall inform you onely this to chalenge to himself the power of giving Investitures to Bishops which now all Christian Kings do And yet about this did the Pope then keep such a clutter as if Religion it self were singing her Requiem But this puny supposed Heresie d Lib. 8. Prâ—teolus passeth by without any notice though he affords us an Henrician Heresie but from another man and upon different Principles which are nothing to my purpose here A man might think that young Henry the Fifth having thus got the Empire should be great friend to the Pope and they two be hand and glove But storie tells us the quite contrarie insomuch that now he thinks he is obliged to vindicate the rights of the Empire though against the Pope himself which he formerly looked upon really or was perswaded by the flattering Romanists to fancie so to be no less than abominable Heresie He being Emperour Pope Paschal declares his intent to meet him at Ausburg in Germany but upon some jealousie he turns into France and at Troyes holds a Synod where they fell to taking away the Emperours power of Investitures but against this Henry by his Ambassadors protested alledging that the Bishops of another Country were not to be judges of his
and dated his Letters from the year of his Popedom And now I talk of datings I might speak here of Philip the First of France of his Excommunication An. 1100. and how some would thence conclude that he was thereby deprived from his Kingdom and bring for a proof some datings not with the Raign of the King but the year and Rule of Christ under this form Regnante Christo But seeing c Hist de France tom 2. p. 89. § 5. Scipion Dupleix slights it as of no validity and that vastly read David Blondellus hath in a particular large a De formulae Regnante Christo usu Treatise shewn its mistake and that such Forms have been many times used when no Excommunication or Censure obliged it I shall not trouble the Reader nor my self any farther with it CHAP. III. 1. The Kings of England denyed the Popes Coercive Authority over them or their Dominions 2. The troubles of England by the arrogancie and obstinacie of Thomas à Becket against his Soveraign King Henry the Second Sect. 1. The Kings of England denyed the Popes Coercive Authority over them or their Dominions HAving now seen in part how the greatest Emperours have been tost about by the Popes it will not be amiss to hint at their indeavours to reduce England to the slavery of their humours and what may we not expect from their pretended grand Spiritual jurisdiction when we shall see an Archbishop and a born Subject too bandy against his Soveraign Henry the Second which story is here related As for England the Pope would be Lord over it as well as other Nations nor did his Religion any way advance the Obedience and Allegiance of Subjects For though one Pope had approved of King William the First his Conquest by sending him a b Speed book 9. c. 2. § 2. consecrated Banner an Agnus Dei and one of St. Peters Hairs in way of his good speed Yet the next Pope viz. Gregory the Seventh demands fealty from him as may appear by the Kings Dr. Geo Hakewell's Answ to Dr. Cariers Letter pag. 141. Answer in Sir Robert Cottons Library Hubertus Legatus tuus Religiose Pater ad me veniens ex tua parte me admonuit quatenus tibi successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem de pecunia quem Antecessores mei ad Romanam Ecclesiam mittere solebant melius cogitarem unum admisi alterum non admisi fidelitatem facere nolui nec volo quia nec ego promisi nec Antecessores meos Antecessoribus tuis id fecisse comperio Hubert your Legat Holy Father coming unto me advertised me as from you that I was to do fealty to you and your Successors and that I should bethink my self better of the Money which my Predecessors were wont to send the Church of Rome the one I admitted the other I admitted not The fealty I would not perform neither will I because neither my self promised it nor do I finde that my Predecessors performed it to yours Upon which refusal some suppose Gregory returned that furious and uncivil Letter seen amongst his other a Lib. 7. Ep. 1. Epistles to his said Legat Hubert in which he accused the King of Impudence and that he had done more against the Church than all the b Nemo omnium Regni etiam Paganorum contra Apostolicam sedem hoc praesumpsit centare quod is non eâ—ubuâ—â— facere Ib. Pagan Kings themselves had offer'd Nor did his Son King Henry the First acknowledge any subjection to the See of Rome for though Pope Paschal the Second expected it and accordingly thus wrote to him to put him in minde of it Paschalis servus servorum Dei dilecto filio Henrico illustri Anglorum Regi salutem Apostolicam Benedictionem Cum de manu Domini largius honorem divitias pacemque susceperis miramur vehementius gravamur quod in Regno potestateque tua Beatus Petrus in B. Petro Dominus honorem suum justitiamque perdiderit Sedis enim Apostolica Nuntii vel literae praeter jussum Regiae Majestatis nullam in potestate tua susceptionem vel aditum promerentur nullus inde clamor nullum inde judicium ad sedem Apostolicam destinatur Paschal the servant of servants of God to our beloved Son Henry the renowned King of England health and Apostolical Benediction Since you have plentifully received Honour Riches and Peace from the hand of the Lord We exceedingly wonder and take it in ill part that in your Kingdom and under your Government St. Peter and in St. Peter the Lord hath lost his Honour and Right in as much as the Nuntio's and Breves of the See Apostolick are not thought worthy entertainment or admittance into your Dominions without your Majesties Warrant No Complaint now no Appeal comes from thence to the Apostolick See To which King Henry the First after some terms of Complement replies in this manner Eos Honores eam Obedientiam quam tempore Patris mei Antecessores vestri in Regno Anglia habuerunt tempore meo ut habeatis volo eo videlicet tenore ut dignitates usus consuetudines quas Pater meus tempore Antecessorum vestorum in Regno Angliae Ego tempore vestro in eodem Regno meo integre obteneam Notumque habeat Sanctitas vestra quod me vivente Deo auxiliante Dignitates usus Regni Angliae non minuentur Et si Ego quod absit in tanta me dejectione ponerem Optimates mei imo totius Angliae populus id nullo modo pataretur Habita igitur Charissime Pater utiliori deliberatione ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra ne quod invitus faciam à vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia That Honour and Obedience which your Predecessors had in the Kingdom of England during the raign of my Father my will is that you should have in my time with this condition That my self fully and wholly enjoy all the Dignities Prerogatives and Customs which my Father enjoy'd in the said Kingdom in the time of your Predecessors And I would that your Holiness should understand that during my life the Dignities and Prerogatives of the Crown of England by Gods Grace shall not be diminished And if I should so far debase my self which God forbid my Lords and Commons would by no means indure it Wherefore most dear Father upon better advice let your gentleness be so tempered towards us that I be not inforced which I should unwillingly do to withdraw my self from your obedience But to save my self trouble I shall refer the Reader to Sir a Rep. part 5. Edward Coke and Mr. b Hist of the the Popes intolerable Usurpations Prynne where he may abundantly satisfie himself that the Kings of England not onely slighted the Papal Coercive Power but all along exercised Authority in and over Ecclesiastical Causes Though the Pope made it his business to trample upon all Temporal Jurisdiction and make it a meer
also absolve by the Authority of God and Vs all you Bishops from that promise whereby you were bound contrary to the Constitution of the Church for the observation of them And then he rehearseth the said six Constitutions in controversie between the King and Him and then nameth several persons of Quality whom he did thereby Excommunicate Of these things he also giveth the Pope notice repeating in a manner the same reproaches against the King with an additional Id. § 34. commendation that he grows worse and worse whom he was also resolved to Excommunicate Upon this the English Bishops write to Thomas how they had once some hopes of a peace hearing how he gave himself to prayer fasting c. The way to recover the Id. § 43. benefits of a peaceable reconciliation hereby was conceived an hope that you might from above bring into his Majesties heart such favour that he would out of Kingly mercy relent in his wrath towards us and never recall to minde the injuries offer'd by reason of your departure Your friends and well-wishers regain'd some access unto his Majesty whilst these things were thus divulged of you insomuch as he graciously admitted all such as were suitors for restoring you into his former favour But now by the relation of some we understand which we cannot but with grief remember that you published against him a severer Commination wherein you let pass all salutation wherein you practice no Counsel or Petition for Grace wherein you neither advise nor write any thing that savoureth favourably but with all extremity do rigorously menace Interdiction or Excommunication against him Which were it as sharply executed as it is bitterly spoken we should not then hope for peace but should fear to be inflamed with an irrevocable and eternal hatred Thus whilst as it were with a drawn sword you joyn battle you have not left for your self any place for Petition Wherefore O Father we charitably advise you not to heap labours upon labours and injuries upon injuries but setting threatning aside you would rather imbrace patience and humility Commend your cause to Divine Clemencie and your self to the grace and mercy of your Soveraign and in so doing you shall heap and cast together coals of fire upon the heads of many It is better to be highly commended for voluntary poverty than to be openly taxed by all men for ingratitude for a received Benefit It is deeply rooted into the mindes of all men how gracious our Lord the King hath been unto you unto how great dignity he hath rais'd you from poor degree and received you into his favour so freely and frankly as the ample bounds of his Dominions reaching from the Northern Sea to the Pyrenean Mountains were by him so absolutely subject unto your power as through all those Principalities they were onely accounted happy who could finde but favour in your sight And that no worldly mutability might overthrow your prosperity and glory he laid your foundation most firm in the possession belonging to God And notwithstanding his Mother disswaded the Kingdom cryed out against it and the Church of God so far as she could sighed and groan'd thereat he indeavoured by all means possibly to raise you unto the dignity of your present preferment hoping he should hereafter Reign blessedly and enjoy your assistance and counsel with exceeding security If therefore where he expected security to defend him he shall finde a sword to offend What rumour will be spread of you by all men what a reward what a remembrance will this be of a requital never heard of before Forbear therefore if you please to wrong your fame forbear to injure your Renown and indeavour to overcome with humility your King and your son with charity c. And at the end tells him of his preposterous and rash Excommunication of the a â—ocelin Bishop and b John of Oxford Dean of Salisbury before the offence was examin'd A new order of Judgement and hitherto in the Laws and Canons as we hope unknown first to condemn and then to examine the offence The English Bishops write also to the Pope giving great commendations of their King and telling the Pope the occasion and story of these troubles between Henry and Thomas viz. How that the King finding sometimes the peace of his Kingdoms not a little molested with the outragious excesses of some insolent Clerks with due reverence to the Clergy referred their offences to the Bishops Judges of the Church that one sword might assist another and that the Spiritual Power might confirm and establish in the Clergy that peace which he maintain'd in the people Wherein the zeal of each party appear'd more plainly the Bishops affirming that murther or any other like crime should onely be punished in the Clergy by degradation The King on the contrary being of opinion that this punishment did not sufficiently answer the offence neither was it provision enough for maintenance of peace if a a Lector aut Acolythus Reader or sub-Deacon killing some famous man renowned for Religion or Dignity should escape free with loss onely of this Order The Clergy therefore upholding the b i. e. of holy Orders or Clergy Order established from Heaven and our Lord the King persecuting onely the offence as we hope with a just haetred and intending to plant his peace more deeply a certain holy contention arose amongst us which we trust the plain and honest intention of both parties may excuse Hereupon not with any ambition of inlarging his Dominions not with any conceit of oppressing the Churches Liberties but with a desire of setling and confirming peace it went so far that the King would produce to light the Customs of his Kingdom and Dignities anciently observed and quietly and reverently yeilded by persons Ecclesiastical to former Kings in the Kingdom of England and to the end that hereafter no longer the thred of contention might be spun he would have the same openly known Wherefore the most ancient Bishops and great Peers of the Realm being first sworn by their faith and the hope which they had in Almighty God and then making search into the state of fore-passed times the Dignities of the Crown being sought were laid open and by the testimonies of men of the greatest accompt in the Kingdom were published Loe here the cruelty of our Lord the King against the Church of God which fame hath so spread over the whole world Behold here his persecution And these are the works so divulged for wicked both here and every where And then they tell him how willing the King is to be advised by the Church that peace might be And truly Father our sollicitation had long since as we hope obtain'd the desir'd end of this wished peace had not our Father the Lord of Canterburies bitter provocations stir'd up afresh this discord now laid asleep and almost absolutely extinguished For he from whose patience we hitherto expected peace
that to be of no force and do revoke them as null And we think all to be z z Some copâ—es read fatuos others Haereticos Fools or Hereticks who think otherwise Dated at the Lateran c. To which was returned this following answer Philip by the Grace of God King of the French to Boniface bearing himself a Pope little health or none at all Let your great a a Sciat tua maxima fatuitas Foolship understand that in Temporal affairs we are subject to no man That the Collation of Churches and Prebendaries belong to us by Royal Prerogative and the fruits thereof during their vacancy That the Collations already made or hereafter to be made are of good force and validity and that we will defend the possessors thereof against all men reputing all to be fools and madmen who think otherwise Given at Paris c. The Pope seeing the King resolute for the priviledges of his Kingdom goeth another way to work b Jo de Bussieres Tom. 2. p. 220 221. Jo â—uâ—â—us p. 211. Spondan an â—â—03 §. 11 stirs the people of Flanders to rebell against him desires the King of England to fall upon him curses excommunicates interdicts and by his fond censures deposeth the King absolves his subjects from their Allegiance perswades them to rise against their Soveraign intreats Albert Emperour of Germany to invade and seise upon his Dominions which he giveth to the said Albert for winning and keeping And because the Vniversity at Paris stood for their King he declared them to be no University nulling all their priviledges prohibiting all exercises c. The King seeing the Pope thus madly to run on against him summons a Parliament where the King is vindicated and the Pope accused of Heresie Nigromancy Simony Sodomy Murther Vsury Vncleanness c. all which Articles being too long for this place I shall refer you to a Acts and Mon tom 1. p. 448 449 450 451 452 453. Fox and the two late Volumes of the b Traites des droit libertes de l'eglise Gallicane Tom. 2. pag. 140 141 14â— liberties of the Gallican Church collected and set forth by the learned Frenchman Mons de Pais Puteanus But for all this the next Pope but one clears him and makes him a good man In this Parliament the King appeals from the Pope to the next Council But this trouble ended by the suddain death of the Pope though after what manner Authors will not agree some say by a Feaver others grief and many affirm by despair if not madness yet c Fuâ—enti similis Spond an 130◠§ 13. Marian hist Hispan l. 15. c. 6. next door to it However it was considering with what subtlety he attain'd the Popedome with what pride and arrogancy he domineer'd and his talked-of strange death he procured this Proverb to be fastned upon him d Intra vit ut vulpes regnavit ut leo mortuâ—s est ut canis He entred like a Fox ruled like a Lyon and dyed like a Dog Lucretius describes the Poetical Monster thus Prima leo postrema draco media ipsa Chimaera And of this Pope thus another alludes Ingreditur vulpes leo pontificat canis exit Jo. Rubeus p. 258. Et sic revera nova dicitur illa Chimaera I have formerly given you the Character of this Pope according to the Romanists themselves and for farther proof you shall hear Platina himself speak Pope Boniface e Qui imperatoribus â—egibus principibus nationibus populis terrorem potius quam Religionem injicere conabatur quique dare regna â—â—auferre pellerehomines reducere pro arbit â—â— animi conabatur aurum undique conquisitum plus quam dici potest sitiens Platina vit Bonifacii VIII rather endeavour'd and studied how to terrifie Emperours Kings Princes Nations and People then to promote Religion he strived and endeavoured to give and take away Kingdoms to trample upon all men according to his pleasure being covetous of wealth beyond all report This judgement of Platina is also confirm'd by f Gener. 44. p. 870. Nauclerus and his own actions will testifie as much for having appointed a Jubilee the first day he appears in his Pontificalibus but the next day he shews himself in an g Krantz Saxon. l. 8. c. 36. Cusâ— nian vit Albert Imperial habit with a Crown on having a naked sword carried before him crying out h Luke 22 3â— Behold two swords childishly alluding to his own blockish i Extra Commun de major obed c. unam sanctam comment upon the Apostles and our Saviours words as if the two Swords there mentioned implyed the Pope of Rome to have spiritual and temporal authority over all men Another story they tell of him Jacobus de Voragine Arch-bishop of Genoa that great writer of pretty miracles dying Porchetto Spinola succeeded and being at Rome on an Ash-Wednesday he amongst others fell down at the Popes Feet to be signed on the Fore-head with a Cross of holy Ashes Boniface thinking him to be his Enemy alters the Platina Nauclerus Coquaeus Tom. 2. pag. 178. Spond anno 1296. § 11. Scripture telling him thus Remember that thou art a Gibellin and with the Gibellins thou shalt return to Ashes and so cast the Ashes in his eyes and deprived him of his Archbishoprick but gave it him again when he heard that he was mistaken in the man At this action a Pag. 1005. Coeffeteau is a little troubled and doth confess that if it be true as there is no reason to doubt of it that it was a kinde of Sacriledge that cannot be excused Of this Boniface who before his Popedom was call'd Benedict one made these Verses Nomina bina bona tibi sunt praeclarus amictus Eberhardi Annal. an 1303. apud Hen. Caâ—â—s Anâ—â—que lecâ—â—on Tom. 1. Papa Bonifacius modo sed quondam Benedictus Ex re nomen habe Benefac Benedic Benedicte Aut cito perverte Malefac Maledic Maledicte But for diversion sake you may here peruse the Rimes of John Lydgate the old Monk of St. Edmondsbury Among these wofull Princys thre The fall of Pâ—â—nces lib. 9 Which shewyd theym so uggly of their chere Pope Boniface by great adversite The VIII of that name gan to approach nere A thousand IIIC accompted was the yere Fro Cryst's birth by computation Whan that he made his lamentacion This same Pope caught occasion Which undre Petre kept governaunce To Interdict all the Region Time of King Philip regnynge tho in France Direct Bulls down into Constaunce To a Nicholaus Benefractus Archdeacon of Constance in lower Normandy being sent by the Pope to carry the Orders to Interdict the King was seized up on at Tryers and imprisonâ—d Nicolas made by Boneface Archdeacon of the same place Of holy Church the Prelates nygh ech on Busshoppys of Fraunce felly have declared Prevynge by b Of these Articles against him I spake before
with other consolations most convenient to moderate the dolour and displeasure conceived in the hearts of the Catholiques by reason of the success of your a a Viz. the Spanish Fleet 1588. Army contrary to their hope and expectation Also some days after as the commodity offer'd to me to receive the money the said Chesholme delivered to me six thousand two hundred threescore and twelve Crowns of the sun and three thousand seven hundred Spanish Pistolets and likewise hath carryed himself in all his actions since very wisely and as becomes a man of God chiefly when upon the suspicion conceived of his sudden return the King sent to take him I shall behave my self by the Grace of God in keeping and distributing of the mony last sent and of that which resteth yet of the sum according to your Highness prescription and as I ought to answer to God in conscience and to your Highness in credit and to the whole world in the Reputation of an honest man and will manage it in such sort that by the grace of God there shall be fruit drawn thereof pleasant to your Highness It is true that I finde as all others would do that would enterprise such a charge here my self involved in great difficulties For on the one part I am in great danger of the Hereticks and them of the Faction of England by reason of the open Profession that I make of the Cathâ—lick Religion and of the suspition that the last hath of my secret practices and dealings against them On the other part I have much ado to moderate the Appetite that some Catholick Lords have to havâ— the mony presently for the hope which they give of some pretended occasions which will never fall out as they promise The Earl of Huntley made instance to have the third part of the sum which was sent hither as soon as it was delivered to me but he hath not toucht nor shall he touch hereafter a half-penny but upon good tokens I have paid him in the mean time with inexpugnable reasons wherewith in the end he is contented I beseech your Highness by the first Letter it shall please you to write into these parts to the Catholick Lords to remove one errour from a a Huntley Lord Maxwell alias Mortoun and Lord Claud Hamilton three of them who have written in the name of the rest which moves them to think that because they were the first who made offer of their service to the Catholick King that all the money which comes hither should be parted into three and immediately after the arrival thereof delivered to them without giving any part to others who besides them are a great number at the service of the Catholick King and you and who are resolved to hazard all according to their power for the advancement of this Cause Nor will they in any sort depend on the other in the accepting of the Treasure that comes from your liberality but acknowledge it as coming directly from your Highness to whom onely they will be bound and obliged and not to the other three of whom the Earl q Mortoun hath hitherto contented himself with reason As b Lord Mazwell also the Earl of Huntley hath never shewn himself subject to money but since he hath been induced by the third to wit my Lord Claude Hamilton his Vncle who is somewhat covetous of gain and thought under such pretext to make his profit The said Earl of Huntley is constrain'd to remain at Court he is fallen from his constancie in his outward profession of the Catholick Religion partly for having lost all hope of your support before the returning of the said Chesholme because of his long stay there partly by the perswasion of some Politicks partly to avoid the perils imminent to all them that call themselves Catholicks partly to keep himself in the favour of his King who pressed him greatly to subscribe to the Confession of the Hereticks and to be at League with England But for all this his heart is no whit alienated from our Cause for he hath always a good soul although he hath not such vigour to persevere and execute so as is requisite in so great an enterprise But they may help the defects by joyning with him a man of Credit resolute to assist him as we have advised to do since the Baron of b b David Graham Laird of Fintrie In Scotland the Barons were either Great or Small of the latter were Knights and Lairds and none were such formerly but those who held Lands of the King in Capite and had power of life death but now every one will be a Laird as in England an Esquire forsooth Fintrie is put in custody by the King in the Town of Dundee so that he durst not go out of the Gates thereof under the pain of a great sum until occasion may be offered to depart the Country within the limited time And I by the Kings commandment am forbiden to come neer the said Earl because they have attributed to the said Laird of Fintrie and me his constancie in the Catholick Religion and his absence from Court against the Kings will c c i. e. Laird of Fintrie His securement hath somewhat hindred our course and permits me not to move him as it hath pleas'd you to command me and as I desire to dispose of the money joyntly with me So that for the supplying of his want I have associated to the same end a very honest and wise man called Father William Creichtoun Jesuite who was detain'd some years in the City of d d In the Tower of London London after he was taken upon the Sea coming hitherwards from France Likewise I shall help my self by the prudence of Sir James Chesholme eldest brother to the said John who brought the money from your Highness for he is a man confident wise one of our part and very little suspected In the mean time one part of the money is in the principal house of my Lord Levingston a very Catholick Lord the other parthere in Edingborough in surety enough to help as it shall need the Catholick Lords who will come hither presently to resist the designes of them of the English Faction which think to remain at Court with forces to order all things according to their fancies As for the like sum or greater which your Highness intents to send hither it would be very expedient that it were very soon sent hither secretly to help the necessity that may fall out and to cause things to incline to our side when they are in Ballance as there is great appearance they will be by the occasion aforesaid and in case that necessity requireth no distribution the said sum shall be kept and reserved to better occasions or till the arrival of your forces in this Island There is suspition as also Arguments probable enough that Thomas Tyrie who hath brought hither your Highness Letters to our
execution of your enterprises here which they may do more easily then they that are known to be Catholicks whose actions are ever suspitious to the Hereticks for their Religion whereof these two Earls have not yet made outward profession but in that as in the rest they submit themselves to our will and to what we think most expedient The said Fathers of that company do profit very much in Scotland and so soon as any Lord or other person of Quality is converted by them they forthwith dispose and incline their affections to the service of the King of Spain and your Highness as a thing inseparably conjoyn'd with the advancement of the true Religion in this Country If I had commandment from your Highness I would give them some little Alms in your name to help them and eight others whereof four are also Jesuites and the other four are Seminary Priests of Pont a Mousson in Lorrain which are all the Ecclesiasticks that produceth so great spiritual fruit in Scotland and acquires to you here such augmentations of your friends and servants After the parting of Colonel Sempill from hence the Lords sent Letters with the foresaid Father Creichton and other Gentlemâ—n after the Army of Spain to cause it land in this Country but it had taken the way to Spain few days before their arrival at the a a The 〈…〉 where â—â—â—iâ—hten thought to meet the Fleet Islands where it had refreshed it self so that it was not possible for them to attend on it They of this Countrie who are of the Faction of England were in a marvellous fear during the uncertainty of the landing of the said Armie and confess'd plainlte that if it had landed here they had been utterly overcome The Earl Bothwell who is Admiral of Scotland and as gallant a Lord as any is in the Countrie although he make profession of the new Religion yet is he extremelie desirous to assist you against England having waged and entertain'd all this Summer under pretence to order the Isles some Troops of men of War which together with his ordinarie Forces should have joyned with yours if they had come hither He suffers himself to be peaceablie guided by me notwithstanding the diversitie of our Religion and hath often times said that if the Catholicks would give him suretie to possess after the restitution of the Catholick Religion two b b Viz. the Abbeys of Coldingham aâ—d of â—else Abbies which he hath that he would even presentlie be altogether one of yours He intends to send Colonel Halkerstoun to accompanie certain Captains and Gentlemen to Spain and almost four hundred Souldiers all safe from the shipwrack in our Isles And because they are in great necessitie he is purposed to furnish them with Ships Fictuals and other things necessarie to testifie thereby to the King of Spain the affection he hath to do him most humble and affectionate service And if we think it good hath offer'd himself to go to your Highness in the Low-Countries and by your advice afterward do the like to his Catholick Majestie of Spain But hereupon we will advise what is most expedient If we may always be assured of him he will be as profitable for the good of our Cause as any Lord in Scotland for he hath great dependance about this Town which is the principal of Scotland as also upon the Frontiers of England He hath offered to maintain and defend me against all that would attempt any thing against me We have chosen for every Catholick Lord a Gentleman of the wisest and faithfullest Catholicks and best beloved of their friends to serve them in Council and to meet at all occasions to resolve upon the most expedient courses that may concern the good of our Cause according to the will and intention of their Lords who have obliged themselves to approve and execute their resolutions and in no wise to contradict the same and by that means we hope to proceed with greater securitie and effect then we have done heretofore They shall never know any thing of our Intelligences there nor our final intentions but according to the exigence of the affairs which shall be in hand and that superficiously and without discovering our selves too much Your Highness shall understand by the particular Letters of the Lords what remaineth to be said to you by these presents by reason whereof I will make an end most humblie kissing your Highness hands and praying God to give you all the good hope and felicity you desire Your Highness most humble and most affectionate Servant Robert Bruce From Edinbrough this XXIV of January M D LXXX X. At the same time with this some of the Nobility in name of all the rest as this Letter also testifieth writ to Philip II King of Spain which take as followeth SIR WE cannot sufficiently express by speech the great grief we have conceived being frustrate of the hope we have so long had to see the last year the desired effects which we hoped of your Majesties preparations And our displeasures have been so much the greater that your Naval Armies should have passed by so near us without calling upon us who expected the same with sufficient Forces for the peaceable receipt and assistance thereof against all enemies in such sort that it should have had no resistance in this Countrie and with our support should have given England work enough At least if it had come in to refresh it it had preserved a number of Vessels and Men which we know have perished near our Isles and upon the Coasts of Ireland and had discovered an incredible numâ—er of friends in full readiness to have run the same fortune with it in such sort as we dare well affirm it should not have found half so many in England for all that is spoken by the English Catholicks a a Refugit thair saith the Scotch Copy fled into Spain who by emulation or rather by an unchristian envie too much lessen our power of aiding you thereby to magnifie their own onely and make themselves to be able to do all so to advance themselves in credit with your Majestie and such as are about you but the experience of this their passage hath sufficiently testified that they have not shewn themselves in such numâ—â—r to assist your forces as we have done And therefore your Majestie as most wise as you are should if it please you make such account of the one as not to neglect the other and so serve your self with both to the designe you aim at without hazarding your Forces for the particular of the one or the other We refer even to the judgement of some of your own subjects who have been here the Commodities and Landing in these parts where the expence bestowed upon the Equipage of one Galiasse shall bring more fruit to your service then you may have of ten upon the Sea And we may assure your Majestie that having once six thousand here of
