his presence as his predecessours had used to do who have ordinarily deposited their power into the hands of this assembly as being the chief of the Kingdome and that to which they have alwayes given most power and authority with intent that the people might the more readily give obedience to them Now this Parliament consisting of a great multitude which cannot be without many diversities of opinion some of them made Remonstrances to his Majesty upon several of the Articles presented to them and beseeched his Majesty would grant them time to consider of them The Lord keeper in his lofty humour thinking nothing like his own judgment was offended with them who would contradict what he had resolved on and believing he had another Egerian Nymph which would not let him conclude on any thing but what was conformable to the will of Heaven he perswaded his Majesty with his utmost power not to grant them the time they desired for deliberating on the Articles proposed to them But his Majesty who knew that the greatest Monarques ought to accompany their Authority with Meekness as well as Justice granted them their desires of six month's time to consider of them and to draw up their Remonstrances which however were to be referr'd to his Majesties disposition and judgment Politique Observation AMongst the many and sundry powers which are in the Persons of our Kings as so many Glorious Rayes which encompasse their Majesty Justice is one and one of the greatest Suster The Scepter which they carry in their hand is an Index of it and seems to say that their will is the Rule by which their subjects must be govern'd whence a Lawyer defining Law confoundeth it with the will of the Prince declared to his subjects It is true they hold Justice in their left hands that they may remember their Commands ought alwayes to be accompanied with Equity But besides all this they are not bound to give an accompt to any one It is onely God from whom they receive t heir Scepter and it is to him only that they are to be accomptable for the Reason of those Laws which they establish Their power is high and so absolute that there is no refusing of what they ordaine and indeed their Laws are of force and power not so much because they are Just as because they are by them commanded However Prudence obligeth them to be advised by their Parliaments whensoever they would make any Laws or Ordinances This was the ancient form as History observeth when any General Ordinances were to be established and this is it which maketh the people receive them with the more submission and willingness for nothing is so acceptable to them as that which carrieth the least shew of absolute Soveraignty and besides Kings do no lesse Rule their people by Prudence then Power Now this Prudence requireth that nothing ought to be acted but by the deliberation of those who are to give a Credit to it for the observation and obedience which is expected to be payd unto it All our Kings have allowed their Parliaments to make Remonstrances and give their opinions as occasion should require Indeed they have alwayes done it with great submission and respect as being a thing without the limits of their power Sâ—lomon the wisest of Kings saith It is a folly to play the Wise man before a Kings presence in the seventh of Ecclesiastes and Quintus Curtius did much extol Ephestion that giving his opinion or Judgment before Alexander he alwayes did it with such great respect that every one who beheld him might know he did not speak as his due but as an Honour permitted to him and no more Some Kings it must be acknowledged are not thus absolute but are dependant either upon their States or people and the reason is because they first accepted of the Crown upon such and such conditions But the thing is not so with ours they are onely accomptable to God for what they do and do acknowledge no other Superior in any thing which relateth to their Temporal Government as St. Gregory said of our French Kings they are saith he as Eminently above other Kings of the Earth as they are above inferiour men The King before he goeth into Piedmont findeth the Hugonots in Languedoc ready to rise he compelleth them to lay down their Armes and to declare in form before his Parliaments and Judges that they will live in all duties and obedience hereafter ONE thing more remained to be considered before his Majesties Journy into Italy which was this The Hugonots in Languedoc could not resolve to live in that absolute submission which they owed unto his Majesty notwithstanding they saw the proud Walls of Rochel thrown down before their faces which might have served them for a sight of fear and confusion His Majesty was advised of what assistance they had demanded from Spain England Holland and other places That several of those Town 's accorded to them for their security were resolved to revolt and resist his Majesties Armes if he should attempt to ruine those Walls which were the Protectors of their Insolent Rebellions Whereupon the Cardinal perswaded his Majesty that it was obsolutely necessary to reduce those places to their obedience and his own mercy before he passed into Piedmon as also to make a Declaration importing an express Command to all Heretiques who either were or had been in actual Rebellion against his Majesty that they should lay down their Armes return to their duties and make Declarations of their future obedience in ample manner and form before his Parliaments or the Judges Presidiaux dwelling next unto them and that all Towns should send their deputies to make protestations of their fidelity promising them on the word of a King that upon their so doing they should quietly enjoy their goods and the Liberty of their pretended Religion but protesting that if they should refuse so to do and continue in their obstinacy and Rebellion without regard had unto his grace and mercy that he would then proceed to punish them as for de crimine laesae Majestatis from the greatest to the lowest ordaining and requiring that their goods and persons should be proceeded against accordingly and in the utmost rigour of his said Declaration His Majesty caused his said Declaration to be read in Parliament himself being present which put a stop to all the Hugonots affairs until after the taking of Suze Politique Observation HAppy is that Kingdome whose people live under one Law and the same Religion for the least Diversity which is in either of those two parts breedeth unfortunate disorders in the whole If any should be so unhappy as to fall under either of those Afflictions they may learn how to remedy it by this Declaration of his Majesty which produced most admirable effects in hindring the progresse of the present Rebellion It cannot be denied but that Kings have an absolute power to compell their subjects who are Heretiques
any other mans of what condition so ever he be That this constraint is repugnant to the safety of Kings of which in History are many examples especially in these latter ages These reasons were very considerable but withall the Marquess D' Effiat followed them home with such address and vigour that they made the same impressions upon the Kings as they had done upon his Embassadours minds who indeed did much contribute by their Letters to bring it to a resolution Articles of Marriage between the King of Great Britain and the Princess Henrietta Maria of France THe Negotiation was so fortunate that the King consented to all those Articles which were demanded in behalf of the Catholicks and accordingly his Majesty gave command to his Embassadours to accord it and on the 10th of November they were signed by them with the Cardinal upon these conditions That the Kings Sister should have all manner of liberty to increase the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion together with all her Officers and their children that to this purpose she should have a Chappel in every of the Kings houses a Bishop and twenty eight Priests to administer the Sacrament Preach Gods Word and doe such other Offices as their Function required That the children which should be born of this marriage should be brought up in the Catholick Religion untill the age of 13 years by the Princess That all the Domesticks which she carried into England should be French and Catholicks chosen by the most Christian King and they dying she might take others into their place French and Catholicks by and with consent of the King of Great Brittain Moreover that both the King of Great Brittain and Prince of Wales his son should bind themselves by oath not to attempt by any means whatsoever to make her change her Religion or to force her to any thing which might be contrary to it and should promise by writing upon the faith and word of a King and Prince to take order that all those Catholicks as well Ecclesiastick as secular which had been imprisoned since the last Act made against them should be set at liberty That the English Catholicks should not be any more hunted after for their Religion nor constrained to swear any thing contrary to the Catholick Religion and that such seizures of their Goods as had been made since the last Act should be restored to them And generally that they should receive more liberty and favour in respect of the Alliance with France then had been promised them upon the Spanish Treaty This was as much as could be desired for the present in behalf of Religion until the Princess who was indued with all the qualifications both of Body and Soul which could render a Princess beloved should have acquired a good power over King James his spirit and the Prince of Wales her husband and so finish the remainder which the King expected both from her zeal and behaviour with the more confidence because Ladies have a great hand over their husbands and Father in Law when they are once intirely loved by them Politique Observation THere is good reason to hope for the Conversion of a Prince from the Princess whom he marries Women have so natural an art to perswade men and to lead them to what they desire that there is hardly any thing impossible for them to do Their beauty alone hath such strong charms that they imprint in the soul by their eyes all the affections they have a mind to and the Love wherewith they are cherished gives them so great a power that if they have never so lâ—ttle ingenuity one cannot defend himself from their perswasions and if it be thus true in general it is not lesse in the particular of converting their Husbands or the People who are subject to them History is so full of Proofs of this nature that one must be altogether ignorant if he knows not that the divine Providence hath divers times made use of their means for this glorious purpose Thus Clotilâ—a daughter to the Duke of Borgogn was the occasion that Clovis one of our first Kings her husband imbraced the Christian Religion and banished Idolatry out of his States Iâ—gâ—nd Sister to Childebert King of France being married to Hermenegild King of the Gâ—ths converted him to the Holy Châ—istâ—an Faith Chieâ—umte daughter to the King of Merâ—e in England married a King of the West Saxons made him become a Christian and she her self a Saint Thâ—â—dâ—linda wife to â—â—gâ—lulph King of the Lombards perswaded him and a great part of his people to lay by their false Gods and to live under the Lâ—ws of he Gospel Gizel daughter to Hâ—nry Duke of Bavier and Sister to the Emperour Henry the first being married to Steâ—hâ—n the first of that name King of Hungaria made him and his whole Kingdome resolve to in â—race the Fâ—â—th of Jesus Christ and thus many others of the like examples do verifie that Qâ—eens have ever had a great power in this particular and the spirit of God which hath made use of them for such glorious effects saith The unbâ—lieving Husband shall bâ— sanctifiedly the believing Wife Heaven it self fights for them in such occasions when they labour for his glory besides it cannot be denyed but that their Rbetorick is perswasive that their accord do some time passe or currant and undeniable reasons that their words are charms and that their addresse is able to master the greatest courages In the midst of this diligent care which the Cardinal took for the Interests of Religion and the State his Prudence was not forgetfull of any thing which might bee thought in favour of the Kings Sister It was agreed in respect of eight hundred thousand Crowns which his Majesty gave her in marriage that she should renounce all successions either Paternal Maternal or Collateral which might befall unto her and accordingly after she had received leave from her mother the Queen Mother so to do she did renounce and the King of Great Britains Embassador did ratifie it that in future no such pretensions might arise to trouble the quiet of the Kingdomes as formerly had been Withall he took such tender care of all advantages for her that she could not suffer any inconvenience by any accident whatever It was agreed upon by his care that the Prince deceasing without issue the mony should be totally restored to her to be disposed of according to her own will whether she did live in England or in France That if he had children by this marriage there should onely be two thirds of her Portion returned the other being moveable that the last twenty of the third part should be made a yearly rent to her during her life that her Dower should be eight hundred thousand pound sterling por annum returning French mony at sixty thousand Crowns rent which should be assigned to her in Lands and Houses one of which should be such and accordingly furnished that she might make
already made in respect of Religion the Princess and her servants and the Liberties of the English Catholiques and seeing that this new Oath was comprised too in some sort in the first Oath That there was sufficient provision made both in relation to Religion and Liberty of Conscience for her Domestiques and Children seeing they were to remain mayn with the Princess as well as the children which being so it would of nenessity follow that there could be no trouble brought on them in respect of their Religion He told him likewise that the King his Master being bound to his Holiness for the observation of those things which should be agreed to by the King of Great Brittain was an assurance not lesse valid then that of an heretique King That his Majesty had commanded him to supplicate his Holiness with all earnestness and not rest barely there but to tell him that his Holiness was the more obliged to grant him his request seeing he begged the confirmation of it rather out of respect then necessity seeing that several famous Doctors were of opinion that Catholiques in Heretiques Countries might freely contract Mariages without any dispense These were the chief reasons which the Sieur de Bethune represented to his Holiness and likewise to the Cardinals who were deputed in the businesse of the dispense They soon apprehended the Justice and importance of them and testified a great readinesse to do that which was desired of them The Pope sent word to the Cardinals that they should give a quick dispatch to the business that he desired to give the King all the satisfaction he could wish for both that he might acknowledg those great benefits which his Majesty had procured to the Church as also because he knew there could not any other thing be desired from those of England Accordingly they met together and concluded on it as the King desired and dispatched it with a great deal of diligence to the Nontio that it might be delivered to the King who as quickly gave intelligence of it to the King of Great Britain Politick Observation JT is not ever expedient in a design to propose the utmost advantage it being sometimes necessary to leave a little to be hoped for from time No Affair can oblige to the making of Resolutions contrary to honour and justice but several things may intervene to obstruct the effecting of all that might conduce to the good of a great Enterprize He who doth not take this truth for a rule in his Conduct will be subject to commit great faults and will in it Proclaim aloud to the World That he is ignorant of the many difference between Gods and Mans Will he doing whatsoever best pleases him but the latter is obliged to necessities and bound to proportionate his resolution according to the Possibility of things Thus though it be allowed such men on whom the dispatch of Affairs dispends to raise up some scruples and difficulties whereby to enhance the price and esteem of the thing doing it being usual with most men little to regard those Offices which are granted with ease yet when it is once evident that the present time and conjuncture of Affairs will not consist with the longer denial of what is desired from them they then ought to comply and apply themselves to the effecting of it For what refuse they shall afterwards make will appear rather to proceed from a spirit of contradiction then that of Prudence The death of James King of Great Brittain and the Mariage between the Prince of Wals his Son and the Madam Henrietta Maria of France DUring the negotiation for the dispense King James of Great Brittain fell very sick at Theobalds twelve miles distant from London After he had passed over three weekes with a Tertian Ague which weakned him exceedingly much he caused the Prince of Wals his Son to come unto him and discoursed to him with a great deale of reason and recommended to him those Officers who had faithfully served him But especially his little grand children the Infants of the Electrix Palatine his daughter encouraging him to make use of that power which he should leave him for the re-establishing of them in their Fathers Dominions and then finding himself declining into his Agony he gave him his blessing wishing him a happy prosperous and successful enjoyment of those Kingdoms which he should shortly leave to him About the end of March he died at which instant the Heralds according to the custom of England proclaymd the Prince of Wals King of Great Britain who presently took the ordering of all affairs upon him He having a great desire to be married the first thing he did was to dispatch full power to the Duke de Chevreuse to betroth and espouse the Princess in his name The King too desired to see an end of the businesse so that upon the first arrival of that power the execution of it was no longer deferred The Betrothments were made in the Lovre on the eight of May in the presence of the King the Queens all the Princes and great Lords of the Court by the Cardinal de la Rochfaucaud who likewise celebrated the Marriage Ceremonies on the Sunday following being the eleventh of May in the Church of Nostre Dame in the quality of Great Almoner I shall not need to relate with what magnificence these things were done only I shall say nothing was omitted The Espousals were made upon a Theater raised for the purpose over the great door of the Church Then the Masse was said with great Ceremony where the King and three Queens were assistants Though the Duke of Chevreuse and the Extraordinary Ambassadors of England were not there who after they had wayted on his Majesty to the door of the Quier retyred to the Arch-Bishops Pallace during the Masse as representing the King of Englands Person who was of a different Religion but they went again to receive his Majesty at the same door as soon as Masse was ended and to wayt on him to the Arch-Bishops hall where the King dined with the Queens his Mother his Wife and his Sister the Duke of Chevreuse the Earles of Carlisle and Holland the Ladies Dutchesses of Guise Elboeuf and of Chevreuse with the most magnificencies that the best versed in Royal Ceremonies could invent There were Bonfiers made all the while throughout Paris and the Cannons made such a noyse as if Heaven and Earth would have come together The Duke of Buckingham is commanded by the King of Great Brittain to go over into France and to conduct the Queen his Wife over to him THese things thus past the Duke of Buckingham the King of Great Britains favorite was commanded to go into France to desire the King that the Queen his Wife might set out from the Court assoon as might be to come to him He arrived at Paris about the end of May and during that little stay which he made he was entertained with all imaginable Magnificency
