A SOVERAIGNE SALVE TO CVRE THE BLIND OR A Vindication of the Power and Priviledges claim'd or executed by the LORDS and COMMONS in PARLIAMENT from the Calumny and Slanders of men whose eyes their Conscience being before blinded ignorance or malice hath hoodwinckt Wherein the fallacie and falsity of the Anti-parliamentary party is discovered their plots for introducing Popery into the CHURCH and Tyranny into the STATE are manifested The pretended fears of danger from Seperatists Brownists c. blowne away And a right way proposed for the advancing the just Honour of the King the due reverence of the Clergy the Rights and Liberty of the people and the renewing a GOLDEN AGE By J. M. Esquire Salus populi est Lex suprema Salus Parliamenti supremum privilegium LONDON Printed by T. P. and M. S. 1643. REader if thou expectest here a polite stile or fluent phrase thou wilt be deceived in thy expectation it is not Rhetorick but reason can satisfie the judgment which this Author intended the former may cozen the conscience and dazle simple men the latter onely can satisfie the Wise and lead to truth A rough Diamond is precious when the best wrought glasse is despicable the painted Oratory which best pleaseth the vulgar ill suits with the well becoming gravity of a Statist The right stating of many questions in the insuing Treatise hath necessitated the dilating of some sentences more then may stand with a pleasing stile yet it is not doubted but the lovers of Truth will find that performed which is promised Farwell SO many excellent Treatises as have been sent abroad to unblind the hoodwinkt world and all clearing this truth That the Parliament is and ought to be supreme Judge might make this seem needlesse but as for a sturdy sore many plaisters are but sufficient so will it not be mis-spent time by the clear demonstrations of truth and right reason to beat down that wall of the too-much-loved-ignorance which hitherto hath kept the divine light of the truth from entring into the dark therfore miserable souls of those deluded ones who with so much earnestnesse lay out their estates expose their families to a thousand miseries nay spend even their dearest bloud to inslave themselves and posterity Love and duty to religion and my countrey now flaming with the fire these men have kindled yet give fuell to yea even pitie to these men hath inforc'd a pen ever before still to expose it selfe to publike censure and if by this poor labour of mine any of these ignorantly erring men may be reduced I have my end as for those who inraged with malice willingly oppose the truth God hath provided her another champion even the sword to vindicate her selfe from the violence of those men on whom the power of reason hath no effect To attain this our end what readier way have we then 1. To discover the falsity of those pretences by which those men are deluded the miseries they bring themselves and posterity into if they yet persist 2. To discover the way to regain our now almost lost liberty and religion 3. To free us from the pretended fears of the invasion of our liberty by the Parliament or of our religion by Brownists Anabaptists and the like And here so many of these men who hitherto through ignorance passion and mistake have been enemies to the Parliament and in them to their religion countrey and themselves I say so many of these as by Gods providence this little Treatise shal com unto are wished out of due care love to the Protestant Religion so desperately undermined by Jesuiticall plots out of love to their poor countrey laws and liberty now at the last gasp as it were either to stand or fall out of pitie to themselves and their posterity designed even to Turkish slavery they would lay aside all prejudicate thoughts and seriously lay to heart the evidences of truth love and labour to defend it wheresoever they find it and in hopes they will do this I will proceed according to the method proposed which was first to discover the deceit of that sophistry by which these truth-haters delude their followers to clear the proceedings of the Parliament from all aspersions of wrong or injustice but because their arts of deceiving are many and it would require too much time to answer particulars therefore I shall endeavour to draw them to some few generals The first then we have to deal withall is this The soveraigne power claimed by the Lords and Commons in Parliament to provide for the Kingdomes safety is an intrenching on His Majesties just Rights and contrary to the knowne Lawes say those deceivers To answer this and in this the whole bulk of their objections against the Parliament I shall first propose this to your consideration Whether if the King having his royall name and authority abused by those about him or misled by his own passion or mistake do command and act things pernicious and destructive to the people religion liberty and lawes contrary to the end and trust of the first institutors of this Monarchy and to the contract at his coronation and convert the power of the people it self to back and carry on those designes refusing to hearken to the petitions of his people or Remonstrances of the great Councell of the Kingdome if in this case the people be remedilesse consider whether the condition of a free nation be not worse then that of a most miserable slave and whether the framers of this Monarchy have not provided better for the means then for the end it self the peoples welfare which is the end of all government For first being before in a free and happy estate every way it must bring it self into servitude and each man make one another mutually and those he holds dearest and his Countrey it self slaves and must expose his own life that he may take the lives of whosoever refuseth slavery Secondly besides thus each man being one anothers mutually and all their countreys executioners each must be bound to expose all he hath and his life as much as In him lieth to procure or advance the means of damnation of those he holds dearest nay of innumerable others and of himselfe Religion being part of the case Thus whereas it seems sufficient to the constitution of a slave not to have power to dispose of himself or of what he hath in a passive way onely in this case men must be positively active against themselves Thirdly and lastly a whole Nation cannot fly or run away from a condition so miserable and by any other meanes unavoidable as a particular slave may More might be said in this point but what needed thus much were not their Judgements with whom we deale as turbuâ—ent as the waters they have troubled which sort a possibilitie of delusion that yet may partly hoodwinke them must distinguish from the other part among them whom malice hath made utterly reason and
