family though the remainder of the Nobility and Gentry in the land should be sent over by him some to worke in fetters in his Mines of Peru Others in chaynes to row all their dayes in his gallayes in the Mediterrane for all these or any other imaginable acts of tyrannie that could escape the wicked head of any mad Nero of any monstrous Caligula these men doe openly take upon them to perswade that no kind of resistance for defence can be made by the whole States of a land though sitting in Parliament with a most harmonious consent no more nor the Jewes might have done against Nabuchadnezer or the Christians of old against the Pagane Emperours or the Greek Church this day against the grand Signieur in Constantinople that all our forbeares both English and Scots in their manifold bickerings against the misleaders of their Princes against the tyrannizing factions of Court were ever Traytors and Rebels and ought to have losed their heads and lands for their presumption to defend their liberties against the intolerable insolencies of a pack of runigat Villanes and for their boldnesse to fasten the tottering Crowne upon the head of their Kings all such Services of our Antecessours to King and Country were treacherous insurrections If for all these their crimes I make speak before you no other witnesses then their 〈◊〉 tongues J trust there shall not remain in your minds the least shadow of any scruple to believe my allegations nor in your wils the least inclination to joine with the counsels of so polluted and self 〈◊〉 persons And if to men whose open profession in their printed bookes let be secret practises leades to so wicked ends so far contrare to the glorie of God to the honour and safety of our King to the well of us all whether in Soule body 〈◊〉 children or any thing that is deare to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lead your armes against us we believe the Lord of 〈◊〉 the righteous Judge would be 〈◊〉 to you and make hundreds of your 〈◊〉 in so 〈◊〉 a cause 〈◊〉 before ten of ours Or if it were the profound and unsearchable pleasure of the God of Armi s to make you for a time a scourge to beat us for our manifold transgressions yet when yee had obtained all the Prelats 〈◊〉 when wee for our other sins were tred under your 〈◊〉 we would for all that hope to die with great comfort 〈◊〉 courage as defenders of the truth of God of the liberties and lawes of our 〈◊〉 of the true good and honour of the 〈◊〉 and Royall Familie All which as wee take it one of the most wicked and unnaturall 〈◊〉 that ever this Isle did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manifestly 〈◊〉 yet certainly we could not but leave in our Testament to you our unjust oppressors the legacie of an untimous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for when yee have killed thousands of us and banished the rest out of the Isle when on the back of our departure your sweet 〈◊〉 the Bishops have brought the Pope upon you and your children when a French or Spanish invasion doth threaten you with a slavish conquest will yee not then all and above all our gracious Prince regrate that he hath beene so evill advised as to have put so many of his brave Subjects to the cruell sword who were very able most willing to haue done him noble service against these forraine usurpers Would not at such a time that is too likely to be at hand if our Prelates advises now be followed both his Majestie and all of you who shall 〈◊〉 in life he most earnest recallers not onely of your owne Country-men many thousands whereof yee know have lately by Episcopall tyranny beene cast out from their 〈◊〉 as far as to the worlds end among the savadge Americans but also the reliques of our ruine from their banishment with as great diligence as in the time of Fergus the second the inhabitants of this land did recall our ancestors when by the fraud and force of a wicked faction they were the most part killed and the rest sent over Sea in banishment It were better by much before the remedilesse stroke be given to be well advised then out of time to sigh when the millions of lost lives when the happinesse of our true Religion when the liberties of both the nations once thrown away by our owne hands can not againe bee recovered To the end therefore that such lamentable inconveniences may be eshewed and your Honors the more animate to deny your power to those who now possibilie may crave to have it abused against us without cause beside numbers of pressing reasons wherewith I doubt not every wise man amongst you is come well enough 〈◊〉 from his owne considerations and which J trust shall be further presented in plenty by these of our Nation who have ever beene at the head of our affaires whom God hath still enabled to cleare the justice and necessitie of all our proceedings hitherto to the minds of all save our infatuat adversaries whom superstition and rage hath blinded If it might be your Honours pleasure when all the rest have ended I could wish that euen vnto me a little audience were given my zeale to the truth of God to the peace of this Isle to the honour of our deare and gratious Soveraigne imboldeneth me to offer even my little myte of information This is a period of time when the obstinate silence of those who are most obliged by their places and gifts to speake must open the mouths of sundrie who are not by much so able verie babes yea stones must finde a tongue when Pharisees deny their testimonie to CHRIST ` Dumbe men will get words when a father when a King let bee a whole kingdome by the wickednesse of a few is put in extreme perrill of ruine An Asse will finde 〈◊〉 when the devouring sword of an Angel if drawne against the Master Nothing more common in the Roman Annals then the speaches of very Oxen before any calamitie of the Common-wealth The claiking of Geese did at a time preserve the 〈◊〉 Amiclae was lost by too much silence The neglect of the voice of a Damosel the contempt of Cassandraes warning the casting of her in bands for her true but unpleasant speach did bring the Trojane horse within the wals and with it the quick ruine both of the city and Kingdome J hope then that the greatnesse of my undertaking may 〈◊〉 me a little audience for J offer to make you all see with your owne eyes and heare with your owne eares the Canterburians to declare by their owne tongues and write downe under their own hands their cleare mindes to bring in our Church Arminianisme and compleet Popery and in our State a slavery no lesse then Turkish If yee finde that I prove my offer I trust I may bee consident of your Wisedomes that though Cicero himselfe and with him Demosthenes as a second and Orpheus with the 〈◊〉