had made provision for all those difficulties which have risen ever since and that he desired the execution of it as to the Cessation of Arms that he could by no means hearken to it by reason of the prejudice it would bee to himself and his Allies and the great advantage those of the adverse Party might make out of it This was the sum of what passed on both sides The King adding in conclusion that he would send some one of his Councel to wait on him and try if there might be found out any way of accommodation Within a few dayes the Cardinal the Marshal de Schomberg the Sieur de Herbant Secretary of State went to wait on the Legate from the King and upon a conference he came to these two points The first was to demand the cessation of Arms in Italy and the t'other concern'd the giving his Holyness satisfaction pressing that the places in the Valtoline might be delivered into the Popes hands and that the King should make some excuses to him for the proceedings of the Marquis de Coeures Mâ—nsiâ—ur the Cardinal answered that the King had declared openly enough in his audience his intensions concerning the cessation of Arms in Italy and that if he should submit to it it would be a means of giving his enemies time and leisure to gather their forces together and to fortifie themselves against his Majesty and his Allyes That the Peace would as easily be concluded on as the War if either party would but hearken to Reason seeing the principal difficulties of State had been concluded in the Treaty of Madrid That there need nothing but some provision to be made in point of Religion to which his Majesty was much inclined That as to what he desired satisfaction in to his Holyness his answer was his Majesty never having consented to the deposit in his Holyness hands any longer then the time limited in which he ought to have caused the Treaty of Madrid to have been executed his Holyness had not any reason to complain and especially too considering the several declarations which had been made by the Sieur de Bethun in his Majesties name That the King could not any longer suffer the Grisons to be dispossessed of those Forts which did belong unto them Declarations which his Holyness himself thought to be reasonable for that he had upon them sent for the Spaniards to chide them for it Besides the respect which the Marquis de Coeures shewed to his Holynesse's Arms and Ensigns in the eye of the whole world did defend him from any blame which might be layd to his charge for having been defective in giving due honour to the holy Chair But that notwithstanding all these things his Majesty did bear so great a reverence to his Holyness that he would cause his Ambassadour to say all those words of respect and civility which should be thought fit as also that after the peace should be concluded his Majesty would consent to deliver up into his Holyness's hands the Fort of Chiâ—nuennes provided that the Spaniards would at the same time do the like by that of Rive to the intent both of them might be demolished which once done he would deliver all the rest up one after another until they were every one razed and that this was the most could be hoped for The Legat had other audiences and other conferences past between him and the Ministers where nothing more was proposed nor answered But the King being at Fountainbleau the Legate made a third proposition which concerned the security of the Catholique Religion in the Valâ—oline requiring for that purpose that the Soveraignty of the Grisons over the Valtolines should be moderated without which he supposed there could be no settlement His Majesty clearly declared unto him that the Interests of State and Religion were not to be mingled and that he would never grant any thing that might impair the Soveraignty of the Grisons his Allies over the Valtoline A while after he caused a conference to be had betwixt him and the Ministers upon that subject where having made the same proposition the Cardinal delated hmself upon the reasons of the Kings answer and told the Legat that his Majesty having taken the protection of the Grisons he could not consent to the diminition of their Soveraignty especially since it had been conferred unto them by the Treaty of Madrid since which time nothing had been altered in point of Religion That the Treaty was to be observed and that his Majesty could not depart from it without staining his Honour and Reputation offering notwithstanding his authority to give all sort of security and freedom to the Catholique Religion The Legat then declared the Pope was Head of the Church and could not suffer that the Valtolines should he reduced under the dominion of the Grisons and that his Holyness having consulted with some of the Clergy at Rome they had told him that in conscience he could not consent thereunto The Cardinal was not wanting to tell him that the divine Laws did oblige the Redelivery of that which did justly belong to a Soveraign of what Religion soever he be so there could be no scruple of conscience for the restoring of the Valtolines to the Grisons their lawful Masters and that in effect the Treaty of Madrid by which it was granted to them had been approved of at Rome by the Pope as also the sayd Treaty had not been resolved on but after a consultation with the Clergy who found no difficulty in the thing and that the truth being still the same his Holyness had not any reason to be scrupulous of it at this present This the Cardinal spake so smartly that the Legat perceived that there was no more to be expected in that particular so that from that time forward they were finding out new waies for the security of Religion yet still declaring he would not recede from his first Proposals but under the Pope and holy See's censure He proposed several Articles upon that score to which the King assented That leaving the Soveraignty to the Grisons which lawfully belonged to them there should be such provision made for the safety of the Catholiques in the Valtoline that the Grisons should give them full liberty for the exercise of their Religion that they should not send any Governours amongst them but such as were Roman Catholiques that all degrees both Secular and Regular might inhabit there with all kind of Freedom that no Heretiques or their Adherents should buy Houses nor that those who had then any in possession should any longer live there or enjoy their goods but onely in the behalf of Catholiques To be short that there might be a perpetual establishment of the whole businesse his Majesty promised to become pledge for the Grisons and to perswade them to consent to the utter loss of their Soveraignty in the Valtoline in case they should break the conditions of which the Pope and his
THE HISTORY OF THE Government of France UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Great Armand Du Plessis Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu and chief Minister of State in that Kingdome Wherein occur many Important Negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time With Politique Observations upon the CHAPTERS Translated out of French by J. D. Esq LONDON Printed by J. Macock for Joshua Kirton and are to be sold at the Kings Arms in St Pauls Church-yard 1657. EMINENTISSIMVS ARMANDVS IOANNES DV PLESSIS CARDINALIS RICHELEVS etc. G Faithorne excud TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE John Thurloe Esq SECRETARIE OF STATE SIR THe Illustrious Cardinall truely Eminent for his sublime qualities presenteth Himself unto You in ful assurance of a most ample Protection both to his Memory and Fame Generous and active Souls have a naturall and therefore inseparable inclination to the mutuall Honour and Defence of each other It were injustice that that Pilot who in his life time knew so well to sail with security amidst the many turbulent and frequent storms of Fortune should be toss'd and molested in his Urn the Harbour where common humanity allows a quiet Station to all Be pleased therefore Noble Sir to undertake the Patronage of this Great Person in whose History you will encounter nothing but what relisheth of an high Grandeur and an extraordinary Genius Indeed the cleer and happy Justice of those affairs whereon you are engag'd will not finde much here for your imitation yet questionless many things there are which upon another account may challenge your admiration and applause The Symmetrie of your Administrations doth oblige you to accept of this Dedication from him who devoteth himself to your commands in the quality of SIR Your Honours most humble Servant JOHN DODINGTON To the Reader I Desire thee to excuse the many Errata's which doubtless thou wilt here meet in regard the Printer in some places hath fail'd in point of Orthographie give him the allowance as in such cases are common and the scales will be turn'd for other faults I must also Apologize in regard of my own affaires which would not permit me to review my own Coppy or Correct the Press If thou dost then demand why I undertook it I shall deal ingeniously with thee and tell thee I was ingaged upon it by the importunate surprisall of a friend who extorted a promise of it from me ere I well knew what I had promised I beseech thee therefore to connive at what cannot now by either of us be amended Thus much more I thought good to let thee know that if this finde thee merciful I may perchance present thee with the sequell of the Cardinals Administration until his Death the manner of his Death his last Will his Birth and Youthfull Studies with diverse of his Letters and many quaint Observations upon his Life and Death which I hope may better deserve thy approval I. D. These Books are lately Printed and are sold at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard A Collection out of the best approved Authors containing several Histories of Visions Apparitions Prophesies Spirits Divinations and other wonderful Illusions of the Divel wrought by Magick or otherwise Also of divers Astrological predictions shewing the vanity of them and folly of trusting to them By G. I. A Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities concerning the most Noble and Renowned English Nation by the Study and Travel of Richard Vestegan The History and Character of the Bishops in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James Written by Sir John Harrington for the private use of Prince Henry The Magistrates Authority in matters of Religion asserted Or the Right of the State in the Church A Discourse written by the Learned Hugo Grotius Of Government and Obedience as they stand directed and determined by Scripture and Reason Four Books by John Hall of Richmond Two Plays of Mr James Shirley's The Constant Maid A Comedy and St Patrick for Ireland That excellent Tragedy of Bussy D' Ambois Written by George Chapman These now in the Press The Man in the Moon Or a Discourse of a Voyage into the Moon By Domingo Gonzales Also Nuncius Inanimatus or the Mysterious Messenger both written by D. F. G. a man of great parts and Eminency in his time The Indian History of Anaxandre and Orazia Written in French by Monsieur de Bois-Robert Translated into English by a Person of Honour some years since THE HISTORY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE Cardinal de Richelieu Anno 1624. GOD who is able onely by the strength of his Arms to over-rule Kingdomes according to his own pleasure hath given some part of their Government to Soveraigns whom he hath established as Vicegerents of his Power The Love which he bears to men hath inclined him to admit them unto the pertaking of his Authority And if he hath ordained intelligences in the Heavens to over-see their motions he hath also decreed certain men upon the earth who should have the charge of reigning over Kingdomes But though he hath invested all Kings with an absolute Authority yet he hath not indued them all with one and the same Genius His Prudence which guides all things by Weight Number and Measure hath affected that as in Painting there are Raphaels and Titians whose pieces serve other Painters to learn the perfection of their Art so there should likewise be in Regality Caesars Constantines and Charlemains whose Actions might be recorded as examples for all others As it is said in Philosophy Perfectum in suo genere est mensura Caeterorum The worthiest subject in every kind serves for a measure to all within its compasse And who can refuse to rank in this number the present King under whose Scepter the Kingdome hath the happiness to be now governed To speak truth his Actions have fixed the Kingdome in the highest point of glory that many ages have seen his Prudence Valour and Justice do shine with so much splendour that without doubt they are sufficient to teach the Laws of Government to all other Princes He never affected any Title but that of Just because he made choice of Justice for the rule of all his Actions knowing that it was the most illustrious perfection in all Kings that it was it which rendered their Majesty most venerable That it was it which gave a good successe to all their enterprizes and lastly that this was it which was the strongest Prop of Peace But we should offend against that very Justice if we should deny hâ—m the Title of Great which his Scepter gives to him The Title of Invincible which his Valour hath merited the Title of August which his vertue hath acquired the Title of Conquerour which Fortune her self hath bestowed upon him His dignity maketh him the greatest of Kings his Power the strongest his Conduct the wisest his Treasuries the Richest and his Vertue the most just We have seen some Clouds arise which have seemed to obscure his light but they have onely
That History records above twenty Alliances between France England and Scotland That it would be easie to assure her Ladyship the exercise of her Religion considering what had been granted to the Spaniard That great Princesses are in this particular in a worse condition than Ladies of a meaner Quality by reason half an Age hardly produceth a Match correspondent to their Birth so that having once lost their opportunities they live to see the Harvest of their Beauties reaped by years without ever marrying whereupon it was resolved to see what particular Proposals would be made this result was signified to the Earl of Holland who assured them that the King his Master would receive it with much joy yet deferring to enter into any further Treaty untill he had received particular instructions from his Majesty Who upon the receiving of that news dispatched with all diligence the Earl of Carlisle with full power to conclude the Match The Earl of Holland went to Amiers to meet him that they might confer together what they had to do and afterwards being come near to Campeign the King hearing of it commanded the Duke of Cheuruse to go receive them with twelve Coaches full of Nobility and withall to entertain them magnificently and defray their charges during their abode at Court The day after their arrival they had Audience given them and the Proposals which they made appeared so reasonable that the King presently judging that they might easily be resolved appointed Commissioners to treat with them The Cardinal was at that time newly advanced to the Administration but he made it apparent that he was not a Novice in the management of it for the King desiring his opinion of this Treaty he not onely added many other reasons to those alledged in the first consultation but moreover suggested to his Majesty such judicious means to carry on the business that he could not enough admire his Prudence Amongst other reasons of the commodiousness of this Match hee represented to him that England once leagued with France by this Alliance there was hopes that they would joyn their Forces to assist the German Princes since it was yet more for the Interest of England then France to re-establish them which being so their powers would not onely ballance those of the house of Austria but overpoize them too with never so little assistance from those Princes That the happy successe which would follow would adde as much Glory to his Crown and State as discredit and confusion to his enemies Moreover that it being very expedient to curb the Insolencies of the Hugonots this marriage would be of great use as well because it would with-hold the King of Great Brittain from assisting them as also because it might be a means to procure shipping from him for the reducing of Rochel in short That there was great hopes to beleeve the Princess might much advance the Catholick Religion in England if as there was no doubt she were beloved by the King and the Prince her Husband So that of all sides there was nothing Prognosticated but great happinesse judging it requisite to use addresse and prudence for the speedy effecting of it The King did very wel relish the Consideration and thereupon commanding him to have a particular eye upon the Treaty his judgement which presently penetrates into affairs and quickneth expeditions did negotiate it with so ready a Conduct that he shortly brought it to such a passe that it might receive a Conclusion and that which I finde in it most to be admired is That the success hath shewed he was not mistaken in his conjecture England also did forthwith joyn with France to give means to Mansfield to enter with a puissant Army into Germany that he might attempt the re-establishment of the Palatine and the year following the King of Great Brittain sent ships to the King which helped him to gain a glorious Naval victory against those of Rochel The same effects had assuredly continued without the Intregues of Madam de Cheuruse without the ill conduct of some who accompanied the Princess and without the death of King James For his Majesty from that time shewed himself so affectionate to France that one day he openly said before divers Lords of the Court that the King had gained more upon him then any of his Predecessors and that he would not onely imploy his Subjects lives but his own too in defence of his interests and to oppose the Rebels who should attempt any Insurrections in France and lesse could not be expected from the Princess in the behalf of Religion if death had not prevented that Monarch from seeing the marriage consummated for the Passion which he had already in her behalf though he had never seen her was so sensible that he was heard say with a great deal of tenderness which was taken notice of amongst other discourse of the same nature That he would quarrel with her because she would not read his Letter nor that of the Prince his son without leave from the Queen her Mother but withall that he was much bound to her because after she had read them she laid his under her Pillow but his sons in her Bosome to shew that she did rely upon him and lodge his son in her heart Politick Observation ALliances with strangers by Marriages have passed amongst others for the Principal means which are thought proper to augment the Peace and Power of a Kingdome By them it is that we oâ—ten see those great fires of War which consumed them extinguished and the sweetness of a happy Peace restored to the people Thus Hugh the Earl of Câ—aâ—lins son by his Marriage with Alice Inheritrix of the Earldome of Bourgogn restored peace to both who had along time groaned under the miseries of War Thus those great enemies which exasperated the houses of Bourgogn and Orlâ—ance were allayed for some time by the Marriage of Philip Count de Vertus second son to the Duke of Orleance who had been slain by the Duke of Burgogn with Katharine of Burgogn And to re-inforce this truth with ancient examples Thus Argas King of Cyrene promised to bestow his onely daughter Beonice upon the son of his Brother Ptolomei whereby to obliterate the memory and resentment of the hatred which had been between them But Peace is not the onely benefit recorded to attend Marriages For how often have Princes inlarged theiâ— bounds by that means Who knows not that the House of Austria had not been thus Potent but by Alliances and that the marriage of Hetiâ—gis Inheritrix of Vltrich Burg Longravat and Alsace with Albertus sirnamed the Sage of Elizabeth Inheritrix of Austria Carintia Tyrol and Goricie with the Emperour Albertus the first of Jane Inheritrix of Castile Arragon Sâ—ciliâ— and Naples with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria of Anne Inheritrix of Hungaria and Bohemia with the Emperour Ferdinand the first brother to Charles the Fifth have been the true Rise of its Grandure which was inconsiderable