speake things that seeme to others offensive or to deserve animadversion and yet the house or major part punish it not they by such connivence for these men may be allowed to question still principles that the Parliament would doe dishonorably and yet come short of their malicious intents make it also this way their owne and so not these censors or any els but the Parliament as above appeared is to judge of the Parliament but such censors themselves are to be condemned by the Parliament for thus presuming or assuming to themselves the supreame power to judge besides particular charges and articles against such were to be offered to the House the accusers and witnesses to be produced and forth-comming that if they make not good their charges the parties unjustly molested and accused might have condigne reparations upon them and the House it selfe satisfaction the publique service thus causelesly interrupted and the integritie of the House called in question and the like appertaining to cases of this nature Such charges have been promised long since should suddenly appeare against the accused Members of the Parliament and by them as Justice earnestly required but appeare not all this while not so much as to the people abroad though this were not the right way which they so strive to incense against the Parliament but rather warre in stead of them and seeing so many of the very Members of the Houses of Parliament are their enemies falling off from them unjustly if none such still remaine among them were things appearing unjustifiable there said or done if it might stand with the libertie and power of Parliament not to have libertie of speech it might easily be made appeare in particular to the world and so complaint be made to the Parliament thereof if it were to any end to complaine there of that which hath already passed without punishment But seeing the Parliament hath power the case standing as before hath been shewed to doe in all things as they see cause by good consequence their speeches necessarily preparing discussing agitating concluding what is so to be done cannot be subject to any limitting questioning or accompt abroad nor in reason therefore are to be divulged in that sence this being incompatible with such power But then these haters of our Law-makers and Lawes say Many of both Houses are away and so the acts lesse valid but be the number remaining little yet the acts of the Major part of that number are still good For neither the King that called them away or countenanceth them that desert their stations may ailedge this nor the Members that voluntarily not upon trust in those that remaine or leave obteined abandon their places there and duties are to take the benefit either of their owne wrong whether negligence in such Members or worse perhaps nor of their owne unworthinesse as Cowardise to oppose what they liked not which feare admitting such could be argues still that they that feared were the lesser number though what needed they feare to speake freely a dissenting lesser number being ordinary and sometimes a very few perhaps scarce enough to make a number dissenting openly from the rest of the whole House without any inconvenience It being allowed for any to speake their minds whilst a matter is in agitation before it be settled If they say they goe away that they may not seeme to allow what would passe though they were present then the Major part concurres to what is done by their owne confession els why stay they not to oppose it If they say so many are gone without leave of the Houses as put together would make the Major part supposing this were true either such a Major part went away at once in a body and then it was their fault not to stay for then they being the Major part had prevailed or they went by little and little and then still it was a Major part of the remainder that concurred to what was done els it had not passed and so the acts still good If they fly to say that they who thus deserted the House out of feare did it not as fearing the Parliament but the people granting these men this which is not their due that such had cause to feare the people and that such base feare when as they pretend they were to stand for the King Countrey Lawes Liberties Religion and did not render them utterly unworthy their places it may be answered briefly they that remained and carried matters might feare the King as much or more but their cause was noble and good but these or the like Cavils will no more hoodwinke the people their onely course were to produce some publique act of Parliament that might certifie the world that the King and both houses have long since unanimously concurred to dissolve this Parliament else Sophistry will not carry it against the manifest truth By the premisses or rather by diverse excellent Tractates published by others to the same or the like effect I hope it is even as cleare that the Parliament is and ought to be the supreame Judge in publique matters now in question in England as what it is it hath judged and ordered touching these things by so many