ours here That I may testifie by this present the affection that I have to the Weal of the one and the other having ever before my conversion been one of the number of your friends and servants for the respect of the last to the which the first of Religion which is the greatest and most important that is in the world being joyned thereto I am also become altogether yours which I most humblie beseech your Highness cause to be signified to his Catholick Majestie and to promise him in my behalf that he hath not in this Countrie a more affectionate servant then I neither yet your Highness as you shall understand more amply of my intention in particular by him by whom your Highness shall receive this present To whom after I have most humbly kist your hand I beseech the Creator to give you the accomplishment of your holy desires Your Highness most humble and most affectionate Servant Francis Earl of Errol From Edinbrough this XXIV of January M D LXXXIX At the same time the foresaid Mr. Robert Bruce the chief Agent writ to Francisco Aguirre a Spaniard then at Antwerp telling him that when he is again sent into Scotland Cause your self to be set on land near Seaton where I pray you to enter secretly and there you shall be kept till I come and finde you c. The following part of this Letter was writ in such cunning and obscure terms that they could not understand it We formerly heard of the imprisonment of some Lords for their Rebellion and now the King thinking for ever to make them his by his grace and favour releaseth them all freely onely Morton enter'd bond of an hundred thousand pound Scotch not to practice any more against him or Religion But in most the King found himself mistaken For William Creichton the Jesuite being forced to leave Scotlâ—nd year 1590 gets into Spain where he becomes Agent for the Old Cause Hath several consultations with King Philip how to advance the business and having brought all things to a fair pass sends Mr. William Gordoun son to the Laird of Abiryeldie with Letters to Mr. a He dyed at Paris 1620 aged 77 years he writ Controversiarum Christianae fidei Epitomen 1591. James Gordoun a Jesuit and brother on the Fathers side to George Earl of Huntley whereby he gave him and the Romanists in Scotland to understand what pains he had taken with the Spanish King and that the said King had confess'd to him that he had been deceived by the English and so would for the future follow the way and advice given him by the said Creichton both for the invading of England and the alteration of Religion in Scotland And the better to carry all on the said Creichton desired as many Blanks and Procurations as could be had of the Scotch Noblemen for the greater credit and assurance of his dealings and agitations At this the Romanists take heart and not to seem wanting on their parts they deal with some of the Nobility from whom they get Blanks subscribed two of which were procured of them by Sir James Chesholme one of the Kings chief Servants one of them year 1592 was thus subscribed in French De vostre Majestie tres humble tres obeisant Serviteur Guiliame Compte de Anguss Another thus subscribed De vostre Majestie tres humble tres obeisant Serviteur Franzoys Compte de Errol Other two Blanks were procured of them in Latine by Robert Abircrumby the Jesuite one of the main sticklers in these plots Thus Guilielmus Angusie Comes Another thus Franciscus Errollie Comes Other two Blanks were procured by Mr. George Ker brother to the Lord Newbottle thus subscribed Georgius Comes de Huntlie All these several Blanks should have been fill'd up and supplyed by way of Letters to the King of Spain and Credentials or Certificâ—â—â—s in behalf of the said Creichton at the discretion of the â—â—â—d Creichton and a There was one Jâ—mes Tyâ—ie a Scotch Jeâ—â—iâ—e wâ—o dyâ—â— at Râ—me 1597 and wâ—it under the nâ—â—e oâ— Gâ—â—â—g◠〈…〉 de Anâ—â—â—â—itaâ—e Eâ—cles Sâ—â—tiâ— buâ— whether this was the same Tâ—rie I know 〈◊〉 James Tyrie who should have writ over them what he thought most fit to carry on the Caâ—se Besides these there were two other Blanks thus subscribed in the midst of two open sheets of Paper Guillielmus Angussie Comes Georgius Comes de Huntlie Franciscus Errollie Comes b This â—â— Patrâ—â—k â—â—dâ—n 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 was Unâ—â—â—â— the â— â—oâ— Hanâ—â—â— Patricius Gordoun de Auchindoun Miles One of these two last Blanks should have been fill'd up with Procurations and whatsoever the said Creichton and James Tyrie should think fit for the confirmation of that which Mr. George Ker who was to carry them had in direction and credit from the Subscriberâ— The other to contain the Articles to be concluded on â—or the better security both of King Philip and the Scotch Nobility The sum of which credit was an assurance that these Noblemen should raise a power of Horse-men and meet the Spanish Army at their landing and to assist and accompany them into England And for farther encouragement these c Subscribers took the burthen on them and engaged that all the Romanists in Scotland would joyn and assist in the said Cause Besides these Subscriptions the Earls of Anguss Huntlie and Arrol deliver'd their Seals or Coats of Armes in wax for a further confirmation Nor did they doubt of carrying all before them the King of Spain having promis'd to send them by the latter end of Spring 1592 an Army of thirty thousand men to have landed either at Kirkudbricht in Galloway or at the mouth of Clyde according as the wind served And besides this to send good store of money to raise Forces in Scotland and to supply the said Army whereof a In this I follow the Scotch Copies of the Examinâ—tions but Archbishop Spotswood hath 15000. pag. 390. which I suppose to be a mistake in the Printer four or five thousand should remain within Scotland who with the assistance of the Romanists there should alter the Religion and the rest of the Army was to pass into England For the carrying of these Blanks and some Letters into Spain they had once concluded that Sir James Chesholme one of King James his chief Servants should be the Messenger being through-paced for the Cause he having then occasion to pass over to his Uncle William Chesholme by them call'd Bishop of Dumblane but the said Sir James being let by some private business that he could not be ready soon enough they pitch'd upon the foresaid Mr. George Ker Doctor of the Laws brother to the Lord Newbottle But he was b Decemb. 27. 1592. he was taken by Mr. Andrew Knox Minister of Pasley and afterwards Bishop of the Isles Ker was imprisoned but afterwards escaped apprehended as he was taking Ship and his blanks and other Letters seiz'd on some of which Letters take as followeth
should fall out for the weal and furtherance of this Cause c. But now I will sayone word of him and so come to some other purposes of our own If I had a thousand tongues with so many mouths with Cicero ' s Eloquence I could not be worthie enough to commend this Gentleman to you and all your company as I shall let you understand God-willing if ever we do chance to meet face to face and therefore whensoever you may prevent him with any benefit either by your self or any other abide not till he crave it of you for he is the worst asker in his own cause that ever you conversed with f f Here follows some private lawbusiness concerning some lands in the Lairdship of Spot My Lord Levingstone is departed out of this world You heard before that g g David Graham Laird of Fentrie yet there was also a rich Citizen of Sterling call'd David Forrester who was kill'd or murdred 1595. David Forester had one son and now hath another born in the Castle of Striveling where he is in custodie hardlie handled There is but one of our Nobilitie which hath of the King of Spain any pension well paid of twelve hundred Crowns the which apparentlie are evil bestowed for he nor any of his as yet hath ever done any kinde of good in the promotion of the Kings Matters wherefore such pensions were better bestowed on others who travel dailie and hourlie putting in hazard both their goods and lives as the Beareâ— hath done and dailie doth and others as he can shew you c. Because I have no other thing to write and have been long enough I commend me to your prayers and you to God Yours at his Power a a i. e. Rob. Abircrumby Robert Sandesoun At Scotland the XV of Decemb. M D XCII The surprisal of these Letters discover'd all and spoil'd the designe David Graham of Fintrie was tryed and found guilty and b 15 or 16 of February 1592. beheaded in the High-street of Edinbrough The Earl of Angus having been imploy'd by the King who then doubted not of his loyalty to quiet some troubles in the North not knowing any thing of the seising of Kar and the discovery of the Spanish designe returns to Edinbrough where he was presently arrested by the c The Mayor and Aldermen Provost and c Bayliffs of the City and sent prisoner to the Castle But from this imprisonment he escapes flees into the North joyns himself with Huntley and Arrol and raise what Forces they can But upon the report of the Kings marching against them year 1593 they fled into the Mountains and seeing no other help sent their Ladies to the King to intercede for them the King tells them he will shew them what favour he can but adviseth them to submit to a tryal In the mean time the Presbyterian Kirk grow very mally part and a Club of their Ministers being jumbled together on their own heads they forsooth would condomn them and so they Excommunicate the Earls of Anguss Huntley and Arrol the Lord Hume and Sir James Chesholme nor could the King by all his Authority and desires get the Brethren to forbear or stay the publication of their sentence Though the Earls had waited upon the King submitted themselves and desired a Trial. But the truth is the Popish Lords gave no signes of real repentance no though the King had used divers means to gain them and was willing to wink at their past crimes upon assurance of their good behaviour for the future yet all his Majesties endeavours were in vain the Jesuits prevailing too much over them with their bad counsels and feeding them daily with hopes of forraign aid No though the King through love exhorted them to enter themselves in custody to pleasure the Kirk and make some signes of a tryal would they give any obedience to the Kings desires These contempts rendring them more odious a Parliament is held and the Roman Lords brought to Tryal and are found year 1594 guilty of Treason and sentence was pronounced against the thrâ—â— Earls and Sir Patrick Gordon Laird of Achindown their Sâ—uâ—checas of Arms are torn by the Herald and their Honours Lands and Estates declared forfeited Yet the King had some favour for them but they grow worse and worse for joyning themselves with the Earl of Bothwell they make a Covenant or Bond amongst themselves at the Church of Memmore and so flee to Arms the main stickler in this business being Sir James Douglas of Spot And opportunately to assist them arrives a Spanish Ship at Montrose which brought some gold for their supplies The King informed of all by the apprehension of Allan Orme servant to Bothwell sends Argile Northwards to quell them Argile gets an Army of 10000 men but a The Battle of Clenlivat October 3. are beat by 900 commanded by Huntley who here lost his Uncle of Achindown and Arrol was sore wounded in his armand leg But for all this the Confederate Lords at the long run were so put to it that they desired liberty to depart the Kingdom giving security to practice no more against the King or Religion so away they went and Bothwell steals into France thence into Naples where he lived miserably and dyed beggerly about the year 1624. The banish'd Lords not finding themselves in that favour beyond Seas as they expected resolve to return home Huntley steals year 1596 over and being got into the North sends a supplication to the King desiring that he might be permitted to stay in the Country upon security to be no more troublesome the King is willing and conditions are consulting of Arrol thinking to slip through the Low-Countries is seis'd on and deliver'd to Mr. Robert Danielstone the Kings Agent there but from him he makes an escape and returns Huntley for some time keeps off the conditions the Kirk being his enemy And his Uncle James Gordon the Jesuit came into the year 1597 Country to perswade him from any reconcilement but at last not onely he but Angus and Arrol submit subscribe to the Faith of Scotland are absolved at Aberdene from their former Excommunications and received into grace and favour of the King About the same time there was discovered a designe to fortifie the Isle of Elsay in the West Seas This Island is a great Rock four miles in compass wherein an old ruinous Tower is built on the steep ascent of the Rock the plot was that by seising on the Island the Forces that the Spanish King had promis'd to send might here be received The main actor in this was Hugh Barklay Laird of Lady-land who having been the year before committed in the Castle of Glasgow had made an escape and fled to Spain and this year return'd to pursue his old designe Having got some followers he enters the Island with an intention to have well victual'd it But Mr. Knox the same who took Ker understanding his purpose
per Tho. White Mayor of Waterford These two Letters you may see in the honourable a Pacata Hibernla lib. 2. cap. 3. pag. 142 143 144 145. Sir George Carew afterwards Earl of Totnes but with some mistakes by the Printer wherefore I have followed the Authentick Manuscript Copies whence he took his And thus much for the troubles in Ireland till we come to the next Century Though here it may not be amiss to add that several of the Irish Nobility either by the Queens or their own instigations conveyed themselves over to be Instructed in our English Universities as M S. Matriculâ— Antiqua Univers Oxon. Richard Bourke Baron of Dunkellyn studies at Christ-Church after this his Brother Thomas Baron of Dunkellyn at Magdalen Colledge Bernard Orwoirk a Knights son of Conaught at New-Colledge and Thadeus Bryan an Earls son at Lincolne Colledge in Oxford and in Cambridge I finde the Lord b Sir George Paule's life of Archbishop Whitgift p. 17. § 35. Dunboy's son at Trinity Colledge under the Tuition of the then Dr Whitgift afterwards the careful and worthy Archbishop of Canterbury So at the beginning of King James his Raign Henry O Brian Baron of Bryken and his younger Brother Brian O Brian entred themselves together in Brazen-Nose Colledge in Oxford Thus was the Kingdom of Ireland by the well bringing up of their Nobility designed to be well civiliz'd that they might the more appear like men and Christians which would the better oblige them to their Queen and her Government This makes it convenient to nurture up your very Enemies the better to reclaim them in Religion Learning and Morality But Sir John Perot was out in his Politicks when he taught the Irish the use of Arms whereby they afterwards became more formidable to the English and put them to far greater troubles and straits to reduce them to obedience The end of the Sixth Book A CONTINUATION OF THE REBELLIONS AND Treasonablepractices OF THE ROMANISTS IN ENGLAND From the year MD to MDC BOOK VII CHAP. I. The Supreme HEAD of the Church King Henry VIII declared deprived of his Dominions BEing now come to England here we might finde matter year 1500 enough of the Papal malice to make up a large Volume but herein we must studie brevity and in so doing leave the particular Relation of Fights and Tumults to other Writers But first a word by the by concerning Henry VIII who procured to himself a great deal of ill will by declaring himself an absolute King over all his Subjects by being Supreme Head under Christ both of Church and State within his Dominions At this many of his Subjects boyl and grew scrupulous would finde many faults which were neither made nor intended and so cry down what was never set up Queen Elizabeth willing to give them content left out the word Head which was the main word they started at and was call'd the a 1 Elizabethae cap 1. Supream Governour of this Realm and of all other her Highness Dominions and Countries as well in Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes as Temporal And in the form for Bidding Prayers thus b Q Elâ—z â—â—â—â—nctions anno 155â— Supreme Governour of this Realm as well in Causes Ecclesiastical as Temporal At this the Romanists not onely took exceptions but falsely spread abroad that by this Title the Kings or Queens of England took upon them to be in c Adeâ— quidâ—m 〈…〉 in administran lis Sacramentis sacerdotalem potestatem arrogari Sanders de 〈…〉 vâ—d pag. 316 317. Insoâ—uch as if He i. e the King pleaseth he 〈…〉 personaâ—ly Râ—flâ—ctions upon the Oaths of Supremacie and Allegiâ—â—â— â—wâ—g 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Holy Orders might adminâ—ster the Sacraments and had Sacerdotal Qualifications and Authority To take away this Rub and the better to satisfie the people the Qâ—â—â—n and her Convocation published this following Interprâ—â—â—â—ion An Admonition to simple men deceived by Malitious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Majesty being informed that in certain places of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sundry of her Native Subjects being callâ—d Ec 〈…〉 Miniâ—try of the Church be by sinister perswasion and 〈…〉 induced to finde some scruple in the form of 〈…〉 by an Act of the last Parliament is prescribed to be 〈…〉 persons for the Recognition of their Allegiance 〈…〉 which certainly never was ever meant nor by any 〈…〉 or good sence can be thereof gathered would that 〈…〉 subjâ—cts should understand that nothing was is or 〈…〉 meant or intended by the same Oath to have any other Du 〈…〉 or Bond required by the same Oath then was ackâ—â—wâ—â—â—ged to be due to the most Noble Kings of famous memorie 〈…〉 the VIII her Majesties Father or King Edward the 〈…〉 Brother 〈…〉 her Majestie forbiddeth all manner her Subjects to 〈…〉 credit to such perverse and malicious persons which 〈…〉 maliciousâ—ie labour to notifie to her loving Sub 〈…〉 of the said Oath it may be collected that the 〈…〉 of this Realm Possessors of the Crown may 〈…〉 and Power of Ministrie of Divine Service in 〈…〉 her said Subjects be much abused by such evil 〈…〉 〈…〉 her Majestie neither doth nor ever will châ—llenge 〈…〉 theâ— that was challenged and latelie used by the 〈…〉 Kings of famous Memorie King Henry the VIII and 〈…〉 VI which is and was of ancient time due to 〈…〉 of this Ream that is under God to have the 〈…〉 Rule over all manner of persons born within 〈…〉 â—ominions and Countries of what Estate ei 〈…〉 Temporal soever they be so as no other Forraign Power shall or ought to have any Superioritie over them And if any person that hath conceived any other sence of the form of the said Oath shall accept the same Oath with this Interpretation sence or meaning her Majestie is well pleased to accept everie such in that behalf as her good and obedient Subjects and shall acquit them of all manner of Penalties contained in the said Act against such as shall peremptorilie or obstinatelie take the same Oath And as if this were not authentick enough she took care that this interpretation of hers should be confirm'd by Act of Parliament in this following Proviso Provided also that the Oath expressed in the said Act made in V Elizabetha cap. 1. the said first year shall be taken and expounded in such form as is set forth in an Admonition annexed to the Queens Majesties Injunctions published in the first year of her Majesties Reign that is to say to confess and acknowledge in her Majestie her Heirs and Successors none other Authoritie then that was challenged and lately used by the Noble King Henry the eighth and King Edward the Sixth as in the said Admonition more plainly may appear And as if this were not satisfactory she provided to have the Interpretation of this Oath thus inserted amongst our Articles of Religion thereby the better to demonstrate how far we are from giving any Priestly Function to our Soveraigns XXXVII Of the Civil
at Tornay Bruges and Dunkirk from which place it was boldly taken down by one William Locke a Mercer of London They were also posted up at Bolloigne and Diepe in France and St. Andrews in Scotland And so liberal was his Holyness that by a Breve he freely offers England to James V King of the Scots promising to assist him in the gaining of it and for a further incouragement by his Legat Giovanni-Antonio Compeggio presented him with many Ceremonies and Apostolical Benediction a Cap and a Sword newly before Consecrated on Christmas night But for all this sturdy King Harry who above all things hated a bassle kept his Crown Kingdom and Authority the Paper not putting him to the tenth part of trouble if it were any at all to him as some Northern Rebels did who being fob'd up that year 1537 Christ and his Religion were now a throwing down sell to Arm themselves with what Weapons they could get In Lincolnshire their number was supposed to be about twenty thousand who at last growing jealous one of another dispers'd themselves some being after taken and executed amongst whom was their Ring-reader being a stuâ—die Monk call'd Doctor Makerel though in this expedition he nominated himself Captain Cobler Yet no sooner is this stisled when another and that more terrible began in York shire and the other Northern Counties their strength supposed to be about forty thousand formed into a complâ—at Army not wanting a Train of Artillery They call'd their March The holy and blessed Pilgrimage and the Pilgrimage of Grace On the one side of their Bannerâ— was painted Christ hanging on the Cross On the other a Chalice with the Wafer in it The Souldiers upon their sleeves had represented the five Wounds of Christ and in the midst the name of Jesus And thus are they thought to be brave Roman Blades by a De Schiâ—m lib 1. pag. 155. Nicholas Sanders who would thus take up Arms for their Religion But for all this their designes came to nothing being perswaded upon better advice to creep home again which troubled Sanders so much that he cannot think on this opportunity without accusâ—â—g the King of Perjury and Knavery As for King Henry VIII it fareth with him as with other Princes most speaking of him as their interest lay being honour'd by some with as great Commendations as Fancie or Flattery could reach whilst by others he was look'd upon as the worst of Tyrants and loaded with all the Reproaches and Infamies that Satyr or Malice could invent for as the worst of Kings and Actions will never want Flatterers and admirers so the best will never escape the slanders of the envious The truth is though he was Learned above the custom of Princes yet if ever any man had his faults our Henry had his share to the purpose his Will being both Law and Reason as far as his Dominions reacht and to contradict his humour was little less then to be next door to another world and which might make him worse was that amongst all his Favourites and Courtiers there was scarce any but either Knave or Flatterer if not both since 't is hard to separate them So that in many things where that King did amiss whether he acted them by his own inclinations and judgement or by the suggestions and instigations of his griping and base-soul'd Courtiers and Minions shall be left to every ones opinion nor is it much material where the fault should be laid being both so guilty Yet this is certain that when he followed his own proper Genius viz. Martial exploits none came off with greater glory then himself for his personal Acts and Valour And the whole Kingdom is beholden unto him for the great Fame and Renown she gain'd abroad by her Victories and Warlike Atchievements under his conduct And what cannot Englishmen do under an Active and Martial Prince But in brief I shall not undertake to quit him from that short but comprehensive Character given him of old viz. That he never spared man in his Anger nor woman in his Lust As Henry VIII was no sooner set in the Throne but a In his English Traâ—slation of Dr. Sebastian Brant's Stultiferâ— Navis fol 205 206. Alexander Barklay endeavoured to declare his Renown and Vertues so no sooner was he dead but one William Thomas undertook his Apology This Thomas as himself words it being constrain'd by misfortune to abandon the place of his Nativity meets after the said Kings death several Gentlemen at Bologna in Italy against whom he enters into discourse in the Month of b 1546 7. February in which Month the King was buryed at Windsore in Defence of that Noble Prince whose honour had been wrongfully toucht as he expresseth it which he draweth up into a Treatise by way of a Dialogue which he directed to Pietro Aretino the well known Tuscan Poet as famous for his Satyrical Wit as infamous for his life and death This he did he saith the better to inform the said Aretine of the Kings worth telling him also that the King Hath remembred thee with an honourable Legacie by his Testament the which his Enemies pretend proceeded of the fear that he had lest thou shouldst after his death defame him But certain I am that the King in his Will and Testament maketh no mention of this Poet so in this Mr. Thomas was misinformed a thing of no great wonder And that the King stood in any fear of Aretines writing against him or that Aretine intended to write of him I cannot say but true it is that though this Florentine was no great Clerk yet in his Mothers Tongue he laid so about him and with that rage and fury that he was stil'd the Scourge of Princes and his Epitaph in St. Lukes Church in Venice will further tell the Temper of the Fellow in Italian I meet with it thus Qui giace l' Aretin Pâ—eta Tosco Chi disse mal d'Ognun fuor chedi Dio Scusandosi dicendo n'il conobbi But I think it is more true and Authentick thus in Latiue Condit Aretini cineres lapis iste sepultos Phil. Labbe Thesaurus Eâ—â—â—aph Fran. Sweetâ— select delit pag. 156. Mortales atro qui sale perfricuit Intactus Deus est illi causamque rogatus Hanc dedit ille inquit non mihi notus erat Here th' Poet Aretine Intomb'd doth lye Who ' gainst all let his spiteful Pasquins fly But God escap'd him and why being ask'd fro' him Thus clear'd himself 'T was cause I did not know him But d Orat. contra Aretinum Joachimus Perionius will assure us that he neither spared the Apostles Christ or God himself As some call'd him the Scourge of Princes so others intitled him the Divine both which a Venetia descritta Sansovino tells us Ariosto thus mentioneth in his Orlando Furioso Ecco il Flagello De Principi il Divin Pietro Aretino But as for the Title of Divine or Penitent I see little reason
he should have them although there be some Meditations on the Penitential Psalms carryed about under his name yet a wicked man may make a good Book as the greatest Rebels pretend the most Religion but that he did ever really repent I am not convinced because then they would have given him a better Epitaph besides the story of his death maketh him then as bad as ever But enough if not too much of this As concerning the foresaid William Thomas take as followeth 1544. He got into Italy 1547. He wrote the foresaid Dialogue at Bologna la Grossa 't is call'd b M S. B. 2. 7. in Bible Bâ—dl Oxon. le Pelegrine and never printed that I know of 1543. He finish'd his Italian Dictionary and Grammar at Padoa undertook at the desire and for the instruction of Mr. John Tamworth then living at Venice and was afterwards viz. 1567 printed by the appointment of Sir William Mildmay 1549. I meet with him return'd to London when and where he Printed his short but methodical History of Italy which was Reprinted 1561. He was made Clerk of the Council to King Edward VI. 1553. He designed the Murther of Queen Mary or c Jo. Bal. de Scriptoribus Appendix p. 100. Steven Gardiner Bishop of Winchester 155â— â— February 20. He was sent to the Tower of London February 26. He had almost kill'd himself by thrusting a Knife under his Paps 1554. May 9. He was arraigned and condemn'd at Guild-hall May 18. He was drawn from the Tower to Tyborn and there hang'd headed and quarter'd 'T is said that he was an intimate with d Parsons thâ—ee Câ—nversious of Engl. paâ—t 3. pag. 220 221. Christopher Goodman that enemy to the Rule of Women and a fiery Puritan and no doubt that Thomas was too much warp'd that way and one of more misguided zeal then true Religion or Wisdom He translated some Books out of Italian and besides those Printed wrote a Tract call'd The Common Place of State for the use of King Edward VI discoursing whether it be expedient to vary with the time which with several other of his Writings may be seen in Sir Robert Cotton's e Sub Effigie Vespasianâ— D. 18. Library And so much of King Henry and his Champion William Thomas To this King succeeded Edward VI a most vertuous and hopeful Pâ—ince but too young to correct the villanies of the Grandees about him who loved the Churches better then they loved God yet a Reformation of Religion was carryed on which so vext some in the North that they took up Arms to restore Popery though to no purpose But those in the West were more stubborn especially the Devonshire and Cornish men who form'd themselves into an Army besieged Exeter which bravely defended it self against all their power and spight Nor would their Holy Zeal render them victorious though as a means to be so they march'd into the Field with a Crucifix under a Canopy which instead of an Altar was set in a Cart accompanied with Crosses and Candlesticks Banners Holy-Bread and Holy-Water to drive away the Devils and dull their Enemies Swords as Speed wordeth it And though they fought fiercely against the King his Commission and good Subjects yet they could conclude their demands or rather commands with an Item We pray God save King Edward for we be his both body and goods And this way of canting is always used by all other Traytors who the higher they run into Rebellion declare themselves the better Subjects In short though these peoples cause was bad enough and were soon quell'd yet a De Schism lib. 2. pag. 260. Sanders will not let them pass without some Papal holy Water being true Romanists and Father b Three conversions of Engl. part 2. pag. 594 619. Parsons will not allow them to be faulty because forsooth they fought for the Roman Religion as if to take up Arms for any Religion against their true and lawful Soveraign were warrantable for if so every Opinion and Phanatick will be its own judge and carver so that there will be no end of Wars and Bloudshed yet every man in the right at least the strongest can do no wrong however not commit Treason according to the too-much-practis'd Rule thus wittily condemn'd by Sir John Harrington Treason doth never prosper what 's the reason Epigram § 5. For if it prosper none dare call it Treason CHAP. II. A Vindication of Queen Elizabeth ANd now we come to the prosperous Reign of the so much famed Elizabeth in whose time England was in the heighth of its Glory and Repute being as an Umpire to the whole World flourishing at home and victorious abroad but prudent Cecils and vigilant Walsinghams are not always to be had and so we must be content with our decaying Lawrels And here by the by because a De Schism Aâ—gl lib. 3. pag. 319. Sanders and other Romanists are pleas'd to render her as the worst of all women-kinde I shall take the boldness to say something in her Vindication the better to confute her former Revilers and to satisfie the more ignorant somewhat in her behalf Her Piety and Religion have been celebrated by many Pens her Learning and skill in variety of Languages was admired by her greatest Enemies Besides her English b Arghâ—â—ium Praeâ—a § Elizabetha Christopher Ocklande whose Books were once order'd to be read in all Grammar-Schools will tell you of six other Languages she was perfect in Elizabetha piis primos imbuta per annos Moribus sophiae studiis instruct a sacrata Doctrina linguae Latiae Graiaeque perita Linguas Europae celebres intelliget omnes Quid Teuto Hispanus Gallusve Italusve loquatur Mr. c His nine Worthies pag. 282. Thomas Heywood one who loved to write concerning Women concludes thus of our Elizabeth Chaste Virgin Royal Queen belov'd and fear'd Much on the Earth admir'd to Heaven indear'd Single and singular without another A Nurse to Belgia and to France a Mother Potent by Land sole Soveraign of the Main Antagonist to Rome the scourge of Spain Though she was excellently skill'd in all manner of Needle-work was admired for her neat Dancing was very skilful and knowing in Musick playing well upon divers sorts of Instruments yet these and suchlike little pleasures could never call her thoughts from her Subjects good and the care of Government d La. Epist â—â—urmiâ— Roger Ascham speaks wonders of her ingenuity and knowledge and he had as much reason to know her as any but these you may say were English-men and so bribed by their birth-right though this with some of her Enemies is no Rule But should we run to all her Commendations beyond Seas we might be endless a Poet. Ital. vol. 1. pag 79. Cornelius Amaltheus a zealous Italian Romanist cannot withhold his Muse from her Encomiums b Poet. Germ. vol 5 pag. 827. Laurentius Rhodomanus is as earnest in his Anagrammatical mode