consideration of that diversity of Religion between the Princess and the Prince of Wales his Majesty should send to his Holiness to procure a Dispensation before the Marriage were effected to obtain the said Dispensation the Cardinal proposed to the King to send Father Berule Superior General of the fathers of the Oratory and to commit the charge of it to him as a person capable of such a negotiation and whose Piety which amongst the People is extreamly recommendable might take off all shadows or apparencies which the weakness of their senses or the malice of the Spaniards might raise abroad concerning it It should seem he did fore-see that Fury wherewith the Spanish Partisans writ against this marriage So angry they were that they had not prevented it not reflecting that for eleven whole years they had testified to the world that they would have done the self-same thing But that I may not be hindred by those outragious speeches which proceeded from those spirits puft up with Ambition who then began to discover that France had a Minister capable to countermine them and to oppose their unjust designs I shall inform you that the instruction which was give to Father Berule was to go to Rome with all diligence and to obtain the Dispensation from the Pope to which purpose he was to represent to his Holiness That the King of Great Brittain having demanded the Princess Henrietta Maria the Kings Sister in marriage for the Prince of Wales his son his Majesty was the more inclinable to hearken to the Proposition because hee looked upon it as a probable means to convert the English as heretofore a French Princess married into England had induced them to imbrace Christianity But that the Honour which hee owed to the Holy Chair and in particular to his Sanctity who had formerly held him at the Font of Baptism in the name of Pope Clement the Eighth had not permitted him to conclude upon the Treaty before the obtainment of his Dispensation That this Marriage ought to be regarded for the Interest not onely of the Catholicks in England but of all Christendome who would receive great advantages by it that there is not any thing of hazard for the Princesse seeing she is as firm as could be desired both in the Faith aâ—â— Piety That she should have a Bishopâ— and eight and twenty Priests to do all Offices That she should have none but Catholicks in her Houshold That the King of Great Brittain and the Prince of Wales would oblige themselves by Writing and Oath not to solicite her directly or indirectly neither by themselves or any other persons to change her Religion Moreover that there being nothing to be feared in relation to the Princesse there were great hopes that she might be intirely beloved by the King who was well disposed already to become a Catholick and by the Prince of Wales That shee might the more contribute to their conversion in regard that women have very great power over their Husbands and Father-in-Laws when Love hath gotten any power in their affections That for her part she was so zealous in Religion that there was no doubt but she would employ her utmost industry in so pious a design That admitting God should not succeed her iâ—tentions either upon King James or the Prince of Wales there were hopes her Children might become restorers of that Faith which their Ancestors had destroyed seeing she had the education and bringing of them up in the belief and exercise of the Catholique Religion until they were thirteen years old and that their first seeds of Piety having being instilled into their souls and cultivated with carefulnesse when they became capable of good Instructions might infallibly produce stable and permanent Fruits that is so strong a Faith as might not be shaken by Heresie in a riper age And after all That the Catholiques of England would forthwith receive great advantages by it seeing both the King of Great Britain and the Prince of Wales his Son would oblige themselves by worâ— and deed not to hunt them out or when they were discovered to punish them To free out of Prison all such as were layed up to restore them their Monies and Goods which had been forced from them after the last Act if they were possible to be had and generally to treat them with more favour than if the Treaty with Spain had gone on Lastly he had order to inform the Pope that to render a greater respect to the Church he had conditioned that the Princess should be affianced and contracted according to the Catholique form like that which was observed they Charlâ—s the Ninth in the Mariage of Margarice of France with the late King Henry the Fourth then King of Navarr These things spoke in their own behalf and were so eminently visible that no doubt could be made of them The Father Berule too wanted neither Ability nor Good-will but represented them to his Holyness with such dexterity that his Sanctity gave him hopes of a favourable answer 'T is true the Pope would not grant him a dispence without conferring with the Cardinals that he might give no jealousie to Spain who had been dealt with in the very same manner when they desired a Dispensation for the Inâ—anca but they were of his own naming and such as no one could think were more subject to Passion than Justice So they met divers times about it and though it were with the ordinary delayes of the Court at Rome without which they esteem no affair can be discussed and judged with Prudence or Majesty enough yet in sine they referred the expediting of the Dispensation to the Popes pleasure All that was cross in the business was barely this Father Borielâ— being naturally addicted to refine all things was perswaded that there had not been assurances strong enough obtained from the English for the securing and hindring the placing of Protestant Officers over the Princesses children the solicitation of Officers to change their Religion the continuation of forcing English Catholiques to take Oaths of Abjuration against the Catholique Religion and the holy See though indeed it had been expresly concluded and agreed on That the King of England and Prince of Wâ—lâ—s should engage both by Writing and Oath not to enforce them any more However this induced both the Pope and Cardinals to think fit not acquainting the â—ieurâ—dâ— Bethune with it though the Cardinals Prudence had tyed up the said Father Bâ—rulâ— in his Instructions not to doe any thing without him to oblige the King in the Instrument of Dupensation to procure from the King of Great Britain new assurances in these parcicuâ—ars So that he following his own sense and specious reasons upon which he relyed his Holyness dispatched him upon those conditions and sent him back to the King with all diligence Politique Observations IF Piety prohibit Ministers to doe things contrary to Religion Prudence obligeth them to referre the management of affairs to Persons who
he resolved to send the Marquess de Coevures into Swizzerland at the same time that the Sieur de Bethune was dispatched towards Rome There were two Instructions delivered to him by the first he was ordered to re-unite all the Swisse Cantons with his Majesty to dispose the Catholicks to give their assent to the Treaty of Madrid and to espy if in this re-union there might not some way be found out for to re-place the Grisons into the Soveraignty of the Valtonine The second was to be kept private if the first took effect else he was commanded to incourage the Grisons to rise who should receive assistance from his Majesty of such Troops as should be necessary according to such orders as should be received there went with the Marquess all the Grisons Captains who were at that time in the Swiss Regiment who were thought most able to be made use of in the Valtoline to fish out any thing which might be thought proper to be known and to give intelligence to the Marquess of those Countries But that which was the best guide of all was to see six hundred and sixty thousand Livres pass in a Convoy to be distributed some part amongst the Swisses upon whose natures nothing hath so great an influence as mony and the other part upon the first expences of the war if there should be any occasion to begin it Upon his comming into Swisserland he found the Spaniards had made strong Parties there so that it was impossible for him on the sudden to open the peoples eyes that they might see how they precipitated themselves into their own ruine He imployed the Sieurs de Mesnim du Mesnil to negotiate with them in smal Assemblies and presently after his arrival he went to Baden but it was with little success untill the General meeting in August at Souleur In the ixterim he laboured very diligently to gain the Principal Captains either by distributing the Kings money amongst them or by instilling such other reasons as might be able to move them To the Catholicks he gave assurances that his Majesty did not interess himself for the re-stating the Grisons in the government of the Valtoline but withall necessary conditions for the exercise of the Catholick Religion which made those suspicions which had been infused by the Spaniards to vanish As for the Interest of the Church and the good of their State it was evidently demonstrated to them that the losse of the Valtoline would presently be followed by that of the three Grisons which were inleagued together and of which the Arch-Duke Leopold had already gotten a good part That after the dis-uniting of those confederates the Spaniard being master of the Passages would not much trouble himself about those little Cantons which brought into them a great profit and made them upon that score very considerable In brief that it would quickly be easie for to invade their Country and that he would the sooner attempt it for that he did not want any pretensions to intitle himself to the Mastery of it These important reasons strenthened with the payment of their Pensions did so shake some of the Cantons that those of Berne and Zurich did first consent that there should be souldiers levied for the King and such Provisions of Ammunition as every place should require But the Martquess chief endeavour was at the Assembly at Souleur where he shewed a Master-peece of Prudence speaking very highly of his Masters name and succours and making use of the mony which he had brought with him both together served him to good purpose for obtaining of them if not all yet the most part of his desires The Catholicks accorded to ratifie the Treaty of Madrid declaring however that they did not intend to become bound to recover the Valtoline by force Then he got such assurances as himself liked from those of Berue and Zurich for the Levies of those Souldiers which they had promised and withall got it to be approved by all the Cantons onely that of Souleur excepted which by the means of Ladnoyer Rool's Faction refused to declare it self It is true the Catholicks consented to it but upon condition onely it were for France but there was a little more then so intended in it for the Marquess demanded them for the service of his Master and of his Allies without openly declaring that it was for the Grisons In Prosecution of time and not hoping to procure any greater assistance he began to prepare all things to enter with an Army upon the Valtoline but however it was after he had informed his Majesty of the condition of affairs amongst the Grisons where the Sieur de Landâ—e de Vaux imployed by his Majesty had put things into a very good posture and untill he had received his Majesties expresse orders and commands Politick Observation COmmonwealthâ— especially Popular are hardly perswaded to any great undertakingâ— they are naturally so in love with Peace That there is not any Warre how glorious or profitable soever which they would prefer before it Princes are capable of being ingaged upon divers considerations either for the love which they bear to their Allies or out of a sense of honour which they are commonly touched with or out of an apprehension of what may follow or out of such jealousie as a puissant Neighbour may oblige them to have or by neernesse of blood or by the compassion which they have of others miseries and the Ambition to become Protectors of their States But Republicks are not touched with any of these considerations All such as are called to a Common Councel think of nothing but their own particular Interest and they imagine that whatsoever hinders the injoyment of their Revenue or stops their Commerce or their Labors as War is a greater and more considerable evil then any others which you can make them sensible of and they can be drawn to nothing but in case of absolute desperate extremity Not but that there may be amongst the people some Souls and Courages more daring then others but as most voices carries it not their merit who advise it so they are no more regarded then Reason is when as a multitude of different Passions entertain the Will upon some pernicions object It is to no purpose for a man to attempt to shew them any consequences which may happen in future for their spirits have not a thing so noble as to look further then the time present they are sensible of nothing but what is beaten into them and they will much sooner be perswaded to beleeve that Fortune who they thinks disposeth of all humane affairs because themselves want wit to govern them will defend them from those evils which they are threatned with then be induced to take their own defences by Force of Amrs. Moreover their closer covetous homou abhominates any thoughts of expences without which War cannot be maintained and the noise of Guns and Drums onely do so beat their
the chief men of their towns But the Cardinals vigilance was the principal obstacle which rendered all their Combinations void He induced the King to send with all hast about the beginning of the yeer the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc with certain Regiments to oppose the first commotions and to employ many persons of discretion to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns and by this meanes most of them kept within their duties The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest which founded an Allarm to all the Hugonots party and made them believe that their utter ruine was concluded on in the Kings Counsel That the losse of their Religion was inevitable if they did not defend themselves by Armes and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel was an assured signe of it as also those other advantages which he had taken against them He prevented them in believing his Majesties Edicts and Proclamations by that supposition which he instilled into them that the Catholiques were of opinion in most of their books That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretiques It 's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations that most were taken with them particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapt into some Towns certaine Gentlemen and Captains of his own Religion to encourage them and to stir up the Popular Ministers who after this looked for nothing but when to rise not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to were contrived by the Spaniards who make open profession of being their ennemies and who pretended not to make use of them but only to divert and draw off the Kings Arms from Italy Politique Observations NO one but a King ought to take up Arms As formerly among the Romans it only belonged to the Consuls who had the superintendency of State to open the two gates barred with Iron and fastned with a hundred hinges which were opened in token of war so when Caesar began the war against the Gaules it was Cato's advice to recal the Army into Italy and to leave that great Captaine to his enemies because he had attempted it without the command of the People and Senate Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever without rendring themselves guilty of Rebellion True Religion it self is not a sufficient reason to raise a War how much lesse then may Heresie make use of it as a Pretext And those Hereticks who make profession of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ have ill studied it if they have not observed this truth in it that one is no lesse obliged to obey Princes though Infidels then others God saith in Esay speaking of Cyrus Monarch of the Medes and Persians who had no knowledge of his holy name I have called thee though thou hast not known me I have named thee by thy name and have raised thee up to honour and power though thou hast had no knowledge of me and I will that both they of the East and West shall know that it is I who have established thee and that there is not any Governour upon the Earth that hath not received his Power from me and my hand and afterwards he addeth that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand that he might bring the Nations into Subjection whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings who breaketh the Gate of Brass and bursteth the Bars of Iron to whom all things are manifest and nothing is concealed from him Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen besieged taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem razed the Walls demolished the Houses burned the Temple prophaned the Sanctuary took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to Gods service killed the Kings Children with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple and carried the reâ—t Captive into Babylon Though hee had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch saying to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People God who hath created men and the beasts of the Field by his great power and stretched out Arm hath given it to whom he pleased and hath placed it in the hands of his servant Nebuchadonozer He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke and serve him and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke God wil visit him with the Famine the Sword and the Pestilence Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Balthasar his son to the end they may live as long upon the Earth as the Heavens shall indure Which being so can it be lawfull or in the power of men for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Authority to give them a Law contrary to Gods command In St. Pauls time and the rest of the Apostles there was not any one King who had imbraced the true Faith yet they commanded that they should be prayed for and that they should give them all manner of Honour Subjection and Obedience and to bear themselves humbly before them for the love of God and a good Conscience Whence it is That the wisest Politicians have accompted it intollerable that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoak of a Prince under whom God hath subjected them or to assume to themselves any power over him to whom they ought to give an accompt of their Actions Subjects have not by the Law of God any other defence then flight That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians and if this flight be shamefull in the Wars between Prince and Prince or Commonwealth and Commonwealth yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Soveraign The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline obliged his Majesty to do the like by him in assaulting the Common-wealth of Genoa It is true that was not the onely consideration which induced the King to commence the War but the weaknesse of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first a weaknesse worth the observation in regard there was not one Fort there excepting that of Rive which could indure any long Siege So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them unlesse their Arms who would re-take them be so strongly diverted that they may be hindred from comming to them Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts before they were deposited in the Popes hands was a sufficient token of his design long since concluded on in
being arrived and presented to his Holiness by the Sieur de Bethune he supplicated his Holiness on his Master behalf that he would bee pleased to grant him the dispensation for it The Pope receiv'd him with such honour as is due to those who are sent from the first of Christian Princes and as to that which concern'd the dispense his Holiness told him that he having already accorded one of the like to the Spaniards when as the Match with the same Prince was upon the point of conclusion with the Infant of Spaine he had done it with the advice of the Cardinals then and could not now conclude it without acquainting them with it but however promised him that they who were suspected to be against the French interest should not be called to the consultation but that others which favoured it should be put in their places but withal to testifie his good will to the King he would do one thing which he had not accorded to the Spaniards that is he would convocate the Consistory of Cardinals in his own presence that he might give the quicker dispatch to it Within in a few dayes after he named the Cardinals but he was not so good as his word in convocating them before himself whether it were that so extraordinary a grace might have exasperated the Spaniards with whom he had no great mind to embroyl himself or because he imagined the Cardinals would not meet with any so great difficulties as might require his presence for the granting of the dispense and this was as much as passed upon the first motion though afterwards many disputes did arise either because it is ordinary with those who judge of affaires in the Court of Room to seek all advantages for Religion and to raise questions where there are none that their final results may be the more vallid or else because Father Berule treating with the Cardinals in private had perswaded them to ad some other things in the dispense then had been concluded in the Articles These difficulties thus risen ingaged the Sieur de Bethune who understood not whence they came to joyn himself to the Father Berule and that he might overcome them he often represented to his Holiness that the great zeal his Master had for the Church had induced him to take a great deal of paines for the obtaining the most advantageous conditions in the Articles that could be hoped for by the English Catholiques That the Spaniards having consented that such children as should be born of this Marriage should be brought up by the Queen only until their age of twelve yeers but the King not contented with that had obtained it until the thirteenth yeer which was no inconsiderable businesse because in that age it is that children take such impressions of Religion as will not easily be rooted out in future He was not deficient in representing to him both the hapiness and glory that it would for ever be to his Popedom if the eldst son who should be born should religiously preserve those instructions in his riper age which the Queen should give him and at last establish the Church of England in it's liberty and splendour That the fruits of this Alliance were to be considered by the advantage which might happen by it hereafter especially seeing in the last Article the King of Great Brittany promised to treat with more sweetness and allow more liberty and freedom to the Catholiques in behalf of the alliance with France then otherwise he would have done for that of Spain that he was bound by oath to perform it that it was true the Spaniards had demanded more that is a publique Church in England but withal they could not procure it to be granted and that indeed there was not any thing more to be expected then what had been alreaded concluded that all which is to be wished is not alwayes possible and after all that the three principal things which ought to be considered had been agree to which was the assurance of the Princess her conscience the education of such children as God should blesse her with and the liberty of Catholique he also went and related the same to the Deputies At last after three several meetings upon the business they thought so much had Father Berule possessed them with hopes when he discoursed with them in private that neither they nor the Pope himself could safely grant the dispeâ—se according to those Articles which had been concluded between the two Crowns but they would needs have this added that those servants who were to wayt upon such children as God should give to the Princess should be Catholiques and chosen by her during the age that they were to be under her goverment That the English should not by any means endeavour to draw off the Princesses servants from the Catholique Religion nor those of the Messieurs her Children whilst they should remain with her Lastly that the King of England should swear not to fail in either of those two things and that the King of France should promise his Holiness to cause those Articles to be observed to which the King of England should oblige himself The Sieur de Bethune did much wonder that they should so earnestly ad those Conditions to the Articles which were not only capable of retarding but also of quite breaking of the match and consequently bring the English Catholiques into a greater persecution then ever But all was an effect of Father Berules zeal which was a little too hot and which prepossessed both the Pope and Cardinals with such strong impressions that they were irresistably bent upon it this good man making it appear by his transaction that the most spiritual men are not alwaies the most proper persons to be imployed in negotiation of State by reason of the subtlety of the spirits which do refine things a little too much and their perverseness in opinion which is common to them with all others and which doth often keep them off from complying with the Lawes even of a necessity it self Politique Observation IT is a great Imprudence in an Embassadour to move contrary to his Instruction and to raise difficulties in a business which is committed to him by following his own sense Orders are to Embassadours as Compasses to Pylots and as a Pylot exposeth himself to the danger of Shipwrack when as he will take no other guide in his voyage but his own Caprichio so an Embassadour endangereth the success of his negotiation if he doth neglect to follow those Orders which are given to him he ought to consider that the person who imploys him hath more knowledge of the Affair then himself That he not having given him a full Liberty to do whatsoever he should think fit those are the onely means which he is commanded to follow that must guide him to the end of his Affair and that if he doth not adhere to them he doth not onely run the hazard of losing himself but also