examples to prove that Bourton and his like deserved no lesse than publike execution And yet these men are so gentle to Papists that they glorie in their meeknesse towards them professing that to the bitterest of the Jesuites they have never given so much as a course word So Canterburie in his Epistle the other yeare to the King before the relation of the conference God forbid that I should ever offer to perswade a persecution in any kind against the Jesuites or practise it in the least for to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as 〈◊〉 language King Charles hates all tyranny o His Majesties speech in Parliament 28. p. 75. The peoples liberties strengthen the Kings prerogative and the Kings prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties p Proclamation at York April 25. 1639. We heartily declare and faithfully promise that although wee bee now in armes they shall be no wayes used either to force upon that our native Kingdome any innovation of religion or to infringe any of the civill liberties or the lawes thereof accounting it our glorie to preserve libertie and freedome among them according to their Lawes Therefore wee 〈◊〉 once againe by this renew our former promises for the maintenance of Religion and Lawes and this we doe in all sinceritie of heart we take God the Searcher of all hearts to witnesse that as we are Defenders of the true Protestant Religion which we from our heart professe so we trust we shall by his goodnesse continue in the same and never shall permit any innovation to 〈◊〉 in this or any other of our Kingdomes One of the articles of Dunce pacification is this We are further graciously pleased that according to the Petitioners humble 〈◊〉 all matters Ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the Assemblies of the Church and matters 〈◊〉 by the Parliament and other inferiour Judicatories established by Law which accordingly shall be kept once a yeare or so oft as the affaires of the Church and Kingdome shall require q Cant. relat p. 112. In some Kingdomes there are divers 〈◊〉 of greatest consequence which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered but in and by Parliament and particularly the Statute Lawes which must bind all the Subjects cannot bee made or ratified but there the supreme Magistrate in the civill State may not abrogate Lawes made in Parliament thogh hee may cispense with the penaltie of the Law quoad hic nunc r The which seditious discourse and writing the authors therof intended should bee dispersed as if the same had beene entertained by your 〈◊〉 with purpose to put it in execution and to alter the ancient Laws of this Kingdom and to draw all things to your Majesties absolute will and pleasure and to dispose of your Subjects goods without their consent and to make and repeale Lawes by your Majesties Proclamation only without consent of Parliament which if it should be beleeved by your people could not but raise infinite discontent amongst them the consequence whereof might be of extreme and almost inevitable danger to your Majesties person and to the whole frame of the Kingdome s Bilson of Subjection p. 280. Neither will I rashly pronounce all that resist to be Rebels Cases may fall out even in Christian Kingdomes where people may plead their right against the Prince and not be charged with rebellion As for example if a Prince should go about to subject his Kingdome to a forraine Realme or change the forme of the Common-Wealth from Emperie to Tyranny or neglect the Lawes established by common consent of Prince and people to execute his owne pleasure in those and other cases which might be named if the Nobles and Commons joyne 〈◊〉 to defend their ancient and accustomed libertie regiment and lawes they may not well be counted Rebels Ib. By superiour powers ordained of God we do not meane the Princes private will against his lawes but his precepts derived from his lawes and agreeing with his lawes which though it be wicked yet may it not be resisted by any subject with armed violence but when Princes offer their subjects no justice but force and despise all lawes to practise their lusts not any private man may take the sword to redresse the Prince but if the lawes of the land appoint the Nobles as next to the King to assist him in doing right and withhold him 〈◊〉 doing wrong then bee they licenced by mans law so not prohibited by Gods Law for to interposethemselves for the safeguard of equitie and innocencie and by all lawfull and needfull meanes to procure the Prince to bee reformed but in no case to deprive him where the Scepter is inherited Ibid. pag. 94. Spoiles massacres conspiracies treasons even to the destruction and murther of Princes by their owne servants if a Priest say the word you count in your selves to bee just honourable and godly war if others do but 〈◊〉 on their guard to keep their lives and families from the blinded rage of their enemies seeking to put whole townes and provinces to the sword against all law and reason and to disturb Kingdomes in the minoritie of the right Governours or if they defend their Christian and ancient liberties covenanted and agreed upon by those Princes to whom they first submitted themselves and ever since confirmed and allowed by the Kings that have succeeded If in either of these two cases the Godly require their right and offer no wrong neither impugne their Princes but onely save their owne lives you crie rebellious Hereticks rebellious Calvinists surie frenzie mutinie and I know not what yee may pursue depose murther Princes when the B. of Rome bids you and that without breach of duty law or conscience to God or man as you vant And that when neither life nor limme of you is touched we may not so much as beseech Princes that we may be used like subjects not like slaves like men not like beasts that we may be convented by lawes before Judges not murthered by Inquisitors in corners but incontinent the fume of your uncleant mouth is ready to call us by all the names you can devise The Canterburians flatter the King in much more power than ever he will take And 〈◊〉 him without advice of the Clergy to doe in the Church what he pleaseth t H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answer p. 28. What spirit leads you that you are 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 Power which men of better understanding than you have given to Princes Ib. p. 32. Princes are Gods deputes of whom should they be limited if ye say by the Laws of the land those themselves have made a prince in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is above the lawes though in concreto a just prince will not breake the lawes which himselfe hath promised to observe otherwise wee say of princes Principi lex non est posita that they doe not governe onely by the 〈◊〉 but are above it that he is sure and hath an absolute authority Ibid. p. 〈◊〉 I