publique orders declarations and the like and consequently that reason wills that they be sacred in our esteeme and punctually obeyed and executed and so no need of warre and whosoever goeth against reason and truth goeth against God himselfe who is Prima summa pura ratio and it will concerne him nearely to looke to it whether he be stronger then God goeth against himselfe if he be a man and shall first finde a civill warre in himselfe before he can cause it in his Countrey upon such grounds and for his Majestie he cannot as he is a King but judge that that man thinks dishonourably of him who goeth about to perswade him that that can be for his good that is not for the good of his Kingdome and so sever what is so excellently joyned or that the great Counsell of the Kingdome is not the onely at least the very best and the onely sure and securing way without all doubt for that Prince to follow that intends the publique good and which will ever assuredly concurre with him to that end nor in opposing an arbitrary power which ill men about him for their owne private and wicked ends would induce Doth the Parliament any thing but disenable a Prince or rather those about him from doing ill or more properly from usurping such power which to what end is it in a good Prince which he will or can never reduce to act or use but the false or pretended Mother of the childe who would have it divided whom the wisdome of the King may discerne will whisper there is no thankes or glory to doe good unlesse he might have done evill and so did good freely since free will onely merits I beleeve they hold merits it seemes these malignants fetched not
prevailing upon the King would oppresse it for while they carry on by degrees and mature by little and little such their mysticall and pernicious designes which must be met with betimes in such tender and jealous matters before they advance and grow strong when caution comes too late and opposition out of season doth but exasperate and increase the evill they will cause the King by fit instruments for the purpose to pronounce judge or interpret each such degree or gaining a new and further point still lawfull and not subject to question however dangerous to the people in it self and of worse consequence till the mysterie at last unmask and all be desperate It may be superadded that should the Parliament be more jealous of the Prince then there were reason which yet as I hope hath appeared is not to be imagined of the wisdom and Justice of the Parliament yet it were the farre lesse evill that the Prince being but for the people should somewhat suffer by such the Parliaments jealousie which were but peccare in meliorem securiorem partem then that by the Parliaments too much security and beleeving in the Prince the people or whole kingdome should be endangered or oppressed for whose good they both are ordeined as means for the end Besides that the authority and politique infallibilitie of the Parliament must be by all that love their Countrey not blemished but held sacred and inviolate as supreame The King indeed saith he will defend and maintain the Laws Liberties properties of Subjects just priviledges of Parliament but even in saying this he seems to violate them if the thereby assume the supreame Judgement of them to himself which as already partly hath appeared and further hereafter may do cannot be Admit this Trojan horse into your walls allow this all of them may easily resolve into nothing Consider well what Judgement hath been made of the Laws the libertie the property of the Subject before this Parliament whilest a future Parliament was doubted and feared and therefore kept off as long as these Malignants could but their fear and hate shews what we ought ardently to desire and love whilest so many Monopolies Loane Conduct Coat Ship-money and the like grievances were brought upon us our persons not going Scotfree as consisting well and compatible with our laws liberties properties and adjudged lawfull which yet what did they or ere long going on at least would they have wanted of making them all meerly at discretion pleasure and will the meer names of such things remaining and used indeed as Trophees of their Conquest and monuments of our quondam felicity and at leasure to be lamented folly and eternall shame The danger of our Religion is not forgotten because not ranked in mention with the rest it shall have a better place by it self as a Queen sitting alone The Judgement made of priviledges of Parliament during this Parliament seem to have come little short of the Judgements made of our liberties properties c. and if it be duely weighed First that they will have the King to be judge of them then what Judgement hath been lately made both in fact and in words or Declarations of them a man meanly penetrant will find them resolved by the positions of these Malignants into next to nothing and all this while the Parliament was and is in vigour vindicates and asserts them and likely to call these men to account what will they make of them should they through the authority and reputation of this Parliament which is the essence of it peirce at once the heart of all future for a Parliament not free were no Parliament and if the King be allowed judge of priviledges of Parliament where any new case happens which may touch the very essence of it if it be any thing else then the priviledges will it not come to this that the Judges he appoints or rather such instruments as the Malignants about him please to set over us shall upon the matter judge the Parliament which is to Judge their Judges making it and the Laws what they please and to restrain the power and freedome of it as of the Laws as they think fit whereupon would follow even the same inconveniences which were before mentioned supposing the King the supreame Judge of the Laws namely that the Parliament should be disenabled to defend the people or indeed