by it will ingage them to master the Commonalty and to repel Mutineers by force and to bring them under the obedience which they owe to their Soveraign There are but a few who can resolve to lose their Goods to satisfie the rage of an unbridled People Commonly none but they who are like to get by it do follow any Revolter Man is naturally so carefull of his own Estate and Goods that there is hardly any thing which he will prefer before them But if Devastation bee not able to reduce Revolted Towns into their Obedience without using other force of Arms who knoweth not that by a close besieging of them too they will come to find themselves so destitute of Victuals that it will be impossible for them any long time to hold out And thus one need not doubt but that it will in fine bring them down unto their Obedience either by Force or for their own Interest As for Rules to be observed in Forraging there are not any onely to destroy all the Fruits thereabouts to Reap if possible all the Wheat else to burn it to make the Grapes into Wine or else to cut up the Stocks as also all other Trees that bear Fruit or from which they may make any advantage It should be done as near the Walls as possible might bee to take away all conveniences from them and whilest that the Pioneers are at Work the Army ought to bee at hand to defend and shelter them but in such places where the Cannon shot may not reach them A Victory Obtained by the Duke of Montmorency against the Hugonotâ— THese Victories which the King got against the Revolted were not inconsiderable but that which the Duke of Montmorency got assisted by the Sieurs de St. Luc de la Roche Foucaud de Thoyras was much beyond them all The Marshal de Preslin had been the most part of the year in the Country of Aunis and the Sieur de Thoyras had been in Fort Lewis before the Gates of Rochel both to pillage round about that Rebellious Town whereby to reduce them to such want that they might not long hold out as also to prevent their making of any attempts thereabout The Sieur de Soubize finding little assurance on the main land had fortified himself in the Isles of Ree and Oleron it was the more important to remove him thence because else it would be impossible to reduce Rochel into its obedience so easily and abundantly might he recruit them with necessaries from those fertile Islands But to give a good success to the business there was need of a Fleet To which end his Majesty got together good store of ships of which one twenty were lent him by the Holâ—anders according to the Treaty which had been concluded with them the fore-going year His Majesty committed the Government of it to the Duke of Montmerency Admiral of France with order to fight the Sieur de Soubize and to cause the Sieurs de St. Luc de la Roche-Foucaud de Thoyras to passe over with some part of their Forces into the Isle of Ree to drive out those Rebels who were in Garison in the Forts there and to fortifie themselves The Sieur de Soubize who had then great and small onely thirty nine Vessels would not expect the comming of the Admiral Montmorency to the Kings Ships though he had procured a promise from the Sieur Hautyn the Hollanders Admiral under favour of the conformity of their Religion and had likewise passed his own Parole that neither part should attempt any thing untill the Treaty of Peace which was agitating at Court were either absolutely concluded or broken off which he did not faithfully perform on his part for taking advantage of his promise given hee took occasion to come upon him unprovided and on the nineteenth of July he put forth to Sea and having the Wind and Sea favourable in half an hour he came up to the Hollanders Ships and sent two Fire-boats chained together full of Artificial Fire-works to fall on the Admiral whom they burned quite down in a very little while not giving liberty for to save any but such as could swim so that above a hundred were drowned in it This Action full both of Insolency and breach of Faith ingaged the Kings Navy to pursue them four hours together The Ayr did ring again with the Cannon shot which sunk some of their Vessels and killed divers of their men But the season was so favourable to him that he got into St. Martin de Ree and to Chef de Bay The Duke of Montmorancy after the first news of the Encounter was ordered to speed away and to give them Battel He was received with a great deal of joy by the whole Fleet who were very impatient to be revenged on Soubize for the affront he had put upon them The Duke put forth to Sea the Sieurs de Saint Luc de Roche-Foucaud and de Thoyras made themselves ready to go on shore under the favour of the Admirals Arrival And on Sunday the fourteenth of September about eleven at night the Duke having given the sign for falling on they went to Attaque Soubize's Fleet which lay at Anchor in Loys Channel under the Island of Re. Upon the first approach near the enemies Vessels there were so many Cannon shot discharged on them that they were forced to retire to the further end of the Channel and the Sea falling off they all stuck on the Shelf The Duke finding them in this Condition made his Ships advance to shelter the landing of the Sieurs de St. Luc de la Roche-Foucaude de Thoyras amid'st the smoke of the Powder which hindered the Rebels from discovering it There were also ten other Ships sent out who were to go to the Road of Chef de Bay to take order that the Rochelois might send no new Troops to the Isle of Re who forced back into the Port the Count de Laval who was going out upon that design The Kings Army being landed the Enemy quickly perceived it and as soon came to receive them and used their utmost to repel them The Combate lasted three days out-right with a great deal of obstinacy on both parts the Rebels defending themselves in every place that was never so little tenable but it ended to the great advantage of the Kings Army which must be ascribed to the Valour and Conduct of those who commanded it for that they presently made themselves Masters of the Isle of Re cutting some part of the Enemy in peeces taking other some Prisoners and letting the rest escape into their Ships The Sieur de Soubize was one of those who escaped into Oleron such care he had that he might not be taken that he never came into the Fight at all They who had got clear into their Ships would have tried one bout more to have had their revenge the wind being fair for them But the Duke kept the Army in a readiness
Sieur de Bethune once and again dexteriously hinted to him a reason which could admit of no reply which was this That the Valtolines could not with Justice assume the liberty of putting themselves under the domination of any one whoever he were they being born true and natural Subjects to the Grisons and that the King his Master would never give way to it He well knew that to put the Valtoline into the Popes hands would be the same thing as if they were given up to the Spaniard for that the Popes are either by affection or fear more inclined to the Spaniard then to the French But it was very ridiculous to see the Artifices which the Deputies did use to perswade the Sieur de Bethune that the Proposal they had made was for the Kings advantage They several times protested to him that they themselves and all the rest of the Valtoline did bear so great a submission to his Majesties judgment that they would wish for nothing else but onely that his Majesty would pass his word for the Grisons accommodation which if he would they would then do whatever he would command them But in conclusion they added that his Majesty would be pleased with their resolutions of neither submitting themselves to the Grisons or Spaniards Because they evidently knew there would be little security or advantage to the French either in one or t'other of these expedients withall that to oblige them to come under the Grisons were to force them to flie to the Spaniards which if his Majesty should do they must of necessity run to them for assistance for that they could not trust themselves under the Dominion of the Grisons for that there was not any other Prince neer them from whom they might receive a more ready or favourable relief That they would full willingly have desired his Majesty to protect them but that they doubted it would be a means to ingage his Majesty in a perpetual War in their Country against the Spaniard who would never consent to it and that all these considered there could not any other party be found out more proper or fit then the Pope and that France had some reason to accord to it in respect that the Pope shewed himself very favourable to the French Interests The Sieur de Bethune answered them with Civilities nothing inferior to theirs assuring them of the affection which his Majesty did bear to their concerns and obliging them to be confident he would never abandon them and that his Majesty would never consent to any Peace by which they should not have a full and perfect Freedom for the exercise of their Religion But as to the ground-work of the business he discovered to them that in case they could find a means to be assured of this Liberty that then they had no reason to exchange Masters and especially seeing they were not in a condition to dispose of themselves He openly professed to them That his Majesty did not pretend in the least to the Supream Power over them but that his resolution was to preserve them to the Grisons procuring to them full Liberty for the free exercise of their Religion and that he would never consent the business should be ended upon other terms This answer was both resolute and full of Justice but however as Passion takes away the use of Reason so they seemed not to apprehend the reasonableness of it as also they thought good That the Spaniards should cause a second discourse to be writ by a Prelate of Milan in which they indeavoured to clear by several reasons which were willingly assented to by the Pope That the King had no right in the Valtoline to hinder their giving up themselves to the holy See so unjust and unreasonable is the inconsiderate zeal into which men do sometimes suffer themselves to be carried for Religions sake Politique Observation ZEal is a Passion very commendable when it is confined within the limits of knowledge and Charity but without this it passeth onely for an unreasonable fury not a vertue The Apostle would have it accompanied it with these two qualities and judgeth it to be blame worthy if without them Indeed it is like Oyl cast in the Fire it provoketh and raiseth up such heat in their Courages that it hurries them both beyond Reason and Justice That people which knoweth not how the son of God hath commanded to honour all Kings of what Religion soever they be as they who are established by his hand of which himself shewed an example as also his Apostles do animate themselves with an indiscreet zeal for the Interests of Religion if they follow any wayes contrary to them they do easily suffer themselves to be hurried on to shake off the yoke of Obedience to take up Arms to resist them to conspire against their persons to ruine all with Fire and Sword and to over run the whole land with those mis-fortunes which ever attend on Civil Wars This is that which made the learned Origen to say the zeal of God is nothing worth if it be not accompanied with the knowledge of God introducing the Jews for an example who by an inconsiderate zeal for Gods glory made themselves culpable of the most horrible Sacriledge that ever was yet heard of against his Son I shall add onely this that such a zeal is not onely unprofitable for Gods service but also very dangerous and prejudicial to the good of those States and Churches where it is by that heat of it which hurries on to extremities and serves for a Torch to kindle Civil Wars which undermines the Foundations of States and Religion it self and furnisheth them whom it possesseth with pretences for the doing of any thing which Fury it self can be capable of The Hollanders send Deputies to his Majesty to ingage him in a League offensive and defensive against the Spaniard VVHilest the Legate was at Fountain Bleau the Embassadour of Holland came thither upon very different thoughts he onely designing to bring things to a peaceable conclusion but they to ingage the King in an Offensive and Defensive War against the Spaniards and desire him to fall in upon their Countries There had been a Defensive League made with them the fore-going year which was sufficient to entertain all the Spanish Forces in those Countries and to give advantage to the States to make some further progress But as it is troublesom to continue a War any long time without obtaining some Victories they having lately lost the Town of Breda for want of good Conduct made it their earnest desire to the King that he would declare a War against the Spaniards that they might be revenged on them The Embassadour represented to the King and the Cardinal that the States Signiories and Lordships were not the onely places the Spaniards had designed to invade but that France too was comprised in the same design that the attempts which they had made but lately in Germany in the Valtoline
exactly observed that it was impossible any more to abuse the Kings Monies as formerly they had done so that the Treasury was not only acquitted of those advances which had been made but was afterwards filled with such great sums that France had never seen the like Politique Observation THe King who designs great matters and wants store of monies to execute them doth onely attempt vain enterprizes The most part of Politicians have alwaies been of opinion that the Riches of a Prince are the Nerves of War because as it is impossible for a man to go or stand without Sinews so it cannot be expected that an Army should subsist or that Souldiers should do their duties if there be not good store of monies to pay them and to provide all necessaries for them There is not onely Machiavel who denieth this Position against the Authority of Dion Quintus Curtius Vegetius Cicero and Plutarch who is of opinion that money is not a Nerve in War But besides that the Judgement of these great Sages of Antiquity is at least as considerable as his opinion So I find not that those reasons of his are solid enough to overthrow so commonly received a maxime I must confess with him that War may sometimes have a good successe though the Souldiers be but ill payed because the Authority of a grand Commander and their own Courages may very much animate them but as that doth but seldome happen so there cannot be any certain conclusion deduced from it There is hereof a notable example in the Battel of Pavy where the Imperialists despairing to perswade their Army to fight by reason they were so ill paid the Marquesse of Pescaire took the resolution on himself to exhort them and infused such mettle into them that they went on with great Courage and got a great honour over the French But that Prince who would deduce an absolute Rule from this example or any of the like nature and shall follow them in his Conduct shall onely prepare himself for his own Confusion and Ruine Experience having made it evident on a thousand occasions that it is unreasonable to hope for a happy success in matters of War though never so inconsiderable without great practice I know that it is not money onely which conduceth to the carrying on of great exploits but that good Souldiers are also necessary an experienced old Commander courteous generous able in Counsels quick in executions beloved by the Souldiers and indued with several other qualifications necessary for command But besides all this though a General and Souldiers should be thus accomplished yet unlesse there be good sums of monies nothing can be really attempted For how can a Prince without this satisfie several Souldiers and Commanders How can he without this make his preparations of Victuals Provisions Ammunitions Artilleries and other things which cannot be had without great expences And in case his Forces shal be cut off or destroyed how can he make Recruits or new Levies Charles the eighth having great occasions for Souldiers to raise the Siege of Navar sent the Bayliff of Dion to raise it but having no money he could procure no Souldiers In the mean while the King accorded with the Florentines for the restitution of Pisa and several other Towns in Hostage by which means he received great store of monies of which he sent a small part into Swizzerland and the Bayliff who onely demanded ten thousand men brought twenty thousand with him The Assembly of the Clergy for the Condemnation of certain Libels sent abroad by the Spanish Ambition ALL the rest of the year at least after May the Bishops and Clergy of France were assembled at Paris The chief intent of this meeting was for the renuing of that contract which they made every tenth year with the King for the payment of those Rents which are imposed upon them But this was not the onely worthy imployment which entertained them the affection which they alwaies had for the King would not let them give way to the permitting those infamous Books abortives of the Spanish Ambition which had been sent into France There need no more then onely to read them and it would soon be apparent that they were full of seditious Doctrine That they were published onely with design to diminish the Kings Authority to detract from his Majesties glory to raise Wars amongst strangers to stir up the people to sedition and to kindle a flame of War in France The Contents of them were replenished with a thousand specious pretences of Religion These generous Prelates soon discovered their designs and made it apparent that they were like Apothecaries or Mountebanks Boxes which are marked on the outside with the title of some healing Medicine but have within nothing but what is very dangerous and hurtfull They condemed the Authors of them as enemies to the publick quiet and seducers of the people to sedition putting them in mind that God had commanded them to honour Kings as Lieutenants of his power and required them to be in a straight obedience by shewing honour and respect to his designs and Justice whom God had placed over them for the good and happiness of France and not contented with having thus verbally expressed their affections to his Majesty they testified their zeal and fidelity to him by granting him six hundred thousand Crowns upon the Churches of France as a contribution toward the Wars in which the State was ingaged as also to preserve Religion in its splendour and to maintain the glory of the Crown It cannot be denyed but that many poor low spirits grumbled at it who considering but one of those ends for which Lands were given to Churches began to oppose it as if the Church which is part of the State were not bound to contribute to the good of those Corporations of which they were members and as if the publique necessities were not more considerable than the private profits of some particular people who often employ their Revenues to bad uses Politique Observation KIngs may lawfully compel Eccleasiastiques upon an important occasion to contribute to them some part of their Revenues for the maintenance of the State seeing the goods of the Church are upon such necessities in the same condition with those of others They are not exempted from ordinary contributions either by the Son of God or his Apostles for when as they lived on the earth the Church had not any immovable Goods and it is from the favours of Emperours and Kings that she hath since obtained that priviledge it was never granted to her but only that they might be employed on the publique extraordinary necessities of the State They are only tyed by Religion not to exact it though they may by absolute authority force it for if they might not make use of the Churches Goods in a case of urgency their Soveraign power would be of little worth And Soveraigns not compelling them in this harsh manner doe so much