THE LIFE OF WILLIAM Now Lord Arch-Bishop of CANTERBVRY EXAMINED Wherein his principall Actions or Deviations in matters of Doctrine and Discipline since he came to that Sea of Canturbury are traced and set downe as they were taken from good hands by Mr. Robert Bayley a Learned Pastor of the Kirk of Scotland and one of the late Commissioners sent from that Nation Very fitting for all judicious men to reade and examine that they may be the better able to censure him for those thing wherein he hath done amisse Reade and Judge LONDON Printed for N B in the Yeare of Grace 1643. Summa Capitum THE Preface showeth the unreasonablenesse of this new warre That we have committed nothing against the late pacification That compasson hope and all reason call now for peace at home that at 〈◊〉 we may get some order of our enemies abroad That the Canterburian faction deserves not so well of England that armes in their favour ought to be taken against Scotland We offer to instruct their insupportable crimes by their owne writs If armes be needlesly taken in so evill a cause they cannot but end in an untimous repentance In this nick of time very poore wits without presumption may venture to speake even to Parliaments The obstinate silence of the English Divines is prodigious CHAP. I. The delineation of the whole subsequent Treatise OVR Adversars decline to answere our first and chiefe challenge The scope of this writ All our plea is but one cleare syllogisme the Major whereof is the sentence of our Iudge the Minor the confession of our party the conclusion a cleare and necessar consequence from these two premisses CHAP. II. The Canterburians avowed Arminianisme ARminianisme is a great and dangerous innovation of our Religion King James his judgement therof the great increase of Arminianisme in Scotland by Canterburies meanes King Charles his name stolne by Canterburie to the defence of Arminianisme the Irish Church infected with Arminianisme by Canterburie the Canterburians in England teach the first and second article of Arminius Why King James stiled Arminians Atheists they teach the third and fourth article Also the fifth the Arminians in England advanced their opposites disgraced and persecuted Canterburie and his fellowes contrare to the Kings Proclamation goe on boldly to print let be to preach Arminian tenets A demonstration of Canterburies Arminianisme in the highest degree they make Arminianisme consonant to the articles of England and so not contrare to the Proclamation CHAP. III. The Canterburians professed affection towards the pope and popery in grosse ONce they were suspected of Lutheranisme but at last Poperie was found their marke To make way for their designes they cry downe the Popes Antichristianisme They are content to have the Popes authoritie set up againe in England their mind to the Cardinalat they affect much to be joined with the Church of Rome as shee stands CHAP. IIII. The Canterburians joine with Rome in her grossest idolatries IN the middes of their denyalls yet they avow their giving of religious adoration to the very stock or stone of the altar As much adoration of the elements they grant as the Papists require In the matter of images their full agreement with Rome About relicts they agree with Papists they come neere to the invocation of Saints CHAP. V. The Canterburians avow their embracing of the popish heresies and grossest errours THey joine with Rome in setting up traditions in prejudice of Scripture In the doctrine of faith justification fulfilling of the Law merit they are fully Popish In the doctrine of the Sacraments behold their Poperie they are for the reerection of Monasteries and placing of Monks and Nunnes therein as of old How neere they approach to Purgatorie and prayer for the dead CHAP. VI. Anent their Superstitions FEW of all Romes superstitions are against their stomack They embrace the grossest not only of their privat but also of their publick superstitions CHAP. VII The Canterburians embrace the Messe it selfe THey cry downe so farre as they can all preaching They approve the masse both for word and matter The Scotish Liturgie is much worse then the English Many alterations into the Scotish specially about the 〈◊〉 the consecration the Sacrifice the Communion CAP. ULT. The Canterburian maximes of Tyrannie THE tyrannous usurpation of the Canrerburians are as many and heavie as these of the Romish Clergie King Charles bates all tyrannie the Canterburians flatter him in much more power then ever he will take they enable the 〈◊〉 without advice of the church to do in allEcclesiasticall affairs what he thinks meet They give to the King power to doe in the State what ever he will without the advice of his Parliament In no imaginable case they will have the greatest tyrants resisted What they give to Kings is not for any respect they have to Majestie but for their owne ambitious and covetous ends The chiefe witnesses which in the following action are brought in to 〈◊〉 WIlliam Lad Archbishop of Canterbury in his speach before the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his relation of his conference with 〈◊〉 Fisher is it was the last yeare amplified and reprinted by the Kings direction In Andrewes opuscula posthuma set out by him and dedicated to the King B. Whyt of Eli in his treatise vpon the Sabbath and his answere to the lawlesse Dialogue B. Montagu of Chichester in his answer to the gagger in his appeale in his antidiatribae in his apparatus in his origines B. Hall of Exeter in his old Religion set out with his owne apologie and the apologie of his friends M. Chomley and M. Butterfield In his remedie of profainnesse Peter Heylen Chaplane in ordinar in his answer to Burton set out as he sayes by the command of authority as a full and 〈◊〉 Reply to be expected against all the exceptions which commonly are taken at my Lord of Canterbury his actions in his antidotum Lincolinense subscribed by Canterburies Chaplane D. Pottar Chaplane in ordinar in his charity mistaken as he prints at the command of authority D. Laurence chaplane in ordinar in his sermon preached before the King and printed at the command of authority D. poklingtoun in his Sunday no Sabbath in his altare Christianum subscribed by Canterburies Chaplane Christopher Dow in his answere to Burton subscribed by Canterburies Chaplane Couzine in his devotions the fourth edition subscribed by the B. of London his owne hand Chounaeus in his collectiones Thelogicae dedicated to my L. of Canterburie and subscribed by his Chaplane Shelfoord in his five pious Sermons printed at Cambridge by the direction of the Vice-chanceler D. Beel set out with a number of Epigrames Latine English by divers of the university fellowes defended yet still by Heylene and 〈◊〉 in their bookes which Canterbury hath approved Anronie Stafford in his female glory printed at London and not withstanding of all the challenges made against it yet still defended by Heylene Dow in their approved writs