it self if incroached on or oppressed upon the same reasons in that place expressed But it seems more rationall that since the Parliament is to be Judge of the Laws as is above shewed nay even may make them at least in some cases it may judge as well of its own priviledges neither appears it in the Kings power to make them what he pleases save onely thus if he doth not exorbitate nor innovate any thing against them neither can the Parliament desire any alteration of them in any point betwixt it and the King concerning them But in case of extraordinarie emergents of never-before-heard of attempts on his part whither by any verball declaration or by fact whereby the priviledges authority or very being for it may trouble a good School-man to distinguish clearly betwixt these three it self of the Parliament is indangered it is reason that the priviledges now become any thing that the Parliament judges fit for the conservation of it self For the maine end and intent of the first ancient ordinary and usuall priviledges of Parliament being to enable and qualifie it for the due attending defending or advancing the publique good for which purpose they were judged sufficient by the first Institutors not suspecting such new invasions or attempts on them or on Parliaments as since have happened in more corrupted times but thinking them rather secure as part of the Laws or customes which Kings are bound to keep inviolate why should not the same end and intent which ever remains in equall force immortall and immovable work and move as well to the instituting even of new ones if new causes happen and without such new ones the Parliament shall remain disenabled to procure the publique good for which it was ordained and if the Parliament may in extraordinarie times as now make new Ordinances for the conservation of the people it may make if need require new Ordinances or Priviledges which are but the private Laws of or concerning the Parliament for its own conservation without which they cannot defend or conserve the people and in vain had it power to make new Ordinances upon new occasions for the publique good if it have no inherent power to make new priviledges or ordinances upon new emergent dangers to save it self Posse naturally and necessarily presupposing Esse as grounded on it Qui dat finem dat necessaria ad finem the priviledges being to defend and maintain the Parliament as the Laws the people and as Salus populi is lex suprema as before so it may as well be said Salus Parliamenti supremum
â—or conservation of the frame of the government the constitution of this Monarchy which the King declareth he admireth so much were most deficient in the most principall point of all namely the defending and preserving it selfe the very foundation and ground-work as the end of all otherwise provisions orders Laws without which what were they but folly and phantasie Nay were not the folly of the first institution rather to be as much admired as raising an instrument utterly unfit for the purpose it was meant for had it left the maine end of all that is the peoples safetie libertie happinesse in such a case as ours without all possible nay without any provision expresse or imployed by common intendment or analogie of reason or rule of Law though the true the naturall the best or the onely provision or remedie to keep Prince and people in their due temper were so at hand so facile so offering it self and if not before usuall yet used possibly at the very time of such an institution and for that very purpose namely a Parliament or other meeting of the like nature without provision I say against the greatest publick mischief of all that ultimum malum Reipublicae as divine Plato termes it arbitrary power or tyranny and that a mischief so likely to happen more so oft attempted nay actually happening But he that implores force not now to speak of what is pretended herein by words and that though but to resist the orders of that power whose part alone it is to remedie the people in our case doth in fact deny that this Monarchy hath made such provision or hath that power so necessary to help and defend it self or that the people in this case is remediable for by such having recourse to force or warre though but defensive he challengeth and assumeth all the power from the people to himself making himself supreme Judge of all upon the last resort of which somewhat more shortly But the King cannot be so in our present case in which he is a party in as much as the evill proceeds from ill counsell prevailing with him For to bring the hypothesis to a Thesis and not to stand alway on supposition taking it as a supposition that a king seduced may de facto make such attempts as are above put it is more evident of it self then that we need look on the fall of Liberty in France if not from the King nor Counsell about him consequently then whence is the remedie for our losse from the Judges what ever their will may be they want power aâ—â—â—â—twithstanding they still were present the mischief grew on 〈…〉 be then from the two Houses of Parliament onely unlesse you would have the whole Nation assemble personally as in the Vale of Jehosaphat if you suppose it possible and if possible fit for any thing but confusion except perhaps force the king having to speak with what reverence we can in this case excluded himself and the Clergie justly being excluded from such temporall distractions that it may attend the better and advance the celestiall and ecclesiastick more then enough to take up the ablest men wholly and not a little hindered and discredited by their so great greedinesse after worldly matters let them do their dutie let them teach truly live exemplarily like professors of mortification this will render the people so devoted to religion to them that they may securely trust the Parliament with all that touches them and safely make it their proxy themselves being