Power of the States themselves of some Countries to change such Customes as have been received there time out of mind for the successions of Soveraigns Anno 1626. The Duke of Savoy's Design to continue the Warre against the Spaniards WHo so hath at any time beheld the Sun shining through a black Cloud dissipating those darknesses that cover the earth dispelling fear out of their Souls who had been affrighted with the Thunder and rejoycing the World by the presence of his rayes hath seen the Image of that happy Peace which entred upon the beginning of this year in concluding the Wars wherewith Italy and the Vâ—lteline were so much afflicted But to go on with the prosecution of that which hapned after the raising of the siege of Verrue untill the conclusion of the Treaty I must tell you that after those advantages obtained the Duke of Savoy being suggested by those happy successes and the Devastations which the Spaniards had made in his Country desired passionately to fall upon their Army which was retired to Pand sture as also to enter upon Mallan that he might ingage the two Armies in a long War and by that means be revenged of them This was according to the temper of his Soul who could not indure any quiet but the Constable ae Lisdiguiers and the Marshal de Crequy who desired not to attempt any thing which might not sort to their Masters glory opposed his design representing to him that there was no sence of reason to assault the Spanish Army which consisted of fourteen thousand men effective intrenched in a place very advantagious with Cannon and where they might be releeved with all necessary provisions and that neither the season nor condition of their forces would consist with the besieging any place in Milan without hazarding the Kings Army and Reputation These reasons were very considerable and the Constable without losing any more time and seeing his presence would be needlesse during the rest of the Winter in Piedmont withdrew himself towards Granoble after he had put the Troops in Garison under the Command of the Marquis de Vignolles and Vxelles In the mean while it being necessary to give his Majesty an accompt of the condition of affairs and to receive his commands he forthwith dispatched the Marshal de Crequy towards the Court. This journey of the Marshal did much perplex the Duke because hee doubted that he would induce the King to Peace as also least he might make complaint to his Majesty of the little care which was had for the satisfaction of the Treaty of the League and least he might lay all the faults which had happened in his dish This moved him to resolve upon sending of the Prince of Piedmont towards him as well to defend his Interest as to perswade the King to carry on the War in Italy and having dispatched him a few dayes after they both arrived at Court about the beginning of February where after they had entertained his Majesty according to their own desires they were obliged for the better consideration of their Propositions to put them down in writing accordingly they presented them to his Majesty who assisted by his Ministers examined them with great deliberation and at last resolved in order to that Prince his designs and withall the more to oblige him to have a greater care in performing his promises hee was assured of having the chief command of his Army though the effect of it was diverted by that unexpected negotiation of the Sieur de Fargis in Spain which ended in the Treaty of Mouson in Arragon Politick Observation HAppy is that Prince whose Councels in War become unprofitable by a favourable Treaty of Peace who can doubt but that the one is the source of all miseries brings all things into necessities deprives the people of their liberties maketh the land barren destroyeth the most glorious Pallaces tieth up the hands of Justice and bringeth the Country men under the barbarous insolency of souldiers and that on the contrary the other is acknowledged to be the Mother of Plenty the beginning of the happinesse of Kingdomes and the joy of Nations that it giveth all Liberty of Commerce and Labour leaving to every one the power of injoying his own Goods making Arts to flourish Justice to Reign and banishing all fear which keepeth the mind in hell and in a continual unquietness whilest there are any troubles It is not much more pleasant to behold the earth decked with its verdure painted with all sorts of Flowers inriched with the diversity of Trees which either nature or the Labourers hand had Planted replenished with all fruits and spices and flowing with Milk and Honey then when it languisheth by the insufferable hardnesses of Winter converted into Snow and Ice become stiffe and dis-coloured and the Land Barren and over-flowed with Water So much more satisfaction ought a wise Prince to receive when Peace commeth to deliver his Subjects from those miseries into which War had precipitated them to restore them the free use of their own Goods to give them the means of exercising their own Professions with quiet to drive away necessity from them to open the Ports of Trade from one Coast to another about their affairs then to see them remain idle and without exercise in the want of the greatest part of necessaries not daring to go out of their Gates besieged by War in their Towns and slaughtered in their own houses by sickness and famine The Conclusion of the Treaty of Mouson FOr the better understanding in what manner this Treaty was concluded It will be needfull to look a good way back and to take the first rise of Affairs from Count Olivares the chief Minister of Spain who finding that the Legat could not bring his business to that passe as was expected resolved to use his utmost to accommodate things in a peaceable manner and accordingly made several overtures that way tending to the Sieur de Fargis Ambassador with his Catholique Majesty who was not wanting to give speedy notice of it hither and at the same time the Marquis de Mirabel Ambassador for the Spaniard certified to the Marshal de Schomberg that his Master desired a Peace Whereupon orders were sent to the Sieur de Fargis that he should answer to such overtures as had been made that his Master would not be unwilling to embrace it if it might be made upon Honorable and safe conditions and he was also acquainted with the Kings desiers in that particular which were reduced under three principall heads First that the Spanjards should renounce all pretenses to the Passages in the Valtoline next that the Soverainty of the Valtoline should be preserved to the Grisons and last related to the safety of the Catholique Religion he acquitted himself of their directions very diligently but with so much heat that after several meetings and conferences had with the Count d'Olivarez they at last set down their several proposals in writing which
ALthough it be expedient to detect the chief contrivers of a compiracy either against the Publique quiet or their Kings person yet wise Politicians have not thought it proper to prey too exactly into all the complices or the plot it self if any great number of potent leading men have ingaged in it It being to be feared least either their quality or number might draw others in or that the pretences of their design might be so specious that many persons might be concerned in it who never knew at all the true depth of the business It was upon this accompt that the Senate of Rome condemned Lucius Vectius and Tarquinius for discovering that Caesar and Cressus were parties in Catalines conspiracie it being by them feared and that with reason least a greater number who were admirers of those two eminent persons might betake themselves to the same party A little dissembling upon such an occasion will be more then the strictest inquisition as Pompey made appear upon Sertorius his death for Perpenna having sent him a great chest full of Letters which the Romans had sent to Sertorius ingaging themselves in his quarrel he would not read one of them but cast them all into the fire fearing least instead of one Sertorius twenty might spring up in Rome when they should find themselves discovered and for his part it was not his desire to force or oblige them by violence to unite themselves together for their own defence Thus Alexander having intercepted some of Darius his letters by which he had incouraged certain Grecians of his own Army to kill him was in a great doubt whether he should suppresse or discover them at least to those to whom they were directed but having asked Parmenios advise in the business he was counselled not to speak of it to any one whatever because in a multitude there are never wanting some seditious persons who only lack a head and prop to make the wickednes of their hearts apparent and are naturally so base-minded that the bare report of a Faction is ground enough to ingage them in it Certain Broyles sprung up in the Court of England by the ill Counsel of some of the Queens household THe Court of France was not the only Scean of Factions England was no lesse pestered with imbroyles by those divisions which happened between the King and Queen but ended by the returning into France all the Queens officers though by the Articles of marriage it had been concluded That her Majesty should be attended by officers who were French and Catholiques But it was most certain the English never intended long to keep them which they sufficiently shewed by the entertainment given them at Dover where they could hardly get meat for their mony and soon after their arrival they laid hold on several occasions to put what that had concluded on in execution It is reported that some Ecclesiastiques and women did sow jealousies and discontents between the King and Queen which exasperated the King very much against them whereupon the Duke of Buckingham designed that his Wife Sister and Niece might be her Bed-chamber Women which being contrarie to the Articles of Marriage which did prohibit any to bear office in the Queen's Family who were not Catholiques it was denied him which angered him the more in regard he had used to dispose of all affairs in England with a great deal of Authority It was indeed proposed not long after to do that Honour to his Mother who was a Catholique and to his Wife who was that way inclined but he being unsatisfied with it did from that time forward use his utmost endeavours to foment and revenge it But it is on the other side reported that Madam de Cheuureuse discontented in the French Court and having got a good acquaintance in England blew the Coales of this division only to be revenged and withal that Buckingham was much blamed by the Parliament of England for having admitted of divers Articles the Treaty of Marriage which were prejudicial to the Religion of the Country and threatned to be called to an accompt for a vast summe of mony which was pretended he had diverted to his own use Now to satisfie the Parliament who are of great power in England he made it his business to fall upon the Catholiques especially the Queens officers and all that he might testifie to the Parliament how he would conform himself to their pleasure in every thing But he was vexed most of all when he went into Holland upon some affairs with design to passe to the Court of France and the King gave the King of England to understand that he did not like of the Journy The Earle of Holland too did not a little set on those divisions for that the French who were neer the Queen had hindred him from being over-seer of her Majesties Revenue and had perswaded her to bestow that place upon the Bishop of Mande which exasperated him very much so that he made use of his power both with the King and Bukingham to drive on the business to such a height that it was at last concluded that all her Majesties officers should be returned into France which was accordingly performed and about the beginning of August they were forced to crosse the Sea Politique Observation IT is Common upon the marrying of great Princesses with a Forraign King to give them officers of their own Country but it is seldome seen that they continue any long time neer them It cannot be avoided but that there will jealousies and heart burnings arise between them and the Natives of the Country concerning their enjoying those offices which they believe are due to themselves which jealousie doth usually raise such storms that their ruine is included in it but admit no jealousie did arise yet the meer diversity of their language and Customes were enough to create differences and divisions between them Forraign officers cannot forbear discoursing together in their own language which createth suspitions in those who understand it not By reason of the diversity of their fashions they laugh at one another which commonly breeds quarrels between them and withall let a man be never so complaisant in his humour yet there is alwayes a jealous eye upon them that they contrive some thing against the State Of this there are divers examples in all times as particularly in the raign of Francis the first in which Bellay reporteth that Affairs were very much imbroyled by strangers instancing the Bishop of Liege the Prince of Orange the Marquis of Mantua and Andreas Doria hence Bodin in his Commonwealth doeth much blame the Venetians for admitting of all kind of strangers amongst them Lypsius observeth That as when many crickets come into a house it is one assured sign of their sodaine destruction so when a great multitude of strangers shall live in a Nation it is a certain Index of some revolution neer at hand Indeed they have not usually any great deal of affection
for the Country where they live so that they do not heartily embrace the Interests of it and in case a war should break out none would be so ready as they to entertain intelligence and give advices to the enemies They are also easily provoked against the natural inhabitants of the Country upon any suspition that they are lesse esteemed by them then others which induceth them to stick close together and to raise Factions against the State withal their bodies may not be punished though there be some kind of reason for it least they should generally resent it and raise up a thousand Broyles These are the chief reasons why it is impossible to preserve a Family of Officers Strangers in a Queens Court This was it which did oblige those of Sparta as Xenophon reporteth it not to suffer any strangers to live in their Commonwealth which made the Athenians take the same resolution as Plutarch observeth in the life of Pericles and which made Suetonius commend Augustus that he would rarely grant to any the being free or naturals of his Kingdome and which induced Polydore Virgil to say in his History of England That it was not the custome of English to admit of many strangers amongst them least the difference of their customes and fashions might cause them not to live in a good intelligence with the natives of the Country The King sends the Marshal de Bassompierre into England THe Queen Mother having been acquainted with the disorder which had hapened in the Queen of Englands Family first sent the Sieur de Barre to her to testifie to her that she was sorry for her and took part in her discontents and shortly after there being no reason to put up such an injurie the Cardinal advised his Majesty to dispatch the Marshal de Bassompierre as extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England for a redresse in the business Amongst divers others he was more particularly made choise of for that employment because there had been many of his near kindred retained near the Queen who were now all sent back again So that it was thought considering the near Interest of his family that he would be the more zealously affectionate in dispatching such instructions as should from time to time be sent to him He was but coldly entertained in England because audience had been denied to the Lord Montague who was sent into France upon the return of those Officers however he was no whit discouraged at it knowing that any Ambassador ought to shut his eyes at all little difficulties and obstructions so he may carry on his Masters work to a good issue The King of England appointed Commissioners to treat with him upon that affair who being met together he represented to them in order to his instructions that amongst other things comprehended in the Articles of Marriage it had been concluded and agreed on That the Queen of England should have free excercise of her Religion that she should have a Bishop and a certain number of Priests to exercise the Offices of her Religion That all her houshold should be Catholiques and French and that all the English Catholiques should in general receive greater priviledges then had been granted them if the Treaty with Spain had been effected That the late King James and the present King Charls his son then Prince of Wales had confirmed it by oath and that King James had commanded his Officers not to trouble or molest the Catholiques any more whereupon that the King his Master had conceived great hopes of prosperity and happiness for the Queen his Sister neither could he believe that the King of England his Brother in Law would break his word given upon the consideration of Royal Marriage who until then had amongst other virtues the reputation of being Just to his promises That this new Alliance instead of reuniting their persons and Interests would now rather breed great divisions between them and at such a time when they had most need of being in amity with one another both for assisting of their Allyes and their own particular preservation And that notwithstanding all these premises the King of England had sent back all those Officers of the Queen contrarie to the Treaty which had been confirmed by oath that he placed about her Officers who were English and of a Religion contrary to hers and besides all this that the Catholiques in General were every where troubled and ill treated for their Religion sake So that the King his Master unable to abandon the Queen his Sisters Interest had sent him to his Majesty of Great Britain to put him in mind of his promises and to perswade him That her Majesties Catholique Officers might be re-admitted to her as also that his Catholique subjects might be more favourably dealt withal The English Commissioners could not deny what had been concluded in the Treaty but they would lay the fault of the Officers return upon their own shoulders pretending that they had raised troubles in the Kingdome in his Majesties own Family and that of his dear consort the Queen but they did not produce any sufficient proofs upon the business And as to that which concerned the English Catholiques they pleaded that it had only been granted for formalities sake and to satisfie the Pope But the Marshal producing before them the late Kings Oaths confirmed too by another of the present King then Prince of Wales they could no longer tell what to say to the business but fled to other complaints not material or any wayes relating to the matter in question The Marshal replyed and that very tartly that he could not sufficiently admire that the Articles of Marriage and confirmed by Oath were not observed That the Queens Officers were sent back under pretence that they troubled the State without giving the King his Master any notice of it and without acquainting him in the least with those crimes which were presented to be committed That presently thereupon English Officers and those Protestants should be placed in their rooms That indeed those accusations were to be esteemed as frivolous and admitting them for just yet ought they to be chastised only and others French and Catholique put into their places by the rules of the Treaty But that indeed those pretended quarrels or Jarrs raised by the Queens French Officers were so far from being the true cause of their return that on the contrary the Lord Moâ—ntague had been at Nantes not many dayes before their being sent over to congratulate the King and Queen Mother concerning the good understanding which was between their Majesties of Great Britain and concerning the great satisfaction which the King received at the Queen his wifes behaviour That of the suddain and unlookt for discharge of her Officers happening so immediately upon the neck of this joy could not but appear strange and that as it did much wound the King of Englands Reputation so it likewise injured the King his Masters Generosity who was