William Wats in his sermon of apostolicall mortification Giles Widowes in his schismaticall Puritan Edward Boughen in his Sermon of order and 〈◊〉 Mr. Sp. of Queenes Colledge in Cambridge in his Sermon of Confession Samuel Hoards an his sermon at the Metropoliticall visitation Mr. Tedders in his sermon at the visitation of the B. of Norwitch all subscribed by the hands of my L. of Canterburies Chaplane Bray Oliver-Baker or some others THE PREFACE IT is fallen out much beside our expectation that the storme of war should now againe begin to blow when we did esteeme that the mercy of GOD and justice of our Prince had setled our Land in a firme Peace for many generations at least for many days and ever while some appearance of provocation should have arisen from us for the kindling of 〈◊〉 wrath of our enraged enemies whose fury though we know well not to be quite extinguished yet we did surely think itwould not break forth in haste in any publick and open flame till some new matter had bin furnished or some probable colour of a new quarrell could have beene alledged against us When we have scattered that cloud of calumnies which bytheir 〈◊〉 and pens they had spread abroad of our rebellion and many other odious crimes when by our frequent supplications informations 〈◊〉 declarations and other writs we have cleared 〈◊〉 the justice of our cause the innecency of our proceedings to all the ingenuous mindes of the I le and to so many of our neighbour nations as have bin desirous to 〈◊〉 of our affairs when our gracious and just Prince in the very heat of his wrath 〈◊〉 alone by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even while armes were in his hand hath beene moved with the unanimous consent of all his English Counsel of all his Commanders whole army to acknowledge us good and loyall subjects And after a full hearing of our cause in his campe to professe his satisfaction to pronounce us free of those crimes which before were falsly blazed of us to send us all home in peace with the tokens of his favor with the hearty embracements of that army which came against us for our ruine When we in a generall assembly of our Church with the kwowledge full consent of his Majesties highCommissioner whole 〈◊〉 have justified our opposition to the innovation of our Religion Lawes by the Prelates our excommunication of them therefore the renewing of our Covenant and all the rest of our Ecclesiasticall proceedings when our States in Parliament were going on in a sweet harmony to confirm the weaknesses set right the disorders of our Estate and that no farther then cleare equity reason law yea the very words of the pacificatory edict did permit when our whole people were minding nothing but quietnesse having cast their 〈◊〉 under the feet of our reconciled King put all their castles canons in his hand without any security but the royall Word received heartily all those fugitives who had taken armes in the Prelates cause against theirCountry having no other mind but to sit down with joy and go about our own long neglected businesse praising God blessing the King The martiall minds among us panting for languor to be imployed over sea for the honor of the crown in spending their bloud against the insolent enemies of his Majesties house While these are our onely thoughts It was more then marveilous to us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the dumbe and obscure whisperings and at once the loud blasts the open threats of a new more terrible cruell war then before should come to our ears that our Castles should be filled with strangers be provided with extraordinary victuals and munition 〈◊〉 against a present assault or long siege Many of our Nobles tempted to leave our cause numbers of assays made to break the unity of all our Estates And at last our Parliament commanded to arise the commissioners therof after a long wearisome journy to Court for the clearing of some surmised mistakes about moods forms of proceeding refused presence A 〈◊〉 in England indicted as the rumour goeth to 〈◊〉 that nation our dearest neighbors with whom our cause is common to imploy their means and armes against us that so our old nationall and immort all wars may be renewed to make sport to Prelates a bridge for the Spaniard or French to come over sea and sit downe masters of the whole I le when both nations by mutuall wounds are disabled for defence against the force of 〈◊〉 enemy so potent as either France or Spain are this day of themselvs without the assistance which too like shall be made them by the Papists of the I le and many moe who will not faile to joyne for their own ends with any apparent victor We admire how it is possible that intestine armes without any necessity should be taken up at this season when all the forces the whole 〈◊〉 can spare are most earnestly called for by the tears of his Majesties only sister by the bloud and long desolation of her most miserable Subjects by the captivity and banishment of all 〈◊〉 hopefull Children Prince Charles lying daily under the hazard of the French Kings mercie at 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prince Robert of the Emperors at Vienne the rest of that royall bloud lying so many yeares with their Mother 〈◊〉 in a strange Country Pitty would command us to put up all our homeward quarrels though they were both great and many let be to 〈◊〉 any where 〈◊〉 reall can be sound Yea hope would allure us to try 〈◊〉 if ever our Armes on those spitefull Nations the hereditary enemies of our Religion and of our Ile when 〈◊〉 hath made them contemptible by the cleere successe he giveth daily 〈◊〉 every one that riseth against them Bannier with a wing of the Swedish Army dwelling in spite of the Emperor all this yeare in the heart of his Countries a part of Weymers forces with a little helpe from France triumphing on the Rhene for all that Baviere Culen the Emperor or Spaniard can doe against them That very strong and great Armado all utterly crushed in our eyes by the Hollanders alone without the assistance of any The very French not the best sea-men having lately beaten oftner then once the Spanish navies in the Mediterran the Spanish Empire labouring of a dangerous fever both at home and abroad the Portugallians in spite of Philip crowning Iohn of Braganza for their King the Catalonians putting themselves in subjection to the French Crown Naples and West-flanders brangling the Fleet of the States almost domineering in the Westindian seas Shall we alone sit still for ever shal we send always 〈◊〉 but base contemtible derided 〈◊〉 to these 〈◊〉 Princes shal we feed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with their scornfull promises which so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have sound to our great disgrace 〈◊〉 false yea rather then to beat them by that aboundance of power which we have if God will give us an