absent and whilest thus spirituall matters are the better served and attended these and the temporall both receive the greater blessing but such diffidence and suspition in the Clergie if it should not be present in Parliament argues ill deserving since the justice and wisdom of the Parliament as principles of this government ought not to be questioned but how much more is the Clergie to receive at the hands of the Parliament that fuora i. preti i. e. Priests void the roome used by that Councel in Venice of which Bodin in the third book De republicâ the 3. Chapter then when they shall be found in life and doctrine unsound ill affected to the publick good accessarie to the evill to be remedied nay ardent to bring in or maintain either Papistry and idolatrie or at least a most scandalous symbolizing with it in temporall pride riches and greatnesse and even Antichristian domination through the breaches and ruins of their Countrey rather then even a Parliament shall question it The Parliament then and under this notion of the two Houses in these times understood being our onely remedie or rather Physitian it follows it may and is to be Judge of the danger or disease and that of power which is to remedie if it be so is to try whether it be so for without judgement or knowledge of the disease how can there be remedie or how shall the Physitian know what when and how to apply If it be the onely competent Judge of this our dangerous disease and of the meanes to meet with or expell it the knowledge of the remedie depending essentially upon the knowledge of the Maladie and receiving thence its Judications it hath consequently power to execute or act or cause to be executed or acted what it hath or shall judge or ordain necessary for the cure else such power to judge were vain and it would still return that the people were remedilesse But WISDOM or Judgement and POWER as they are divine coincidents and all one really and naturally where they are supreme and essentiall as in the Divine nature it being but our weaknesse of understanding to conceive them disjoyned so for principles of one facultie questioned are to be enforced from an higher facultie even in this supreme power on earth which as farre as frail mortalitie can bear imitates and represents that above they ought not to be by us apprehended separate but mutually presupposing or inferring one the other Let us adde to make up this terrestiall trinity Goodnesse which last may be understood in our present case a doing no unjust or dishonourable thing but wholly intending the publick good according to the peoples trust And it were an arch heresie in the policy of this Monarchy to disjoyn in our beleef or opinion the third from the two former And the Law saying no dishonourable thing is to be conceived of the Parliament it seems all one as to have said in other termes that it is the supreme Judge of the last resort and that even without the king if he hath excluded himself as above which is more then if he were far personally absent or otherwise casually disenabled and as much as if no king at all were for the time where all appeals are to rest and determine all men to acquiesse binding all from questioning what is there done and inferres the supreme power there to reside as being the whole kingdome in which it is radically and fundamentally
challenge at this present amounts to no lesse in effect as shall appeare the Parliament yet in vigour what then may we expect if they should prevaile by force which now their fallacies and deluding reasons are plainely discovered they flie unto What but that the Court and Parasites of it should wallow and revell in all licentiousnesse luxury excesse with pride avarice and tyranny proportionable whilest the rest languish under oppression slavery poverty disgrace perpetuall indignities or feares accompted as their beaâ—â—s to labour for them and so mediocritie a State which the wisest of men prayed for no where to be found but a deluge of vices froâ— coâ—trary causes till generall ruine involve altogether vertue and the glory of the Nation before extinct For we must not thinke thaâ— these which love their Countrey so well for which to doubt to dye were dishonour that they will not be quiet and sit still to save it for this much onely may suffice from the multitude of them the heads and leaders excepted nay can be content to ruine the glory libertie safetie of it even with the hazard of their estates lives honours soules so they may in some proportion share the spoiles of their Countrey and grow fat with the bloud and teares of the oppressed people We must not thinke they can doe thus but to the end to have greater meanes and power to beget more monstrous in all villany if it were possible These can fight against their Countrey to make themselves slaves to a few above them that the rest of their oppressed Countrey may be slaves to them slaves of slaves but I doubt not but these monsters unlesse reason transforme them shall meete with their Herculesses honest men and men of honour â—eady to die for their Countrey if need require judging such a death infinitely to be preferred before the lives of the chiefest of these should they obtaine what they seeke But let us end this patheticall flying out though it be hard for the inferiour faculties sometimes not to stirre when the understanding somewhat inlightened hath inflamed the will On the other side so divine a gift as this Parliament thankfully recognized and made use of duely and the just power and dignitie of the Parliament and therein all our happinesse wisely and manfully now once asserted moderation and mediocritie induced the Monarchy duely tempered may be in humaine probabilitie perpetuall and all the surfet become Physicke And this violent Feaver of the State having amazed and drawne to an head all the malignant humours before dispersed all over the body and lying dangerously hidden and set