them An union very strange which divided the members from the head and so separated subjects from their Prince After the Duke of Rohan had used all his devises and seen the English Land at Ree he took up arms and appeared in the field He summoned the Duke of Savoy to send those Forces which he had promised but he could not obtain them because the Spaniards who never wanted a good will to fall upon him had at that time an Army in Milan as we shall here after declare which made him jealous besides desiring to attend the English successe he saw them ruined in their designs at Ree All that he could draw from him was a promise of fifty thousand Crowns Those Towns which delivered up to him were Nismes Vsez St. Ambrose Alets Anduse Le Vignan St. Hippolite St. Jâ—an de Grandamâ—nque Samens La Salle and other smaler places and joyning the devises of his prudence with those Forces which they had drawn together he took during his year Realmont Renel Naves Mazeres Pamiers Castres Soyon and other Towns upon the Rhofere and in Vivarez and more he had done had not the Cardinal by his care under the Kings authority prevented him It cannot be imagined with how much care and trouble he kept those together who were engaged in his party how low he was fain to stoop to work upon the meaner sort of people how many impertinencies he was forced to bear how many inconsiderate discourses he was necessitated to hear and yet seem not to understand them and to how much constraint he was compelled to subject himself He hath since protested to diverse of his friends ingeniously confessing to them that there is no care like that of retayning a mutinous people in that order which is necessary for him to make them follow who would raise any advantage to himself by their revolt Politick Observation HE who makes himself head of a Rebellious party ingaged himself into an Action full of hazzard and from which he cannot expect either good successe or honour Whatever advantages or victories he get yet he is still branded with the Title of Rebellious But though we wave this last consideration and I am of opinion that every one will conclude with me no man would imbarque himself into such dangers did he forsee what cares vexations and troubles he undertaketh If there be any person of quality of his party he must court him with all kind of respects for in Revolts every one would be Master Command They who are of an inferior condition do often carry themselves to extremities as thinking themselves the most necessary in the vanities of their Inconstancies He may be assured that as they are tyed to him only by Interest so they will forsake him when they once perceive it best to adhear unto their Kings mercy It is indeed a difficulty to believe how low he must stoop and what mean Acts he must do to keep them together Rebellions withal being for the most part amongst the vulgar sort of people it is impossible to imagine how many dangers and hazards he will be forced to run with them He who in war depends on the Common people builds upon sand They are hardly eight dayes together in the same opinion Their fury is like that of Sea they are only guided by the Inconstancy of the winds The least disaster is enough to turn them quit about and they are so fickle that they presently slight him whose Fortune is but a little averse They ascribe all their good successe to themselves and their bad to their General They are ever suspitious of those who love them and when ever the disorders which are inseperable from war chance to trample on them they can as soon fall back as they came on The least injurie which they apprehend though really it be not any is enough to lead them to other resolutions Neither will they in their Passion stick to sacrifice him to their rage whom not long before they had chosen to govern and direct them The History of Flanders hath an example of this very kind in the person of James d' Arteville every one knows the power he had in Gant and how well the people there loved him yet for all that a little jealousie which they apprehended of his fidelity precipitated them to kill him neither would they hear his reasons to satisfie them of the contrarie The Admiral de Chastillon one of the bravest men of his Age after he had experimented the misfortunes of this quality was glad and thought himself happy in that he could withdraw himself he had much rather expose himself to all the hazards of Fortune then put himself upon the mercy of an unbridled people who like a Proteus change every moment and who speak bigg words when they are far enough out of danger but sneak in their Hornes when they find their Master once comming near them with his Sword in his hand The Deputation of the Sieur Galland Privie Counsellor to his Majesty towards these Hugonot Towns which the Duke of Rohan had attempted to revolt that he might confirm them in their obedience THe Cardinal whose Vigilance was such that nothing passed in the Kingdome which he was not acquainted with having discovered these designs of Monsieur de Rohan represented to his Majesty how necessary it would be to take some good Course to prevent his future attempts either by opposing his progress with Forces or by confirming those Towns in their obedience which he had sollicited to revolt As to the first It was needful to form the body of an Army which should be in those parts and for the second it was requisity to dispatch thither some person of ability and credit with those of the Hogonot party The King soon apprehended how expedient this advise was so he made choise of the Sieur Galland one of his Counsellours of State who was qualified for that employment besides he was one of their own Religion which gave his Majesty reason to hope they would be directed by him His Commission was dispatched with all necessary Instructions for his Journy into Languedoc Foix Lauvaguez Vivarets de levennes that he might hinder the Duke of Rohans contrivances of raising the Hugonot Towns up in Arms This was a great Honour unto this old Servant of the King having received his Commission he presently set forward and went directly unto Montauban the Chief Town of their party next unto Rochel and by which most of the other Towns would be guided Upon his first arrival he called the Inhabitants together he acquainted them with his Majesty pleasure gave them his letter of Credence writ by his Majesty unto them and began to confirm them in their obedience He layed before them in a speech wherein he ommitted not the least particle that might move and perswade them to what he desired the duty of subjects towards their Prince The miseries and Calamities which they had suffered whilst they
obedience Those Rebellious mutineers when they saw there was no hopes of succour from the English and that they died by thousands of the famine made divers proposals of accommodation Hereupon his eminency told them how that those of their party on board the English Fleet had withdrawn themselves and had obtain'd the Kings pardon that the English finding it impossible to force the Bank relieve them had interceded for them that they had moreover sent Montague to make proposals of peace unto his Majesty who had kindly received him that thereupon he was return'd into England to encline the King his Master to hearken to an accommodation and that things being thus they had no other hopes but to die by famine if they had not recourse to his Majesties mercy by a true confession and humble acknowledgment of their faults This news gave an Allarum to the whole City The discreetest of them represented to the rest how the Rich did now begin to dye of famine as well as the poor having sold the greatest part of their victuals to those that had none upon hopes of the English relief that death made an harvest of them that since the last six moneths there had died between eight and ten thousand of famine insomuch that not having where withal to bury the dead and indeed having hardly any people strong enough to make their graves or carry them insomuch that they were forced to draw them with cords into the Church-yards and there to let them rot that diverse had been seen to crawl with much ado to the Church-yards and there lay down and dye hereupon the rest of the people languishing and touched to the quick with the remembrance or indeed the present image of so many horrible spectacles resolved to try their fortune to appease if possible the Kings just indignation by imploring his mercy They entreated the Sieur Arnoult to procure a safe conduct that they might send their Deputies to his Majesty which upon his Request was graunted But his Majesty would that they should first make their proposals to Monsieur the Cardinal to whom they went with an unspeakable joy therupon this grand Minister producing those Deputies which he had kept to that purpose let them discourse with one another who having assured them that they themselves had obtained the Kings pardon represented to them that they likewise had nothing now to hope for if they did not totally submit themselves to the discretion of his Majesties mercy but miserably to dye by famine his Majesty being resolved never to depart from thence till he was Master of the Town They were much surprised at this newes having not heard of it till then yet they were insolent enough to make propositions of peace still relishing of their former mutinie This grand Minister declared to them they must not think of any other conditions than absolutely to submit to his Majesties will but however promised them that he would employ his utmost power in their behalf so they returned promising to dispose their Fellow-citizens to it as much as in them lay testifying as much satisfaction and joy as they who are reprieved from the Galleys After this meeting they published all over the Town how kindly the Cardinal had entertained them with assurances he had given them to employ his interest with his Majesty to obtain the same grace for them which he had for those with the English whose Deputies they had spoken with conjuring every one to accept of it The height of that misery to which they were reduced did at last quash their mutinies although some of their Ministers not ignorant that power was the worthiest stipend of their insolencies animated them by the hopes of glory which they should obtain by dying for the liberties of their Religion so they could not presently resolve to surrender to the Kings mercy but proposed to make a general peace for all those of their party that they might choose a Governour that they might choose a Mayor and Sheriffes and generally the preservation of their priviledges to which end their Deputies made diverse journeys to and fro but Monsieur de Cardinal who never omitted any thing that concerned the glory of his Master and on the other side knew the extremities to which they were reduced still told them They must either all dye by famine or submit to his Majesties discretion This plain dealing of his did at last force them to stoop whereupon they chose twelve of the principal amongst them most of which could hardly creep to beg his Majesties pardon to assure him that they would live and die in the obedience which they owed unto him without demanding any other conditions then what his Majesty should please to give them and one of the bést Orators amongst them made their speech which was all to that purpose The King graunted them the pardon which they desired and the Sieur d' Herbant Secretary of State read the Pattent to them by which his Majesty pardoned their Rebellion discharged them of all acts of Hostility ordained that they should be restored to their goods graunted them the exercise of their Religion in the City and commanded that all the Souldiers in the City should enjoy the same grace and that the chiefe Captains and Gentlemen should go out with their Swords by their sides and the Souldiers with Cudgells in their hands but first they were to swear never to bear Arms against his Majesties service Politique Observation THough Rebels have been so stout as to let themselves be forced by a long siedge and with great expence yet it is more glorious for a King to deal mercifully then severely with them It is enough that they have already suffered great miseries unlesse there be a necessity of continuing the War against others of their party for in such case the evils they suffer are examples to terrifie others and get moderation toward them is a charm which may reduce those who are unconquered to reason This moderation is sometimes like a precious balm which takes away the pain of any would how mortal soever whereas too too strict severity drives to despair I should not be of this opinion where Rebels are forced in a few dayes but where they have endured the miseries which accompany long siedges Then I must confesse it were not amiss to expiate the crimes of all by the lives of some which were a cruelty too suparlative after the rigors unconceiveable miseries of many moneths for then a true courage is rather touched with compunction than revenge The Roman Valour is often comnended for this by Antiquity and who knoweth not how sensibly compassionate they were at the sight of their miseries whom they had vanquished Marcellus having mastered Syracusa and considering the ruine to which it was reduced could not forbear weeping Neither could Pompey endure that Tygrances King of Armenia should remain Prostrate before him whatever War he had made against the Roman people but raised
of Clemency mercy used towards poor vanquished Creatures ought no longer be esteemed a vertue but a necessary means of salvation I should add one more reason out of Polybius his History which is good deeds are a Chain of Gold which do much more fix and establish the interests of Kings then those of Iron and if Religion seem to invite them to practice it neither doth reason of State any whit lesse what was it which tied the Celtiberians so strictly and affectionately to the Roman interest but that generous and noble Act of Scipio the Affrican who restored a noble Lady his Prisoner to her husband without doing her any violence or injury and returned him all the Gold which had been brought for her ransome Did not Cyrus gain by his handsome treating of Cresus after he had vanquished him Did not that tie up the hands of all Greece who would out of the great affection they did bear to him have highly resented any injury done to him The Roman Senate did much blame their Consul Popilius for his rude treating of the Genois and commanded reparation to be made them because they esteemed the honour of a Victory not compleat where it was attended with any cruelties or rigours Those Princes who are good to their Prisoners and those whom they have vanquished are not onely commendable but delightfull to those they rule over The Romans having reduced Capadocia to a Province diminished the Tax which they used formerly to pay unto their own King because they knew that the clemency and sweetnesse of their Empire would invite others to submit to them with the lesse reluctancy and resistance His Majesties Declaration for estblishing of the Catholique Religion in Rochel IF it be glorious to overcome it is no lesse important to take such care as may confirm the Victory To this purpose his Majesty before he left Rochel published a Declaration comprehending that order which he would have observed there for the future both to establish Religion and to prevent this people from relapsing into their former Rebellion This Declaration contained that the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion should be freely exercised there both in the City and Government of Aulnis that the Churches which had been lately destroyed thereabouts should be re-edified and restored to them in whose possession they formerly were together with all their appurtenances that a sufficient maintenance should be given to such Curats as had not means to live on out of those lands which belonged to the Town-house That the Religieux de la Charite Les Religiouses Hospitalieres should be re-established in the Hospitals of the Town to attend upon all sick persons That a Crosse should be raised in the Castle-yard at the foot of which an Inscription of the taking the City should be inscribed and that every first of November a Procession general should be made to give God thanks for his mercies that the Church-yard consecrated in the lands of Corcille where those of the Camp who died during the siege had been buried should still he conserved to that use that a convent of Religieux Minimes should be built there who might pray unto God for them and perpetuate the memory of the thing this is that which his Majesty did for thanks-giving to God and the consolation of the Catholick party in the Town The Course his Majesty took to keep Rochel in Obedience IF his Piety were so admirable in that particular his Prudence was no lesse in commanding all such things as were necessary for the preservation of the Town in its duty He deposed the Mayor who had fomented the Rebellion with such insolent stubbornnesse and discharged the Shrivalty and Commonalty of the Town without hopes of restauration He ordained that the most seditious persons of the city should forsake it and amongst others Gâ—ison Mayre Godâ—â—ray Salâ—breâ— and Deserbrâ—â—res not so much as excepting the Dame de Rohan who was carried to Niort by the Sieux de Lannay Lieutenant des Gardes des Corps Next he revoked all the Priviledges and Charters heretofore granted to the City He commanded the Walls the Rampards the Bastions and the rest of the Fortifications to be razed and the Ditches to be filled up leaving only the Tours de St. Nicholas de la Ghaiâ—â— de la Lantern standing with that part of the Wall towards the Sea to preserve the Town from Pyrats He further constituted and appointed that no stranger should have a house or family in the Town without his Majesties permission had and obtained or that any Heretiques should return to their former dwellings To be short he ordained for the better keeping them in their obedience that there should be an intendent of Justice in the City Country and Government of Aulnis who should see the execution of his Ordinances and have an eye to that which concern'd his service all which was inserted in the said Declaration He then commanded the inhabitants to be disarmed and that certain Regiments should remain in the Town until it were quite demolished After all these things thus appointed he returned to Paris where he was received in great magnificence the Companies of the City making Orations unto him But I passe by the particulars of those Ceremonies and confine my self to my design of writing nothing but what relateth to the Government of the State Politique Observation HAnnibal was discommended for not knowing how to pursue a Victory when obtained and that Soveraign doth little or nothing who after a reducing of those Rebels that attempted to shake off the yoke of their obedience neglecteth to fix and settle them by all necessary orders and rules for the continuation of them in their duties His orders ought to be proportioned to the quality of the vanquished who if they be Rebels ought to be treated in another manner then such as were under another Government It ought likewise to be remembred whether they who are vanquished be of the same Religion with the Conquerour and in case they are not then to establish divers such persons there who professe the same with his own and this he is obliged to by Prudence as well as Piety It being an assured remedy of weakning a people if they be divided and that a party be made sure of amongst them The ancient Kings of Aegypt did wisely tollerate and establish all sorts of Religion in their Countries and Kingdomes to the intent the diversity of opinions might dis-unite them from any Revolts On the other side if those whom a Soveraign overcommeth be his own natural Subjects he ought not totally to destroy their Cities and Towns for that were to weaken his own power Which is the same thing that Craesus perswaded to Cyrus when he had been vanquished by him do not quoth he I beseech you destroy the Towns of Lydia for by it you will not destroy me but your self to whom by right of Arms they now belong but however this rule admitteth