now beginning he conveys himself and Books to Paris where the English Ambassador complains of him to King Henry III and desires that being born a Subject to the Queen now a Fugitive and one that had so abused her he might be delivered into his hands to be sent to England there to receive his reward And the Ambassador had reason for his request if that be true which is c Guil. Barcla contra Monarchomachos lib 6. cap. 7. pag. 439. reported viz. that Henry III was so much possest with those cruel Pictures and put so much credit in them that he accused Queen Elizabeth of great Cruelty calling her a wicked and cruel woman Yet at the Ambassadors desire Verstegan was imprison'd at which d De justa abâ—icatione Henâ—ici III. pag. 123. Jean Bouchier that active fire-brand of the League is not a little troubled and layeth it as one heretical fault to Henry At last Verstegan is releas'd who quits France and returns to Antwerp where he reprints his Book and lives after an handsome fashion The Jesuits and the Secular-priests falling out in England each party defends it self by Pen in this quarrel Verstegan concerns himself joyning with the Jesuits and writing in their behalf shewing himself as zealous a Railer as the best of them and indeed never was there quarrel compos'd of so many bad words either side consider'd Thus he continued till after the death of Queen Elizabeth where he e 1605. published his Restitution of decayed Intelligence in Antiquities of England Dedicating of it to King James expecting better fortune and favour which f Eâ— Rege cum novo novum assume Fatum Poet. Belg. Vol. 3. p. 364. Justus Lipsius claps to the Nation a good luck in Verse What he got by it I know not nor when he dyed onely towards the latter end of King James his Raign amongst the rest of the English Fugitives who lived in Antwerp under the Notion of Spanish stipendiaries I meet with these words g James Wadsworth the English-Spanish Pilgrime cap. 7. pag. 67. There is also one Mr. Versteagan who did not his wife keep up his credit might be yoakt with the rest That is as I suppose in a mean condition And thus much for Verstegan of whom a Qâ—odlibets pag. 257. Watson the Priest will give you a sharper Character But why must Queen Elizabeth of all other Soveraigns be deprived of this Prerogative of life and death Must Campo Flori in Rome smoak by the burnt bodies of people by the Authority of the Pope in this acting onely as a Secular Prince for Ecclesiasticks excuse themselves from such severities and may not Queen Elizabeth be as great a Monarch in her Dominions Must the King of Spain glory in his Inquisition thereby destroying multitudes of Strangers and Natives and that with such severity and cruelty that their stories either American or Domestick cannot be read without tears and had not Queen Elizabeth as much right to and Authority in England as the intitled Most Catholick hath in his Dominions Hath the French King a Prerogative to burn Anne du Burg and many others of his Subjects for Opinions in Religion and may not Queen Elizabeth having as much â—iâ—nt of Government use her Authority as well as the former Not that I vindicate any such severities but use these comparatives to shew that Queen Elizabeth did no more then the Romanists themselves But to shew what a great thing interest is take this following observation but the bloudy narrative of the story is so long and mournful that the Reader must pardon me if I refer him to other b Thuanus Historians for it Charles IX King of France under the pretence of the Grand Solemnities of the King of Navaâ—'s Marriage invited all the Grandees of the Hugonots of France with c Caâ—bden Eliz. an 1572. Eujeb Phâ—laâ—â—lph â—â—smapol Dialog 1. pag. 30. Leicester and Eurghley out of England and the Sons of the Palatine Elector out of Germany intending by this means to ruine the Protestant Religon The French obey'd and appear'd where they were entertain'd with all manner of Gayeâ—ies and Triumphs but for all this Court holy Water they were by order of the King in d â—â—g 24. â—â— one day as many as could be met withal which came to sâ—vâ—â—a◠〈…〉 slain without respect to Sex age or quality 〈…〉 of whom was old Admiral Coligny whose e 〈…〉 â—b 52. head was 〈…〉 grateful present to Rome Nor did this Massacre end â—erâ— but by the Kings Order was also acted all France over to the unthought of slaughter of many thousand Protestants This Carnage though it made such an impression upon some that several set themselves to work and f U'â—â—ae 15â—3 â—â— 4. publish'd a Book of Verses in Detestation of it yet others imploy'd their wits as much in its Commendation amongst whom I finde g Id. pag. 30. accused Johannes Auratus Regius Professor of the Greek Tongue in Paris and one of the chiefest Poets in his time if so it seems he could weep and bewail more the killing of one h Poet Gall. vol. 1. p. 314. Sparrow by his Cat then of so many thousand Christians As for the Romanists in France they celebrated these slaughters as one of the most glorious actions in the world great rejoycings at Court for it publick thanks render'd to God and as a farther memorial of its Gallantry the King had i Thuan. lib. 53. Cambden Eliz. anno 1572. new Medals or Coyns made with Inscriptions to perpetuate the Fame of that bloudy day And to compleat the triumph a Miracle must be wrought to testifie Gods approbation of it which you must finde in k â—â—uan lib. 52. St. Innocents Church-yard at Paris So here this Church-yard may boast of another Miracle besides its a André du Chesne les Antiquitez deâ— villes de France chap. pag 63. 7 consuming the buryed Carkasses in less then ten days But as for this new flourishing White-thorne-Tree the famous Thuanus doth somewhat mitigate the wonder by affirming that the thing might be as well b Sive sponte quod aliquando contlngit cum natura deficiente in co planta est ut penitus exarescat five aqua tepida ab impostoribus infusa Aug. Thuan. Hist lib. 52. Naral or artificial But the greatest joy of all for this slaughter was at Rome Cardinal Loraine giving the Messenger that brought the first news of it a thousand Crowns the Letter was read in the Conclave publick thanks were given in their Churches the Cannons discharged Thuan. lib. 53. Spondan anno 1572. § 20. Bonfires made a Jubilee publish'd throughout Christendom And a grand Procession was made to the Church of St. Lewis Lewis IX King of France canoniz'd by Pope Boniface VIII his festival day is the XXV of August where was the Nobility Bishops Cardinals the several Ambassadors the Pope under a Canopy his Train being held up
which Nevil Parry offer'd to call cozen in him he endeavours to foment a discontent and having as he thought fully brought over discourseth more openly with him At last he opens to him about killing the Queen which he call'd An Act honourable and meritorious to God and the world At several times they consult about it either of killing of her in White-hall Garden and so to escape by water or by St. James's on horse-back But at all this Nevil seem'd staggering Parry to take away all doubts from him lent him a b It was call'd A Defence of English Catholicks against the Book call'd The Execuâ—ion of Justice which Book was made by the Lord Burleigh Book made by Dr. Allen afterwards for his Treasons made Cardinal which had been sent him out of France And now this Book wrought with Parry himself you shall see by his own confession thus It redoubled my former Conceits every word in it was a warrant to a prepared minde it taught that Kings may be Excommunicated Deprived and violently handled It proveth that all Wars Civil or Forregn undertaken for Religion is honourable Nevil also declares himself convinced of the lawfulness and braveness of the action and so they both swear in Parry's lodging secrecie and to kill her of which thus Parry in his Confession He came to me the next morning to my lodging in London offer'd to joyn with me and took his Oath upon a Bible â—o conceal and constantly to pursue the enterprise for the advancement of Religion which I also did and meant to perform THE KILLING OF THE QVEEN WAS THE MATTER The manner and place to be on Horse-back with eight or ten Horses when she should ride abroad about S. James or some other like place All this while Parry carryed himself pretty fair with the Queen several times conferring with her telling her of Cardinal Como's Letter by which discoveries though he did it onely the better to gain opportunity and credit he obtained so much favour of the Queen that she not onely thought him a trusty loyal Subject but intended him a liberal Pension or Allowance Whilst he thus gets esteem with the Queen and at the same time contrives her death Nevil resolves to discover all doth so and is examined by Leycester and Sir Christopher Hatton The Queen wonders at the juggle and contrivance but had it kept secret and the better to finde out the Plot Parry is sent for by the a Sir Fran. Walsingbam Secretary to his house there to see according as the Plot was laid if he would any way confess this who had shew'd himself so ready on his own head to discover the Forraign designes against her Majesty The Secretary entertains him kindely telling him that the Queen had appointed him to deal with him in a matter that highly concerned her Majesty knowing him to be one who bare an extraordinary Devotion to her Having thus begun the Secretary told him that the Queen had been advertiz'd that there was some plot in hand against her own person wherewith she thought he could not but be made acquainted considering the great trust that some of her greatest Enemies reposed in him Of this she desired to understand his knowledge and whether he himself might not some time have let slip some suspitious words not with any real designe against her but to discover the intention of others Parry strongly confiding in Nevil earnestly denyed it again and again with several protestations that he was neither party nor privy to any such motion or enterprise Walsingham dealt fairly with him telling him that there was a Gentleman and his friend who would prove the contrary to his face Yet Parry denyeth all though probably had he confest and these were hints enough and accused Nevil at this first asking he might have saved himself and in this his great cunning was overseen Parry thus obstinate in denyals is not permitted to go home but lodged that night at Mr. Secretaries house within London This puts him in a peck of troubles fills his head full of suspitions and having consulted with his pillow the next morning he desired to speak with the Secretary which granted he confesseth that now he had call'd to remembrance that he once had speech with one Nevil concerning a point of Doctrine contain'd in one of Dr. Allens books where it was maintain'd that it was lawful to take away the life of a Prince to benefit the Roman Religion but protested that he talked nothing of the Queen That night he was examin'd at Leycester-house before several but still he denyed all whereupon Nevil was brought before him who punctually justified every circumstance before his face yet the other as formerly denyed all However he is sent to the Tower where perceiving the exactness of the proof against him he freely and of his own head confess'd all and sent his humble Letter to the Queen which take as followeth YOur Majesty may see by my voluntary confession the dangerous fruits of a discontented minde and how constantly I pursued my first conceived purpose in Venice for the relief of the afflicted Catholicks continued it in Lyons and resolved in Paris to put it in adventure for the restitution of England to the ancient obedience of the Sea Apostolick You may see withal how it is commended allowed and warranted in Conscience Divinity and Policie by the POPE and some great Divines though it be true or likely that most of our English Divines less practised in matters of this weight do utterly mislike and condemn it The enterprise is prevented and conspiracie discover'd by an honourable Gentleman my kinsman and late familiar friend Mr. Edmond Nevil privy and by solemn Oath taken upon the Bible party to the matter whereof I am hardly glad but more sorry in my very soul that ever I conceived or intended it how commendable or meritorious soever I thought it God thank him and forgive me who would not now before God attempt it if I had liberty and opportunity to do it to gain your Kingdom I beseech Christ that my death and example may as well satisfie your Majesty and the world as it shall glad and content me The Queen of Scotland is your prisoner let her be honourably intreated but yet surely guarded The French King is French you know it well enough you will finde him occupied when he should do you good he will not lose a Pilgrimage to save you a Crown I have no more to say at this time but that with my heart and soul I do now honour and love you am inwardly sorry for mine offence and ready to make you amends by my death and patience Discharge me a Culpa but not a Poena good Lady And so fare well most gracious and the best natured and qualified Queen that ever lived in England â—rom the Tower the 14 of February 1584. W. Parry In short Parry is Arraigned and Tryed at Westminster where at first he confesseth
not exempted from the guilt of the offence although he escaped the punishment But let others dispute the Priviledge of Ambassadors and so I leave him as I finde him CHAP. VI. The Spanish Invasion THe greatest Enemies the Queen had were those whose births oblig'd them to obedience but whether their Religion its interest or some bad Principles of the Parties prompted them to such Treasons let others judge 'T is certain the Jesuits and other English Priests were the occasion of the Queen of Scots her ruine they still thrusting her on to so many inconveniences against the Queen and Kingdom that Elizabeth was the sooner perswaded to consult her own safety by taking away that which sought her overthrow As for these people when they saw no hope of restoring the Roman Religion either by Mary of Scotland nor her Son they Camden anno 1586 began to finde out new Masters and none more fit for them then the Spaniard whom they vapour'd to be Heir to the English Crown And concerning this a Vita Vincent Laurei Card. pag. 72. Ruggerius Tritonius Abbot of Pinaro in his life of Cardinal Vincentius Laurens tells us an odd passage viz. that Mary the Queen of Scots the day before she suffer'd death did under her own hand in the French Tongue declare that her Son James should not Inherit England if he remain'd a Protestant but that the right of the Kingdom should be translated to Philip of Spain And these Papers were sent to the said Cardinal Laureus being by Sixtus V. made Protector of Scotland who gave them to Conde Olivares then Ambassador for the King of Spain at Rome with order to send them to his Master Philip and this did Robertus Titius publish though without Tritonius the Authors knowledge and then living in Italy 1599. dedicating it to Cardinal Montalto And this is somewhat agreeable to one of the charges laid against her at her tryal that she sent a Letter to Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador wherein she promis'd to give her right of England to the King of Spain if her Son James would not be of the Romish perswasion The first of these Stories b History of Queen Mary James VI pag. 120. Mr. Sanderson looks upon as a meer trick and fable and whether she was really so concern'd for her Sons Religion as to use any means for his conversion to Popery King James can tell best himself and thus he saith c Monitory Preface to the Apology pag. 34. In all her Letters whereof I received many she never made mention of Religion nor labour'd to perswade me in it so at her last words she commanded her d Viz. Melvyn Master-houshold a Scotish Gentleman my servant and yet a live she commanded him I say to tell me that although she was of another Religion then that wherein I was brought up yet she would not press me to change except my conscience forced me to it For so that I led a good life and were careful to do Justice and govern well she doubted not but that I would be in a good case with the Profession of my own Religion But whether she undertook to give away the Title of England from her Son was no great matter it being against all Law Justice and Reason she having no power to dispose of the Inheritance of England yet the Romanists when all other endeavours fail'd to rob King James of his Kingdoms and life had the confidence about the year 1613. to a Jesuitica per unitas Belgii provincias Negotiatio E 4. publish a book affirming King James to be but a meer cheat or counterfeit and a mock-King denying him to be the Son of the aforesaid Queen Mary But laying aside such Forgeries that the Spaniard hath had a designe not onely to rule these Islands but to be the Universal Monarch hath been the opinion of many men amongst others I finde b Dessein perperuel des Espagnols a la Monarchie Universelle Pâ—inted 1624. in quarte one hath made an Extract from their Original Papers whither I shall refer the Reader But whatever his former attempts have been of late he hath rather lost then gain'd And though Naples Flanders Arragon Catalonia c. might do him some injury if they were in the possession of others yet as they stand divided and in a posture of defence he can never grow rich by their Coyn. But to return home Where we happen in the year which above an hundred years year 1588 before the famous German Astronomer Johannes Regiomontanus had affirm'd would be most wonderful The Prophesie it self Originally in the German Language went about by Tradition and Johannes Schoenerus repeated them to the noted Bohemian Mathematician c Ephemeridum Novum Ec. 10. Cyprianus Leovitius who first publish'd them 1577 which because they have made a great noise in the world though I finde no great matter in them seeing such general predictions may serve almost for any year take thus in the Original Tausent funff hunderâ— achtsig acht Das ist das Jar das ich betracht Geht in dem die Welt nicht under So gschicht doch sunst gross merctlich wunder Often have I been troubled at the fate Of the year fifteen hundred eightie eight And if the world it self don 't end you 'll see For its events most wonderful 't will be In this year I think France was the greatest sufferer the Covenanters or Leaguers there by their Barracado's forcing the King Henry III out of Paris and he to prevent his greater danger cut off the Cardinal and Duke of Guise which occasion'd so much war and his own Murther And besides these two the third party in that Kingdom viz. the Hugonots received a great loss by the Death of the Prince of Conde suppos'd by some to be poysoned England was in some fear and at some charges by the noise of the Invincible Armada but Spains loss was inestimable by its overthrow The Lord Maitland Chancellor of Scotland undertook in short thus to give us the year a Poet. Scot. vol. 2. pag. 138. Papa Dei petit Orbis Iber Dux Guisius Orci Regna annus mirus si potientur erit And b Id. pag. 133. Andrew Melvyn hath a Copy of Verses somewhat to the same purpose Upon this great Navy c Poet. Germ. vol. 6. p. 310. Simon Stenius d Poet. Gall. vol. 3. p. 655. Adeodatus Seba Beza and several other Forreigners bestow'd their Poetry to the no small trouble of the Index Expurgatorius which was forced to take the pains to casheer some of them For some years had this great Fleet been in preparing from several parts in the world but the History of the preparations fight and victory I shall leave to other Writers and follow mine own designe Certain it is the Spaniard scarce doubted of a Conquest which made one thus to despise the Queen Tu qui Romanos voluisti spernere leges Hispano disces subdere colla
how to make themselves Possessors of the Throne of that Kingdom and finding none so much capable by Right Title and Interest as those of the Family of Bourbon to thwart and oppose their designs it was their best policy to procure their ruine to which purpose take this following Narrative but in short of the Guisards against the House of Navarre being the chief of that of Bourbon which though * An 1564. § 8. Spondanus looks upon as a Fable and it may be according to Perefixe that the young Prince of Navarre might be then at Paris yet take the story though possibly with some mistakes upon the credit of Thanus and Gomberville now one of the French Academy and so let him and the present Archbishop of Paris also of the Academy bandy and rectifie it as they please Antoine de Bourbon King of Navarre at the Siege of Rouen being shot year 1562 into the left shoulder with a Musquet bullet of which wound he a little after died those of Guise consulted how to make their best benefit De Gomberville Les Memoires de M. de Nevers v l. 2. p. 579 c. Thuan. lib. 35. Mâ—moires d'Estat vol. 2. ensuite de câ—ux de M. de Villeroy pag. 35 36 c. by the said death Jane the Widow Queen of Navarre lived at Pau the chief Town in the Territory of Bearne adjoyning to the Pyrenean Mountains and with her she had her young Prince Henry afterwards call'd the Great now about 9 years old At this time Philip II. King of Castile having wars with the Africans and Moors his Recruits from Italy and Germany were to rendezvouz at Barcelona in Catalonia Now doth Charles Cardinal of Lorrain and his brother François Duke of Guise consult how to extirpate this Race of Navarre to which purpose they pitch upon one Dimanche to act as Agent for their Interest in those parts of Aquitaine where he had as his Assistants Monluc an experienc'd Souldier d'Escars Viscount d'Ortes with the Captain of Ha Castle adjoyning to Bourdeaux and several others great Favourersand Dependents of Guise But the prosecution of these designs was somewhat cool'd by the death of the Duke of Guise who was shot by Poltrot year 1563 at the Siege of Orleance Upon this though a Peace was struck up between the King and the zealous Huguenots where the later were gainers by the Agreement yet the Cardinal Lorrain carrieth on his former Contrivements against the House of Navarre making his Nephew the young Duke of Guise Head of the Plot. And to give a better colour to all they pretend Religion their Foundation so all Hereticks ought to be rooted out amongst which the young Prince of Navarre and his Mother to which Friends could not be wanting seeing the King of Spain would assist them To this purpose Captain Dimanche is dispatch'd into Spain to the year 1564 Duke of Alva to obtain the assistance of the aforesaid Forces at Barcelona which on a sudden might fall upon Bearne take Pau with the Queen her Son Henry and Daughter Catherine and to prevent any of their Escapes the Friends of Guise would way-lay them on the French side to which end they had several trusty Commanders and Forces conveniently placed thereabouts And the Princes thus taken should be conveyed into Spain put into the Inquisition as Hereticks and then they would be sure enough Thus the Guisards would have their desire and as a persuasive argument to the Castilian they told him that things brought to this pass the dispute for the Kingdom of Navarre would cease the Pretenders to it being thus in his possession Accordingly Dimanche gets into Spain waits upon the Duke of Alva who having heard and approv'd the design orders him to go to the King who was then at Monçon or Monson a Town in Aragon where they used to keep their Parlements or las Cortes for Aragon Valencia and Catalonia For this place Dimanche passing by Madrid he fell dangerously sioâ— of an high Feaver and being but badly accommodated in a poor Inn a Frenchman call'd Anne Vespier one of the Queen of Spains servants took pity on him removed him to his own house where he was better attended on and by the assistance of the Queens Physicians recovered For which kindness and other great favours Dimanche and Vespier enter into a strict Familiarity and Friendship In short Dimanche thinking to make use of him in his absence for some Intelligence discovers his business and the Plot to him Vespier being born at Nerac in Gascogne so a Vassal and Subject to the King of Navarre was guided by so much Loyalty as to resolve to prevent the ruine of his Soveraign for which purpose he had this advantage The present Queen of Spain was Elizabeth daughter to Henry II. King of France and so sister to Charles IX then reigning King of france and thus near related to the House of Navarre Vespier a servant to this Queen Elizabeth thinks upon the most convenient way to inform her of all for which he addresseth himself to the Grand Almoner and Tutor by whose means all is fully discover'd to her who resolveth to write of it to her Brother and Sister the King and Queen of France Notice is also given to Sieur de St. Suplice the French Embassadour then in the Spanish Court at Monçon with a desire to inform the Queen of Navarre at Pau that she might better consult and provide for her own safety Dimanche gets to Monçon opens all to King Philip in the mean time de St. Suplice one well acquainted with State matters and after imployed by the French Court dispatcheth his Secretary Rouleau into France with the Letters and Intelligence whereby the Queen of Navarre had means to secure her self and the Plot was spoiled by this discovery Yet Dimanche having done with Spain hasts to Paris where he is privately lodg'd in the Duke of Guise his house and for some time after at a Monastery belonging to the Friars call'd Bons hommes adjoyning to the Wood of Nostre Dame de Boulogne near St. Cloud not far from Paris And though the Spanish Money and Interest at this time had such a sway in the French Council and Court that Captain Dimanche though it was desired was not suffered to be seised on in his return from Spain whereby they might have discover'd further into the Plot by himself and his Papers yet was Philip and Guise both gull'd and the House of Navarre preserved to sit in the Throne And though the Queen of Navarre complained of this Conspiracy and desired justice of the House of Lorrain yet Catherine de Medicis one not apt to be commended in History the Queen-mother turn'd it off by telling her that it was best to forgive those injuries they could not punish And indeed the Interest of the Guises was then so powerful that it was dangerous to call them to an account Whilest these things were closely carrying on Pope Pius IV. was
also 1563. Spondâ—n §. 48. 49 50 51. Davila p. 191. sollicited to use his Authority against the Queen of Navarre which would give a greater color and encouragement for others to attaque her accordingly because she was of the Reformed Religion He falleth to work publisheth a Citation or Monitory against her concluding that if she did not turn a Romanist within six moneths he would deprive her of her Dominions and give them to any that would conquer them At this the French King is not a little troubled looking upon it as a thing of dangerous consequence as the common cases of all other Kings nor did he like that any third party should have any pretence to seize upon those Territories which lay so near to and convenient for Spain whom possibly he might suspect though it is said that Philip complemented Queen Jane with an assurance that he would protect her and her Dominions against any that should assault them Besides this another thing happened which did not a little perplex the King the Council of Trent as they call it being now ended Cardinal de Lorrain desired the Pope to use his Interest with the French King that it should be receiv'd and approv'd of in his Dominions that he would root out the Huguenots that he would break the late Peace made with year 1564 them that he would punish the Accessors to the death of Guise c. And that these Petitions might carry the greater awe an Embassadour is sent as from the Pope the Emperour the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy to demand them from Charles who is not a little puzled how to behave himself in this case For to refuse the Council of Trent would render him suspect to the Pope to receive it would be against the Liberties of the Gallican Church to make war against the Huguenots would not advantage him as he had found by experience and he did not much care for Forein assistance to extirpate them quite was not probable to be done and if he should he must destroy many of his nearest Relations however so weaken and impoverish the Kingdom that at last it might bâ—come a prey to a third party As for the death of the Duke of Guise Poltrot who shot him was executed for it and though he had accused Admiral Coligny Beza and some others as Instigators of him to it yet they had publickly disown'd it both by Oath and Declarations besides Poltrot did vary in his Accusations and so his Credit not possitively to be stood to However the King by his cunning doubtful Answers and Delays wheedled all these things off to the no small trouble of the Guisians who hoped for a war and troubles that being the only way to raise themselves and carry on their designs Yet was not the House of Navarre free from danger for Pius V. advised 1568 Spoâ—d § 26. the Queen-mother to seise upon their Dominions seeing Queen Jane was an Heretick or if she approv'd not of this that he might by his Papal Authority appoint one of the Family of Valois to be King of those Territories that for his part if neither of these liked her he was resolved to give to the King of Spain that part of the Kingdom which Jane possessed I suppose he did not mean all those Territories in France which for her Son she governed as Queen of Navarre but only that little spot of ground which lieth North of the Pyrenean Mountains in Gascogne which the French do call the lower Navarre having St. Jean-Pied-de-Port St. Pelage and a few other little Towns in it But which of them the Pope meant is no great matter for both of them if gain'd must be won by the Sword which it seems at this time Philip had no mind to whereupon this went no further then a vapour and so I leave it But nothing can more clearly demonstrate the intent and design of the year 1572 Guisards then the Massacre of Paris a slaughter so much the worse because of its long contrivance before the action viz. almost * Davila p. 346 350 355 356 357. two years for so long was it concluded on before where the †Id. p. 370. Duke of Guise was very urgent and earnest that the young King of Navarre and his young Cousin the Prince of Condé the next Heir to the Crown after Navarre should be both slain with the rest but others though cruel enough oppos'd this as not willing to imbrue their hands in the Bloud Royal which would seem so abominable all the world over But whether at this time the Guisards had any design to secure themselves of the French Crown I shall not say any thing though that they had afterwards is apparent and confest by all Historians And thus much by the way though one might enlarge himself on this bloudy story by observing how the King endeavouring a vindication of himself did make the thing worse by his many Contradictions as appears by his * Vid. Ernest Varamund de Furoribus Gallicis Letters and Declarations Sometimes declaring how sorry he was for the death of his Cousin the year 1572 Admiral how the Massacre was acted without his knowledge how it was contriv'd and done only by those of the House of Guise upon some quarrel between them and the Admiral that it was not in his power to hinder it he having enough to do to secure and guard himself his Queen his Brethren the King of Navarre c. in his Palace the Louvre that he is for peace and desires all to keep the Edict of Pacification c. Othertimes he declareth that the Massacre was done by his express will and commandment that it was acted for the security of himself and Friends that the Admiral and Huguenots had plotted and determined to destroy him his Queen his Brethren the King of Navarre c. Now orders all of the Reformed Religion to be turn'd out of their Imployments Places and Estates and then that they shall be * Davila p. 735. massacred after the same manner all France over c. And as a forerunner to all these slaughters happened the sudden death 12 June of Jane the stout Queen of Navarre who being come to Paris upon earnest Invitations about her sons Marriage was as is commonly believed poisoned by order of the King and Queen-mothers private cabal Certain it is though all the rest of her body was dissected and open'd to view yet the King would * Thuan. l. 49. not by any means let her Head be touched he knowing as †p. 364. Davilla saith that the poison of the Perfum'd Gloves prepar'd for her had only wrought upon her Brain But for all this the Marriage went on and was solemniz'd between 18 August the young King of Navarre for now Henry after the death of his Mother took upon him the Title of King being before only call'd Prince and Margaret Daughter to Henry II. of
of Poland though that people seeing Henry would not return to them again had chosen for their Sovereign Stephanus Battorius an Hungarian year 1575 and Prince of Transilvania Henry III. being thus Crown'd or Consecrated the French King at Rbeimes was the next day married to Louyse de Vaudemont Neece to the Duke of Lorrain and as a shew that nothing should be wanting to the prosperity of that Nation a firm peace was struck up and concluded whereby a free Exercise of Religion is granted to the Huguenots Liberty to erect Schools or Colledges of calling Synods to 14 May 1576 Edict de Mâ—y enjoy Offices and Dignities c. But none of these Conditions were observed to the no small discontent of the Huguenot Nor were the Romanists pleas'd that any such Articles should be granted though they were wink'd at to break them according to their humours And whoever was the Instigator of the said Agreement some laid their designs by it For now was it spred abroad how prejudicial the said Peace was to the Roman Religion how dangerous to the French Nation that the King shewed himself none of the wisest in concluding it nay it was whisper'd as if the King might have a twang of Calvinism by this shewing a favour to the Hereticks though 't is supposed that the Guisians were the main Promoters of this Peace thereby to have an occasion to raise these Discourses the better to get the King disliked so neglected by his people Though they need not have taken so much pains to obtain that which the King himself by his negligence facile humour wanton tricks hypocrisie and his odd carriage * Vid. Journâ—l du Roy Hen. III. Aoâ—st 1576. Fevrier 1577. in his Momeries and such like disguises was naturally apt to procure and accordingly was slighted and despised as appears in part by the many Lampons and such like Raileries against him and the Honourary Titles the Wags were then pleas'd to bestow on him The House of Guise in spight of the Interest Priority and Favour year 1576 which the Law and Custom of France grants to the Princes of the Bloud Royal had used of late times to rule all and dispose of the King and Kingdom as they pleas'd and having now the Queen of their Family question'd not but to rule and sway all as formerly nay and to drive a little higher And because Peace was an enemy to their designs 't is plotted how to break that and the Kings Reputation together as aforesaid By the late Edict of Agreement the Prince of Condé was made Governour of Picardy and in it the strong Town of Peronne assigned to him At this many Reports are thrown out disadvantageous to the King and at last the People are secretly cheated to an opposition so they resolve Condé shall not enter into Peronne nor have any thing to do over them for security of which and their Religion a Manifesto of their humours and designs is drawn up by their Leaders and they are all secretly oblig'd to submit and subscribe to it the Paper it self being long and much of it of no great matter I shall refer you to other * d'Aubigne Hist â—re Vnâ—neâ—selle tom 2. l. 2. c. 3. Andr. Favyn Hist de Navarre l. 15. p. 927 928 c. Writers But the summe of it was After many fine specious Cantings and Good morrows of their Loyalty Religion and Obedience to Enter into an Holy Union or Covenant To honour follow and obey him that shall be chosen the * They do not name their Chief but all conclude it was the Duke of Guise Chieftain of their League and to assist him in all things against any be who it will that shall attempt any thing against him To defend and keep the people from oppression better then hath been done heretofore To spend their very lives for defence of the Towns and Castles which shall associate with them and their Chief To keep secret the Counsels of their Covenanters and to discover any thing that may be prejudicial to their League To be faithful loving and assistant one to another and that all the private Quarrels amongst them shall be ended by the Council which shall be chosen of their Confederation to whose determination they will submit themselves And the better to strengthen their League it shall ba remonstrated at their next meeting the necessity of appointing some amongst them in several places to inform the Gentlemen of their parts or neighbourhoods what is necessary to be propos'd to receive their Answers and to determine what is fitting to be set on feot To give secret notice to their adjoyning Cities of their designs and to get them to joyn with them in the same League aâ—d Covenant That some should be dispatch'd to the * No question but Spain in the first place neighbouring Nations with Credential Letters to persuade them to joyn and run the same fortune with their League That in the Cantons Divisions or Wapentakes of the said Province of Picardy there shall be one appointed to inform the Associats or Covenanters about him of whom there shall be a Roll or List made and that every one shall procure as many Proselytes as he can That every man shall have his Arms in readiness That a Rendezvouz shall be pitch'd upon when time shall require and that the Places Towns and Castles of the King and of those belonging to their Associats shall be endeavour'd to be in confiding hands That they must have some trusty friend at Court to give them Intelligence That they must promise and swear all fidelity and service as far as their lives and estates go to their Chief and Head And so zealous were they for this Association that they protest in their Manifesto to spend their bloud as freely for it as Christ did his for the Redemption of Mankind This their Manifesto they spread abroad with a great deal of care and cunning persuading and getting multitudes to subscribe it and amongst other places they were very busie at Paris but it is said thus Christopher de Thou the chief President and Father to the Famous Jacobus Augustus Thuan. l. 63 Thuanus gave some stop to it in that City by shewing his dislike of it They had also a great mind to inveigle Ludovico Gonzago the Duke Gomberville les Memoires de Nevers vâ—l 1. p. 437 458. of Nevers into something like it and its Subscription but he very cunningly refused it as if not willing to enter into any League or Association without his Kings knowledge and desire but though he would not subscribe yet either Opinion or Interest engaged him more then was fitting to the Leaguers for some time Yet the Guisians perceiving their number to increase drew their designs into a closer compass and after the following Form framed their HOLY LEAGUE AND COVENANT which was to be signed and sworn by all their Confederates THE LEAGUE Au nom de la saincte Trinité