on fire consumed and expelled them like the filth of an house swept into an heape and burnt the whole body may be much clearer sounder and better disposed then had not such a distemper ever beene I hope it appeares already were there no more then these presented weake reasons to an ordinary rationall man if far better from others be too meane for his Majestie what way he is to take that all may be well and seeing but one side can be trusted with the power of the Kingdome which of them is most unlikely to tyrannize or reduce all to arbitrary government or which will most probably use it to the publique good onely or whether in such extraordinary times it doe not most safely repose where it is originally naturally inherent viz. in the peoples owne hands and so in the Parliaments Nay were the case hitherto dubious yet since libertie first made appointed limitted prerogative for they confine together as the people in whom is the radicall primary supreame power and who made Kings not Kings people thought best when it first made choice of or instituted this one forme of government among divers others which we call Monarchy and whereof there are sundry degrees in sundry States some more some lesse trusted or limited as the first founders pleased els why are they not all equall since free and voluntary agents worke or doe onely so much or so far as they please and the various subordinate degrees or kinds of the creatures prove the divine Majestie to be agens liberrimum els the creatures would be all equall an involuntary or naturall agent as Philosophy termes it ever working as much as it can or to the utmost extent or sphere of its power and activitie and so an equalitie in the effects since I say libertie or the people first created as I may say Prerogative and that so tempered modified or graduated as it thought most conducible to its owne happinesse for the supreame power ever worketh for it selfe rather then for the subordinate or inferiour as being the end the efficient and finall causes being here co-incidents it is just that this namely libertie judge and give law to that and that this if an unnaturall jarre fall out gaine and prosper rather then the other and since the people reserved ever in its owne hands and saved to it selfe upon the trust to the Monarchy what priviledges right of Parliament or liberties c. parcell of the originall power naturally in the people and which may draw backe to the fountaine the derivative power as the bloud and spirits to the heart when there is cause it thought best surely it must doe this with purpose to see them conserved as safely as may be and upon occasion to make use of them and enjoy them which could not be surely done without a power reserved to judge of the state of them and when they were to be used and the like for if the Prince be trusted touching the keeping himselfe within his limits he may even as well be trusted absolutely without limits nor such power to judge of them is to any purpose as above-said without power to execute what is judged hereupon fit So the Parliament judgeth in this case as the first authour and superintendent of the intent and is not as a partie to be judged Further were the matter yet dubious yet seeing the Protestant Religion the power being in the Parliaments hand is far more out of the reach of danger then the other way even without calling his Majesties good meaning into question therein as I hope anon will appeare it ought to put it out of all question how wee are to range our selves in these times The Parliament having our case so standing such power as is deduced whatsoever would seeme to oppose that power and stand in their way as they defend and assert the publique good so invaded must be voidable and usuall ordinary known lawes or customes made or in use supposing or whilest the Prince kept duely within his bounds which the King speakes so much of saying that he will ever governe by them and hold all to them but ever intending the publique good are no way to bound or tye up the transcendent power of the Parliament when it shall encounter new and never before heard of exorbitances or invasions of the publique good which the times that
once taken up and victorious or the King be able to make good his faith or word And are not they the fittest and surest meanes to conserve a State that have been thought and found such for the acquiring But be this as it may it is clear that can the Papist bring the matter to an absolute and arbitrary government and render the prerogative immense and even divine they gaine a maine point on our religion for then between them and the heaven of their desires there were interposed but the turning of one will and that one alreadie prepared disposed and inclined to them by such meritorious supererogatory service and further propitiated by the so strong intercessions how strong to speak like those we have to do with when used by her that may in somethings even command our soveraigne Ladie Mary I had rather seem to some a little too much tyed to sence onely and to the present times we yet live in when I presumed to use that phrase turn or change of one will then with others by the abstraction of a potent imagination found worthy to have been rapt into the glorie of those times in stead of change of will to have used a phrase or sence seeming to such more orthodox terming it rather an externall manifestation and declaration onely to us here below of that which was ever from the beginning predestinated internally since in Gods no reall change nor shadow of change but the other way a whole Parliament at least must be first turned and that in Diametrall opposition with the Papist and should forreign Force come in by Portsmouth Plymouth or Falmouth what if we adde Ireland to induce Tyranny Religion runs equall hazard with the State And it may be the Kings forces running lately with so strong bias so eagerly at Banbury Warwicke