for a King without Conduct who had vanquished the English in so many encounters taken Rochel forced the Alps twice relieved Cazal suppressed his Rebellious Subjects bounded in the ambition of the house of Austria setled religion in divers Provinces of his Kingdom secured the Pope from the Spanish oppression gave peace and liberty unto Italy by his Victories became the Arbitrator of Christendome and whose Arms strangers did apprehend with fear and terrour It cannot be said of him but that he was the most couragâ—ous in his undertakings the most Pious in his Conscience the most Just towards his Subjects the most Daring in any dangers the most Prudent in his Councels and the most deservedly to be admired for all his Actions that ever yet reigned over us Have we not all seen how his zeal and courage for Religion hath ingaged him to expose his person the most flourishing years of his time his Nobility his Treasures and in some kind to hazard his own State and all to abate the Insolencies of the Church's enemies It might indeed have been said that some other besides him had atchieved all those glorious Actions which we dayly see before our eyes provided any enterprise had been done without him Had he not in his own person ordered Battels had he not personally appeared in sundry dangers and had he not been actually assisting at all his Counsels to resolve what orders were most proper to be followed But the one is as visibly apparent as the other and he who would beleeve their aspersions must necessarily be born among the Antipodes All Europe was so sufficiently convinc'd of his Majesties rare and divine endowments as not to suffer themselves to be surprized by the calumnies and devices of such wicked imposters and all such as have had the honour to know though but a little of the Conduct of affairs have had ground enough to admire those great lights of Nature and particular blessings of Heaven wherewith his Majesty was stored by means of which they who were of his Counsel have seen him take such expedients as could not but be so many marks of an extraordinary Prudence Politique Observation IT is a misfortune for a King to be exposed unto slanders Let a Princes actions be never so glorious yet Man is naturally so averse from Government that he is hardly to be restrained from evil speaking against him who rules over him not excepting God himself as may appear in the particular behaviour of the Israelites But however it cannot be esteemed for other then a monstrous ingratitude thus basely to reward the great cares which he undergoes for the publick good neither can it be denied but that such reviling whereby the reputation of his glory is endeavoured to be eclipsed ought to be severely punished and especially when it tends to raise troubles in the State It is much more just to honor the actions of a Soveraign with respect then to asperse them with blame which cannot but be rash and inconsiderate unlesse accompanied with a most exact knowledge of all his designs besides those Calumnies which are laid to their charge are so much the more dangerous in regard that admitting they do not drive men into a distrust of him yet do they undeniably diminiâ—h that confidence which his Subjects would repose in him That Lye which is reported with asseveration does commonly leave some impression in the mind behind it though it beget not an absolute beleef Reputation is a Treasure which Kings cannot sufficiently esteem this is it which makes them venerable not that it adds to their vertues but renders their vertues more conspicuous not that it gives perfection to their abilities but sets off their splendour and this splendour is it which maketh men more obedient and subject to their Wills and Pleasures Opinion governs the whole World and gives Princes themselves Authority in their very Thrones Experience hath told us that we are not apt to credit a truth if reported by a Lyer so likewise no one will easily subject himself to a Prince who is commonly reputed for uncapable of Government being once in dis-repute he may cease to hope either for obedience or respect he loseth with his honour all the Love which was formerly payed unto him and fear will not long stay after the losse of Love Which being so no one can doubt of the Justice nay absolute necessity of inflicting exemplary punishments on such as have the boldnesse to offend their Soveraigns by their Calumnies He who doth not chastize them doth expose himself to eminent dangers for that men having once heard him ill reported of take the lie for a truth if the Authors remain unpunished and thus consequently he will fall into scorn and run the hazard of losing both person and estate And as he who puts one injury incoâ—rageth others to do him more and greater so it may well follow that the same party having first offended him by words may take the boldnesse next time to do it by deeds The King is carefull to justify the Cardinal by his Letters and Declarations ALthough small aspersions raised against a Prince ought not to be chastized with too much severity yet when they tend to the destruction of his Authority and the troubling oâ— his State the greatest rigour is but little enough The Emperour Theodosius did one day upon the score of a fiction raised against him answered as became his Clemency saying If he who scandaleth his Prince doth it by way of Pastime he should scorn it if by ignorance or folly he should pity him if he did it out of Malice he should forgive him Which is only to understood of small injuries such as are not prejudicial to the State and which indeed deserve rather a Princes Scorn then his Anger whereas those others deserve to be punished with severity Whence it follows that no one can doubt but that these Libellers ought to undergo the rigours of Justice their absence having secured them and his Majesty satisfying himself only by setting forth the nake sincerity of his Intentions and the justice of his Proceedings in his Letters and Declarations His Actions indeed were a defence to themselves being accompanyed with so much honour and glory that there was not any aspersion but vanished at their presence But it cannot be expressed with what care his Majesty was affected in the Cardinal's behalf how solicitous he was to vindicate him for he had not only not the least thoughts of abandoning him to the malice of his Calumniators but he rather undertook to justifie him to the life upon all occasions in his Declarations and Letters which he sent unto the Parliaments of Provinces to the Queen-Mother and Monsieur He needed not any Mediator with his Majesty for that he knows better then any other person the solidity of his Counsels the Fidelity of his Zeal the Justice of his Intentions the Generousness of his Courage and the Moderation of his Conduct The greater reason
besides the blemishing of their glory with the brand of ignorance do withal render themselves undeserving to be assisted in like necessities There is not any Prince who is not aâ—med at in his turn or able alwaies to subsist by his own force many times they are necessitated to stoop under the armes of an invader for want of the assistance of their confederates who forsake them as they were before forsaken by them If a King may with Justice defend the weak and his confederates doubtlesse he may as justly imploy his power to revenge an injury God who hath intrusted the Scepter in the hand of Kings hath also obliged them not to permit that the respect due to their Soveraign Majesty be violated by any other Prince as well as to maintain their Subjects within the bounds of their obedience He hath given them a Sword to correct any indignities offered to their Crowns There is not any one above them who is Arbitrator of their quarrels they are legal Judges of their own differences and in this Independency God hath given them power to take up Arms to carve their own right It is enough to justifie their War if the Princes against whom they fight haue given them occasion and the misfortunes which inevitably follow the disorder of Souldiers cannot be imputed but unto him who first gave the occasion of taking the field A Kingdome would be very defective as Aristotle observeth if the Soveraign had not Authority to châ—stise with his Arms him who hath injured him in like manner saith he as the body of creatures is not perfect if unable to repell those objects which offend it So an estate is not in that perfection which it ought to be if destitute of power to repay any injuries done against it The Justice of the Kings Alliance with the King of Swede THere is no doubt but the Alliance of the most christian King with him of Swede for the defence of their common confederates was very just seeing the War it self undertaken by the King of Swede was just and that all Alliance contracted for the support of a just War is in it self justifiable Yet there was no device unassayed by the house of Austria to induce the World to condemn it The first reason by them alledged in discredit thereof was that it was undertaken in the defence of Heretick Princes but what reason was there so long to have invaded the States of other Princes under the pretence of Religion After Charles the Fifth had joyned the Imperial Crown to his Kingdomes of Spain and Italy with the Provinces of the Low-Countries he thought that having forces enough to re-conquer all those Countries which formerly belonged to the Roman Emperour he might with justice attempt it as if Kingdomes were the division of force and as if birth and succession of many ages were not bars enough to stop ambition Now as Germany is the Bulwark which serves all he States of Europe to defend their liberty as Henry the Second King of France writ unto the Princes of the Empire in the year 1552. he resolved to over-run it concluding that having once mastered it he might with ease invade France England and the rest of Italy The Emperor who reigns at present knew as well how important it was seeing in his letters sent to Zuinga chief Counsellour to the King of Spain he particularly nameth it the foundation of the Authority of the House of Austria Germany indeed doth so abound in men and riches that it is alone able to entertain Armies and those great ones for ever nay to supply the very Indies in case of a defect This is the true ground of the War and that which obliged the King of Swede to assist it although the Spaniards pretence was the rooting out of Heresie It is long since the great St. Leon writ to the Emperour Theodosius that men palliate their Passions with Religion but much more reasonably may it so be said of the Austrian Princes as Mariana hath well observed in his History that being it which makes so great an impression upon the people The World sees by experience how advantagious it was to them when Ferdinand usurped Navarre from his own Neece they themselves have seen that it wanted but little of putting our Scepter into their hands during the League It is the best title by which they hold part of both the Indies where they have put to death not only lawfull Princes but at least fifty Millions of people with such cruelty that they have died the earth with blood and made Heaven to groan with horrour and well will they now make use of it to despoil the German Princes of their estates But who is ignorant of their injustice seeing that as the true Religion gives no right to Empires so force cannot deprive him of it to whom it falls by succesion Politique Observation HEresie doth no more dis-ingage Subjects from obedience to their Prince than infidelity but this being a point of Doctrine peradventure some mean capacity will make a scruple to believe it if only proved by the verity of politick maximes I shall therefore back it by the belief which the Apostles-left in the Primitive Church which the Father 's taught in their Precepts and Examples and which the ancient Christians did most religiously observe amidst their greatest persecutions Did not the Apostles St. Peter and Paul write to the christians in their Epistles at what time Nero made the earth tremble with his cruelty execrised upon them Let every one be subject to the higher powers For there is not any Dominion which is not established by God and those which now are are by his gift Whoever rebelleth against them opposeeth his Commandment and they who indeavour to shake off the yoke of their obedience expose themselves to damnation A Prince is God's servant it is not to no purpose that he holds the sword it is to make himself known for the Almighty's Officer He ought to be obeyed not only because he can punish but for Conscience sake neither are these the only exhortations left unto us upon this subject their Epistles are fraught with divers others so frequent that I need not recite them leâ—t I play the Dâ—vine and forget the Historian Who likewise knoweth not how all the ancient Fathers of the Church would have sealed this Doctrine with their blood notwithstanding they lived under Atheistical and Pagan Princes who were as so many firebrands to Religion and sworn Enemies to our Faith S. Ignatitus writ very earnestly to the people of Antioch to perswade them to serve Justinâ— the Emperour and gave all Pagan Princes to understand by a learned Apologie that their hopes were in vain to force the faithful by the violence of their torments to worship Idols and false gods who in all other things would render a full and intire subjection to their Emperours Tertullian acknowledgeth none but God above Kings and confesseth that their commands tie the
frequently disowned by them These good Fathers were but ill spokes-men in matters of Propositions being intrusted to say nothing satisfactory and somtimes what they say is contradicted so that in fine themselves conclude themselves to have been deceived which is all the satisfaction to be had by them Politique Observation IT is an error to believe it unlawful for Princes to confederate themselves with Hereticks or Infidels either for their own defence or the preservation of their Allies in the possession of their just Rights The contrary opinion is frivolous in the judgement of the ablest Divines though Spanish The Law of Nature doth generally oblige all men to unite themselves for the defence of one another of what condition soever Those who doubt it would I send to the School of creatures void of reason who would make them ashamed of questioning it The Law of Grace doth not destroy that of Nature Hence it is that this Obligation doth still remain and that those Alliances made by Kings with Infidels or Heretiques when profitable or necessary may not justly be blamed Do we not see in holy Writ how the Patriarks and the most Renowned Kings of Judah have authorized this Doctrine by their example Did not Abraham ally himself with Abimâ—lâ—ch both for himself and his Successors as also with the Canaanites Did not Jacob league himself with Laban the Idolater Were not the Israelites ally'd with several Infidels excepting only those with whom God prohibited commerce Was not Lot confederate with the King of Sodom and did he not go to war with him The Macchabees though zealous in the observance of their Religion did yet confederate themselves with the Lacedemonians God himself was pleased that Solomon should joyn his Fleet with the King of Tyre's and so blessed their alliance that they obtained vast riches by it nay he was likewise well contented that the Temple should be built by the Tyrian Infidels To pass by these examples of Antiquity let us descend to later times where seeking for proofs of this Truth we find S. Paul recommending to the Primitive Christians to be at peace with all men and not refusing his proper deâ—ence from the violence which the Jews designed against him by the assistance two hundred Archers and seventy Horsemen all Infidels What can be objected against this Reason It is permitted every one to make alliance with all such as are comprised under the notion of Neighbours and it may not be doubted for the Son of God hath commanded us to love them as our selves The Infidels are positively comprehended under that Title especially when they are of advantage unto us as Jesus Christ restifieth in the parable of the Samaritane and by consequence it only resteth to be concluded that alliances with Infidels and so with Heretiques are permitted to Princes and that they only ought to be circumspect in the use of that liberty that they abuse it not The Affairs of Italy THis is all I shall say concerning the alliance with the Swede for the good of the German Princes But who will not admire that at the very same time his Majesty gave the Law to the affairs of Italy for the setling them in peace It is good to see the Sun after a long storm dispel that cloud whence the Tempest arose clear up the Ayr command the Winds to be still to guâ—â—d the mountains and make his Rays shine in our Eyes but how much more pleasant is it to behold the King whom the glory of a generous and invincible courage maketh to shine among other Princes allay that War wherewith Italy had been embroyled for the three years last past compel the Forces to retire into their Countries establish the Liberty of commerce and re-estate Italy Savoy Piedmont and the Grisons in the enjoyment of an happy peace Europ beheld all this about the end or this year at which time those embroyls which we shall shall shortly treat of were agitated in France and which we come now to consider for the more orderly describing those things which hapned Before we come to the ground of the Treaty of Peace I think it proper to speak a little concerning the inclinations of Princes affections to a general accomodation The King having learn'd about the end of the last year by a dispatch from the Sieur de Leon in which his Majesty was inform'd how the Emperour was certainly resolved to be at Peace and to permit the investiture of the Duke of Mantua in conformity to the Treaty of Ratisbonne commanded him to return to Vienna and asâ—ure him that he would contribute his utmost to effect it and that he would willingly surrender to the Duke of Savoy whatever he had gotten in his Dominions although in his just possession by the Laws of War provided the investiture of Mantua and Montferrat were confirmed and restitution made of what had been usurped from that Duke His Majesty ingaged himself in this War only to establish the Duke of Mantua in Peace and consequently would make no difficulty to withdraw his forces from Italy provided that the Emperour the King of Spain and Duke of Savoy did the like relinquishing their designs which their ambitions had hatched upon that Princes estaâ—e Whereupon they having resolved to leave him in quiet though the Spaniards did not speak very freely the Cardinal bent his thoughts in finding out fit means for the executing the Treaty of Ratisbonne not that he was ignorant that the laws did not oblige him relinquish all those advantages which the justice of Arms should obtain or to relinquish those places taken in Savoy and Piedmont but he easily condescended to suppress his own interest that Europe might see the sincerity of his designs and how he had not entred upon Italy with intention to invade any one or to trouble the peace of Christendom but only upon the score of preserving his Ally in the just possession of his undoubted right Politique Observation DIvers are the considerations which oblige a Prince to give an end to a forraign War He ought to resolve to sit still when he shall have obtained his pretences for as Thucydides saith it is unjust to prosecute a War against him who is disposed to give satisfaction and willingly submit to reason No War is just but that which is necessary and Soveraigns are permitted to end that difference by force of Arms which they perceive cannot otherwise be concluded He who continues a War after satisfaction offered by his enemy instead of glory acquireth hatred One of those reasons which got the Emperour Augustus so great an esteem of justice was That he never undertook a War unlesse compelled by some important reason Xenophon saith that a wise Prince forbeareth what â—e can to make War though sometimes pressed unto it and that he is obliged to prefer Peace before War where his honour the interest of his State or Allies are not totally concerned Only furious beasts make War to satisfie the motions of