the Covenant and declare himself the Head of it Having done this beyond their expectation he resolves to be as cunning as themselves and so he desires since they seem willing for war to furnish him with Moneys to carry it on At this they demur for though they loved mischief yet were unwilling to lay their Moneys at the Kings disposal by which trick Henry seem'd left to his own discretion The Covenanters thus non-plus'd try other means First they move that the Council of Trent might fully be receiv'd into the Kingdom but this is rejected by a Majority of Nobility and Commons and a great part of the Interested Clergy as thwarting the Privileges of the Gallican Church for though they love the Religion yet they care not for the Popes Authority over them This not fadging they consult how to restrain the Kings power for which purpose they propound that his Council might be reduc'd to the number of XXIV and that the King should not chuse them but the Kingdom but this was also rejected many of the Covenanters themselves thinking it not safe too much to exasperate the King And thus the design but half done the Assembly break year 1577 up And the King doubting the greatness of the Guisians might too much inlarge their Interest a little to clip their wings by publick * Spond an 1576. §. 11. Order confirms the Preeminence and Priority to the Princes of the Bloud The Covenanters perceiving that the King had seen too far into their designs conclude it safe for some time to forbear all open endeavours but were very sedulous in their private Consultations by which means they whispered the people into discontent against the King and his Government scattering abroad Libels bewitching many * Jo. de Bassieres tom 4. p. 205 Nobles and others to their Faction And several other Plots and Contrivances they had to carry on which they took hold of any opportunity insomuch that many Fraternities being now brought into use for Devotion as Processions Prayers c. the Guisians under this †Davila 16. p. 447. pretence would meet the more boldly and openly to disperse their poison by their seditious discourses amongst the people The King also did not want his ways of Devotion assisting often in their Processions undergoing Penances wear Hair shirts had his Beads openly hanging at his girdle would observe Canonical hours and by such like shews of piety some of the people were persuaded that for all the ill speeches given out against him he was a good Romanist in his heart and so were the more willing to have the better opinion of him Journal du Hen. III. Mart 1583. Spond anno 1583. § 11. But others who pretended to see a little further were of a quite contrary judgment looking upon it to be but Hypocrisie Amongst the rest Dr. Maurice Poncet a Benedictine at Paris preach'd very bitterly against his new-invented Brotherhoods and their Processions calling of them Hypocrites and Atheists And indeed it cannot be deny'd that this King hath sometimes carried on his * Vid. d'Aubigne tom 2. l. 4. c 1. Confession Catholique de Sancy c. 8. Love-tricks under these shews of Religion being too much addicted to ease and pleasures as appear'd by his other Carnival actions for which he was †Journal du Hen. III. Fevrier 1583. twitted in the Pulpit by Dr. Guillaume Rose afterwards Bishop of Senlis and others Yet necessity did force him sometimes to look about him and nothing did he dread more then the Guises and their League whose power must now be all his study to diminish To which purpose he promotes as many into Places of Trust as he could conveniently and whom he could confide in and knew to be no Favourites of the House of Lorrain The Guisards not ignorant of this design and knowing full well that the King had really no good affection for them endeavour what they can to have the Peace broken with the Huguenot to which purpose a Pâ—erefixe Hist Hen. le Grand thousand affronts are committed against the King of Navarre the Prince of Condé and their Adherents But passing by these things the number of Male contents was increas'd for though the King advanc'd some of his trusty Friends yet many times Preferment went more by favour then desert and others were discontented to see themselves slighted these Male contents the Guisards attaque and more easily won to joyn with them and enter into their League And that the House of Lorrain might appear in its greatest lustre the Antiquitiy and Glories of that Family are thought fit to be shewn to all To which purpose François de Rosieres Archdeacon of Toul putteth pen to paper and writes a large Book of their Pedegrees and Relations making them as ancient and as near related to the French Crown as he could invent and this was printed at Paris 1580. by the Kings Licence But sometime after the Book being more nearly look'd into several things were taken notice of which gave some great offence For besides the unseasonable timing of it considering the designs of the Guises and his declaring * Fran. Ros Stâ—mmatum Lothar fol. 451. Hues Capet to be an Usurper which sounded the harsher seeing some will have the Valoises issued from Hues his Line but besides he had several odd Reflections on the †Id. fo 369 1583 King himself of Idleness Luxury and bad Government In short Rosieres is cast in prison the Duke of Lorrain cometh to Paris to pacifie the King at last Rosieres publickly confessing his faults craving pardon on his knees by the intercession of the Queen-mother is released and the book torn before his face Yet was it carefully spread abroad that the Guises were descended from Charles the Great related to Hugh Capet and had Title good enough to the Crown But against this by the Kings Command Pontus de Tyard afterwards Bishop of Chalon Cabilonum writ but for fear of the Faction conceal'd his name and Matthaeus Zampinus a Lawyer also took the task And the same year also I mean 1583 came out a little French * Discourse sur â—e droict pretendu par ceux de Guise sur la Couroune de France Tract of about two sheets of paper in opposition to the pretence of the Lorrainers but for all this the people will believe as they please CHAP. III. year 1583 Francis Duke of Anjou the onely Brother to the King dying the Guisards rejoyce not doubting but to make themselves next Heirs to the Crown by wheedling in Cardinal Bourbon with the several Declarations and Proposals between them and the King THE Leaguers who for some time that the King might not be too suspicious of them had proceeded but leisurely had now an encouragement offer'd them to be more brisk in their designs For Francis Duke of Anjou of a fickle and hair-brain'd humour year 1584 the only Brother to the King died not without suspicion and
a Phil. Briet Annâ—l Spond § 1. signs of poison which some b Andr. Favyn p. 926 935. think was administred by the Covenanting Faction yet at his Funeral the Duke of Guise could c Journal du Hen. III. Mart. 25. shew as troubled and melancholy a Visage as any His death reviveth the hopes of the Guisians for perceiving the King having been about nine years married without any probability of having Children for all the assistance of * Journal 23 Jan. 1579. Spond anno 1583. § 11. hallowed Shirts and Smocks and so the Line of Valois to end with him and though the next related to the Crown was the House of Bourbon yet here they had rais'd a doubt whether the Uncle or the Nephew was to succeed whether Cardinal Bourbon or the King of Navarre were next Heirs and the Guisards made it their business to raise up the Cardinals right by his Interest thinking to secure their own designs for it was his main plot to get Navarre excluded And this might the better be perform'd seeing he as also his Cousin the Prince of Condé the next Heir after Navarre was a Protestant and so it would be an easie matter to get him declar'd incapable of the Crown as an Heretick And as for Charles Cardinal of Bourbon being crasie infirm and none of the wisest and one that was rul'd in all things by Guise was the more fit to make a Property of and if he should come to the Throne Guise did not doubt but to manage his Affairs so well that being already very popular with the Romanists he might secure the Succession to himself having got many to vaunt much of his Pedegree and Relations However things went it was good at the beginning to act under the feeble Cardinal as the first Prince of the Bloud as they call'd him And that the Cardinal look'd upon himself as so is confirm'd by this story which they tell us That a little after the ' foresaid death of the Duke of Anjou King Henry III. asked the Cardinal Journal Sâ—â—t 158â— that supposing himself should die whether he would take upon him the Government and precede the King of Navarre To which the Cardinal reply'd That upon his death the Crown did belong to him and that he was resolv'd not to lose his right At which 't is said the King laught and jeer'd him Yet Guise carry'd on his business so well that he gain'd a multitude of Followers some being Male-contents others that loved trouble and mischief as their Lawyers some led by Interest as their Priests and Jesuits and others persuaded by an holy Zele thinking Religion was now at the last gaâ—p and no way to recover her but by entring into this Holy League and Covenant Yet the designs of the Guisards were not carried so closely but the King had some hints of them which did not a little trouble him However to prevent all danger he had some thoughts of joyning with Navarre yet with a desire that he should turn Romanist for which purpose he sends the Duke of Espernon to him to persuade his Conversion but in this Navarre desired to be excus'd however offers him the Assistance and Forces of the Protestants to be when he pleas'd at his service either to secure him from or to quell the Covenanters The Leaguers inform'd of these Consultations take opportunity thence to bespatter the King calling him Heretick giving out that he design'd the ruine of the Roman Religion that for that end he was joyning himself to the Huguenots and in proof of this they made no small noise of his receiving the Order of Garter from the English Queen Elizabeth by the Earl of * Thes urnâ—l by a mistake saith Warwick Derby whom they calumniated as the worst of all Hereticks And the better to possess the peoples heads with mischief and Sedition they kept in pay divers Priests who daily taught their Flock That Princes ought to be depos'd who do not sufficiently perform their Perefixe Hist Hen. le Grand duty That no Power but what is well order'd is of God That that which passeth its due bounds is not Authority but Usurpation That it is absurd to say any should be King who knoweth not how to govern And we need not question but from these Heads they framed what Interpretations pleas'd them best and of all they themselves must be Judges And so I meet with a Batchelour in Divinity of the Sorbonne who at that time publickly maintain'd in Disputation publish'd and dedicated to the Abbot of Cluny this Position That It was lawful for any man private or otherwise to depose or kill any Ant Colynâ—â— p. 23. King or Prince which were wicked evil men or Hereticks But the mischief fell upon the Disputants head for the King offended at this strange kind of pretended Divinity intended to call him to an account but was prevented by another accident for the Sorbonnist was found shot to death in the Court of the College but by whom I know not yet the story supposeth by some of his friends the Leaguers thereby to prevent his Trial and some further discovery it may be of those who set him on work In these Divisions and divers Interests we may suppose France to be but in a bad condition every Faction pretending and striving to be greatest and amongst the many Lampons that then flew abroad this following was held not amiss wherein as in a Play each party speaketh his own desires and aims LE ROY Je desire la paix la guerre je jure LE DUC DE GUISE Mais si la paix se faict mon Espoir n' est plus rien LE DUC DE MAYENNE Par la guerre nous vient le credit le bien LE CARDINAL DE GUISE Le temps s'offre pour nous avec la couverture LE ROY DE NAVARRE C ' il qui compte sans moy pensant que je l'endure Comptera par deux fois je m' en assure bien LE CARDINAL DE BOURBON Chacun peut bien compter ce qu' il pense estre sien LA ROYNE MERE La dispute ne vaut pendant que mon fils dure LE DUC DE LORRAIN Poursuivons neantmoins la LIGUE ses projects LE DUC DE SAVOYE Le Roy donques perdera la FRANCE ses Subjects LE ROY D' ESPAGNE Si la FRANCE se pert je l'aura tost trouve LA FRANCE Tout beau il ne faut pas tant de chiens pour un os Et ceux la ont bien mal ma puissance esprouvee Qui pour l'Ambition me troublent le repos THE KING Peace I desire all war I ' d have repell'd DUKE OF GUISE But by a peace my hopes and plots are quell'd DUKE OF MAYENNE We 'll make our selves by war gain glory thence CARDINAL OF GUISE And we 've occasion cloak'd with fair pretence KING OF NAVARRE Who plots without me thinking I 'll remain So unconcern'd
Nevers he posts to Rome though contrary to the Popes desire and growing daily more jealous of the Leaguers intentions is very sollicitous for a perfect Agreement and Accommodation writing several times to Cardinal de Bourbon not to press too much upon the Kings patience and at last being fully convinced that the Guises had more a private Interest then a publick good in their thoughts quite forsook them and their Cause and joyn'd with the King The King in the mean time somewhat inform'd of the troublesome and warlike designs of the Covenanters was persuaded to consult his own security and therefore by a publick Decree forbids all raising or gathering 28 March together of Souldiers unless by his express Command and Authority commanding all his good Subjects at the ringing of the Toquesaint the Alarm bell to fall upon the said Souldiers as declar'd enemies But the Leaguers proceed cunningly and vigorously having strengthned themselves as they thought pretty well were resolved to make an open Rupture according to their former determinations To which purpose they overpersuade Cardinal de Bourbon to quit the Court under colour of keeping Lent at his Archbishoprick of Rouen so he went to Gailon a Palace belonging to that See in higher Normandy where a great company of the Covenanters of Picardy waited upon him and for his more pretended security conducted him to Peronne where the League was first framed as aforesaid and here he was met by the Dukes of Guise Mayenne Aumale Elboeuf and other Covenanting Nobles where a large Declaration is drawn up in his Name whom they call the First Prince of the Ploud and subscribed by him the substance of it is as followeth In the Name of God Almighty King of Kings be it known unto all c. That a design to subvert Religion hath been the cause of the late troubles That it is fear'd the King dying childless the Church and Kingdom may be ruin'd over which they are resolved never to let an Heretick sway the people being bound neither to admit or obey any Prince but of the Roman Religion That to hinder all mischiefs some remedy is to be applied That the great preparations of the Huguenots are sufficiently understood That it is also not unknown but * * Chiefly â—â—ming at the Duke of Espernon some people have so possest themselves of the Kings affection that they have as it were seiz'd upon his Authority and excluded those who ought to be more near him That these Favourites or Minions have got the chief Governments and Places of Trust whereby they may command all by Land or Sea That they have imbezell'd the Kings Revenues thereby making themselves more powerful and obey'd to the great oppression of the people which daily increaseth That though the Amendment of Abuses was hoped for at the meeting of the Estats at Bloys yet Private Interests spoil'd all That these Abuses are now grown so great that the Kingdom is almost ruin'd by them the Clergy surcharged and despised the Nobles debas'd abus'd and ruin'd and all the people in a manner beggar'd and impoverish'd by strange Taxations c. Therefore We CHARLES de BOURBON first Prince of the Bloud assisted with the Princes Cardinals Peers Bishops c. being the best and soundest part of the Kingdom DECLARE that we have sworn and faithfully promis'd to continue in Arms till the Church and Roman Religion be establish'd in her former Dignity the Nobles enjoy their Privileges the people eas'd the new Taxes abolished the Parlements left to their wonted freedom and liberty c. These and such others are the causes of our Arming which by these necessities is made justifiable though otherwise we should disclame such courses and so believing we cannot have a more honourable Funeral then to die in so holy and just a cause Yet protesting that we do not intend any thing against the King but on the contrary in defence of his Person Life and Estate being willing to lay down our Arms when he shall remedy these evils in doing of which he shall be more honoured and obeyed by us That seeing the Laws and their good Intentions are clear enough therefore they will not force the King to declare a Successour though in so doing the Nation might hereafter be eas'd of Troubles and Factions about it That as they have all a grand Veneration for the Queen-mother so they hope she will have a good opinion of them Humbly desire all people to assist them in this their good design and to have a favourable construction of their actions Protesting never to lay down Arms till we have accomplish'd all these our desires and so desire all good Romanists to assist them in their Prayers and Devotions CHARLES Cardinal de Bourbon At Peronne 31 March 1585. But this Declaration was drawn up and confirm'd by the Cardinal some time before and also Copies of it sent abroad by the Leaguers the better to confirm their Party for I meet with a Letter sent by the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne to the Parlement of Province meaning Aix the chief City of that County where that Parlement sits in which they tell Memoiâ—es de Nevers vol. 1. them That they have sent the copy of the said Cardinal de Bourbons Declaration to them by which they might perceive how unwilling they were to take up arms yet that in the quarrel they were resolved to venture life goods friends too exhorting and adjuring that Parlement to assist them telling them that as they shall aid those who joyn with them so they will endeavour the ruine of those who oppose their League Your most Affectionate Servants HENRY de LORRAIN CHARLES de LORRAIN Joinville 19 March 1585. As for the Declaration it self it was rejoyned to by the King in another well and cunningly worded endeavouring to answer all their Objections desiring them to lay down their arms and admonishing all his Subjects not to believe their idle pretences but to confide in and joyn themselves to him But it was not words that were to befriend the Covenanters so they draw their Forces together rendezvouz at Chalons in Champaigne whither the Cardinal Bourbon is conducted to them by the Duke of Guise with as great demonstrations of Honour and Joy as could be the better to insnare and bewitch the old man whose Name and Interest they wero to make so much use of And now Guise tampers again with Nevers assuring him that all things go better and better desireth his speedy assistance and is much troubled that Rochette one of his cunning Agitators is taken and carried prisoner to Paris fearing thereby some of their Plots may be discover'd Yet they look upon themselves strong enough to defie any opposition having muster'd about 12000 men expecting daily Recruits of German and Spanish Forces hir'd to joyn with them and thus fortifi'd they seize upon several strong places As for the King he is at a stand what to do not having strength
out of their houses and shops to follow him insomuch that he had presently above thirty thousand Followers crying out Long let Gnise live 9 Mâ—y Davila p. â—80 D'Aubigne tom 3. l. 1. ch 23. the Pillar of the Church All â—hewed their greatest affection to him some thanking him others bowing to him some kissing the hem of his garment others that could not get so near by their hands and gestnres shewed their zele and joy some ador'd him as a Saint touch'd him with their Beads kissing as they thought the then said hallowed stuff or touching their Eyes and Foreheads with them the Women strowing leaves and flowers from their windows Madam Vitri crying out O good Prince seeing you are come we are safe others adding Shall we not die for joy when we have seen you King To such an height of madness and wickedness will a giddy Zele for Religion transport the indiscreet Rabble Guise on the other side with a popular Face and and smiling Countenance shewed himself affable and courteous to all by Words Salutations or kind Looks and thus passing along with his Hat in his hand omitted nothing that might gain their Affections and Applause and in this complemental Triumph he rode directly to St. Eustache allighted at the Filles Repenties where the Queen-mother then lay with whom having some discourse she in the mean time informeth the King of his coming by her Gentleman-Usher Luigi Davila a Cyprian by birth and elder brother to Henrico Caterino Davila that excellent Author of the History of the Civil Wars of France which so perplex'd His Majesty that he was fain to rest himself upon his Arm hanging his Head down almost to the Table Guise having had some discourse with the Queen-mother who was not a little frighted at his coming waits upon her on foot to the Louvre she being carried in her Chair or Sedan being come before the King he endeavours to excuse and vindicate himself and so returneth to his own house in St. Antoine's Street And here not only Pope * ponâ— an 1588. § 3. Sixtus V. but several others condemned the King that he had not Guise forthwith kill'd whilest he was in his power in the Louvre and some of his Counsellours advised him then to do it whilest others thought there was no policy or safety in that seeing the People so furiously resolved for him Yet probably the King being then in an high passion might have order'd his dispatch but that Guise by whisperings and other demeanours perceiv'd their Resolutions not settled so very cunningly taking hold of their uncertainties pretending a weariness by reason of his travels took his leave and went to his House attended with the former multitude of his Admirers And now the Plot begins to work Guise that night gets above four hundred Gentlemen and Commanders to his House sends for the Council of Sixteen and the * Like our City Sheriffs Paris hath 4 Eschevins Eschevins then of his Faction with whom he consults ordereth Guards to be kept in every Ward all the Covenanters to be ready upon notice and had his own house well stored with Arms. And the same care was also taken by the Court to fortifie the Louvre The next day Guise attended with above four hundred Gentlemen privately armed with Pistols under their cloaks for upon his former jealousie 10 May. he would not venture himself so unprovided as he was before went to the Louvre waited upon the Queen his Cousin then the King and so â—eturn'd and held a deep consultation with Pierre Depinac Archbishop of Lyons his chief Confident and Counsellour After dinner he went to the Queen-mothers house whither the King came and after several discourses concerning the faults of the Government and the People each endeavouring to vindicate himself and Favourites they departed The next day the King order'd all strangers to depart the City thinking 11 May. by that means to lessen and divide the Forces of the Guisards but this could not be perform'd nor obey'd and Guise to render His Majesty more odious gave out that the King intended to put to death LX. of the chief Romanists a counterfeit List of whom he framed and sent abroad by his Creatures in which were named the Eschevins the chief of the Sixteen and Covenanters and then all their Curates and Preachers and to make this more terrible it was confidently reported how that the * The Townhâ—usâ— Hostel de ville was full of Gibbets to hang the said people on All which so incens'd the Rabble that they were thinking to rise up that very night their Commanders being settled in every Quarter And that which most confirm'd these Opinions to the People was the approach of the Kings Forces for His Majesty perceiving the high Attempts of the Leaguers determined to put it to the push to secure himself and daunt or quell his Enemies to which purpose he had sent for the several Regiments of the Swisses and French who quarter'd near Paris who accordingly were led into the City on Thursday morning by 12 May. Mareschal Byron and agreeable to the Kings Orders had taken up their Stations or Postes in several places of the City especially near the Court which some think was not done to the best advantage seeing they kept too great a distancâ— from L'Hostel de Guise in S. Antoine's street whereby with the greater ease all his Associates and Rabble might come to him and unite without any opposition However at the noise of these Royal Forces the people shut up their Shops fly to their Arms and according to their former Instructions what with Tubs Barrels and such like materials stop * Thâ—refore the French do yet call this day and action Les Barcieades de Paris or Journee des Barrieades barricado and chain up the Streets Lanes and Passages and that with such cunning and quickness that the Kings Forces being as aforesaid divided could not come to or assist one another whereupon after a little resistance and a few slain they yielded themselves And thus this vast City became subject to Guise who rode through the streets exhorting the people to stand upon their Guard since God had been so merciful to them as to secure their Lives Families Liberties and the Honour of the Holy Church desiring them to depend upon him and all would be well On the other hand the King and Court found themselves in a sad condition and seeing no help after many Consultations the Queen-mother is sent to treat with the Duke and being with a great deal of difficulty by reason of the stoppages and barricadoes brought to him upon discourse she findeth him haughty and exorbitant in his demands more like a Conquerour then a Subject not departing a jot from such as these That he should be Lieutenant General in all Provinces and places in the Kingdom That the States should be call'd at Paris who with the King should confirm to him that Power
Regni Galliae possit liberari solvi à sacramento Fidelitatis Obedientiae Henrico III. praestito II. An tuta conscientia possit idem populus armari unâ—ri pecunias collegere contribuere ad defensionâ—m conservationem Religionis Catholicae Romanae in hoc Regno adversus nefaria consilia conatus praedicti Regis quorumlibet aliorum illi adhaerentium contra publicae fidei violationem ab eo Blesis factam in praejudicium praedictae Religionis Catholicae Edicti sanctae Unionis naturalis libertatis convocationis trium Ordinum hujus Regni Super quibus Articulis audita omnium singulorum Magistrorum qui ad septuaginta convenerunt matura accurata libera deliberatione auditis multis variis rationibus quae magna ex parte tum ex Scripturis sacris tum Canonicis Sanctionibus decretis Pontificum in medium dissertissimis verbis prodita sunt CONCLUSUM est à Domino Decano ejusdem Facultatis nemine refragante hoc per modum Consilii ad liberandas Conscientias praedicti populi PRIMUM quod populus hujus regni solutus est liberatus à Sacramento Fidelitatis Obedientiae praedicto Henrico rei praestito DEINDE quod idem populus licite tuta conscientia armari uniri pecunias colligere contribuere potest ad defensionem conservationem Religionis Catholicae Apostolicae Romanae adversus nefaria consilia conatus praedicti Regis quorumlibet illi adhaerentium ex quo fidem publicam violavit in praejudicium Religionis Catholicae Edicti Sanctae Unionis Naturalis Libertatis convocationis trium Ordinum hujus Regni Quam Conclusionem insuper visum est eidem Parisiensi Facultati transmittendam esse ad S. D. N. Papam ut eadem Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae autoritate probare confirmare Ecclesiae Gallicanae gravissime laboranti opem auxilium praestare dignetur In the year MDLXXXIX the 7th day of January the most holy Faculty of Theology at Paris was conven'd at the College of Sorbone publick prayers of all the Orders of the said Faculty being said and the Mass of the Holy Ghost there celebrated to consult upon these following Articles as they are extracted from the Petition of the Citizens according to the desire of the Illustrious Persons the Prevost de Marchands the Eschevins the Consuls and the Catholick people of the famous City of Paris testified as well by their words as by Instrument and publish Act signed by their Register and seal'd with the common Seal of the City Whether the People of France may not be discharged and set free from the Oath of Allegeance and Obedience made to Henry III. Whether the said people may with a safe conscience arm and unite themselves collect and raise moneys for the defence and preservation of the Catholick Roman Religion in this Realm against the wicked counsels and practises of the said King and all other his Adherents and against the breach of Publick Faith committed by him at Bloys to the prejudice of the said Roman Religion and Edict of Holy Union and the Natural Liberty of the Assembly of the three Estates of this Kingdom Upon which Articles having been had a careful advised and free deliberation of all the Masters of that Faculty being then LXX in number as also being heard many and sundry Reasons most excellently produc'd and deliver'd not onely from Holy Scriptures but also from Canonical Sanctions and Papal Decrees 't is agreed and CONCLUDED on by Master Dean of the said Faculty not any gainsaying it and that by way of counsel or advice to deliver the consciences of the said people FIRST that the people of this I. Kingdom are discharged and freed from the Oath of Allegeance and Obedience made to Henry III. SECONDLY that the said people II. may legally and with a safe conscience arm and unite themselves collect and raise moneys for the defence of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion against the wicked counsels and practises of the said King and all other his Adherents seeing he hath violated the publick Faith in prejudice of the Catholick Religion the Edict of the holy Union and the Natural Liberty of the Assembly of the three Estates of this Kingdom Moreover the said Faculty of Paris do think fit to have their said Decree or Conclusion to be sent to our most Holy Lord the Pope that he would vouchsafe to ratifie and confirm it by the Authority of the Holy Apostolical See and afford help and assistance to the French Church now in great stress and hazard And accordingly a Letter was drawn up and sent to the Pope which take as followeth being now very difficult to be met with and at Paris it self all Papers concerning these insolencies were taken from the Registers or off the Files at the re-entrance of Henry IV. into that City whereby many Villanies of this League were lost S. D. N. SIX TO PAPAE V. â—EATISSIME PATER quae spes nobis ante aliquot dies sâ—mma erat fore ut post tot procellos quibus annos pene jam triginta jactati sumus constitutam in Galliae Ecclesia pacem aliquando videremus atque de â—a renuntium BEATITUDINI vestrae laetum brevi offeremus eam vero crudeli atque immani fortissimi ac pientissimi Ducis Guisii atque illustrissimi Cardinalis ejus fratris caede acerbissimo luctu commutatam esse tanto gravius pertulimus quanto durius est in medio ardore belli ereptum eum nobis esse cui ut hoc reliquum nobis Religionis ac vitae est acceptum ferimus ita eo amissâ— ne haereticorum faucibus prostituatur merito formidamas Quae si tamen Divini Numinis constitutio fuit ut invictissimi Principis labores gloriosissima morte consumaret latens dudum sub Catholica professione impietatis virus tam chari capitis praetio aperiret ut omnipotentis Dei judicia in ea re taciti suspicimus ac veniam Petimus ita Sanctitatis vestra pedibus provoluti opem vestram per viscera misericordiae Jesu Christi imploramas ut dum rem qualiter paucis exponimus tuum auxilium quod decet etiam impetramus Non enim ut Interfectoris ars atque existimatio fingere perfecto scelere necesse habet transversum optimum Ducem ambitio egit qui quod in Regem toties nullo negotio potuit hoc unum peccasse fortasse merito à multis dictus est quod noluit Quem si non usque eo domus Dei ac publica salutis Zelus â—omedisset ut in certissima pericula toties inermis se dederit si non conscientiae puritas animi candor ejus à quo ad necem petebatur dolis opportunum â—ecisset cum ille quae de paratis sibi insidiis dicebatur toties intrepidus contemneret sic nimirum affectus ut optimi probissimi quique solent qui alios