Coventry c. esteemed most opposite indeed to the Papist though perhaps not otherwise direct to the first or maine mark for the present of these Malignants may judicate and argue without any sophistry a present complication of the disease and the duplicity of the designe and danger or if not a present essence of a double disease yet a dangerous maladie now in being alreadie but breaking out into a symptome more to be taken heed of then the very disease and depending on it But they object our Religion is on the other hand more indangered by Brownisme Anabaptisme c. suppose this true and that these should get strength nay prevail with the Parliament which it is charged to promote upon as likely as strong and even the same grounds as it is to affect the change of the Monarchy yet as we said of we know not what new form of government supposing ridiculously the Parliament did introduce it it were easily dissolvible so obscure Brownisme or Anabaptisme were much more easily mastered and redressed then most politick potent all over bearing Papistry likely to be backed with forreigne force which I think none will say is to be feared from those other scarce known weak poore Sects whose obscurity and paucity hides rather and exempts from animadversion and would the Parliament attempt this though we might justly refuse to dispute with those that denie principles in this kingdoms policie calling still in question the wisdom Justice and honour of Parliaments could it ever effect it without the peoples concurring Papistry so increased at home so countenanced might if it doth not already with their good friends help in Ireland and elsewhere hope to force entrance How foolish then is it for the people to fear that which can never take effect unlesse it self will have it so I fall unawares upon the same answer here used before touching the supposed change of the State because the false grounds they would seem to go on here and there seeming the same and if the whole kingdom or people will have it so there is no opposing But hath not the Parliament taken a voluntarie Oath besides so many publique Protestations and other obligations to us the Scots and the States of the Low Countreys for the maintenance of the Protestant Religion which they are too wise and just needlesly to have done and so should they do otherwise to incurre most justly universall falling of or rather falling on them had they had any intent ever to have done as these would seeme to fear to direct us here also from looking at the true fear and danger nay to draw us with our own hands to pull it on us we may superadde that the voluntary oaths of such a multitude as the Parliament on whom no suspition at all can fasten of inclining to that religion which takes upon it to dispence with oaths and equivocations and thereby with the Law of God Nature and Nations which intended to advance it will by Gods justice advance the ruine of it are better security then our Malignants have or can give us on the other side the Antithesis in each part inquired into duely as the subject well deserves But these men would here also take benefit of their own wrong according to their usuall method it may appear what correspondence or good intelligence the maine dangers of our Religion and State still hold mutually or how they resemble Necessity of the State nay of the very preservation of it self whereof these Objectors are manifestly the authors may justly and too evidently doth compell the Parliament to the setling of Religion though the end of policy and however first in esteeme and intention yet not so in the time of execution alwayes after the ordering of politick affairs and in such desperate times as these not to do this were but a sacrifice without salt a foolish superstition like that of the Jews who would rather sit still and so suffer themselves to be cut in pieces by the capitall enemies of their State and Religion contrary to David who in necessitie spared not the very Shewbread who maliciously invaded them purposely at such a time then arme or fight upon such necessitie on their Sabbath Which they complain the Parliament will not now do which should it now one ruine might involve both Church and State both at once yet hath it not altogether even such times notwithstanding left it self without some testimony of their good intentions herein as particular Acts or Orders of theirs do shew to the world but the attempts and facts of the Malignants evident to all men apologize too well for the Parliament in this point without any words from any man if we weigh the desperate estate of publicke affaires well in these times caused by the malice of these Monsters which times forcing us for a while to content our selves with an implicite or generall faith as touching the ordering reforming or setling of other particulars concerning Religion which cannot for the said necessarie reasons and the like be yet effected yet we have besides many other raducements obvious enough to confirm such implicite faith this also that of
honour authoritie name person to be made their instrument against his people he may translate the said faintnes from them on himselfe though when all is done they are unsafely trusted who have before broken the great tye that to their Countrey else he must fly to forreigne helpe But on the other side the free Subjects duely interessed in the State loving it living like men defend invade the other nobly couragiously as in heart and men of honour and as oft for the good of the conquered with greater power as universally to be trusted Not to insist on riches the nerves of Warre infinitly increased by industry so encouraged by industry lost by servitude but what needs more or indeed so much if any thing in a matter so apparent Wee now have beene rapt sufficiently into the goodly imaginary heaven and the glory of it but with an hell of inextricable miseries to the Prince and people which