such a cause may be the more willing at this time to contribute for our assistance from God the helpe of their earnest Prayers and for ever hereafter to condole with the more hearty compassion any misery which possibly may befall us in such a quarrell Albeit truly our hopes are yet greater then our 〈◊〉 if we could become so happy as once to get our plea but entred before our Prince for wee can hardly conceive what in reason should hinder our full 〈◊〉 of a favourable decision from that Sacred mouth whose naturall equity the World knows in all causes whereof he is impartially informed since our whole action is nought but one formall argument whereof the Major is the verdict of our judge the Minor shall be the open and avowed Testimony of our party need wee feare that either our Judge or party will be so irrationall as to venture upon the deniall of a conclusion whereof both the premisses is their own open profession Our Major is this Who ever in the Kings Dominions spreads abroad Popery or any doctrine opposite to the Religion and Laws of the Land now established ought not to be countenanced but severely punished by the King This Major the King hath made certaine to us in his frequent most solemne asseverations not only at his Coronation both here and in England in his Proclamations both here and there but also in his late large Declaration oftimes giving out his resolution to live and die in the reformed Protestant Religion opposite to all Popery to maintaine his established Laws and in nothing to permit the enervating of them Yea this resolution of the King is so peremptory and publikely avowed that Canterbury himselfe dare not but applaud thereto in his Starre-chamber Speech who can see me more forward then hee for the great equity to punish condignely all who would but mint to bring in any popery in this Isle or assay to make any innovation in Religion or Lawes Wee believe indeed that the man doth but juggle with the World in his faire ambiguous generalities being content to inveigh as much against popery and innovation as we could wish upon hopes ever when it comes to any particular of the grossest popery wee can name by his subtile distinctions and disputations to slide out of our hands But wee are perswaded what ever may be the juggling of sophisticating Bishops yet the magnanimous ingenuity the Royall integrity of our gracious Soveraigne is not compatible with such fraudulent equivocations as to proclaime his detestation of popery in generals and not thereby to give us a full assurance of his abhorring every particular which all the orthodox Preachers of this Isle since the Reformation by Queene Elisabet and King James allowance have ever condemned as popish errours Our Major then wee trust may be past as unquestionable Wee subjoine our Minor But so it is that Canterbury and his dependars men raised and yet maintained by him have openly in their printed bookes without any recantation or punishment to this day spread abroad in all the Kings dominions doctrines opposite to our Religion and lawes especially the most points of the grossest poperie In reason all our bickering ought to be here alone This Minor I offer to instruct and that by no other middes then the testimony of their own pens If I doe so to the full satisfaction of all who know what are the particular heads of the reformed Religion and what the tenets of Popery opposite thereto what are the lawes standing in all the three dominions and what the contrary maximes of the Turkish empire where with Machiavelists this day every where are labouring to poyson the eares of all Christian Princes for enervating the laws and liberties of their Kinngdomes I hope that reason and justice which stand night and day attending on either side of King Charles throne will not fail to perswade the chearfull embracement of the conclusion which follows by a cleare and naturall necessity from the forenamed premisses to wit that Canterbury and his dependars in all the three dominions ought not to be countenanced by the King but severely punished Let be that for their pastime a bloody and hazardous war should be raised in so unseasonable a time for the undoing of that countrie and Church which God hath honoured with the birth and baptisme both of his Majesties owne person and of his renowmed father and to the which both of them as all their hundreth and six glorious Predecessors are endebted before God and the World all their Prerogatives both of nature 〈◊〉 and estate so much as any Princes were ever to their mother Church and native country CHAP. II. The Canterburians avowed Arminianisme ARminianisme how great and dangerous an innovation of the reformed Religion it is we may learne by the late experiences of our neighbours when that weed began to spread among them The States of Holland have declared in many passages of their Dordracen Synod that they found it a more ready meane to overthrow both their Church and State then all the engines policies armes which the Pope and Spaniard in any bygone time had used against them The Church of France the other yeare when Amirot and Testard and some few of their Divines were but surmised to incline a little towards some small twigs of one article of Arminius was so affrighted that they rested not till in a generall Assembly at Alenzon they did run together for the extinguishing of the first sparkes as it were of a common fire When P. Baro in Cambridge began to run a little on this rock how carefull was my Lord of Canterbury and the Bishops then in their meeting at Lambeth for the crushing of that Cockatrice in the 〈◊〉 when that serpent again in the same place began to set np the nose in the writtes of Thomson how carefull was the Bishops then by the hand of their brother of Salisbury Doctor Abbots to cut of the head of that monster But what speake wee of the Churches reformed The very Synagogue of Rome whose conscience is enlarged as the Hell to swallow downe the vilest morsels of the most lewd errours that Antichrist can present yet did they sticke much at this bone when the Jesuit Molina began to draw out these dregs of Pelagianisme from the long neglected pits of some obscure Schoolmen what clamours were raised there not only by Alvarez and his followers but also by numbers of Prelats and some great Princes till the credit of the Jesuits in the Court of Rome and the wisdome of the Consistory prognosticating a new rent in their Church did procure from the Pope a peremptory injunction of silence to both sides on all highest paines hoping if the Dominicans mouthes were once stopped that the Jesuits by their 〈◊〉 arts and silent policies would at last worke out their intended point which indeed since that time they have wel-neare fully gained But to King Charles eye no