fuisse posteri dicere jure possint Quod nos impetraturos ut speramus sicuti sperare certe debemus ita post sanctissimcrum pedum oscula Beatitudinem vestram uti nobis Deus Opt. Max. sic diu incolumem servet summis precibus ab co petimus atque obsecramus Beatitudinis vestrae Humillimi Devotiss Obsequentiss Filii Cives Parisienses pro reliquo Catholicorum Fidelium in Gallia coetu Parisiis 14 Jan. 1589. And now the Covenanters run into all manner of extravagancies against their Soveraign whom they no more call or acknowledge for King terming him only Henry de Valois Heretick Tyrant and what not throw down his Arms and Statues which they break to pieces and drag along the streets nay so mad were they that to have but his * Scâ—lus putabaâ—ur morie plectâ—ndum sâ—uts Henricum Râ—gem apâ—â—â—aâ—et an t taâ—ulâ—m â—us piâ—um dâ—mi 〈◊〉 Jo. de Buss to 4. â— 287. Journal Picture or to call him King was thought crime enough to deserve death yet the Painters set themselves on work to draw him but in the most ridiculous and shameful habits and postures their zealous phansies could invent And their Priests were as wicked as the worst of them thundering from their Pulpits all manner of falsities and accusatious against him accusing him of Magick and Witchcraft persuading their Auditors to fight against that Belial to give no quarter to him nor his friends for the Kingdom was sick and nothing could cure it but a good draught of French bloud Some made little Images of him in Wax which they set on the Altars whilest Mass was saying then mumbling some old Wives Charms prick'd the Images to the heart thinking by that way of Witchery to kill the King Others carried lighted Tapers up and down repeating several superstitious words and putting out their Lights thinking so to hasten his death Others imployed their Wits to render him odious making many De insta Hen. III. abâ—ic â— 4. 38 wicked and malicious Anagrams of him as HENRI DE VALOIS Anagram Vilain Herodes or Julian Herodes or De hors le Vilain or Ha ruine de Loys HENRYC DE VALOIS Anagram O Crudelis Hyena HENRICUS TERTIUS DE VALLESIO Anagram O Deus vere ille * This it may be was in opposition to that Anagram made formerly of this HENRICVS TERTIVS Anagr. In te vere Christus Antichristus and such like And for Libells and Satyrs they were innumerable the Press and Pen labouring continually with infamous Defamations against their Soveraign And now they consult how to carry on their designs and first they run to the Parlement at Paris seizing on all whom they thought to favour the King clapping them up in the Bastillc the Rump or those who comply'd with the people being about CLX in number chose Barnabé Brisson for their President one of great Learning as his Works testifie but whether his Zele or Fickleness might engage him in this action I know not or whether his fear of the peoples fury should he refuse it and I meet with a Protestation said to be his and by him subscrib'd Journal 1589 22 Jan. declaring his Innocency how he was forc'd to do what he did Be it as 't will the Leaguers were pleas'd to have a man of his Repute Honesty and Learning to seem to espouse their Cause To maintain this war and their designs which they call'd THE HOLY UNION the people contributed with abundance of freedom insomuch that Moneys which had been whoorded up for many years now flew plentifully abroad and the Women or Holy Sisters are never behind in wicked Zele most of the Cities and Provinces revolt from the King and so the war is carried on against one another under divers Titles The Kings Party is sometimes call'd The Covenanting Party is sometimes call'd Royalists Leaguers Minions or Favourites Covenanters Huguenots Catholicks Hereticks Confederates Navarrists Rebels Politicks Holy Union Bearnoises K. of Navarre born in that Territory Lorrainers Les Maâ—eutres or Mad Hacksters now corruptly Hectors Guisards or Gusians Zealots Bandees blanches or Escarpes blanches i. e. White Forces or White Scarfs The Godly Party White was the Colours of the Kings Party especially the King of Navarre always wore it he and those for him wearing white Ribands or white Scarfs the Colour worn by the Leaguers was commonly Green though some in imitation of the Spaniards wore Red. Besides the former long Letter to the Pope they sent others also to several Cardinals in which they renounced all Acknowledgments to the King still calling him in their Letters only The late King of France and the same Complements they afforded the King of Navarre and the better to gain their designs they sent to Rome to agitate their Affairs with the Pope these four active Blades Le Sieur de Dieu Knight and Commander of the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem Mr. Lazare Coquelei Counsellour in the Parlement of Paris Jean de Piles Abbot of Orbais who had formerly been at Rome in behalf of the League 1586 1587. Pierre Frison Dean of Rheims To these they gave several private Instructions 30 in number the summe of them being to this purpose To wait upon the Pope and tell him of their Affairs in France To inform him of the Massacre at Bloys and aggravate them by the circumstances as the Time Place Manner and Breach of promise To justifie all the actions of Guise with the necessity of his former taking up Arms with the willingness of the Leaguers to come in to the King though they were very powerful when he promis'd to fight the Hereticks How the designs of the contrary Party was to ruine the Clergy To satisfie him of the Barricades in Paris as that the King designed to murder the good Catholick people How the Catholiques are very hardly us'd whilest the Favourers of Hereticks are preferr'd which plainly discovereth the heart of the late King i. e. Henry whose abominable wickedness and hypocrisie they must also discover How he hath now joyn'd himself with the Hereticks is no good Romanist hath no reverence for Religion being at Church sometimes with bis Hat on To tell him the Reasons why they chose Mayenne for their Head or Chief That for their parts they will neither spare their lives nor estates in this quarrel and so to desire his assistance to afford them his spiritual and temporal Treasures to pronounce some Decree against this cruel Tyrant not to entertain or hear his Embassadours and Messages To send forth a Jubilee through all Christendom to implore Gods assistance To grant a Croisado that all good Catholicks might help them To excommunicate all that oppose them To send a Legat into their Army that all may know that the Pope undertakes their quarrel To desire that all Catholick Princes would enter into a League in defence of their Religion c. SENAULT 25 May 1589. Nay the Sorbonists were so zealous that some one
or other having Mem. de lâ—i Ligue vâ—l 3. p 557. drawn up a short Paper containing the reasons of taking up Arms against the King and it concluding XIII How one Bodille being no more then a Gentleman yet because Childeric See backwâ—rdâ— l. 3. c. 4. § 2. II. had caused him publickly to be whipped the said Bodille took thence occasion to kill that King for which he is commended by Historians and therefore may not the Injury done to a better then Bodille viz. to a brave Prince Guise be also revenged So zealous I say were the Doctors of Sorbonne that having red over this Tract they approved it affirming nothing was in it contrary to the Roman Church Jâ—lieâ— de Moranne 17 May 1589. Nor is this all for the people being obliged to pray for their King by the Canon of the Missale some of the City of Beauvois in la France about mid-way betwixt Paris and Amiens upon this made a scruple whether they were not thereby obliged to pray for Henry de Valois seeing they used to pray for Our King Henry Whereupon it was concluded by the Sorbonne that in any prayer 5 Apr. 1589. whatever the word Henry should not be express'd that he should not be pray'd for and that it should be dash'd out of all Prayers or Collects and further if any of their Faculty of Paris agree not to this they shall also be held culpable and guilty of Excommunication depriv'd of the Prayers and Privileges of the said Faculty And it was also concluded that instead of these words For our King some prayers shall be drawn up for the Catholick or Leaguing Princes which accordingly was done In the mean time many places joyning with the Leaguers amongst the rest those of Lyons drew up a long and tedeous Declaration wherein they say That Lyons hath formerly been one of the most Loyal Cities in 2 March 1589. France That Obedience may be wrong'd by being too much or too little That therefore for the future they will consider all the Kings commands whether they are for the better or worse and accordingly obey or oppose That Kings being appointed by God for two ends to preserve Religion and keep the people from oppression that therefore they will and ought to oppose all commands contrary to these two ends That seeing he hath violated the Edict of Union kill'd and imprison'd the good Romanists countenanced the Hereticks favoured Espernon and his creatures therefore they have entered into the Holy Union taken up Arms resolving to take the King from his bâ—d Council which if they had not done they had been worse then Jews That to say Kings ought not to be resisted upon any occasion is false Doctrine seeing they are onely to be obey'd conditionally viz. in that which is not prejudicial to Religion Gods Service and the good of the State Doubt not but God will bless their good Undertakings And so after the telling of some stories conclude This done they draw up a Form of an Oath whereby they swear to 12 March these Articles To continue in the Roman Religion To defend their City of Lyons To preserve the Forein Merchants in their Privileges To act in defence and behalf of those of Paris To obey no Command whatever that is prejudicial to their Union To observe exactly the Edict of Union To obey the Duke of Nemours their Governour To stick close one to another And desire all good people to joyn with them And for their further encouragement those of Paris send a Letter to these Hotspurs of Lyons wherein they mind them Of the Killing and Imprisonments at Bloys That the Assassinates had no other design in it but to ruine Religion bring in Heresie maintain their Tyrannies and to bring all good people into slavery So being Frenchmen and Catholiques we are bound to defend our Religion and Estate against any he who it will and by all Obligations of Religion Law Nature and Interest we must not leave the Kingdom to the mercy of this prodigal perjur'd cruel and murdering Prince That the two Henries are agreed Heresie allow'd of the Catholicks persecuted and all things seem to go as in England Therefore rowse up and take courage against these oppressions and send some of yours to consult with us and afford us your assistance SENAULT Paris 25 May. Nay so confident were they in their courses that they sent a Letter Mem. dâ— M. de Nevers vol. 2. p. 205. hors d'icelle il â—'y a point de salut soit au Ciel ou en la Terre to the Citizens of Nevers exhorting them to stick close to this Cause assuring them that without so doing There was no hopes for their salvation either in Heaven or Earth Whilest these things were doing the Swordmen and their Counsellours were not idle for the Duke of Mayenne no sooner hears of his brother Guise's death but he consults his own security secureth many strong places to his Interest and at last gets to Paris where he was received with all demonstrations of joy and honour and here he falleth to work how to carry on the war and such a vogue with the multitude had this Holy League that strong places and Cities daily submitted themselves to its Authority nay a Company of Bumkin Tatterdemallians in Normandy to the number of Sixteen thousand having rose on their own heads and for their own Interest resolving to defend themselves and goods against any whatsoeveâ— be he Royalist or Leaguer that should come into their Country were at last by the persuasion of some Priests and Jesuits wheel'd over to fide with the Covenanters but having no experience and but poorly armed were quickly routed by the Duke of Montpensier These Clubmen were afterwards call'd the Gautiers from the little Town la Chapelle Gautier in higher Normandy where they first began their Insurrections or Rendezvouz'd The King in the mean time had writ friendly Letters to the Duke of Mayenne giving him reasons for the death of his brother persuading him to live quietly but Madam de Montpensier his zealous sister and other thoughts would not let him hearken to the Kings desires so at Paris he is made Head of the Covenanters and declared Lieutenant General of the Crown of France the Sixteen and others would have had him to take upon him the Title of * Perefixe Hist Hen. le Grand King but this he refused however he had all the Power They broke the Kings Great Seal making another in its stead on one side of which was the Arms of France with this Inscription THE SEAL OF THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE On the other side was an empty Throne about which was this CHARLES DUKE OF MAYENNE Lieutenant of the Estate and Crown of FRANCE Mayenne thus entered as it were into the Throne appointed a Council consisting of * Their Names may be seen in Jan de Serres l'Inventaire XL of the chiefest Covenanters and this was call'd The General
is saith S. John a sin unto death I say not that any should pray for it Which may be understood either of the sin it self as if he should say for that sin or for the forgiveness thereof I will that none should pray because it is not pardonable or else in the same sense for that man who committeth such a sin unto death I say not that any should pray for Of which our Saviour himself hath spoken in S. Matthew saying that He that sinneth against the Holy Ghost shall not be pardoned neither in this world nor in the world to come Where he setteth down three sorts of sins viz. against the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost and that the two first are less heinous and pardonable but the third unpardonable All which difference proceedeth from the distinction of the attributes as the Divines teach which severally are appropriated unto every several person of the Holy Trinity And although as the essence of all the three persons is but one so also is their power wisdom and goodness as we have learned by Athanasius his Creed where he saith The Father is Almighty the Son Almighty and the Holy Ghost Almighty yet by attribution power is ascribed unto the Father wisdom unto the Son and love unto the Holy Ghost whereof every several as they are termed Attributes so are they proper unto every several person that they cannot be referred to another By the contraries of which attributes we can discern the distinction and greatness of sin As the contrary to power which is onely attributed unto the Father is weakness and therefore that which we do amiss through infirmity of nature is said to be committed against the Father The opposite to wisdom is ignorance through which if any man sinneth he is said to sin against the Son therefore that which we commit through natural infirmity or ignorance is more easily forgiven us The third attribute which is the Holy Ghosts is love and hath for its contrary ingratitude a fault most odious for hence it happens that men do not acknowledge the love and benefits of God but do forget despise and hate them whence it followeth that they become altogether obstinate and impenitent And this way sin is committed against God with greater danger and peril then if it were done through ignorance or weakness of the flesh and therefore it is termed a sin against the Holy Ghost And because such sins are seldom or difficultly pardoned and that not without a great abundance of grace and so in some fort are said to be unpardonable whereas indeed they become simply unpardonable only through unrepentance For whatsoever is done amiss in this life although it be against the Holy Ghost yet by repentance may be forgiven before death but they that persevere therein till death are excluded from all grace and mercy And therefore for such sins and sinners it is that the Apostle hath forbidden to pray after their decease Now therefore because we understand not without our great grief that the aforesaid King is departed out of this world without repentance and impenitent to wit in company of Hereticks his a Suppose it did would any wâ—se man lâ—â—â—â— is Kingdom rather then borrow another mans sword who agrees not with him in every circumstance in Religion army consisting of such men and that by his last will he had commended the Kingdom and Crown to the succession of b And good reason being the lawful next Heir Navarre a declar'd Heretick and excommunicated as also when dying and ready to yield up his Ghost he desir'd of him and such like standing by him that they would c That this is false read Davila l. 10. p. 818. Spondan anno 1589. § 15. revenge his death upon those whom he judged to be the cause thereof For these and such like most manifest tokens of unrepentance we have decreed that his death be not solemnized with Funerals Not that by these we would seem to determine any thing concerning the secret judgments of God against him or of his mercies who could according unto his good pleasure at the point of his expiring convert and turn his heart and deal mercifully with him but this we have spoken moved by these external signs and tokens God grant therefore that the rest being admonished by this fearful example of Heavenly judgment may repent and amend and that it may further please him to continue and accomplish that which be hath so mercifully begun as we put our trust he will to the end we may give everlasting thanks to him for delivering his Church from such great and imminent dangers Thus with his blessing he brake up the Consistory and by this may appear with what * Davila p. 868. great demonstrations of joy he received the news of the Kings murder But here it may be we may meet with a blunt and bold Objector who possibly may affirm that there was never any such Speech made by the Pope To answer this we shall take Bellarmine for our Adversary First then the * Vnder the name of Mat. Tortus Respon ad Apâ—l Angl. p. 70. Cardinal doth not possitively deny there was any such Speech and if he had known there had been no such thing he would at this time being pleaded against him by King James have boldly denied it and he could not be ignorant being then famous and Praelector of Controversies at Rome intimate with the Pope and Cardinals and so not willing to be catch'd in a lie he endeavours to shuffle it off as well as he can One time he saith it was onely published by the enemies to the Roman Church But to this we answer that it was first published by the Romanists themselves presently after it was spoke and * Antifixtus in answer to this Speech was printed at London 1590. printed at Paris 1589. by Nicolas Nivelle and Rollin Tierry by Authority of the Holy Union and the approbation of these three Sorbonne Doctors Boucher Decreil and Anceline Then again the Cardinal argueth that the Pope himself did neither publish the Speech nor command it to be published This we may grant and yet never the worse this being no argument to prove he never spoke it Bellarmine proceeds intimating no such Speech could be divulged seeing none took notes of it as it was spoke To this may be answer'd that it is true that the Cardinal whose office it was to have noted the Popes Oration not dreaming of such a design neglected the providing of Pen or Ink but yet how it was taken this following story will tell The Oration and Consistory being ended and the Pope departed towards his Chamber certain Cardinals with a greedy desire flocked about Cardinal Allan an Englishman created 1587 there in the Chamber intreating him that he would call to remembrance and write down what he had heard there spoken Allan won by their importunity they being his friends promised to do his best
The same Afternoon he began to write the Speech as near as he could remember Which done he commanded Mr. Warmington one of his Chaplains and two other his Gentlemen to write out Copies thereof which he afterwards presented to the Cardinals his friends for which they thank'd him and upon perusal affirm'd it to be the very Oration which Sixtus had utter'd in the Consistory And as his Chaplain confesseth it is said the Pope liked his doing therein acknowledging it to be really his Speech And all this the said * A Modeâ—ate Deâ—â—â—â—â— p. 148. Mr. William Warmington Chaplain to Cardinal Allan and an honest and loyal Roman Priest doth publickly confess and testifie And so we need trouble our selves no more about it since Bellarmine at last doth in a manuer acknowledge it and falls a vindicating of it Amongst the rest who in these troubles set themselves to scrible down obedience was an Englishman viz. William Reynolds then in the Low Countries under the Spanish Dominion what he writ on this subject was by the desire of some of the chief French Covenanters and under the false name of * His book was calâ—'d De justa Christianae Reipub. in Reges impios Haereticos autoritate Guillielmus Rosseus Mr. Warmington sent a Copy of the Popes speech from Rome to him for which Reynolds returned him many thanks glad that he had so got the approbation of the Roman Bishop to vindicate his Arguments of a Conditional subjection of whom I hope by the way will not be taken amiss this following story as we find it This Mr. William Reynolds was at first a Protestant according to the Church of England and of New College in Oxford and Brother to him was John Reynolds him of Corpus Christi College in Oxford famous for his great Reading who was bred up in Popery beyond Sea William as the story goeth with an intent to reclame his brother John makes a journey to him beyond Sea where in a Conference it so fell out that John as they say being overcome by his Brothers Arguments returns into England and as people use to love and run into extremes was a little teâ—â—ing to Puritanism as his siding in Hampton Court Conference may somewhat testifie yet he died a true Church of England man every way conformable to the Canons nor was he ever but peaceable and moderare loving obedience and his studies more then frantick zele and innovations according to the giddy fury of our hot-headed Puritans On the other side his brother William as they say being convinced by the reasons of his brother John staid beyond Sea where he proved a violent and virulent Papist by his writings declaring that Protestants were no better then Turks nay that they were worse then Pagans Of this strange change Dr. William Alabaster an excellent Poet and one who had made trials also of both Religions made this following Epigram Pella inter geminos plusquam civilia fratres Traxerat ambiguus Religionis apex Ille Reformatae fidei pro partibus instat Iste reformandum denegat esse fidem Propositis causa rationibus alterutrinque Concurrere pares cecidere pares Quod fuit in votis fratrem capit alteruterque Quod fuit in fatis perdit uterque fidem Captivi gemini sine captivante fuerant Et victor victi transfuga castra petit Quod genus hoc pugni est ubi victus gaudet uterque Et tamen alteruter se superasse dolet Which is thus rendered by the Ingenious Doctor Peter Heylyn Cosmogr l. 1. p. 267. In points of Faith some undetermin'd jars Betwixt two brothers kindled civil wars One for the Churches Reformation stood The other thought no Reformation good The points propos'd they traversed the field With equal skill and both together yield As they desir'd his brother each subdues Yet such their fate that each his Faith doth lose Both Captives none the prisoners thence to guide The Victor flying to the vanquish'd side Both joy'd in being conquer'd strange to say And yet both mourn'd because both won the day I have been the longer upon this William Reynolds because he was a great stickler in the French Covenant after the murther of the King coming from the Netherlands to Paris where he vindicated their actions by finishing his former book and dedicating it to the Duke of Mayenne and it was sometimes after printed at Antwerp with great applause of the Roman Party CHAP. VII Cardinal Bourbon declared King by the Leaguers Paris besieged and its Famine relieved by the Duke of Parma HENRY III. a little before his death declared Henry of Navarre to be next Heir to the Crown of France desir'd all the Nobility so to acknowledge him and advised him himself to turn a Romanist as being the onely way both to gain and continue without danger in the Throne And some will tell us of some prophetick observations in behalf Andre du Chesne les Antiquitez de France p. 109 632. of the Family of Bourbon As how Louis de Bourbon the third Duke of that Line who died 1410 building his house call'd Hostel de Bourbon near to the Louvre caused to be written over the Portal in Capital Letters this word ESPERANCE viz. Hope as if he expected some of his Race would ascend the Throne and joyn the two Houses And 't is further observed that in the fine Chapel of Bourbon l'Archambaut de Lys that the same day that the former Henry was stabb'd a clap of thunder whisketh away a Bar which cross'd and touch'd the said window without any damage or harm to the Glass or Painting But leaving these guesses as nothing to our purpose we shall find our Henry IV. no more call'd Navarre but King in great perplexities how to behave himself at this mishap For though the Huguenots freely acknowledged him as King of France yet he was not to trust too much to them lest he should offend the Romanists some of whom shewed also a willingness to allow him for their King without any conditions but the greater part absolutely denied it unless he would assure them to maintain the Roman Religion and give hopes of his own Conversion whilest others of them absolutely renounced him and presently ran over to the Leaguers By which jealousies and Factions this conquering great Army was on a sudden so dwindled away that the King was necessitated to raise the siege and retire for his own security On the other side the Covenanters rejoyce and daily increase many of them persuade the Duke of Mayenne to take upon him the Title of King but this for the present he waveth as thinking his own Interest as yet not strong enough and so with a general consent of the Leaguers old Cardinal Bourbon then in prison at Chinon is declared in their Paris Parlement and publickly proclam'd in the streets of Paris King of France under the names of CHARLES the TENTH coyning their moneys with the Effigies Name and Title of
King yet is not to this day held or reckon'd amongst their Kings And the better to make all cock-sure the Duke of Mayenne sendeth forth an Edict or Declaration wherein He desires all to stick close to the Holy Union for the preservation of Religion and the Crown And seeing it hath pleased God of his mere goodness singular providence and justice to deliver us from him who had joyn'd himself with the Hereticks contrary to the holy admonitions of the Pope Therefore waiting for the liberty and presence of our King and Soveraign Lord we desire and command all year 1590 good people to joyn themselves with us and to swear to die in the Roman Religion SENAULT Paris 5 Aug. 1589. And the Parlement of Tholouse is as brisk as any for no sooner had they news of the Kings murther which was committed on the first of August but they put forth a Decree wherein They command all to unite in defence of the Roman Religion That all Bishops within their Churches give thanks to God for the deliverance of Paris and other places Ordain that the first day of August shall for the future be every year celebrated with Processions and publick prayers in acknowledgment of the great benefits they received that day Forbid any to accept or allow of Henry de Bourbon for their King or to assist him du TORNOER Tholouse 2 Aug. 1589. Nor is it the French onely but other busie people will not by any means allow this Henry to be King Amongst the rest I find our Father Persons or Creswell if not both layeth it as a grand fault upon Fit manifestissimum nullo jure neque Divino ne ue Humanno Regis Gallia nomen aut dignitatem Navaâ—raâ— posse competere Responsiâ— ad Edictum Râ—ginae Angliae sect 2. § 148 153. p. 184 190. Queen Elizabeth for acknowledging him to be King of whom they are so confident as to affirm that 't is not possible for him to be truly King of France by any Law either Divine or Humane But to return to France where the war is carried on vigorously but to the loss of the Covenanters to whose aid Pope Sixtus sends Cardinal Cajetano as Legat into France and with him amongst other Scholars came Bellarmine but what was most powerful they brought with them Bills of Exchange for large summes of money to be disposed of as the Legat thought best for the advantage of the Cause King Henry IV. being inform'd of the Legats coming caused to be publish'd that if he came towards him that then he should be received with all honour aad safety but if he went towards his enemies the Covenanters then none should acknowledge him for a Legat or receive him under pain of Rebellion But Cajetan after many turnings and windings at last arriveth at Paris where he is received in great pomp lodged in the Bishops Palace richly furnished with the Kings goods taken year 1590 out of the Louvre In the mean time the Kings Parlement met at Tours declareth against the Legat on the contrary the Paris Parlement or Rump with the Sorbone Doctors stand for him order all to acknowledge to him and that he being then the Supreme Spiritual Authority in the Kingdom no power there could meet and act in opposition to him For the Legat did not a little fear that the Royallists considering how much the Pope favoured the Rebels would chuse a * Jac. Fuligott vit Card. Bellarmin â— 2. c. 9. Patriarch for that Nation which would have spoil'd his Holinoss markets And now concerning this Legat the Pens on both sides are more busie then the Swords Amongst the rest who expected to gain by these Troubles was the King of Spain who also had assisted the Leaguers and for their further encouragement sets forth a Declaration the summe of it being Philip by the grace of God King of Castile Leon Arragon c. Is sorry for the Troubles and Heresies in France Therefore commands all Christian Catholick Princes to joyn with him to extirpate Heresie and deliver the most Christian King of France Charles X. that France being once cleared of Heresie they may proceed to purge other Heretical Countries all which being exterminated they may recover the Holy Land from the Turks Protesteth that he designs nothing but the exaltation of the Roman Church the repose of all good Catholicks under their lawful Princes the extirpation of all Heresies the peace and concord of Christian Princes to obtain which he is willing not onely to imploy his means but his life also Juan de Vasquez Madrid 8 March 1590. A little before this some of the Royallists spread abroad such like Propositions as these following That Henry of Bourbon might or ought to he King That with a safe conscience the people might assist him and pay Tribute That an Heretick though relaps'd and put out of the communion of the Church may have right to the Crown of France That the Pope of Rome hath not right to excommunicate Kings That now it is not only lawful but necessary to make a Treaty or League with the Bearnois and his Hereticks Which Propositions were presently condemn'd by the Sorbone Doctors the Decree of theirs was confirm'd by the Cardinal Legat and subscrib'd 10 Feb. Spond an 1590. § 3. and sworn to by the Bishops and Curats Yet their courage was somewhat cool'd by the Kings success nor was the League prosecuted with that eagerness as was expected by reason that the Duke of Mayenne and the Spaniards mistrusted one another besides the great jealousies amongst the Covenantiug Chieftains themselves every man seeking his own Interest all expecting to make themselves great and several designed the Crown for himself Adde to these the unwieldiness of Mayenne their General being very fat heavy and slow in all his actions and one that spent much time in eating and sleeping And the truth is the most vigorous and earnest promoters of the League were the Priests and Women the first acting as well by the Sword as their Seditious Preachments the later encouraging and gaining by their boldness and insinuations nay so zealous were they in this Caus that from the highest to the lowest they were not asham'd to act any thing to gain Proselytes so that the King suppos'd that what his Armies wan in the Field they lost by these Love-tricks several of his Officers being now and then wheedled over to the League when they came under the lieur of such attractive baits at Paris Yet the Leaguers were quite crest-fallen after the King had totally routed Mayenne and his great Army at the battel of * 14 March 2590. Yory of which Du Bartas hath a long Poem But as a little before when Henry conquered the same Duke at * Septemb. 1589. Arques the better to keep up the hearts of the people and Parisians the Dutchess of Montpensier had the confidence to publish abroad that the Covenanters were Conqueronrs that Navarre himself was taken and