these Gods of the infinite prerogative pretended are raising for themselves through a government at will but by such meanes and in such manner as shews they beleeve or hope for no other heaven hereafter These things being thus it must follow that those that oppose the Parliament and in it the kingdom in whom is the supreame power as reason hath evinced since contestation hapning as now between King and people the people must carry it oppose their Countrey reason right and the truth moved by defect of judgement or worse principles converting themselves and their power received from their Countrey to enable them to serve and defend it to the ruine of it and of all that is precious to men of honour and consequently that they are guiltie of their owne bloud and of all the bloud and miseries which this unnaturall monstrous warre may cause a means suitable indeed to the end they force themselves to compasse nor can unpartiall posteritie judge of them otherwise then as Parricidae patriae and damnatae memoriae if all this be not of force with them to descend deeply into themselves and to weigh whether they be in state fit for death every moment at least they may deigne this last motive the honour of a deep and sad thought or two whether thus obstinately persisting they contract not before God another way a guilt to contribute or be accessary to the endangering or perdition of their owne and innumerable soules in another kinde and more directly and highly there being aliquid sacri in hoc morbo and Religion sharing the hazard as abovesaid but if the premisses have not power to inferre thus much with them yet I hope at least they are not so irrationall so extravagant as that these men can truely beleeve that they are onely to be confuted and those that maintaine such tenents to be instructed by a civill warre but if folly and defect of that reason that should governe men or a violent forcing tyrannizing and enslaving their reason and conscience by enormous and monstrous passions and sinnes the two originall causes of slavery be by no art to be severed from these men but they must and will by still persisting apply these two said generall causes of servitude particularly and expresly or in a speciall manner now to draw it upon them it is not unlikely most of them and their posteritie and friends may finde and prove the effect as inseperable from the causes thus redoubled and enforced as the causes from themselves should they be so unhappy as to carry what they by such meanes so pursue and however some dequoy indulgence may be used towards them to draw others till all be in the power of the principall malignants the like we may say of their cunning enforcing themselves not yet to declare all the depth of their malicious intentions towards those they disarme or any way get within their power using them as staiking horses till by seeming for the present to leave these in a tolerable condition they may make others stand out lesse resolutely or warily and so drawing still to them make all sure at last and at their discretion though even whilest matters are yet dubious the infernall are of malice hate crueltie jealousie and the like which is in their hearts sometimes cannot but flash out in divers enormous words or acts such present indulgence I say notwithstanding of the malignant partie let not these men thinke that it having all once at its dispose and made sure will judge it may securely repose on such of the Nation as have violated wittingly willingly the greatest tye on earth by being traytors to their Countrey or on those that loving their Countrey have been violently or fraudulently disarmed or on them that not intending the disservice of their Countrey but seduced by specious pretences have voluntarily assisted the malignant partie when time and plaine experience shall have disabused these two sorts and afford meanes of redeeming their Countrey and themselves will not the malignants rather have recourse to forreigne protection or forces an usuall refuge of an arbitrary or tyrannicall government especially succeeding and having usurped libertie of the Subject as abovesaid under colour of being guards garrisons auxiliary forces joyned in league or the like as France useth the Switzers the French Nation forsooth not populous or warlike enough It is true the Spaniard though not governing at discretion as the French useth the Switzers also but not upon jealousie and diffidence of their own people for ought I find as France doth but for want of men or some other reason of State and may not many strangers already here also be imployed then may these Zelots of the Malignants share largely in contributing to the wages of their forreigne Masters and be put to maintain their own servitude as they stood to bring it in with all their power But God be praised these men unlesse they speedily come in and make their peace are on the point rather of falling under the sword of Justice in the hand of the Parliament and it is not to be doubted but God himself whom they have by sundrie passages too notorious if we may so speak made a party against themselves these Atheists belike thinking he is grown old and impotent and cannot drown these Egyptians in a red sea of their own blood if they with diabolicall obstinacie go on as Lucian that old Atheist said of the Pagan gods in his time because they begot no more sons and daughters will resist and defend himself and his were humane meanes wanting against these publique oppressors of the people in intention and endeavour which they ought to expose their lives to defend and protect And for those that stand alreadie for that Palladium of their Religion and Countrey the Parliament as they are herein duely sensible of themselves and honour so out of the same feeling they cannot but so lively ardently and speedily concurre with all their power if need require when all their fortunes and all that is dear to such