evidence useth to be so demonstrative as that which commeth from the learned hand of his blessed Father Would wee know how gracious a plant Arminianisme and the dressers of it will prove in England or any where else advise with King James who after full tryall and long consultation about this emergent with the Divines of his Court especially the late Archbishop Abbots gave out at last his Decree in print and that in Latine not only for a present declaration to the States of Holland of his minde against Vorstius and a cleere confession of his Faith in those points to the Christian World but above all to remayne a perpetuall Register for his Heires and Succ essors of his faithfull advise if after his death 〈◊〉 Kingdomes should be ever in danger to be 〈◊〉 with that wicked seed In that Treatise his Majesty doth first avow all them to be grosse Lyers who do not blush to affirme that any of the Arminian Articles even that most plausible one of the Saints 〈◊〉 are consonant with the Doctrine or Articles of the Church of England He styleth Bertius for such a slander a very impudent and brazen-faced man Secondly Hee pronounceth these Doctrines of Arminius to be Heresies lately revived and damnable to the Hels from whence they come Thirdly That Bertius for the very title of his booke The Saints apostasie deserved burning Fourthly That Arminius and his Scholars were to be reputed pests enemies to God proud 〈◊〉 hereticall Atheists Fifthly Hee affirmeth that their toleration would not faile to bring upon the heads of their Tolerators let be favourers Gods malediction an evill report slander and infamy with all the Churches abroad and certaine Schisme Division and Tumults at home Shall wee then make any doubt of King Charles full contentment that wee avow Arminianisme to be such a dangerous innovation of our Religion as the reformed Churches abroad and his Father at home hath taught us to count it where ever it is found Notwithstanding this bitter root amongst us was setting up the head of late very boldly in all the prime places of our Kingdome wee have had since the reformation many bickerings about the Church Government and Ceremonies but in matters of Doctrine neverany Controversie was knowne till some yeares agoe a favourable aire from the mouth of Doctour Lad at Court began to blow upon these unhappy seeds of Arminius No sooner was those Southwinds sensible in our climate but at once in S. Andrews Edinburg Aberdeen and about Glasgow that weed began to spring amaine Doctour Wederburn in the new Colledge of Saint Andrews did stuffe his Dictates to the young Students in Divinity with these errours This man upon the feares of our Churches censure having fled the Countrey was very tenderly embraced by his Grace at Court and well rewarded with a faire Benefice in England for his labours But to the end his talents should not lye hid although a man very unmeet either for preaching or government hee was sent downe tous without the knowledge of our Church by Canterburies only favour to be Bishop of Dumblane for this purpose mainly that in the Royall Chappell whereof that Bishop is alwayes Dean hee might in despite of all our Presbyteries weave out the web he had begun in Saint Andrews So quickly there was erected a society of twenty foure Royall Chaplains who were thought fittest of the whole Clergie of the Kingdome to be allured with hopes of favour from Court to preach to the State the Deans Arminian tenets In Edinburgh Master Sydserfe did peartly play his part and for the reward of his boldnesse had cast in his lap in a trace the Deanry of E. dinburgh the Bishoprick of Brechen and last of 〈◊〉 with full hopes in a short time of an Archbishops cloake In the North Doctour Forbes the only Father of the most of those who fell away from the Doctrine of our Church came too good speed in his evill labours and for his pains was honoured with the first seate in the new erected Chaire of our principall Citie Others about Glasgow made their preaching of the Arminian errours the pathway to their assured advancement In our generall Assembly wee found that this cockle was comming up apace in very many furrows of our field Some of it we were forced albeit to our great griefe to draw up and cast 〈◊〉 the dyke which at once was received and replanted in England in too good a soyle Wee confesse that it happened not much beside our expectation that our Arminians after the censure of our Church should at Court have beene too graciously received and sheltered in the Sanctuary of his Grace at Lambeth But this indeed did and doth still astonish us all that any should have been so bold as to have stolne King Charles name to a printed Declaration wherein not only our generall Assembly is condemned for using any censure at all against any for the crime of Arminianisme But also Arminius Articles are all-utterly slighted and pronounced to be of so obscure intricate a nature that both our Assembly was too peart to make any determination about them and that many of our number were altogether unable by any teaching ever to winne so much as to the understanding of the very questions Yea those Articles are avowed to be consonant and in nothing to be opposite to the confession of our Church and are freely absolved of all poperie Because indeed for this is the onely reason some learned papists finde divers of Arminius points to bee so absurd that their stomacks cannot away with them and some of the Lutheran divines agree with the Arminians in certaine parcels of some of their Articles They must bee strangers in these questions who are ignorant in how many things the Dominicans and all Papists agree with Arminius and in how many the Lutherans disagree from him However wee were and are amazed to see Canterbury so malapeart as to proclaime in the Kings name beside many other strange things the Articles of Arminius to bee so far above the capacitie of our generall Assembly that it deserves a Royall reproofe for minting to determine any thing in them and that they are no wayes contrarie to the doctrine of onr Church neither any ways popish and that for a reason which will exeeme from the note of Poperie every errour which is so grosly absurd that some learned Papists are forced to contradict it or some grosse Lutheran can get his throat extended to swallow it downe This boldnesse cannot in any reason be imputed to our gracious Soveraigne For how is it possible that he upon any tolerable information should ever have suffered himselfe to be induced to write or speak in such a straine of these thinge which so lately by his learned Father was declared in print and that in Latine to be no lesse then heresies worthy of burning yea damnable to the very infernall