conducting to Paris which was so far believed that many Ladies hired Windows in S. Denis street to see him pass by but they were convinced of the error when a little after they saw the said King take their very * 1 Novem. 1589. Suburbs of Paris So after the aforesaid battel of Yory the Leaguing Chieftains fearing lest the Parisians would mutiny at the sad news of it gave out many lies concerning it and at last perceiving all could not conceal the story to make the best of a bad market the Legat the Spanish Embassadour and the Archbishop of Lyons got the Priests to use their cunning in the Pulpits to deceive the people who as yet were not certain of the Defeat Amongst the rest Father Christino de Nizza from these words Those whom I love I rebuke and chasten seem'd to foretell them that God would prove the Faith and Constancy of the Parisians as he was wont to try the courage of his children for which he clapt together a great store of Examples out of Scripture and then making a shew as if Letters were just then delivered to him he shewed them to the people saying that he was very sorry that he had done the office of a Prophet and that God had been pleased by his mouth to advertise the People of Paris of that Temptation which was to fall upon them as now it troubled him to relate it and so told them that the Catholick Army had lately come off with the worst To all which he added such effectual prayers and exhortations that the people seem'd rathor heartned then diâ—couraged The same trick was used by Guilliaume Rose Bishop of Senlis Jean Boucher Prevost Feu-ardent Peletier with the other Preachers amongst the rest was Francisco Panigarola Bishop of Asti who came along with the Legat who though he preach'd in the Italian Tongue was continually follow'd by abundance of people being famous for his great eloquence And to these stories may be added the former zelous Widow Montpensier who said that truly the Duke had lost the battel but that the Bearnois was dead which by many was believed for some days which satisfied to restrain their first fears and so to gain some time to give orders and to send to raise new succours The Parlement at Rouen proceed desperately putting to death some prisoners they had because they were Servants to the King and then make an Act that all should be guilty of High Treason who joyned with the King of Navarre and did not side with their King Charles X. 10 April as they termed him However King Henry goeth on prosperously and with his Victorious Army layeth close siege to Paris it self which so cool'd the fury of those people that many of them began to stagger in their resolutions to prevent which the chief of the Citizens and Leaguers drew up these three following Quaeres I. If it should happen which God forbid that the most Christian King Charles X. should die or if whilest he is unjustly kept in prison he should yield up his right of the Kingdom to Henry de Bourbon Whether then the French be bound to or may with a safe conscience receive for their King the said Henry or any other Prince who favours Heresie although it were supposed that he were absolved from his crimes and censures considering the evident danger of his falshood of the destruction of Religion and the Kingdom II. Whether he may be said to be suspected of Heresie or a Favourer of it who procureth or permitteth a peace to be made with the said Henry when the said Party may hinder it III. Whether these things be of Divine Right and may be neglected by Catholicks without mortal sin and pain of damnation And on the contrary Whether it be meritorious to oppose with all ones endeavorus the said Henry And if the said Opposer be kill'd in this cause Whether he may not be call'd a Martyr With these Proposals they wait upon their Assembly of Divines at the Sorbone desiring their Resolutions and Determinations of them which take in their own words as followeth Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo ineunte 7 May. mense Maio c. Super quarum dubitationum determinatione Sacra Facultus per juramentum convocata soepiusque cum publice in Collegio Sorbonae post Missam de Spiritu Sancto tum privatim vocato selectorum Magistrorum coetu congregata matura deliberatione praehabita cunctisque capitibus serio sigillatim ac diligenter quoad fieri potuit examinatis discussis in hunc tandem modum censuit Jure Divino prohibentur Catholici Haereticum hominem aut fautorem Haeresios hostem Ecclesiae notorium multoque magis relapsum à sancta sede nominatim excommunicatum ad Regnum admittere Quod si ejusmodi quispiam absolutionem à criminibus censuris in foro exteriore impetraveri tamen subsit manifestum simulationis perfidiae eversionis Religionis Catholicae periculum is nihilominus eodem jure excludi debet Quicunque autem satagat ut is ad Regnum perveneat aut ei studet ac favet aut etiam ad Regnum promoveri permittit cum impedire possit ex officio debeat sacris Canonibus est injurius de Haeresi merito suspectus Religioni atque Ecclesiae perniciosus contra quem eo nomine agi potest debet cujuscunque gradus eminentiae sit Cum igitur Henricus Borbonius Haereticus fautor Haeresios hostes Ecclesiae notorius relapsus nominatim excommunicatus sit si forte absolutionem in foro exteriore impetraret manifestum appareat simulationis ac perfidiae eversionis Religionis periculum eum Christianissimi Regni aditu etiam absolutione obtenta quovis alio legitimo Haerede mortuo vel cedente Franci prohibere à pace cum eo facienda abhorrere tenentur qui ei favent Canonibus injurii de Haeresi suspecti Ecclesiae perniciosi ac ut tales â—erio seduloque coercendi ac puniendi sunt Ut autem qui dicto Henrico ad Regnum aspiranti favere suppetiasve quovis modo ferunt Religionis desertores sunt in continuo peccato mortali manent sic qui se illi quocunque possunt modo zelo Religionis opponunt plurimum apud Deum homines merentur ut illos Satanae regno stabiliendo pertinaces aeterna poena damnandos sic hos si ad sanguiuem usque resistant aeternum in proemium ut fidei propugnatores Martyrii palmam consecuturos judicare par est Conclusum nemine repugnante in tertia congregatione generali super ea re facta in majore Aula Collegii Sorbonae omnibus singulis magistris per juramentum vocatis septima die Maii MDXC In the year of our Lord God One thousand five hundred and ninety in May c. Upon the determination of which doubts the Sacred Faculty being called together by oath and many times
assembled as well in publick congregation at the College of Sorbone having celebrated the Mass of the Holy Ghost as also privately at the meeting of the Delegates mature deliberation being had all the particulars being carefully truly and severally examin'd as much as could be at last have declar'd their judgments in manner following All Catholicks by Divine Law are forbid to admit any into the Throne that is an Heretick or a favourer of Heresie and a known enemy to the Church much more one that is relapsed and by name excommunicated by the Pope If it should chance that any guilty as aforesaid should procure a sentence of Absolution from these crimes and censures yet if there be evident danger of his hypocrisie perfidiousness and the ruine of the Catholick Religion he then for all his said Absolution is by the said Divine Law to be excluded from the Kingdom Whoever also endeavours that he should be King or doth partake with or favour him or doth suffer him to be set in the Throne when he might prevent it and was oblig'd so to do he for so doing doth violate the holy Canons is justly suspected of Heresie and is mischievous both to Religion and the Church therefore he may and ought to be oppos'd be he of whatsoever degree or quality Therefore seeing Henry de Bourbon is an Heretick a favourer of Heresie a known enemy to the Church is relapsed and by name excommunicated and though he might obtain sentence of Absolution yet there being evident danger of hypocrisie and perfidiousness with the ruine of Religion and though he had Absolution or any other lawful heir dead or yielding up his right yet are the French obliged to keep him from the most Christian Crown and to abhor the thoughts of making peace with him and those who do favour him are violators of the Canons may be suspected of Heresie are enemies to the Church and as such ought to he earnestly and carefully chaflized and punished As therefore those who favour the said Henry in his aspiring to the Throne and do any ways affoard him any help are deserters of Religion and remain in a perpetual mortal sin so those who for their love to Religion do oppose him as much as in them lieth do very much merit both of God and Men And as on the one hand it must be suppos'd that those people so obstinate in strengthening the Kingdom of darkness will be eternally damn'd so on the other it is most mtet to conclude that these who are slain in this cause against the said Henry as Champions of the Faith shall obtain an everlasting reward and be crown'd with the Trophies of Martyrdom And this is concluded on not one gainsaying it in the third general congregation held upon this business in the great Hall of the College of Sorbone all and every one of the Masters being summon'd thither upon oath 7 May 1590. In the mean time Mayenne was very busie in raising Forces in consuâ—ting with the Duke of Parma then Governour in the Spanish Netherlands to get Supplies from him the better to force the King to quit the siege and the truth is this affair did greatly perplex him for if he lost Paris the Cause was undone and if he relieved it by the Spanish assistance and without them he could not do it his own Interest might be lost For the Sixteen wish'd him not well because he had broken up their Council of Forty which contrary to his expectation bridled his Authority and they thinking to introduce a Commonwealth Government hâ— had crost that by creating another Council a Keeper of the Seals and four Secretaries of State with which he governed affairs without calling them except when he had need of money And thus having displeas'd the Sixteen he fear'd they would engage Paris under the Spanish Yoak if they saw Spaniards enough to deal with all But of two evils thâ— last is to be chosen and so he resolveth to reinforce his Army with Spanish Supplies In his absence he appoints his Brother the Duke of Nemours a courageous young man to command the City and assign'd him a * Their namâ—s in d'Aubâ—â—ne to 3. l. 3. â— 7. Council care is taken to fortifiâ— all suâ—pected Avenues and the people are Sermon'd up to such an height of madness that a great scarcity of provisions being in the City some for letting slip but some words as if peace were better then to be starv'd with hunger were by the fury of the Zelots either executed in publick or cast headlong into the River aâ— damn'd persons enemies to the Catholick Faith and infected with the poiâ—on of Heresie Whilst the Parisians were thus eager for the Cause their Kingling Charles X. or Cardinal Bourbon dieth in prison at Fontenay being 66 9 May 1590. yâ—ars old much troubled with the Stone and greatly addicted to old Wives Prophesies which pleas'd him the more because now and then he was told some which denoted his Kingship His death troubled some of the Leaguers having now no King and so one of their grand pretences vanished yet they continue resolute Mayenne keepeth to himself the Title of Lieutenant Genâ—ral of the State and Crown of France and the States General are ordered to meet for the Election of a new King the Sorbone renew their Decrees against the King as an Heretick and so not capable of the Crown And the better to keep the people up in their humours by order of 31 May Asâ—er si◠〈◊〉 the Legat a Procession is made of the Clergy to implore Gods assistance at the Head of these went Roze Bishop of Senlis with a Cross in his left hand and an Halbert in his right then followed the Monks and Friars according to their several Orders Capuchins Minims Franciscans Dominicans Fuâ—llans Carmelites c. In the Procession the Prelates Priests and Monks walked in their severâ—l accustomed Habits but over them armed openly with Head-pieces Croslets Coats of Mail c. all of them with Swords girt to their sides and in their hands carrying some sort of Arms or other some with Guns some with Spears others with Halberts Thus marched they along singing Hymns shooting off their Guns with which one was slain by chance and with them they carried all their Reliques as notable Assistants and Well-wishers to their Solemn League and Covenant and thus they foot it to the great Church After this followeth another Procession of the Duke of Nemours the Officers of the Army the Magistrates of the City with the Archbishop of Lyons and some other valiant Bishops These trudge also to the great Church where upon the great Altar laying their hands upon the Gospel they swear to defend the City to their uâ—most and to oppose the Heretical Prince And a little after to make all sure their Parlement at Paris by Act forbid any upon pain of death to talk of any Agreement Peace or Composition with Henry of Bourbon for so they called 15
c daughter of your Catholick Majesty upon whom for her rare Vertues the eyes of all men are fixed and set as a most pleasant object and in whom most gloriously shineth the Bloud of France and Spain to no other end or purpose but by a perpetual Alliance to fraternize and joyn in one brotherhood as it were these two great Monarchies under their Government to the advancement of the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ the beauty of his Church and union of all the Inhabitants of the world under the Ensigns of Christianism As your Catholick Majesty with so many notable and triumphant Victories by the favour of God and his aid hath mightily prevail'd and advanced the same so we most heartily pray to God who is the Lord of Battels to continue your proceedings therein with such accomplishment that the whole work may be finished and perfected in all points To which end and purpose that it would please him to prolong your Catholick Majesties days in perfect and happy health accompanied with daily success of Victories and Triumphs over all your Enemies From Paris this second of November 1591. The reverend Father Matthew this bearer who hath greatly comforted us and fully instructed with the state of our affairs shall satisfie your Catholick Majesty in all things which may seem defective and wanting in our Letters Beseeching your Majesty most humbly to credit him in whatsoever he shall report unto you from us Whether this Matthew Aquarius the Agent of the League was a Jesuite or no I shall not possitively affirm though there be good Authority for it but the best Authors may have their mistakes I shall onely observe by the by that there was at this time one Matthaeus Aquarius a Dominiâ—an and in vogue as well for his Philosophy as Schoolmanship both in Rome and Naples so a trusty servant both to Pope and Spain And though the Jesuites will attribute the title of Fathers to themselves yet I find this Aquarius as oftentimes others are also before his printed books so intituled that any might mistake him for a Jesuite because called Father I shall not say nor can I affirm that this Aquarius the Dominiean was the same man with the Leaguers Agent This Letter was intercepted near Lyons by Gilbert de Chaseron Governour of the Province of Bourbon and by him sent to the King whereby their Honesty Religion and Loyalty was discovered Now as the Sixteen and their Associates had laid the Design to humble the Parlement of Paris to them which they thought to depend too much upon Mayeune they began to stir up the people persuading them Religion was betrayed their Cause and good Covenant quite undone that the Parlement intended to deliver the City into the hands of the Navarrois i. e. the King And to obtain their designs with greater ease and facility they consulted about a new * 5 Novemb Jo. de Bâ—ssieâ—es vol. 4. p. 364 3â—5 Gomberville Meâ—â— de M. de Nevers Tom. 2. pag. 623. Oath whereby all that favour'd them not should be driven out of the City and all the Bloud Royal to be excluded from the Succession and the Crown In the mean time they take an occasion to be stark mad for one Brigard once a violent Covenanter being suspected by them of too much favouring the King was hurried to prison resolving to have him hang'd for it but the Parlement not agreeing in this with their humours cleared him in a full trial and he at last finding means to escape from their fury out of the City they in a giddy zele turn their malice upon his Judges Thus resolved they hurry the people to Arms seise upon Barnaby 15 Nov. Brisson the Chief President Claude l'Archer Counsellour of the Chastelet with Jean Tardif whom they carry to the Sessions-house there in a haste condemning them without rule or reason Brisson desireth them to spare him a little time till in prison he had finished his book De Formulis so much cried up by learned and knowing men but no favour or mercy being granted they are all three instantly strangled in prison scarce a quarter of an hour being allow'd to Brisson to confess in Thus murder'd he is presently hung out of his own Chamber-window and the next day hung on the Gallows publickly to be seen of all Such was the end of the learned but unfortunate Brisson who before had in * Poet. Gal. v l. 1. p. 713 714. verse bewail'd the mischiefs of a Civil war and it may be in relation to this League This done they meet at the house of Pellettier the Covenanting Lecturer of S. Jacques de la Boucherie where they conclude that a Court of 17 Nov. Justice shall be form'd of men of their Faction to proceed against Hereticks and the Favourers of the King that the moneys and Treasuries how expended shall be look'd into that the Council of State shall be fill'd up and the men were there named by them that a Council of war shall be chosen upon whose consent the Governour de Belin left by Mayâ—nne should act nothing that the Seals of the Crown which Mayenne carried about with him should for the future always remain in the City c. To these they adde the sending of the Letter to the King of Spain formerly writ with which they now forthwith dispatch Mathieu Yet Thuanus dates the Letter the 20th of November and * Memoires en suite de ceux de Vâ—lleroy tom 3. p. 24 25. another the 20th of September but herein I follow Arnauld who maketh a particular observation upon the timing or dating it the Jesuits themselves not objecting any thing against his date viz. 2 Novemb. and Davila saith it was sent this day viz. 17 Novemb. and so most probably writ before this day they being too busily implied in other mischiefs However the day is no great matter the difference being but small and probably a mistake in the writing or printing This done they arise from Council get the Council of State presently to assemble to whom they propound the Articles to the end to have them confirm'd and executed but at this time they are put off it being alledged the day was too far spent and the Dutchess of Nemours carried her self so powerfully with them that they were willing to let the execution of them alone till they had heard from her son the Duke of Mayenne who being inform'd of these hurly-burlys thought it best to quell them before they went any further for which purpose well guarded he hastes towards Paris at whose approach the Sixteen discouraged 28 Nâ—v crave pardon let him enter the City the Bastile is also yielded to him then he seizeth on Lauchort Emmenot Auroux and Ameline great Sticklers amongst the Sixteen whom he caused to be strangled in the Louvre and publickly hung on the Gallows and others had tasted the 3 Dec. same sauce had they not fled for it At this the Priests and
or that Crown * 15 Jan. Affirming that to think that the Priviledges of the Gallican Church extendeth so far as to admit of an Heretical King is the dream of a Madman and an Heretical Contagion That those who had acknowledg'd Navarre had forgot the Piety of their Ancestors the Reputation of their Countrey and the safety of their souls their salvation being desperate That Navarre had violated all Laws both divine and humane And that the Parliament of Paris is a true and lawful one and so perswadeth them to proceed to an Election To these the King returning Answers endeavoring to clear himself from their Accusations not forgetting also to shew what a favour he had for the Roman Religion And though the death of the Duke of Parma had been no small Hindrance to the Spanish designs yet now Lorenzo Suarez de Figuerâ— Duke of Feria cometh Embassador to manage the Interest of that Crown at the meeting of the States several at this time aiming at the Throne and every one not despairing of their Cause or Interest The Spanish daughter Izabella Clara Eugenia the Dukes of Guise Lorain Nemours and Mayenne having all hopes In short the States-General meet at Paris in the Great Hall of the 26 Jan. Louvre amongst the rest of the Drolleries of these times nothing took more then a Book call'd Satyre Menippee or le Catholicon d'Espagne Composed in abuse of this Convention * Debit Pret. Belg. Tom. 3. p. 339. Justus Lipsius will have a fling at this Book but the greatest honour it received was from Rome where their Wisdomes there as if they had nothing else to do did many years after very gravely call it to remembrance and at last thought it fit to pass under their * 16 Mar. 1621. vid. Ind. Expurgat Alexandri VIII p. 218. Censure of Reprobation The prose of it was made by the Almoner to Cardinal de Bourbon the Verses were composed by Nicholas Rapin commended by * Poet Gall. vol. 3. p. 165. Johannes Passeratius * Ib. p. 420 421. Scavâ—la Sammorthanus with others and Rapin himself hath some * Ib. p. 204 c. 28 Jan. Poems out in Latin The States being met as aforesaid Mayenne King-like sitteth under the Cloth of State desiring them to choose a Catholick King an Enemie to Heresie which was seconded by others The next day at a private meeting the Legat moved that at the next Sessions of the States all should take a solemn Oath never to acknowledge Navarre for their King though he should turn Romanist but this was quashr at the Proposal as to swear against the Popes Authority suppose he should turn and his Holiness command him to be received The next day the Romanists with the King with his consent send Propositions to the States for a Treaty with them at which the Legat stormeth affirming the Proposal to be Heretical and so not fit to be Answer'd Cardinal Pelleve and Diego d'Ivarra one of the Spanish Agents agreâ—ing with him but this was opposed and because the Paper was directed to all the States 't was judged fit to be communicated to them which so netled the Legat that he got the Colledge of Sorbonne to declare it Heretical as intimating a declared Heretick might be King and ought to be obeyed Yet the Proposal is shewn to the States a Conference with the Royal Romanists is consented to but in their Answer they had this odd Conclusion That to oppose an Heretical King is not Treason The place agreed on is Surenne between Paris and St. Denys and Persons are nominated on both sides In the States the Spaniards carried high for the Infanta many seeming willing to it for interest-sake but when they named Ernest Arch-Duke of Austria the Emperors Brother for her husband it was rejected as not fitting to give the Kingdom to a stranger The Spaniards smelling the design offered to admit of a French Prince to be married to Philips daughter which took pretty well Guise Nemours Lorain and Mayenne his sons each of them hoping to be the Man and King Nay some who seem'd to be the Kings Friends and Allies as Cardinal Bourbon Count de Soissons the Prince of Conti with some others began to hearken to this Proposal every one fancying to make the Crown his upon which conceits they were not so earnest in the Kings Cause and Interest as they seem'd to be The King perceiving that the Authority of the Pope was one of his greatest Enemies or Pretences had a great minde to have him pacified to which purpose he formerly had the Republick of Venice and Ferdinando de Medici Grand Duke of Tuscany to use their interests in his behalf at Rome and to further it had also been sent Cardinal Pietros de Gondy Bishop of Paris and the Marquess de Pisani in the name of the Romanist with the King upon the same Errand But the Pope commanded them not to enter into the Ecclesiastical Territories as being Favourers of Hereticks well-Wishers to Navarre with whom they had presumed to speak and treat to which some Reasons and Excuses being returned the Pope at last permits them to enter Rome And at last the King himself gave fair Signes and Proffers to the Conference at Surenne not only of his being willing to be instructed in the Roman Religion but as it were ready to be of it This amazeth the Covenanters to the purpose the Legat protesteth against the Conference as dangerous that they could neither treat with nor admit of a peace with Navarre being a declared Heretick and that if they did either he for his part would quit the Kingdom and this he publish'd in Print that every one might take notice of it Nor were the Spaniard less concerned who fearing the Kings Conversion would make haste and be excepted of thinking to spoil it Nominates the Duke of Guise for Husband to the Infanta shewing it was so in his Instructions At this Mayenne is stung to the heart nor could he so much dissemble but his thoughts were perceived however he thanks them for their kindness to his Nephew and desires time till things were better prepared But this Nomination being known the Embassadors Nobles Citizens and every one flock to pay their service to Guise and give him joy his Palace is fill'd himself cried up and now they vapour of a new Kingling * Charles de Guisâ— Charles XI At all this the Dutchess of Mayenne is mad she frets storms and weeps three days and not able any longer to endure she falleth upon her troubled husband with Sighs Exclamations Threatnings and Railings jearing him as one that hath lost all his labour and pains if he who had hitherto borne the brunt must at last only thus truckle to his young Nephew The Duke also thus perplext to see himself as it were laid aside puts many into young Guise his head demands strange and exorbitant Conditions of the Spaniard for performance yet thinking
these not sure enough designeth a Treaty with Cardinal Bourbon and lest this also should fail cunningly dealeth with the Parliament of Paris to make a Decree that the Crown should not be transfer'd to strangers and the nulling of all Treaties held to that purpose as contrary to the Sulique Law which some think a Cheat and other Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And this trick was soon obtain'd by the hands of Jehan le Maistre chief President who as if the Duke knew nothing of the business 28 June waited upon Mayenne with a good Company of Councellors to inform him of their Order which Action and Decree the Duke seemed to take in ill part as if they had been too bold in medling and this had some effect not a little dashing the Confidence and Plots of the Spaniard The King understood all this Cabal and also he perceived that though they agreed not amongst themselves yet were they all resolved against him and to adde to his trouble the Romanists whom he most trusted were falling from him as a Prince not to be converted These and other * Camdeâ— an 1593. Inconveniences forcing him to be more apprehensive he thinks himself now necessitated so far to comply with them in securing the Kingdom to himself as to hint the Roman Religion to be the best and so at Mante having talked between * Spâ—nd 1593 sect 17. 23 July five and six hours with some Prelats he seem'd well enough satisfied and thus thrust from his failings he declareth he will publickly go to receive Absolution and hear Mass at St. Denys within two days Now is Mayenne at his Wits end he had been at some pains and trouble to lay aside his Nephew his Dutchess perswading him rather to make peace with Navarre then to be a subject to young Guise But here he perceives himself out-witted all his Pretensions against the King being because he was an Heretick but now by this declared Conversion he is left without excuse Well finding no other remedy he consults to get a Truce with the King for some time to which his Majestie shews himself willing hoping by the sweetness of a little peace to gain upon the people though Mayenne had other designs against him As for the Duke of Guise considering well how things went he excused his Election to the Spanish Embassadors as a thing that would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself In the mean time the Legat inform'd of the Kings design to convert and be absolved at St. Denys pulls out his Paper-Tools and falls to the old Work declaring Navarre to be an Excommunicated Heretick being so pronounced by Sixtus V. and therefore not to be absolved or admitted into the Church but by the Pope himself That all shall be null and void that they shall do that waywards and that those who shall appear there shall be excommunicated and deprived to these Mayenne addeth his good-will by forbidding any man to go to St. Denys 25 July unâ—er great penalties But all to no purpose for the day being come all sorts of people croud thither the King clothed in white with a black Hat and Cloak nobly attended goeth to the Great Church the Gates being shut the Lord Chancellor knocks they are opened and within appeareth Renaud e Beaune Archbishop or if you will * A Litle losa attributed to the Archbishop of Bourgâ—s Pope Nicolas I. calling S. Rodolphus the 47. Prelat of this City a Patriarch Caus 9. Quest 3. c. Conâ—â—â—stus Gloss Patriarch of Bourges sitting in his Chair in his Pontificalibus environ'd with a great number of Prelats He ask'd who he was and what he would have The King replied that he was Henry King of France and Navarre desiring to be received into the bosome of the Church the Arch-bishop ask'd him if he heartily desired it and was truly sorry for his former Errours which the King affirming on his knees repeating the Confession of Faith with some Prayers and being sworn after secret Confession he received Absolution then sat under the Cloth of State to hear Mass so all being done he returned an excellent Romanist to his Palace but with what bad words and maledictions the Priests of Paris could throw upon him In the mean time at the Conference of Surein a Truce being concluded between the King and Mayenne the Legat shewed himself very zealous and furious against it threatning to be gone but he was somewhat appeas'd by Mayenne's getting a Decree from their illegal States for the receiving the Council of Trent though a little before the Council being treated on in the same States the Parliament opposed its Reception producing XXVI Articles in it contrary to the Gallick Spond on 1593. sect 9. Church Mayenne seeing the Covenanting Cause thus at a stand if not quite lost thanks the Spaniards for the honour they had done his family by honouring their Infanta to his Nephew Guise and for their assistance to the League but tells them withal that it is fitting to defer the Election to a more convenient time then Assembling the States he made them all take an Oath to persevere in the Holy Union and so adjourn'd 8 August them for some months and then to meet again at the same place hoping yet with himself rather to raise then diminish his greatness The King having as aforesaid taken away all Objections at home about his Religion endeavours the same at Rome to which purposes he sends Lodovico Gonzago Duke of Nevers Embassador thither with several Vid. Gombervâ—lle Memoiâ—es de M. de Nevâ—rs vol. 2. P 405. c. p. 638. Davila pag. 1220. Divines amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron the Elect Bishop of Eureux who had already thrown off the interest of his former Master Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third Party for whilst he Negotiated the Cardinals designs with some great ones at Court he grew acquainted with the King pleasing him with his Learning Eloquence Mirth Wit and Poetry thus commanding the Kings Ear and Humour and perceiving his own greatness might more easier be attain'd to by the King especially his Conversion then the Cardinals Exaltation quitted his old former service and became very active for his Majesty Nevers and his Company go towards Rome whilst Arnand d'Ossat though but of mean Parentage yet of great Wit and Judgment as his Negotiations and Letters testifie now living at Rome and afterwards a Cardinal secretly and wisely on his own head agitated for the Kings advantage The Pope sends Possivino the known Jesuit to Nevers not to approach the Duke returneth many Reasons and goeth on at last the Pope allow'd him but he must enter the City privately and not stay in it above ten days He waiteth upon the Pope but Clement will grant him nothing nor absolute nor confirm the former Absolution of Henry nor permit the Bishops who came along with him to kiss his Toe because they had
and such like Covenanting names When the King took possession of Paris one of the Scholars went into the School before the rest and wrote all about his Class GOD SAVE THE KING which when Haye saw he fell into a rage crying out against those who had spoil'd the walls for he durst not now speak positively against the King threatning if he knew the offender to have him punish'd and so caused it to be wiped out He being now forced to leave the Kingdom went to Rome where he lived And Jaques Cammolet a furious Jesuit and a great Stickler in the Leaguing Council was as arrogant of the King as any using to make it his business to prattle mischief into the people One time preaching in the Church of St. Berthelemy he took for his text how * Judges 3. 15 16 21 22. Ehud slew Eglon the King of Moab he discoursed a long time in Commendation of Henry III. placing Clement the Murtherer amongst the Angels And at last thus instigated the people to do the like to Henry IV. We have need of an Ehud we have need of an Ehud were he a Friar were qe a Souldier were he a Laquay were he a Shepherd it made no matter needs we must have an Ehud one blow would settle us fully in the estate of our affairs as we most desire Another time he and so did Barnard call the King Holofernes Moab Nero c. and maintained that the Kingdom of France was Elective and so it belong'd to the people to chuse the Kings For proof of which he cull'd out this Text Thou shalt chuse thy brother for King which thus he and Barnard expounded Thy brother that is not of the same lineage or of the self-same Nation but of the same Religion as this great Catholick King this great King of Spain is Another time Cammolet affirm'd that by these words Deliver me O Lord out of the mire that I may not stick in it King David understood Prophetically the rooting out of the House of Bourbon When Barriere was examined concerning his Design to murther the King he also confest that two Friars went from Lyons to act the same and that Cammolet knew of their or some other mans wicked purpose was in those times fully believed of which he himself gave this hint When news came to Paris that Barriere was discovered and executed many of the Zelots began to despair of a Remedy Cammolet the next * 5 Sept. Sunday thus encouraged his Auditors Have patience have patience for you shall see within few days a wonderful miracle of God which is at hand yea esteem it as already come Such like Discourses as these and their thus siding with the Spaniard against their own King and Countrey with other actions were the reason that the Jesuits were judged to be expell'd the Nation and occasioned a pleasant French Gentleman in a little Poem thus to conclude of them A Gesis sunt indita nomina vobis Quae quia Sacrilegi Reges torquetis in omnes Inde sacrum nomen sacrum sumpsistis omen From * A warlike we â—pon used by the ancient Spaniards and Freuch and frâ—m them taken up by the Roâ—ans and others Gesan which against all Kings they shake The Jesuits their Name and Fortune take A little after Jehan Chastel had wounded the King there was one François de Verone set forth a Book in Vindication of the Villain and Action affirming it to be a Apol. pâ—ur Jean Chastel pâ—rt 1. c. 7. p. 21. A generous vertuous and an Heroick Act and comparable to the most Renowned Deeds of the Ancients either in Sacred or Prophane History That it was b Part 2. p. 25. purely just vertuous and Heroick That it was c Part 4. c. 1 p. 147. most holy most humane most worthy most to be prais'd and commended That it was d Ib. p. 155 156. agreeable to God to all Laws to all Decrees and the Church That those who had condemn'd him had e Part 4. c. 2. p. 152. judg'd against God against the Holy Scriptures against the Church and her Decrees and against the States and Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And as for Chastel himself he was a f Part 3. c. 10 Happy soul and a g Pag. 23. true Martyr And the same Verone also write an Apology for Father Guignard whom he h Part 5. c. 9 10. commends for his Constancy in defending to the last gasp his treasonable papers against the King for which he reckons him a Martyr and Saint in Heaven But to return to the King who had earnestly solicited the Pope to year 1595 allow him to be a Romanist and receive him into the Church At last the Pâ—pâ— perceiving the King victorious the League ruined being noâ— able tâ— make head against him after many solicitations and Treaties though the Duke of Sessa the Spanish Embassador oppos'd and i Mem d. Nev â—â— vol. 2. â— 716. threatned much consents and so Jaques Davy k He was consâ—â—rated Bâ—sh of this See by Card. Joyeuse at Rome 29 Decem. this year He was after Archbishop of Sens and Cardinal aâ— â—erron Bishop-Elect of Eureux and Arnaud d'Ossat the Kings Proxies or Representers appear'd before the Pope in the Porch of S. Peters * 17 Sept. prostrating themselves before him and kissing his feet desiring in the Kings name Absolution First the Pope nulls and makes void the Absolution formerly given the King at S. Denis then they lying prostrate at his feet whilst the Psalm Miserere was sung At the end of every verse the Pope with a Wand l Wâ—ipped at Rome S K. James 〈◊〉 in his Ap l. â—or the Oâ—th of Allâ—â—â—meâ— p. 75. Virga Sacerdoâ—al leviter percâ—ssum Mat. Tort. â— 89. gently striking their shâ—ulders then he pronounced the Absolution upon which the Gates of the Church fly open and in they are led Te Deum is sung Bonefires and Guns make the Boys mad for joy and so the King is a good Romanist In the mean time the Duke of Mayenne seeing no hopes of carrying on his own designes of greatness the King being now successful and most of the Kingdom obeying him is willing also to be at peace with him which the King perceiving very graciously offers him Conditions A Treaty is begun and all his shifts and pretences being spoil'd by the Popes admission and absolution of the King after many Demands Consultations and Concessions an m All the Articles and Edicts câ—ncâ—rning â—â— tâ—â—se Agâ—â—emenâ—s 〈◊〉 the King ar in â—â—â—oiredâ—s â—erniers â—â—â—uâ—lâ—s de â—â—â—nce Eâ—â— 1601. 1596 Agreement is struck up very favourable and beneficial to the Duke and his party all things being pardon'd and liberty given to them to come in and live peaceably Many advised the King to prosecute Mayenne to the utmost and not accept him into his favour having shuffled him off for six years together troubling him with fifty Treaties
in the Dukedom of Bar and in the Diocess of Toul in Lorrain who throwing off his Cowle or Hood and under the disguise of a Beggerly habit being found in the Court upon examination giving no good account and Convict by Testimony was also condemn'd and suffered upon the Wheel Such like murtherous designes of the Friars occasioned many Poems against them amongst the rest upon the stabbing of Henry III. who is said to have loved them most affectionately thus one of them concludeth Jamais il n'y eut Roy par qui la Moinerie Respectee fut plus par qui plus cheria Si les Moins ainsi tuâ—nt leurs grands amis Bon Dieu que ferent ils à leur grand Ennemis Never did King carry more kinde defires Than Henry unto all sorts of Fryers If Monks to friends will give such deadly blows Good God! what will they do unto their Foes Thus much for the French Popish Solemn League and Covenant by Retorting of which is enough to stop their mouths concerning our late Rebellions seeing The Romanists there safely pretended the danger of Religion as well as our Presbyterians did They entred into a Solemu League and Covenant as our Non-conformists did They forced their King to take it and it is not unknown what our villainous Long-Parliament would have done and what the impudent Schismaticks in Scotland did do They spred abroad that their King was an enemie to their Religion and in this were worse then our Puritans who though they slandred our King yet had it rather been a scandal for him to have been of their schismatical perswasion They had their Priests and Jesuits sacrilegiously to abuse the Pulpit and People with their seditious lying and treasonable Discourses as our Rebels had their blasphemous Lecturers ignorant and impudent Tub-Thumpers and 't is hard to tell which of these Covenanters were the greater Villains though I 'le grant ours to be the greater Dunces They falsely gave out that many thousand Huguenots lurk'd in Paris to kill them thereby to incense and inrage the people as our Puritans did of God knows what Cavaliers and Papists mustred under ground and such like tales They had their several Juncto's and Cabal's as ours had their Committees c. They null'd and made void all their Oaths of Allegiance as ours did They declared that Allegiance was but Conditional viz. to a Romanist as ours did to a Covenanter They made many Oaths in behalf of Conditional Subjection and Rebellion as out late Zealots did They had their Doctors or Divines of Sorbonne to countenance and vindicate their wicked Actions and to declare for good whatever they would have them As ours had their Club of Assembly of Divines to prove new Governments and King-opposing to be by Divine Right and Predestination They made Banishment and other Penalties for those who would not take and subscribe their Oaths as our Rebels did for their Covenants and Engagements They had their particular Processions and such like Set-pieces of Devotion to crave Divine Aid and Assistance as ours had their monthly Fasts to desire God to bless their sins and Rebellions as also their Thanksgiving like the old Irish who used to thank God if by Theft or Robbery they had got a good booty They had their Oaths of Abjuration as well as ours had They would pardon and authorize all those who acted for their cause as ours could indempnifie one another some may think with as much right or true Authority as the * Mer. Casubâ—â—'s Necessity of Reform p. 75. French Priest consecrated the Sacrament in the name of the Devil They call'd their League against their King Loyalty and ours thought as well of the Covenant They would have the Council of Trent revived as ours would the Covenant Directory and Presbytery and such like schismatical and treasonable Principles Some of them would have their Chieftain Mayenne to be King as others in England would have had Oliver As their Mayenne would not take upon him when offered to him the Title of King because his Interest was not then sufficient to vindicate it and so would only be Lieutenant of the Crown of France thus Oliver upon the same account refused the Kingship but would be Protector of England They commended Guise and Mayenne as the only Prop of their Church as ours by their Addresses did sacrilegiously magnifie Oliver and his son Richard They had their Rump and secluded Members as well as we but in this the French were worst of the two they turning out honest men whilst ours excluded only Conditional subjects i. e. Traitors so one Knave turn'd out another They sent to the Popish Princes large Complaints against their King as ours with their Schismatical Assembly against King Charles I. to Holland and Geneva They would alter limit put out and in as they pleased their Kings Council as our Puritans desired to do in England They would take away the Kings Negative Vote and make the States superiour to him so would our Roundheads here They sent a Letter to desire Protection and Assistance from Spain an enemie to their King and Countrey as the Scotch Covenanters did from the French King Lewis XIII against their King Charles I. as appears by their Letter subscribed by their Chieftains They in Triumph conducted Guise and his friends into Paris as our Presbyterians did the five Members c. to the affront of King and Government They by their Tumults forced their King to flee from his chief City and Court Paris as our Puritans did King Charles I. from London for his own safety When their King offered them and their General Mayenne Pardon Favour and desired a Peaee they reject both it and him as ours did with King Charles when he offered the same to them and their General Essex They censure all who sided with the King and sat at Tours or Chaalons as ours did those who sat at Oxford as a Parliament They broke the Kings Great Seals making new ones as ours also did They declared it Treason to aid or favour their King as the English did They murthered any who sided with their King as well as our Rebels here They defaced all the Kings Pictures and Statues as the Phanaticks did here They had their Women of all Qualities to promote their Cause by their Love-tricks and Contributions as the Puritans in England had their Wives holy Sisters and zealous Ladies hurried along with as much Chastity and Religion as Honesty Moderation or Loyalty They renounced all obedience to Henry III. and his Queen ordered he should not be prayed for as our wicked Presbyterian Long-Parliament declared the Queen a Traitor renounced the King by their abominable Votes and Declaration of Non-Address and it was afterwards death to pray for him They often attempted the death of Henry IV. contrived and procured the Murther of Henry III. as ours designed King Charles's death in the Isle of Wight and at last murthered him on the
Scaffold When Henry III. was kill'd some of them would not acknowledge his Successor Henry IV. but would have a Government or Ruler of their own making others would admit him if he would turn Romanist As when King Charles I. was martyred some would not at all have his heir K. Charles II. to reign whilst others would not reject him provided he would turn Presbyterian otherwise not They often endeavour'd to seize on their King then to kill him or depose him by clapping him up in a Monastery but fail'd in their designes whilest ours had the luck of it to conquer and so to act with our King as they pleased Though 't is plain the French had as bad intents though not the like success and opportunities it may be their Kings were not so much betray'd as ours Yet herein lay the difference whereby the Romanists were most culpable their Troubles and Seditions being countenanced acted and headed by the most learned and knowing of their Clergy as Popes Cardinals and their Prelats whilst our Rebellion and Schism was hurried on and noised up by an ignorant pack of Lecturers fellows of no Religion having not Learning to apprehend any In short our Covenanters and Rebels followed and trod in the Footsteps of the French Leagne a Warr which first occasioned the multiplicity of Pamplets and from which all latter Rebellions have taken the Items Rules Principles and Methods Yet how abominable and wicked soever this French-Roman Solemn League and Covenant was it had its Admirers of those no way engaged in it Amongst whom our English Father Parsons was none of the hindmost vaporing to the world * Andr. Philopater Resp ad Edict Reginae Angl. p. 210 211. § 172 173 How just how famous and how holy the Cause was That it was not only lawful praise-worthy or holy but necessary and of Duty by Divine Command and Christian Obligation Nay that they could not do otherwise without danger of their souls It may be grounding all this upon his Papal Rule That †Nulli populo sub damnationis poena licet Regem haeredicum admittere Ib. margin no People whatever are to admit of an Heretical King under pain of Damnation But 't is known well enough that his Pen is no slander nor are his Commendations of any Credit The End of the Eighth BOOK A CONTINUATION OF THE HISTORY OF THE Romish Treasons AND USURPATIONS BOOK IX CHAP. I. The Quarrels betwixt Pope Paul the Fifth and the Venetians NEer the beginning of this Century by the Death of Leo XI 1605 who sat as Pope but a few days Paul V. succeeded as Bishop of Rome Scarce was he warm in his Chair when he began to consider how to advance the Priviledges and Honour of his See which by Degrees had been neglected and worn out For this purpose he was earnest with the French King to receive the Councel of Trent He procured that in Spain the Jesuits might be exâ—mpted from paying Tithes At Naples he wrought in such sort that the Marquis of Morcone was sent to Rome as punishable in the Inquisition for having condemned to the Gallies a Bookseller The Inquisition pretending the Crime to belong to his Cognisance He offer'd to trouble the Duke of Parma for laying Imposts on his own Subjects in the absence of the Bishop He fell out with the Duke of Savoy for presenting an Abbey to Cardinal Pio so that his Highness for Peace-sake was forced to give it to the Popes Nephew Thus his design went on to ruin the Temporal Authority In the mean time the Commonwealth of Luca considering that many of their Citizens changed their Religion and retired into the Protestants Countries publish'd an Edict prohibiting any of their Subjects to have any Commerce with such people The Pope lik'd the Law but would not have it made by Lay-men so commanded them to â—ase the Edict out of their Records and he would publish another but the same in Substance by his Papal Authority At the same time the Commonwealth of Genoa being informed that the Governours of certain Lay-Fraternities their Subjects instituted by Devotion â—ad not â—â—ithfully dispensed the Revenues intrusted them resolved to examine their Accounts and Commanded their Books should be brought to the Duke At the same time divers Citizens used to meet as for Christian Exercises in the Jesuits Colledg which Club resolved to favour none in pâ—omoâ—ion to Offices but their Associates The State taking notice of it and considering what mischief in time this would bring upon the Commonwealth prohibited all such Assemblies and Conventicles The Pope takes Pet at these honest Orders affirming they were against the Ecclesiastical Liberty so Commands the Commonwealth to revoke these Edicts or else he would thunder against them his Censures of Excommunication By which Terror both the States of Luca and Genoa were forced to obey his Holiness Thus the Popes design went fairly on nor did he doubt any place in Italy unless the Republick of Venice which used to act upon Principles most honourable and beneficial to themselves without any respect to the Interest or Bribery of other Potentates The Pope had now resident at Venice as his Nuncio Horatio Matthei Bishop of Gierace a great Stickler and Boaster of the Ecclesiastical Liberty as they call'd it and in his way so zealous that he thought all Christian Actions and Graces were of no validity unless this also were promoted beyond all proportion The Senate of Venice considering the mistake of Charity and Devotion the Zealots thinking nothing so holy as the multiplying of Churches where no * need is made a Decree 1603. that None la Republique se tronea contrainle d'y mettre la main Autrement il fast arrivè bientost que toutes leurs villes n' eussent plus estè qne Convens Fglises et que tours leurs Revenus qui doivent porter leâ— charges de l'estat qui servent a la Nourriture deâ— Gens Maries les quelâ— ' ournissent des Soldats des Marchande des Laboureurs n' eussent plus servi q◠á l'en tre tien des Religieux eâ— des Religieuses Hard. de Perefixe Ev. de Râ—â—ez Hist du Hen. le Grand part 3. an 1606. within the Precincts of the City should build any new Church or Monastery without the Senats Consent Truly thinking that they were stored well enough having already within the City where ground is so scarce 150 Churches Monasteries and such like places of Devotion The Senat also agreeable to the old Statutes of their Republick anno 1333 and 1536. made a Decree like our English Mort-maine That None should sell give or alienate any more lands to the Clergy without the Senats Commission A little after the making of these Laws the Troubles between them and the Pope began The Occasion taken thus One Scipio Sarraceno a Canon of a Church of Vicenza had with great Contempt desaced the seal of the Magistrate which was put to for the custody
the fellow being found to be a meer Enthusiastick Fool declaring himself to be King of the whole world to have descended from Pharamond the first King of the Francks and affirming Henry to have Usurp'd the Kingdom of France from him Probably somewhat related to the Whimsies or Phanaticism of the American Doctor who believed he should be King and Dr. Mer. Casaâ—bon of Enthusiasm ch 3. p. 104. 105. 108. Edit 2. Pope too or the Italian Foot-boy who fanciâ—d himself a Monarch the Serving-man who thought himself a Pope or the Italian Groom who held himself for Emperor and accordingly to his poor Capacity would take such state upon him Upon this foolish or madman's attempt on the Kings person the Monsieurs Mâ—tin and Malherbe then noted Poets in France have composed some * vid. d'espinella le Parnasse des Poetes Francoses Tom. 1. fol. 33. c. Tom. 2. fol. 218. c. Verses But passing by these with a latter one mentioned by the careful Duke * Memoires Tom. 3. pag 478. du Sully and other Contrivances to involve that Kingdom in Rebellion I shall hasten to the Murther of that great Monarch which in short was thus The King in his Coach with others going to visit his great Confident the Duke of Sully then indisposed in the Arsenal being come to the year 1610 Street La Ferronnerie or Ironmongers which was then very narrow by reason of the Shops built against the wall of St. Innocent's Church-yard and a Stop being made to his Coach by two Carts one laden with Wine the other with Hay At this Stop one Francois Ravaillac took Laur. Bouchel Hist de la jusstice crim tit 11. ch 14. the opportunity to thrust himself neer the Coach and setting one foot upon the wheel and the other against a Shop-stall so advanced himself that with a knif prepared for the purpose he murdred him with two or three stabs before the mischief was perceived Of this Murther thus discants * les Trophees de Hen. le Grand § 103. Pierre Matthieu the Kings Historiogapher and Councellor Il ne plus faut nommer Henrys les Roys de France La Mort par deux Cousteaux un Esclat de Lance A tue trois Henrys L'un joustant a Cheval L' autre enson Cabinet le tiers en son Carosse Cinq Roys du nom de Jacques ont fait croire a l'Escosse Qu'il y a dans les noms quelque secret fatal Let 's no more name Henrys for Kings of France Since Death with two Knives and one shivered Lance Three Henrys kild one Tilted through the Eye In 's Chamber one the last in 's Coach did dye The death of * Five Scotch James may advise Four more truly That in some Names some Fatal Secret lyes Who were the Contrivers of this horrid Fact is not as yet that I know of fully divulged though wisemen suspect that there was more in it than the malicious thoughts of such a Varlot whose obscurity was such that the King could not have any way offended him any way disingaged or have provoked him to such a mischief but that the Devil and a false zeal of Religion will instigate a man to any mischief 'T is true the King at this time had an Army of above Forty Thousand men ready for some grand design and he himself within a few days was to go and head them in his Intended Exploit but whether this great expence of men and money was only to regain the Beautiful Princesse of Conde who with her Husband had privately fled into Flanders to avoid the Kings immoderate Love as Cardinal * Hist Relat. Fland. p. 13â— c. Bentivoglio is pleas'd to assert Or to obtain the Division of Christendom into XV. Dominions according to the strange Model laid down by the Duke of * Mem. Tom. 4. Sully and some others from him I shall not undertake to Determine seeing others will not by any means allow that the Kings Intentions Plots and Designs are yet any way * Quo Consilio Rex bellum susceperit quem potissimum sinem intenderit quam metam quosve limites armis proposuerit ut incertum est et incompertum hactenus sic inane perscribere et lucem ex fumo et umbra captare Joan. de Bussieres Hist Franc. vol. 4. pag. 482. known or discovered But 't is certain the Spaniard was amazed at these great Preparations of the King and thought it fitting to strengthen himself in Flanders and the Pope and Spaniards did not use to separate Interests besides Gregory XV. had been very earnest to perswade the King from any more Arming but to little purpose And it may be here not unworth the Observation that whilst the King was raising this great Army there was a large * Mem. du Sully Tom. 3. pag. 360. and Hist de la vie de Monay du Plessis pag. 337. Book secretly kept in France by some Considering Priests in which many did subscribe their fidelity and Obedience to the Pope and what else I cannot tell but this we are assured that the Book was half written through and a great part of those Oaths and Signatures signed and subscribed in blood As for Ravaillac he had formerly been a Monk then throwing off his Frock had for some time taught a Petty-school but it seemeth Profit not coming in fast enough by that Trade he threw himself upon the Law turning Solicitor or Petty fogger He had formerly been a stickler in their Solemn League and Covenant and as appears kept some of its Leven yet in his heart and so a zealous Disciple to the Pope and this it seemeth was no small furtherance of him for what ever the Kings designs were Ravaillac was fully perswaded that the aim of it was to ruin his Holiness and the Roman Religion boldly alledging in his Examination this for the cause of the Attempt * Parceque faisant la guerre contre le Pape c'estoit la faire contre Dieu d'autant que le Pape estoit Dieu Dieu estoit le Pape Procez Examen Confessions c. du Francois Ravaillac pag. 39. Is Casaubon Epist ad Eront Ducaum pag. 14. Andre Favyn Hist de Navat pag. 1292. Because said he making war against the Pope is the same as to make war against God seeing the Pope was God and God was the Pope That there were more than one Contriver of this Murther needeth no doubt seeing the general Bruit which fore-ran it and the great confidence or rather certainty his Enemies had of it of both which the Words and Testimony of the present Arch-bishop of Paris are observable His Enemies were then in a profound silence which possibly was not caused Hist Hen. le Grand p. 3. only by their Consternation and fear of the Success of his Arms but out of the Expectation they had to see succeed some great Blow in which lay all their hopes It must needs
est mortale Permissum est etiam Catholicis Haereticae Reginae id genus obsequii praestare quod Catholicam Religionem non oppugnat Non fuit unquam nec potuit esse Pontificis mens ea Obsequia circa Reginam eis permittere quae aperte cum fine scopo ipsius Pont. de promovenda in Hibernia Catholica fide ac Religione pugnant Hanc autem ejus esse mentem scopum Literae ipsae apertissime declarant Ex quibus omnibus satis manifestum relinquitur illustrissimum Principem Hugonem O-Nellum alios Catholicos Hiberniae bellum gerentes adversus Reginam Haereticam Orthodoxam Fidem oppugnantem nullo modo Rebelles esse neque debitam Obedientiam negare aut Terras Reginae injuste usurpare quin potius illos justissimo bello se terramque suam ab iniqua impia Tyrannide vindicare sacramque Orthodoxam fidem ut Christianos Catholicos decet pro viribus tueri atque defendere Quae omnia singula nos infra-scripti ut certissima ac verissima judicamus approbamus Datum Salamantic VII die Martii An. D. 1602. Sic ego Johannez de Seguensa Professor Theologiae in Collegio Societatis Jesu hujus Almae Salmanticensis censeo Idem Censeo ego Emanuel de Royas Professor Theologiae in eodem Collegio Societatis Jesu Horum Patrum Sententiae tanquam omnino certae assentior et ego Gaspar de Mena Theologiae S. Scripturae in eodem Coll. Professor In eadem sum prorsum cum Praedidictis Pp. Sententia Petrus Osorio in eodem Coll. Societatis Jesu pro Sacris Canonibus In the Name of God Amen THE most Renowned Prince Hugh O Neil doth make warr for the defence of the Catholique Faith with the Queen of England and the English people viz. That it may be lawful for him and the Irish freely to profess the Catholique Religion which liberty the Queen of England doth endeavour to take from them by force and arms There are two matters now in question aâ—â—ut this Warr. I. The one is Whether it be lawful for the Irish Catholiques to favour the foresaid Prince Hugh with Arms and all other means in this Warr II. The other is Whether it be lawful for the same Catholiques to fight against the foresaid Prince without deadly sin and to favour the English in this Warr by Arms or by any other means whatsoever Especially when the case so stands that if they deny this kind of help unto the English they expose themselves to a manifest danger of their lives or the losing of their Temporal goods And furthermore since it is permitted by the Pope that they may obey the foresaid Queen of England and acknowledg her as their lawful Queen by paying Tribute unto her for it seemeth that that may be performed what belongeth unto Subjects to do viz. To fight against the Queen's Rebels who deny their due obedience to her and seem to usurp the Land which is subject to her dominion That both these Questions may be decided we must hold as for certain That the Pope hath power to bridle and suppress those who forsake the Faith and those who fight against the Catholick Faith when by no other means so great a mischief can be hindred And furthermore it must be positively concluded That the Queen of England doth oppugn the Catholique Religion and doth hinder the Irish from the publick enjoyment of the Catholique Faith And that for this cause the foresaid Prince O-Neal and others before him mentioned in the Apostolical Letters of Clement VIII undertook the Warr against her These things thus laid down the first Question is easily resolved For without doubt any Catholick whatsoever may favour the said Prince Hugh O-Neil in the foresaid warr and this with great merit and certain hopes of an Eternal Reward For seeing that the said Prince doth make Warr by the Pope's Authority for the defence of Catholique Religion and that the Pope doth exhort all the faithful by his Letters thereunto as is manifest by his Letters and that he will extend his graces upon the favourers of the Prince in that Warr in as ample manner as if they make warr against the Turks No man in justice can doubt but that the present Warr is lawful and also that to fight for the Catholique Religion which is the greatest good of all others is a matter of great merit And concerning the second question it is most certain that all those Catholiques do sin mortally that take part with the English against the foresaid Prince O-Neil Neither can they obtain Eternal Salvation nor be absolved from their sins by any Priest unless they first repent and forsake the English Army And the same is to be censured of those who in this War favour the English either by Arms or any other means or shall give them any thing of like Condition besides those accustomed Tributes which is lawful for them by virtue of the Pope's Indulgence and Permission to pay unto the Kings of England or their Officers the Catholick Religion flourishing and being amongst them This Assertion is confirm'd by this most manifest Reason Because it is sufficiently proved by the Pope's Letters That the Queen of England and her Forces make unjust Warr against the said Prince O-Neal and those who favour him For seeing that the Pope doth declare That the English do fight against the Catholique Religion and that therefore the said English should be resisted as much as if they were Turks and that he doth bestow the same Graces and Blessings upon those who resist the said English as he doth upon those who fight against the Turks Who doubteth but that the Warr waged by the English against the Catholique Army is altogether unjust But it is not lawful for any to favour an unjust Warr or to be present thereat under the pain of Eternal Damnation Those Catholiques do therefore most grievously offend who bear Arms with the Hereticks against the foresaid Prince in a Warr so apparently impious and unjust And so do all those who assist them in the said Warr with Arms Victuals or by any other means which of themselves do further the proceedings of the Warr and cannot give account of their indifferent obedience Neither doth it any thing avail them to scandal the Apostolical Letters of Surreption or of some underhand procuring For Surreption cannot happen where no Petition of them is declared in whose favour they were dispatched But the Pope doth plainly declare in those Letters that he and his Predecessors had voluntarily exhorted the Irish Princes and all others of the Faithful to undertake this Warr. And the better to incite them to it doth enrich them with great Favours Blessings and Indulgences How can it then be supposed that these Letters were surreptitious which only contain an Exhortation strengthned with many Favours for such as did fulfil them Neither therefore can the Catholiques who assist the English defend themselves by the Reasons alledged in the second
Question For no mortal sin is to be committed although thereby Life or Goods might be saved but these things which further and help to execute an unjust Warr are manifestly deadly sins It is permitted likewise to the Catholiques to perform such kind of Obedience to this Haeretical Queen as doth not oppugn the Catholique Religion Neither ever was it or could it be the meaning of the Pope to allow them to use that Obedience towards the Queen which doth manifestly contradict and oppose the end and scope which he had to promote the Catholick Faith and Religion in Ireland But that this was his meaning and scope his own Letters or Breves do manifestly declare From all which it remaineth sufficiently apparent that the most famous Prince Hugh O-Neil and other Catholiques in Ireland making warr against an Heretical Queen who opposeth her self against the True Faith are by no means Rebels neither do they deny due obedience or unjustly usurp any of the Queens Dominions But on the contrary they do rather vindicate themselves and their Countrey from an impious and wicked Tyranny by a most just Warr and do defend and maintain the holy and Orthodox Faith with all their power as becometh all Christians and Catholicks so to do All and every of which we whose Names are under-written do judg and approve as most certain and true Salananca VII of March 1602. I Juan de Ziguenza Professor of Divinity of the Colledg of the Society of Jesus of this famous City of Salamanca do so judg I Manuel de Rojas Professor of Divinity of the said Colledg do agree in the same I Gaspar de Mena Professor of Divinity and Holy Scripture in the said Colledg do assent to the said Opinions of these Fathers as altogether true I Piedro Osorio Expounder of the Sacred Canons in the same Colledg of the Society of Jesus am altogether of the same Opinions with the foresaid Fathers The same Censure or Declaration I find the very next year after thus dated and subscribed Datum Salmanticae secundo Februarii Anno Domini Millesimo Sexcentesimo Tertio Doctores Salmanticenses Fra. Franciscus Zumel Decanus Salmant Mag. Alphonsus de Curiel Sacrae Theologiae Primatius Professor Fr. Petrus de Herrera Mag. Doctor Franciscus Sancius Fr. Dionysius Juberus Mag. Andreas de Leon. Fr. Petrus de Ledesma Fr. Martinus de Paraza Doctores Theologi Vallisoselani D. Franciscus Sobrino Decanus D. Alfonsus Vacc◠de Santiago D. Johannes Garcia de Coronel Mag. Fr. Johannes Nigron D. Torre Fr. Josephus de Luxan Vallisoleti Octavo Martii Anno Millesimo sexcentesimo tertio Philip Osullevan thinks this Declaration enough to convert all good Hist Cathol Ibern. Compend Tom. 3. lib. 8. cap. 7. fol. 204. Romanists to Rebellion and is not a little proud of its Authority and thus cockered up in his usual vanity he accuseth all of folly and ignorance who sided with the Queen and her Loyallists and to think otherwise he saith is a mad and poysonous Doctrine Tir-Oen as aforesaid having submitted himself the Lord Deputy carried him the next day to Dublin intending to convey him into England and thither he carried him King James being proclaimed and received as the undoubted King who also pardoned Tir-Oen received him honourably at Court and by Proclamation forbidding any to shew him the least disrespect But the Romanists in Ireland shew themselves of another temper for hearing of Queen Elizabeth's death a great comfort to * Three Convers of Eng. part 1. an Addition to the Epist Dedicat Parsons and that James was King of England they rejoyce at the one and despise the other The Citizens of Lymrick with their Priests seized upon all the Churches in the City erecting their Altars resolving to re-settle their Religion again At Wexford they gave out that King James was Fynes Morysont Itinerary p. 285 286 c. a Romanist the better to embolden their Associates Those of Waterford secured the Cathedral Church to themselves defaced the Session-House at Black-Fryers by breaking the Doors pulling down the Benches and Seats of Justice ordering Masses to be celebrated publikely But those of Cork went farther refusing to proclaim the King ran to their Arms forbad the Commissioners to proclaim him upon which the Loyallists and the said Commissioners were forced to proclaim him upon an Hill near the Town They entertained one amongst them who call'd himself a Legat from the Pope went with them in Solemn Procession new hallowed their Churches kept strong Guards took the Sacrament to spend their Lives and Goods in the defence of the Roman Religion fell upon the Kings Forces encouraged a Priest to hearten the people on by preaching to them That James could not be a lawful King because he was not appointed by the Pope and sworn to maintain the Roman Religion They write also to all Towns and Cities to assist them in defence of the Catholick Faith and the better to carry on their Designs seized upon the King's Munition And as for Tir-Oen having staid a little time in England with leave and Reward he return'd for Ireland where after so many Promises and Obligations it was expected he would have lived civilly and obedient But here according to his old wont he falleth a plotting and contriving mischief again but with a great deal of secresie In the mean time Montgomery Lord Bishop of Derry and afterwards of Meath enters Bp. Carlton's Thankful Remembrance cap. 14. p. 168. into suit against Tir Oen for wrongfully keeping some of his Episcopal Lands a great sin but too much in fashion to cheat the Church upon this Tir Oen is summon'd to appear at an appointed time to expect the issue of the Tryal The Earl conscious of his late designs against the State and fearing that his Plots had been discovered prompted by his guilty Conscience he and his Family slipt privately into * 1607. Normandy thence to Flanders where he was entertain'd by Father * Jo. Gee's Foot out of the Snare p. 103. Musket with a Panegyrick Oration upon which King James puts forth a Proclamation against him not a little to the disgust of zealous * An. 1608. § de Sponde From Flanders he goeth to Rome where he lived upon the Pope's Allowance became blind for some years and so * 1616. dyed And his Son ended his days miserably in Bruxels being found strangled in his own Chamber but whether by himself or others as it is not certainly known so is it nothing to my purpose And thus much concerning these Troubles in Ireland whose effects were so lamentable that besides the Miseries and Depopulations by Warr the extremity of Famine grew so great that the very * Arch-bishop Vshers Speech at Dublin April 30. 1627. Vid. his life by Dr. Bernard p. 67. Women in some places by the way-side would surprise the men riding by to feed themselves with the flesh of their Horses And sooner might these Troubles have had an