of men yet for that veneration which their high and eminent place in the Church of God doth require all the stiles of Honour in Justice is due to them even holinesse it selfe in abstracto that to refuse them this or their other titles is but brain-sick puritanisme Sixthly That the dignity of the Episcopall office specially the Bishop of Rome his eminencie was as far above the dignitie of the Emperors and Kings as the soule is above the body or God above the creature yea that the stile of GOD was but the Popes due Seventhly that Emperours and Kings dld but their duety in giving reverence yea adoration unto the Pope with great summes of money by way of tribute Eighthly that the temporall Principalities which the Pope enjoyeth this Day in Italie or elsewhere are buthis just possessions which none ought to envy him Ninthly that the restitution of the Popes ancient authority in England and yeelding unto him all the power that this day he hath in Spaine or France would bee many wayes advantageous and in nothing prejudiciall to the King 10 The old constitution of the Emperour whereby all the westerne clergie is so farre subjected to the Bishop of Rome that without him they are disabled to make any Ecclesiasticall law and obliged to receive for lawes what hee doth enjoyne was very reasonable yea if the King would be pleased to command all the Church men in his dominions to be that far subject to the Pope they would be unreasonable to refuse present obedience Onely by all meanes my Lord of Canterburies prerogative behoved to bee secured his ancient right to the patriarchat of the whole Isle of Britaine behoved to be made cleare that to his rod the whole clergie of the Isle might submit their shoulders as to their spirituall head and Monarch from whom to Rome there could bee no appeale in any cause which concerned onely the Churches of the Kings dominions for in causes more universall of the whole Catholicke Church willingly they are contented that the Patriarch of Britaine and all others should submit to their grand Apostollcke father of Rome Every one of these pontificall positions since the midst of Henry the eights raigne would have beene counted in England great paradoxes yet now all of them are avowed by Canterburie himselfe in that very booke which the last 〈◊〉 at the Kings direction hee set 〈◊〉 for to satisfie the world anent their suspition of his Popery or else by D. Montagu in his bookes yet unrepealed and cleanged of all suspition of Poperie by M. Dow under the seale of his Graces licensing servant This much for the Pope About the Cardinalls they tell us that their office is an high and eminent dignity in the Church of God for the which their persons are to be handled with great reverence and honour that their office is a 〈◊〉 due to high graces and 〈◊〉 that some of them though the greatest enemies that ever the reformed Churches have felt such as 〈◊〉 that spent all his time in opposing the truth and advancing Antichristianisme and Barromaeus a bloudy persecutor of our religion and one of the fathers of Trent that even such men are so full of grace and piety that it is a great fault in any Protestant to break so much as a jest on their rid hattes Where the head and shoulders are so much affected it is hard to restraine charity from the 〈◊〉 of the body These good men vent their passion no lesse towards the body of the present Church of Rome then towards the Pope and the Cardinails For first his grace avowes over and over againe that the Papists and we are of one and the same religion that to speake otherwaies as the Liturgie of England did all King Iames dayes were a matter of very dangerous consequent and therefore he consesseth his helping that part of the liturgie which puts a note of infamy upon the Popish religion least that note should fall upon our owne religion which with the Popish is but all one 2. They will have us to understand though wee and the Papists differ in some things yet that this very day there is no schisme betwixt Papists and Protestants that Protestants keepe union and communion with the Church of Rome in all things required for the essence of a true Church and necessary for salvation that though they communicate not with some of her doctrines and practices yet this marres not the true union and communion of the two Churches both in faith and 〈◊〉 That these who passe harder censures upon Rome are but zelots in whom too much zeale hath burnt up all wisedome and charity 3. That the points wherein the two Churches doe differ are such as prejudge not the Salvation of either party that they are not foundamentall and albeit they were so yet the truths that the Papists doe maintaine are of force to hinder all the evill that can come from their errours 4. That the Popish errours let bee to bee fundamentall are of so small importance as they doe not prejudge either faith hope or charity let be salvation Fistly That a generall repentance for all unknowne sinnes is sufficient to secure the salvation not only of these who have lived and died in the Popish tenets before the Councell of Trent but even to this day not onely their people but their most learned Clergie Popes Cardinalls Jesuits living and dying in their bitter oppositions and persecutions of Protestants are in no hazard of damnation though they never come to any particular acknowledgement of their sinfull opinions or practises following thereupon Sixtly They teach us that Papists may not in reason bee stiled either idolaters or hereticks or shismaticks His grace in that great large folio set our the last yeare to declare to the world the farthest that his minde could bee drawen for to oppose Popery is not pleased to my memory in his most vehement oppositions to lay to then charge any of these three crimes neither doe I remember in all the search my poore lecture hath made that any of his favourits in their writtes these twelve yeares bygone hath layed to the charge of Rome in earnest either idolatry heresie or shisme but by the contrary hath absolved them clearly in formall tearmes all those three crimes Of idolatry because they teach not the giving of 〈◊〉 to any image or any creature Of heresie because their errours taketh no part of the foundation away but are onely excesses and additions consisting with all 〈◊〉 trueth Of shisme because they goe on in the practice of their forbeares without introducing any late novations 7. They declare it were very good wee had present peace with Rome as shee stands her errors being but in opinions which charity ought to tolerate that the Church of England would gladly embrace this peace that Cassander and the