themselves about this Succession And seeing Experience had told them That their Clergy had a great awe and authority over the Laity so it was best then to have all their Clergy to be of the same mind and to prosecute the same Ends and they hoped that their Laity would not then be divided To which purpose they conclude of an Arch-Priest who should have a Jurisdiction over the rest who were to act according to his Rules and Instructions And in these Designs Father Parsons was a main Stickler and Contriver the Pope also had drawn up some Bulls and sent to his Nuncio in the Netherlands to divulge and spread them abroad at convenient time wherein he declared That not any though never so near in * Quantum cunque propinquitate sanguinis niterentur nisi ejusmodi essent qui fidem Catholicam non modo tolerarent sed omni ope ac studio promoverent more Majorum jurejurando se id praestituros susciperent c. Bull. Clement VIII blood should after Q. Elizabeths death be admitted to the Crown but such an one as would not only tolerate the Roman Religion but would swear to promote and resettle it and that in the mean time Cardinal Farnese might in this Island have the greater Vogue the Pope made him Protector of England as he was of other Countreys Nay rather than fail the same Pope had * 1597. D'Ossat Let. 87. formerly exhorted the French and Spaniard to unite invade England and divide it between them Nor did they neglect to instigate the Family of the Pools to have a right Yet for all these Attempts and other Endeavours of the Jesuits Winter Desmond and such like who plotted His Exclusion upon the death of the Virgin Queen Elizabeth he was proclaimed and received as the undoubted King James I. of England but of Scotland VI. However no sooner is he set in the Throne but an odd medley-Plot is agitated against him composed of such variety of Religions and Interests that it seemed to puzzel the World that such a wise man as Raleigh should be in it but that they knew Discontent would thrust a daring Spirit upon any thing to satisfie it self The main Ingredients of this Conspiracy were Henry Brook Lord Cobham seem'd to be Protestants George Brook his Brother Thomas Lord Gray of Wilton a Rank Puritan William Watson the Author of the Quodlibets where he rants dapperly against the Jesuits for their Treasons and Plots Romish Priests William Clark who had writ against Father Parsons for the same Crimes Sir Griffin Markham a Zealous Romanist Sir Walter Raleigh a States-man and Soldier and troubled with no more Religion than would serve his Interest and turn Count Arembergh Ambassador from the Arch-Duke of Austria Zealous Romanists Matthew de Lawrencie a Merchant but an Instrument employed by Arembergh And some other such like Their Designs were To set the Crown on the Lady Arabella or to seize on the King and make him grant their desires and a Pardon To have a Toleration of Religion To procure Aid and Assistance from Forreign Princes To turn out of the Court such as they disliked and place themselves in Offices Watson to be Lord Chancellor George Brook Lord Treasurer Sir Griffin Markham Secretary of State Lord Gray Master of the Horse and Earl-Marshal of England For more security Watson draweth up an Oath of Secrecy But all is discovered they are seiz'd on examined and tryed The two Priests plead James is not King because not then Crown'd But that excuse is declared idle most of them are found guilty and condemned Watson Clark and George Brook were executed the rest reprieved Gray dyed in the Tower the last of his Line Raleigh was beheaded 1618. the rest discharged of Imprisonment but dyed miserably poor Markham and some others abroad but Cobham as we are * Oshorn's Traditional Memoires of K. James p. 12 told in a Room ascended by a Ladder at a poor Womans House in the Minories formerly his Landress dyed rather of Hunger than a natural Disease I need not here speak how their * Respons ad Edictum Reg. § â—6 Card. Allen's Answer to the Execut. of Justice p. 185. Priests endeavoured to amuse the people with what Troubles there would be at the death of Elizabeth nor how to alienate the Crown they published to stir up many Titles and Pretenders divers Pamphlets as Lesley Heghington Creswell Crag a Scotch Jesuit but his Book was burnt and never printed And we are told That the Jesuits were entreated to * Is Casaubon Epist ad Front Ducaum assist in this Plot but they desired to be excused as having another Design in their thoughts which some think was meant of the Gun-powder-Treason And to all these Contrivances Father Parsons was no bad wisher OF this Parsons seeing he then made such a noise in the world and § 11. § is by those of his Order commended as one of the most holy men of his time whilst others though Romanists will look upon him no otherwise than the greatest Villain then living in the world I shall say something here the better to inform Posterity 'T is true the Industrious Dr. Thomas James almost LX. years ago undertook to write his Life and therein to set down nothing but what the Priests and Romanists themselves writ of him which accordingly he did but it containing more of Satyre than History I shall make little or no use of that Collection now so rarely to be met with for they were all bought up by the Jesuits themselves it is call'd THE JESVITS DOWNF ALL. Some Romanists have boldly asserted Parsons to have been a Bastard begotten by the Parson of the Town Stockgursee in Somersetshire and therefore call'd Parsons though they say his right name was * Or Cubhuck A. P. A Reply to a Libel call'd A brief Apol. p. 324. Cowback and this hath been in a manner generally believed But to do him what right I can I shall not be unwilling to allow here some mistakes as to the place and though upon enquiry I am informed that those Parish-Records are now lost whereby I cannot satisfie my self as well as Manifestation of folly f. 89 I would yet I shall in part be guided herein by himself and other Enquiries He was born at Nether-Stowey in Somersetshire a Vicarage in the year 1546. His Father a Blacksmith was once an Enemy to Rome but was as they say reconciled to that Church by Alexander Briant who was executed and his Mother dyed at London in the same perswasion They had XI Children this Father Parsons being the middlemost He was Dr. Sutclyf's Blessing on Mount Gerizzin p. 220 288. instructed in the Latin Tongue by John Hayward or Haywood once a Monk or Canon-Regular of the Abbey of Torr who came out of Devonshire to be Vicar of Stowey he was held a notable Twinger and suspected as kind enough with Parsons Mother lying at her House Thus fitted
the good News presented Sir Lewis with a great Gold Chain The Legendiaries will tell us of several men speaking after their heads were cut off and Turrianus the Jesuit will make Clemens several years after he knew that St James was dead yet to write an Epistle of Instructions to the said St. James And Osborn here doth much follow the same wonders by telling us that this story is testified by Cardinal D' Ossat whereas that Cardinal was dead above a year before the Powder-Plot hapned Another mistake he hath saying That the Pope laught at the Flattery whereas Cardinal * Les Ambassades Negotiations par Caesar Ligny l. 3. p. 450 Perron who was the man that told the Pope of the Spanish Ambassy for England saith his Holiness was displeased at the Hypocrisie But to return What was the extent of this Treason and how many were assistants to it is difficult to discover Certain it is that some of the Nobility were suspected imprisoned or fined or call'd in question for not coming up at that time to Parliament About this time they sent over Sir Edmond Baynham to Pope Pius V. And Father Parsons Rector of the English Colledg there orders the Students to pray For the Intention of their Father Rector which made some of them wonder what could be the meaning of such an unusual Prayer not knowing what his Intention was But being afterwards informed of the discovery of the Plot Sixteen of them abhorring such jugling and bloody Designs forsook the Colledg slipt into France some of them turning to the Church of England whither they came Guido Faux himself had been also with the Pope and consulted with the aforesaid Parsons and it is affirmed by the voluntary Confession of Vid. Bp. Audrows Respons ad Apol Bellarmini c. 5. pag. 113. a Jesuit That at this time there were three Bulls procured from the Pope and ready upon this occasion and should have been published had the Powder done the intended Execution but that failing they were supprest In the Netherlands Hugh Owen an English Traitor was made acquainted with it highly commending the Contrivance and so did William Baldwin the Legier Jesuit in Flanders who some years afterwards was apprehended at Basil in Switzerland as he was in disguise stealing into Italy He was sent into England where he laid some years in the Tower and at last was delivered at the desire of Gondemar the Spanish Ambassador whose Cunning did sometimes out-master the Court-Policy As for Baldwin he dyed at Omers in September 1632. About this time in Spain lived as Legier for their Cause Arthur Creswell who after his turning Jesuit call'd himself Joseph Creswell the only man as Sir Edward Coke said he ever heard of to change his Christian Name he was informed of the Powder-Plot and liked it so well that he came into * Tho. Sponcer's Hist of the Gunpowder Treason p. 72 73. England at this time to act as 't is said his part in this glorious Action but he was so wise as to haste back again for his own safety and dyed afterwards in grief and discontent at Gant 1623 having for many years endeavoured the disturbance of the Kingdom As for Portugal Thomas Robinson who belonged to the English Covent at Lisbon affords us this Observation Henry Flood a Jesuit Anatomy of the Eng. Nun. at Lisb p. 3. Margin who afterwards lurked in England as chief Agent for the transporting of Nunns to Bruxels Graveling Lisbon or any other place This Flood caused the Jesuits at Lisbon to spend a great deal of Money on Powder on a Festival-day a little before the Powder-Treason in England should have been effected thereby to make experience of the force thereof and also perswaded one John Haw a Merchant whom he had perverted and divers other Catholicks to go over into England and to expect their Redemption there as he calls it a while How long this Conspiracy had been on the Anvil is hard to say Mr. Cambden layeth the foundation of it on the Popes Breves 1600 that were sent over to exclude King James or any other that should not maintain the Roman Religion And Catesby himself laid the greatest force and confirmation upon them For when in conference Father Garnet seem'd to desire that the Pope's consent might be obtain'd Catesby answered That he took that as granted by the Pope in his Bulls or Breves before for said he if it were not lawful to receive or repell him the said Bulls or Breves do import then is it lawful also to expel or cast him out And it appears by the Confessions of Faux and Thomas Winter that in the first year of King James 1603 the Plot was more fully agreed on and the blowing up of the Parliament-House by Powder concluded from which time till its discovery they continually had their Agitators and Councils to promote the Cause and carry on the Work with all vigour and secresie What number of them were engaged in it in England I know not nor did there appear above an hundred in a Body but that others had some hints or notice of it is more than probable And it was observed that that very morning viz. November V. the Romanists at Rowington went to Warwick and rang the Bells And the same Night Grant with some others went to the Stable of Warwick-Castle took away the Horses thence rid two miles off to Norbrook Grant's House where Rockwood's Wife Morgan's Wife with some others of the same stamp met to rejoyce with them for the downfall of Heresie encouraging their Husbands to go on encrease their Forces and fight it out to the last Nor need we suppose that their Priests and Jesuits in England were idle in this grand Affair which had been so long in hammering amongst them We meet with Hammond the Jesuit very active not only encouraging them to Cruelty but also after it was discovered to confess and absolve at one time about Twenty of the Rebels at Robert Winter's Honse Greenwell alias Tesmond another Jesuit was so zealous in this holy Cause that when he knew the Plot was known he call'd Father Hall a Flegmatick Fellow because he thought him not active enough to advance the Rebellion and in this fury hurried himself down into Lancashire to see what troubles he would raise there by falsly declaing as he went along That there was a design to cut all the throats of the Romanists Yet was the said Father Hall alias Oldcorne a Jesuit eager enough for the Plot encouraging Mr. Littleton with the justness of the Design however the Event was Instancing how the Turks sometimes beat the Christians and that the Eleven Tribes of Israel were twice overcome though God himself had commanded them to go and fight against Benjamin Rich. Carpenter's Sermon Novemb. 5. 1662 pag. 11 What need we trouble our selves with Father Thomson the Jesuit who used to vapour to his Scholars at Rome how oft his shirt had been
days by Pope Paul V. within the great Church St. Maria Maggiore and the Guadalupians will assure us That there is a great wooden Statue with a * Mart. Zâ—ilerus Itiner Hispan p. 198 black Face Hands c. with white Raiment Thus here is Miracle upon Miracle the very same thing at the same time both at Rome and Guadalupa and a curious painted Picture turn'd to a Wooden Statue dawb'd over with black and white which requireth no great skill And something like this is the Straw-Miracle of Father Garnet which at first was but a common Ear of Wheat with a few Lines drawn upon one of the Grains but is since wonderfully encreased by the Industry of the Jesuits for the honour of their Society and Trayterous Martyr And to this might be added another Miracle for though at first there was but one Straw and Face yet it seemeth that they had afterwards an ambition to multiply them and for ought that I know would make every Straw at his Execution bear his Picture for * Osborn's Mem. of K. James pag. 35 one tells us that he hath had several of them in his hands but could observe no great matter in them unless ruled by his Fancy and these they sold about for holy Reliques Thus they encrease and multiply as Falstaff did at Gads-hill in Shakespeer and Miracles which are made a Trade and Gain may well be suspected if not held palpable Cheats Thus this Straw amongst that Society got such a Fame that Homer's Frogs Passeratus his Asse Virgil's Flye Ovid's Flea Hiensius his Lowse were not able to stand in competition with it that methinks it was a great oversight in an Ingenious Romish Knight not to remember it in his late Song in the Commendation of Straw Of this Straw-Miracle Gualterus Paulus a German Jesuit would perswade the world to allow of this Anagram PATER HENRICVS GARNETVS Anagram Pingere cruentus arista Which for all his pains will not hold unless he will make an I stand for an H a liberty that must not be allowed of yet as if it were Authentick thus doth he gloss upon it Quid petit hic vultus sicca redivivus Arista Quid frons Quid sacris ora locuta notis Nominis augurio PINGERE CRVENTVS ARISTA Garnete agnosco vultum Opus Artificem Spica Tabella Deus Pictor Color unda Cruoris Spica Crucem vultum dat Deus astra cruâ—r But enough of this Straw which * Cornelius à Lapide thinks worthy Com. in Apocalyps cap. 7. ver 3. to illustrate and explain the Revelations But possibly he thought Garnet happy because he dyed on the Gallows such a great esteem did a Lapide seem to have for violent Deaths still pueling and lamenting that he could not dye a Martyr still sighing and wishing that he might burn at the Stake still grieved and troubled that he should dye in his Bed now begging of the Prophets then beseeching the Virgin Mary and anon desiring Christ that he might dye a Martyr and not in his Bed after the common way of Mankind But for all these fond and idle thoughts the little Jesuit would secure himself leaving it to the Hereticks or Pagans to fetch take and kill him as for his part he would neither go to them nor their Countreys whereby for all his seeming desire of Martyrdom he would make sure of one As for Father Garnet I should scorn to have been so unworthy or uncivil to have objected some of the former Crimes to him or upbraided him with them but that I perceive they will yet tax the King and Kingdom with Cruelty and Murther by enrolling Garnet in their Catalogue of Martyrs and proclaiming him the most Virtuous Holy and Innocent of men A Lapide as aforesaid must magnifie his miraculous Straw * Casaub Epist ad Front Duc. Martinus Delrio must compare him with Dionysius the Areopagit his Pictures must be hung up in Churches and at Lovain it was once publikely pray'd Sancte Henrice intercede pro nobis O Holy Henry intercede for us And * Opus Chronolog Tom. 2. An. 1606. Gordon the Jesuit having placed Garnet in Heaven desires him to intercede there for the Conversion of England But if such people may obtain a Beatitude we may have some cause to suspect many of their Old Saints * A Catalogue of Good Works Dr. Andrew Willet tells us thus To Baliol Colledg William Hammond gave Fifteen thousand pounds though the greatest part thereof the Colledg was defrauded by one Anthony Garnet a Popish Priest sometime Steward to the old Lord Montague which Garnet notwithstanding had been sometime Master of the Colledg and so stood by Oath perpetually bound unto it What this Anthony Garnet was related to our Henry I know not but by the by this Anthony was Fellow of Baliol Colledg 1550. was Master of it 1560. October 27 and 1563 Richard Hooper succeeded him in the Headship There was also of the same Colledg one Richard Garnet Fellow 1567 who was turn'd out by their Visitor 1570 October 8. But this only by the way CHAP. III. The Romanists threaten the Earl of Salisbury King James seeing them thus high thought it best to bind them strictly to him by the Oath of Allegiance The Pope sends forth two Breves Constitutes Mr. Birket to be Arch-Priest and orders the Oath shall not be taken Birket accordingly sending forth his Letters Newton's Miracle to prove the Oath of Allegiance not to be taken Pope Urban the Eighth his Breve against the Oath of Allegiance THE abominable Treachery and Villany of this Gun-powder Plot undertaken under the pretence of maintaining and restoring the Roman Religion engaged the Governours to consult the preservation of themselves and the Kingdom And considering the furious Zeal and wicked Principles of some men in affirming the lawfulness of deposing and killing Heretical Kings That the Pope had power to deprive Temporal Princes absolve Subjects from their obedience and such like Villanous Positions with the many wicked Practises yet fresh in memory against the Crown and Life of Queen Elizabeth and King James Upon these and such like Considerations after several serious Consultations to prevent the like mischiefs They thought fit to draw up a solemn Oath whereby every one should abjure such Treasonable Doctrines and swear for the future to behave themselves as became good Subjects The Romanists fancied Robert Cecyl Earl of Salisbury and Secretary of State to be their greatest Enemy and the chief promoter of this Oath against them Whereupon some of them thought if they could any way deterr him from prosecuting them as they call'd it the King and others would trouble their thoughts the less with them and so these Parliamentary Proposals would fall of themselves Upon this fancy this Threatning Letter was sent to the said Earl of Salisbury My Lord WHereas the late unapprovable and most wicked Design for destroying of his Majesty the Prince and Nobility with many other of
guilty of the foreknowledg of the Treason it self of which number some fled from their Trial others were apprehended as Holy Garnet himself and Oldcorn were and justly executed upon their own plain Confession of Guilt If this Treason now clad with these Circumstances did not minister a just occasion to that Parliament House whom they thought to have destroyed couragiously and zealously at their next sitting down to use all means of Trial Whether any more of that Mind were yet left in the Countrey I leave it to you i. e. the Emperors Kings and Princes to judg whom God hath appointed his highest Deputy-Judges upon Earth And amongst other things for this purpose this Oath of Allegiance so unjustly impugned was then devised and enacted And in case any sharper Laws were then made against the Papists that were not obedient to the former Laws of the Countrey if ye will consider the Time Place and Persons it will be thought no wonder seeing that Occasion did so justly exasperate them to make severer Laws than otherwise they would have done The Time I say being the very next sitting of the Parliament after the Discovery of that Abominable Treason The Place being the same where they should all have been blown up and so bringing it freshly to their memory again The Persons being those very Parliament-men whom they thought to have destroyed And yet so far hath both my Heart and Government been from any bitterness as almost never one of those sharp Additions to the former Laws have ever yet been put in execution And that ye may yet know further for the more convincing these Libellers of wilful Malice who impudently affirm That this Oath of Allegiance was devised for deciving and intrapping of Papists in points of Conscience The truth is That the Lower-House of Parliament at the first framing of this Oath made it contain That the Pope had no power to excommunicate Me which I caused them to reform only making it to conclude That no Excommunication of the Pope's can warrant my Subjects to practise against My Person or State Denying the Deposition of Kings to be in the Pope's Lawful Power As indeed I take any such Temporal Violence to be far without the limits of such a Spiritual Censure as Excommunication is So careful was I that nothing should be contain'd in this Oath except the Profession of Natural Allegiance and Civil and Temporal Obedience with a Promise to resist all contrary Vncivil Violence This Oath now grounded upon so great and just occasion set forth in so reasonable Terms and ordain'd only for making of a true distinction between Papists of Quiet disposition and in all other things good Subjects and such other Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maximes that the Powder-Traytors did And in another place His Majesty tells us to the same purpose viz. That this Oath Was framed to be taken by my Subjects whereby they should make Apol. for the Oath of Allegiance pag. 3 4. clear Profession of their Resolution faithfully to persist in Obedience unto me according to their Natural Allegiance To this end that I might hereby make a separation not only between all my good Subjects in general and unfaithful Traytors that intended to withdraw themselves from my obedience but especially to make a separation between so many of my Subjects who although they were otherwise Popishly affected yet retain'd in their hearts the print of their natural Duty to their Soveraign And those who being carried away with the like Fanatick Zeal that the Powder-Traytors were could not contain themselves within the bounds of their Natural Allegiance but thought diversity of Religion a safe pretext for all kind of Treasons and Rebellions against their Soveraign Which godly and wise intent God did bless with success accordingly For many of my Subjects that were Popishly affected as well Priests as Layicks did freely take the same Oath whereby they gave me occasion to think the better of their fidelity and likewise freed themselves of that heavy slander that although they were fellow-Professors of one Religion with the Powder-Traytors yet were not joined with them in Treasonable Courses against their Soveraign Whereby all quietly-minded Papists were put out of despair and I gave a good proof that I intended no Persecution against them for Conscience Cause but only desired to be secured of them for Civil Obedience which for Conscience Cause they were bound to perform But the Devil could not have devised a more malicious trick for intetrupting this so Calm and Clement a course than fell out by the sending hither and publishing a Breve of the Popes countermanding all them of his Profession to take this Oath thereby sowing new seeds of Jealousie between me and my Popish Subjects by stirring them up to disobey that Lawful Commandment of their Soveraign which was ordain'd to be taken of them as a pledg of their fidelity His Majesty here alludes to Pope Paul V. who upon the coming out of this Oath sends out a Bull or Breve against it forbidding any of the Romanists to take the said Oath The manner of their procuring and how the English-Romanists in this juncture behaved themselves take as followeth No sooner was the Oath and Act of Parliament published but there Vid. Rog. Widdrington's Theological Disputation Epist Dedicat to Pope Paul V. §. 6. was a great and long Consultation held at London by the Priests assisted by Mr. * Whose Title ran thus George Blackwell by the grace of God and the Ordinance of the Sea Apostolick Arch. Priest of England George Blackwell their Arch-Priest what they and their Friends ought to do in this case At last Blackwell did conclude that this Oath according to the plain and common understanding of the words might with a safe Conscience be taken by the Romanists and with him agreed a greater part of the Priests who went then to London to assist at this Consultation But this Compliance was opposed by certain Jesuits and some other Priests from whence arose all the stir and controversie which afterwards made Divisions amongst them concerning the taking of this Oath Nor is the Dispute yet ended The Jesuits and their Faction resolving not to be bafled would carry the business with a high hand to which purpose they threatned to procure a Breve from the Pope to hinder the taking of the said Oath Blackwell and his party fearing the worst with all haste dispatched a Letter to Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert an English Priest then flourishing in Rome fully relating to him how the case stood amongst them earnestly desiring him to deal effectually with some Cardinals that the Pope might be perswaded not to send over any Breves against the taking of the said Oath which would but encrease their Trouble and render the Divisions wider But it seems the Jesuits were too quick and powerful for the other Priests for their Letter came too late and to no purpose it being determined
at Rome that a Breve should be drawn up and sent the main Procurers of which were supposed to be Cardinal Bellarmine and Father Parsons the later of whom as a fore-runner of the Breves sent a Letter into England part of which take as followeth About some four or five Months ago it was consulted by seven or eight Id. cap. 10. Sect. 2. §. 53. 54 55 56. of the Learned'st Divines that could be chosen to give their judgment of it i. e. the Oath Their Reasons are many but all reduced to this That the Pope's Authority in chastising Princes upon a just Cause is de fide and consequently cannot be denied when it is call'd into controversie without denying of our Faith nor that the Pope or any other Authority can dispence in this For if the Question were de facto and not de jure to wit Whether the Pope might justly in this or that occasion Excommunicate or Depose this or that Prince upon these or these causes or whether precedent Popes have done well therein or no Then might some of these Reasons which you say your Friends do alledg be admitted into Consideration to wit Whether it could be in aedificationem or destructionem do hurt or good be profitable or improfitable or Whether the Causes be sufficient or no for without cause none holdeth that the Pope may depose Or Whether the due form of Admonition touched in your Letters were observed But forasmuch as the Question is de Potestate of the See-Apostolick Power What it may do upon any Cause or against any Catholick Prince whatsoever these Considerations of temporal hurt cannot enter Besides these I have conferred the matter with Cardinal Bellarmine and sundry others of great Learning and Conscience and all are of one opinion in this case That the form of the Oath as it lieth is Heretical and no way may be admitted by him that will not deny the Catholick Faith I had occasion twice to speak with his Holiness the first in company of Mr. * Kinsmanto the former Nic. Fitzherbert Thomas Fitzherbert where we proposed certain manners of Mitigation suggested by Friends c. Whereto his Holiness answered That as for any Actual using Censures against his Majesty he meant not but rather all Courtesie But as for the Authority of the See-Apostolick to wit using of Censures he was resolved and would rather lose his Head than yeeld one jot The second He being informed that some Priests did seem to incline to the taking of the Oath He answered He could not hold them for Catholicks c. Thus we see how the Plot was carried and how zealous the Pope and his Assistants were against the taking of this Oath as if it were enough to overthrow their whole Religion Though King James did assure them and the World That no decision of any one point of Religion was intended in this Oath For saith he as for the Catholick Faith Can there be one word found Apol. for the Oath pag. 63 in all that Oath tending or sounding to matter of Religion Doth he that takoth it promise there to believe or not to believe any Article of Religion Or doth he so much as name a true or a false Church there And as for St. Peter's Primacy I know no Apostle's Name that is therein named except the Name of JAMES it being my Christian Name Neither is there any mention at all made therein either disertis verbis or by any other indirect means either of the Hierarchy of the Church of St. Peter ' s Succession of the See Apostolick or of any such matter But however as if this Oath quite overthrew the Roman Religion and rendred the Pope no more powerful than his Predecessors were in the first Three hundred years out comes a Breve from his Holiness right or wrong expresly commanding the English not to take the said Oath upon any means whatever Part of which take as followeth Dilecti filii Salutem Apostolicam Benedictionem MAgno animi moerore Nos semper affecerunt Tribulationes Calamitates quas pro retinenda Catholica fide jugiter sustinuistis Sed cum intelligamus omnia hoc tempore magis exacerbari Afflictio nostra mirum in modum aucta est c. Non potestis absque evidentissima gravissimaque Divini honoris injuria obligare vos Juramento quod similiter maximo cum Cordis nostri dolore audivimus propositum vobis fuisse praestandum infra scripti tenoris viz. Ego A. B. c. Here was inserted the Oath it self Quae cum ita sint vobis ex verbis ipsis perspicuum esse debet quod hujusmodi Juramentum salva fide Catholica salute animarum vestiarum prastari non potest cum mulâ—a contineat quae fidei saluti aperte adversantur Propterea admonemus vos ut ab hoc atque similibus Juramentis praestandis omnino Caveatis Quod quidem eo acrius exigimus a vobis quia experti vestrae fidei Constantiam quae tanquam aurum in fornace perpetuae Tribulationis igne probata est Pro comperto habemus vos alacri animo subituros esse quaecunque atrociora Tormenta ac mortem denique ipsam constanter oppetituros potius quam Dei Majestatem ulla in re laedatis c. Praecipimus vobis ut illarum Literarum verba ad amussim servetis simpliciter prout sonant jacent accipiatis intelligatis sublata omni facultate aliter illa interpretandi c. Datum Romae apud S. Marcum sub Annulo Piscatoris x. Kal. Octob. 1606 Pontificatus nostri Anno secundo Dearly beloved Sons Greeting and Aposiolical Benediction THE Tribulations and Calamities which you have continually sustained for the keeping of the Catholique Faith hath always afflicted us with great grief of mind But for as much as we understand that at this time all things are more grievous our Affliction hereby is wonderfully encreased c. You cannot without most evident and grievous wronging of God's Honour bind your selves by the Oath which in like manner we have heard with very great grief of Heart is administred unto you of the tenor following viz. I A. B. c. Which things since they are thus it must evidently appear to you that such an Oath cannot be taken without wrong to the Catholick Faith and the salvation of your souls seeing it contains many things plainly contrary to Faith and Salvation Wherefore we admonish you That you do utterly abstain from taking this and the like Oaths Which thing we do the more earnestly require of you because we have experience of the constancy of your Faith which is tried like Gold in the fire of perpetual Tribulation We do well know that you will cheerfully undergo all kind of cruel Torments whatsoever yea and constantly endure Death it self rather than you will in any thing offend the Majesty of God c. We command you That you do exactly observe the words of those Letters and