and my preducessours have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sunday at the beginning Our Diocesan can derive himselfe the Successour of an Apostle otherwise we should have taken his call for the voice of a stranger and not have here appeared It is St. 〈◊〉 resolution 〈◊〉 Episcoporum ab ipsa sede Petri is that which among other things by 〈◊〉 named keep us in the bosome of the Church and subjects us to our Bishops jurisdiction m Montag orig Eccles. pag. 114. Patrum nostrorum vel avorum memoria duo summi Pontisices viri 〈◊〉 doct 〈◊〉 Hadrianus sextu Bellarmini avunculus Marcellus secundus An id pag. 47 〈 ◊〉 〈◊〉 Pontisex Maximus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scio vocatum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Papam Pastorem 〈◊〉 quid si hec Orig. p. 417 Certis quibusdam titulis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viri 〈◊〉 etiam 〈◊〉 honorarunt isto honorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed nec 〈◊〉 reprehendere aut 〈◊〉 derogare id quod solent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 indigitare certissimus est character 〈◊〉 adorator cum 〈◊〉 portan Paulo al cui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sexto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caeteris si qui sunt n Montag 〈◊〉 pag. 166. Est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut recte observat Philo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itaque ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iesu Christi ut Dei atque hominum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 summus à Christianis omnibus Divino instituto debetur honor reverentia singusaris ibid. p. 40. Fatetur ultro 〈◊〉 aliquo modo in 〈◊〉 supra regiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum vetusti orthodoxis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inquit Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nazian in apologia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid pag. 161. Allusum est a pussimo rege ad illud Exodi Constitui te Deum Pharaonis communicat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu Pontificio seu Civili sui ipsi is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dii 〈◊〉 quis vingatur ob hanc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 merito quos locum ille suum 〈◊〉 inter 〈◊〉 sustinere o Montag antid pag. 40. Non est mirum si Constantinus olim 〈◊〉 Carolus alii 〈◊〉 de equis descenderint venientes exceperint religionis antistites Christianae venerationemque exhibuerint Quid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non ita pridem lot Sultanos tautam observantiam exhibuisse tam ampla 〈◊〉 persolvi se Non minora quondam principes populi Christiani Christianis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ramanis 〈◊〉 exhibuerunt exhibebunt 〈◊〉 ad pristinos illos mores si tantum revertatur exempla pietatis 〈◊〉 ibid. pag. 158. Adoravit Johannem Justinus sic Constantinus inferiores Joanne sacerdotes adoravit autem dicit autor ille tuus dans gloriam Deo p Montag antid pag. 95. Habeat ille suas sibi opes facultates fundos habeat latisundia principatum dom nium per Ecclesiae terras Petri possessiones obtineat dummodo contentus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 liberalitate alienam non invadat possessionem q Cant. relat pag. 202. Hee that is not blinde may see if hee will of what little value the Popes power in France and Spaine is this day further then to serve the turns of their Kings therewith which they doe to their great advantage r Montagantid pag. 156. Quod è codice allegatur Theodosiano decernimus ne quid tam 〈◊〉 Gallicanis quam alierum 〈◊〉 contra 〈◊〉 veterem liceat 〈◊〉 viri venerabilis 〈◊〉 urbis 〈◊〉 authoritate tentare sed illis omnibusque legis loco sit quisquid sanxit sanxeritve sedis 〈◊〉 authoritas Quicquid 〈◊〉 pontifici saith Montagow arrogatur id totum edicto debetur Theodofiano vel vetustae consuetudini quicquid autem per rescriptum 〈◊〉 imperatoris ad occidentales 〈◊〉 solos pertinebat nec 〈◊〉 quibus juxta veterem 〈◊〉 Pontifex praesidebat ut 〈◊〉 Decernat imperator de 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 Rex Angliae de 〈◊〉 suis Francorum de Gallicanis quod olim Theodosius decrivit dicto 〈◊〉 omnes obediantes s Cant. relat pag. 171. It is 〈◊〉 that in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 times in the Church government Britaine was never subject to the Sea of Rom for it was one of the six dioces of the West Empire and had a Primat of its own Nay 〈◊〉 Capgraw and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tell us that Pope 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 in the Councel at Bari in 〈◊〉 accounted my worthy 〈◊〉 S 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and said He was as the 〈◊〉 and Apostolick of the other world 〈◊〉 comparem veluti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 orbis Patriarcham Now the Britains having a Primate of their 〈◊〉 which is greater then a Metropolitan yea a Patriarch if ye will he could not be 〈◊〉 from to Rome t 〈…〉 Their minde to the Cardinalat w Montag ap pag. 56. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potuit $$Para$$. x 〈◊〉 Alt. p 34. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his jearing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardinall Baromaeus whereas if he 〈◊〉 to read his life he may not be 〈◊〉 that the Cardinall was a man of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and spent the greatest part of his life in fasting prayer 〈◊〉 preaching 〈◊〉 and doctrine and did 〈◊〉 both impiety and vanity both in word and deed Me thinkes his 〈◊〉 should check him for his scornfull usage of a man who had the report of so vertuous and pious a Bishop They affect much to bee joyned with the Church of Rome as she stands y Cant. relat p. 36. the Church of Rome Protestants set not up a different Religion for the Christian Religion is the same to both but they differ in the same Religion and the difference is in certain grosse corruptions to the very endangering of salvation which each side saith the other is guilty of Star chamber speech p. 36. My second reason is That the learned make but three Religions to have been of old in the world Paganisme Judaisme and 〈◊〉 and now they have added a fourth which is 〈◊〉 Now if this ground of theirs be true as it is generally received perhaps it will bee of dangerous consequence sadly to 〈◊〉 that the 〈◊〉 religion is rebellion though 〈◊〉 clause passed in the 〈◊〉 through 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this reason well 〈◊〉 is taken from the very foundation of Religion it self ibid. page 34. His Majesty 〈◊〉 commanded 〈◊〉 to make the alteration and to see it printed z 〈◊〉 pag. 3. 06. We dare not communicat with Rome either in her publick 〈◊〉 which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with grosse superstition or in these corrupt and ungrounded opinions which shee hath added to the faith These make up the 〈◊〉 but not the Church of Rome In them our communion is dissolved but 〈◊〉 have still a true and reall union with that and all other members of the Church universall in faith and charity ibid. p. 74. To depart from the Church of Rome in some 〈◊〉 and practices we had just and necessary cause though the Church of Rome 〈◊〉 nothing