that it might somtimes be recalled from those on whom it had been bestowed seeing it was conferred on him but for a certain time and the same Historian mentioneth some Lords of those times who were deprived of the Ducal Dignity yet commonly it was given for life As for the Dignity of Peer that is not so ancient but very eminent for that the Peers take place before all other Honours of the Kingdom as may be seen in the example of Philip the first Duke of Burgogne who went before Lewis Duke of Anjou his elder Brother at the Creation of Charls the sixth their Nephew by reason he was a Peer which his brother was not The most common opinion attributeth the first Institution to Charâ—emâ—gne but without other proof then this that History maketh no mention of it before his time and it is believed that they were created to be Judges of State Affairs which were decided by the Parliament in the King's presence That great Prince establishing this Order in the Kingdom to secure it from those misfortunes whereunto the late Merouingiens had exposed it by refusing to take any other care then that of their pleasuâ—es Tâ—ere are some ancient Titles found which make appear That the Comter de Champagne had seven Lords in their Comte who were Peers and did astist them in great Ceremonies and the Decision of chief Affairs In Germany there are some who are chief Ministers of their Princes Justice but although they partake of the Name yet are they but Images and those very imperfect in regard of the greatnesse of those of France who are thought to have been instituted to assist the King to serve him and receive his Oath at his Consecration and by their Office are impowered to advise him in the Government of the State A Synod of the pretended Reformed Religion at Charenton THose of the pretended reformed Religion had obtained permission by the Kings Breviate about the beginning of this year to make a National Assembly of their Ministers of France for the maintaining of their Order and Belief The Cardinal was of opinion that his Majesty should require them to meet at Charenton because being within his view they would have the lesse Freedom to renew such Cabal as they had formerly made in their Assemblies of Guyenne and Languedoc This Order was followed and the Sieur de Galland Councellor to his Majesty was sent to be President in the King's behalf his Loyalty was not to be suspected and they were obliged to accept of him in regard of divers authentique testimonies which made appear that this Order was conformable to that of Councels assembled in the Primitive times which they professed to honour The King especially commanded him to be careful that no Proposition were made which did not concern their Faith or Discipline to silence them in his Majesty's name in case they should discourse of any other affairs and to establish such rules as the Cardinal had proposed necessary to keep that Sect in submission To this end he used his utmost Prudence and Loyalty he perswaded them to enact that there should not any more National Assemblies be made but in the presence of a Commissary from the King who might by testifying their obedience be a means of continuing them in quiet besides he induced them to resolve upon the absolute excluding of all stranger Ministers this being intended of all that were not natural French and to inhibit their Ministers from leaving the Kingdom without his Majesty's licence by this means to prevent all intelligences associations and correspondencies with the enemies of the State according to the Laws of the Kingdom and his Majesty's particular prohibitions in fine he used so much prudence that they required their Ministers not to intermeddle in any affairs Politique or Military and condemned a Book of Berraut Minister of Montauban as erroneous because he maintained that Ministers had a particular Call from God to bear Arms. I shall not relate those other Ordinances there made for the subsistence of their Sect it not being the Designe of my History It sufficeth me to have observed those fore-going which were necessary for the peace of the Kingdom and were so many effects of the Cardinal's prudence who by this means disabled them from making Cabals prejudicial to the King's service broke their correspondency with strangers and left them no arms but the Kings goodness for their defence Politique Observation REligion is the strictest band to assemble people in any designe to conspire unanimously to the Publike good neither is there any thing which doth more disunite them then the diversity of Belief it is a flaming torch which sets the fire of Division among States and aqua fortis which separateth the most moderate minds hence it was that the Kings of Aegypt did heretofore entertain divisions among their subjects that they might render their own Powers over them more absolute by preventing them from uniting themselves in the same designs of revolt and this they did by engaging them in several different Worships Some of them adored a Crocodile others an Eagle this a Dog that some other thing as himself fancied thus they were never able to agree together how to shake off the yoke of their Tyrannie But besides that this maxime is impious and directly repugnant to the Laws of Jesus Christ it is thought to be very dangerous for the most part in the judgement of the wisest Politicians because the diversity of Belief being reduced to two or three parties is most able to carry a people into a revolt agaist their Prince France for these last sixty years hath had but too much trial of it and if our Kings had not been necessitated to permit this diversity as the wise Pilots who in a Storm let their Sails go they well knowing their resistance might endanger their Shipwrack they might have had secured the Estate from many misfortunes could they have prevented it in the beginning Now what better advice can be taken then to deprive Heretiques of the means to Revolt which are their holding Intelligences with Strangers their being headed by Leaders who are Turbulent and Factious their being able to make Assemblies at their pleasures and there to deliberate what they think fit without informing their Prince of any thing He who depriveth them of these Liberties striketh a great stroak in setling the Publike Peace and after despoiling them of their Arms which never ought to be allowed them he cutteth off their power of being ever able to recover it Besides it is necessary to repress their insolency the inseparable companion of Heresie They have a certain insatiable fiercenesse which makes them alwaies discontented and the only way to tame them is absolutely to refuse them all things which are not absolutely necessary for the exercise of their Religion That resistance which they meet in the soul of a generous and vigorous Prince hindreth them whereas if they find him weak and â—asie to be
where they best liked The Emperour and Infanta promise to protect the Duke of Lorrain THe enemies of France were much afflicted at the news of the Treaty between the King and Duke of Lorrain The Emperour sent Montecuculli unto the Duke to animate and assure him of a potent Army when-ever he was in a condition to defend himself from the King of Sâ—ede The Baron de â—â—eâ—de came to him from the Infanta to give him the like assurance and to beseech him to believe that the King of Spain's Forces and Treasure should ever be at his disposal when the Emperour should think it proper to attempt the recovery of his Towns Nay the Queen-Mother too though tyed by all sorts of Reason to embrace the King's Interests resolved by perswasion of Chaâ—teloupe to send a Letter unto the Parliament of Paris to engage them if possible in a Revolt which undoubtedly would have been seconded by that of Paris it self with divers other Cities of the Kingdom and all to force the King to withdraw his Army from Lorrain that he might extinguish the fire nearer home That Enemy of the publike Peace took occasion from the Parliaments discontents for that the King had sent some of the chief Officers of Mets to give them a check for their disorderly behaviour in the confirmation of those letters whereof we discoursed the fore-going year There need no other indicium to prove the letter to be his then the bare reading of it Not a person who had the honour to be near her Majesty could ever be perswaded that it proceeded from her inclination though signed with her hand but that it was by the wicked insinuations and devices of that seditious conspirator who in peace being inconsiderable would needs make himself famous and remarkable by raising war and troubles He well knew how to work upon this great Princesses weakness who being extreamly exasperated against the Cardinal would easily be perswaded unto any thing which might disadvantage him Hereupon he made her believe that this propitious Genius of France was upon the point of breaking the Peace with Spain That he had carried on the King to fall upon the Low Countries and that in fine the Spaniards and Emperours Forces would joyntly strike into France seize upon the Cities over-run the whole Champaigne country pillage the Towns rob the people pull down the Churches That Religion would be laid aside the Nobility ruined The Royal Houses errazed and the French Nation exposed unto death or such miseries as were a terror to her very thoughts This was the purport of the letter and these were the considerations which obliged her to signe it Strange it is to look upon the many disguisements tending to engage that honourable company in a revolt which hath ever been the main support of this State It was only desired that they would oppose the Cardinal's designes although all the enterprises wherein he ingaged the King were indeed so many additions to his and the Kingdoms glory as was apparent in the relief of Casal and Treaty of Pignerol They were sollicited to ruine this great Minister of State whose prudent conduct was the chiefest sword which his Majesty employed in defence of his Kingdom and whose every action did like a Thunderbolt annihilate the ambitious designs of the House of Austria But especially were they wooed to induce his Majesty to make a peace with Germany though it was sufficiently apparent how that that concluded in the year 1622. had been the cause of all those misfortunes whereunto our Allies have been exposed that relaxation having afforded opportunity unto the Emperour to take those advantages which he obtained in the Palatinate and upon divers other Princes I cannot omit one strange piece of Indiscretion which Chanteloupe committed in this letter viz. his oversight in letting the Queen-Mother publikely profess her giving credit to the predictions of those Astrologers who assured her that the Cardinal should not hold out above three or four moneths and in not considering how that one included another much more sad for France and which could not but beget her the hatred of all those who had any sense of a good Frenchman or loyal Subject But the blame of this defect as likewise of the whole Letter was laid upon him as the true Author thereof who had been so sollicitous in procuring her to signe it whose goodness like that of the Sun cannot do any hurt unlesse when in conjunction with some other Star of a malignant quality Neither had the Parliament any regard thereunto but reputed it as an aspersion animated by the Spaniards who then finding themselves reduced to an exigency were apprehensive of those Forces which his Majesty was dispatching into Germany and began to look about them when they saw the King imploying the courage of his Subjects in assisting his Allies and also a likelyhood of Breach between the two Crowns whereunto indeed his Majesty was invited by divers although he would never be induced so to do having alwaies thought it more glorious to preserve Treaties of peace with integrity then to conquer the Countries of his Neighbours Politique Observation ONe of those many and chief causes which perswaded the wise Politicians to seclude women from the Government of States is their being easily circumvented either by their own passions or the ill advices of others If the person enterprising any thing be but in discredit with them that is cause enough to mislike the whole affair or if it be not managed by a man whom they fancy Their passions are extream and lead them to discommend whatever is undertaken by those who are in their displeasure and on the contrary they are apt to approve of defects and faults in them whom they affect They are born with such inclinations that there is no mediocrity in their distinctions their Love and Hatred are ever in the highest and hottest degree and on the contrary when they pass from one passion to another they evidence to the whole world how little they can esteem him who was once their best beloved whereupon the wisest of Kings and one whose Pen was guided by the holy Ghost said There is no malice like that of a Woman Now if to their hatred any enterprise be attempted which clasheth with their inclinations as all War doth work upon their Fears which are natural unto them there cannot then be any War how just or necessary soever but shall assuredly be condemned by them In vain it is to endeavour to perswade them that it is needful to make war or to carry that war into a Forraign Country which is designed to be brought into our own it were bootless to represent unto them how the wisest Kings have ever kept the War at a distance from their own Countries and endeavoured to extinguish the fire in their Neighbours houses as knowing their own to be the next in danger It were but time and labour lost to offer unto their thoughts that it is
had lately acquired There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them About the same time the Sieur de Varennes then near Sarbruck carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers The King having received them sent the Sieur de Charnce unto the Duke of Baviers the Electors of Colâ—gne and Treves the heads of the League to induce them to confirm the Treaty He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates and hopelesse of repelling them and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swidâ— and in the interim to strengthen themselves and then to make use of their advantages This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him that he was very pressing upon them to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof seeing the League which united them was called Catholique and two of them were Feclesiastiques But the first Article was the stumbling block of all for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests The Sieur de Charnace represented unto the Duke of Bavies how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests ought to prefer the preservation thereof both in his own and his Neighbour States before all other considerations whatever and that being now the thing in question he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other Notwithstanding these reasons he could not find the least inclination in him so to do but rather on the contrary the Duke publiquely declared he could not conclude upon it in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him unto which he replied that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine which else was unavoidable However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety could not prevail upon him He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty neither here could he effect any thing considerable so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria before those of the Church as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished Altars profaned Sacred things plundered Priests and Religious men despoyled provided they might not see the House of Austria abased or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them It was a bewitching blindness not to be enough admired that these two Electors by embracing the Neutrality might preserve themselves their Religion and States and yet would by refusing it expose all to assured ruine But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment when he shall understand That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it could be blamed for their non-acceptance and ruining it For my part I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end can complain against no one but himself if he miss of his Designe In fin they desired a prolongation of the Treaty the fifteen days being expired that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement The King that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany for that purpose But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality by them refused and that delays which was but Truth gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him he desired to be excused And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests Politique Observation IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned if they stand off and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger But much greater is their fault who without any detriment to themselves or Interests may by sitting still make their Peace Caesar one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients advised to agree upon what condition soever provided it were sure rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self Thus of evils the least is to be chosen neither is the Pilot to be discommended who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea Humane hopes are deceitful so that it was the choice of a wise man rather to secure himself from an evil then to assure himself of an uncertain good it often hapneth That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof Thus the City of Tyre was sorry but too late that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege which refusing did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd part of their inhabitants kill'd and the rest brought into captivity But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof that they never encroached upon it And indeed what reason can be alledged to prefer any mans State before Gods And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House who is Lord of Lords for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests Which being so Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God by preferring Religion the only mark of our service
Luzern and Roche-Britant and in fine by that of the Cardinal led by the Marquis de Mony and Coeslin so that the skirmish became very hot and many Charges pass'd on both sides untill at last they fell to it with their Swords only so long that in conclusion the Comte de Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled and falling in upon their own foot disordered them so that the French had the pursuit of t hem untill the night concluded the businesse and favoured the enemies retreit The Imperialists left four score Nobles forty prisoners their Convoy and two Cornets behind them which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezelles Bautru After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree looking more strictly into the siege found some things in disorder which he quickly rectified and brought all things into such method that the garrison was soon forced to surrender The Chapter were sensible of their Treason and acknowledge their lawfull Prince and thus the Town was taken by composition of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governour This piece of service thus happily effected the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands was not long in agitation the Arch-Bishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues by which he became sensible what a happinesse it was to injoy the protection of France which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours Politique Observation AMongst the most heroick actions of Kings the defence of those who desire their protection is one which addeth very much to their glory and raiseth their power to an eminent greatnesse Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity then the defence of the weak and feeble and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weaknesse to follow the fortune of the Conquerour it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King not to deny those who sue for his protection The defending of them who request it is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who flie unto him for refuge This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch who imployeth his power for the maintaining of Justice No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendreth them invincible it being most certain that who so lendeth a hand to help his friends in their necessities ingageth so many serveral defendors whenever his occsions shall require it To be able to subsist alone without the help of others is very honoursble for a King yet his glory will be imperfect if he do not imploy his power to redresse his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities Tyranny doth build its greatnesse on the usurpations of others rights whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies under his protection or in revenge of injuries offered unto him The Emperour endeavoureth at Rome to break the Kings Alliance with the Swede THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarum in the house of Austria now unable to divert the storm hanging over them that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome and there to represent the Churches grievances in such terms that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did upon the like pretences The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither in order thereunto where being come he used is utmost endeavours to ingage the Pope in their affaris his Holinesse was press'd to make a Croisade for preservation of the German Catholicks for the suppressing of Heresie and establishing the Church in its former splendor There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes the disasters of the Church and miseries of the Catholicks were aggravated unto excesse but not a word to be heard how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family He indeavoured to perswade the Pope that the King of Sweden like another Attila had resolved to besiege Rome and force his Holinesse from his Seat but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France and to solicite his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholick church The Duke de Savelly his Imperial Majesties Embassadour and the Spanish Embassadour had order to second him Cardinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party by the gift of the Arch-Bishoprick of Sevill did not only underhand indeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals but in the open consistory did violently exclaim in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria and in it the Church it self highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions Now divers of the Consistory being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholique Princes was the only effect of their own faults were at first divided and the Spanish Partisans became so stout that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceedings But his Holinesse informing the Consistory with the true state of affairs made it appear unto the Cardinals that the War of Germany was a War of state not Religion and the matter was so manag'd that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoyce The Popes answer to their party was that the Emperour had drawn upon himself those evils which he now indured that the men and monies wasted in the plundering of Italy the Sacking of Mantua and threatning of the Holy Sea would better have served to hinder the Swedes and put a stop to their conquests that the Remoustrances of his Legats and Nuntioes had been deluded Germany neglected the Swedes slighted Italy invaded and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it 's Treasure in the preservation of it self and St. Peters Patrimony that in fine his Government might possible be traduced not blamed that his indeavours already used and which he resolved to continue were capable enough to justifie his cares for the Churches good that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power which was but small having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy And lastly that he would gladly imploy any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresie and preserve the Church and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy he proclaimed an universal Jubile exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith but departed
wonderfully potent and its Arms though spiritual are more to be feared them Pikes or Muskets The Soul once mastered the body will soon yeeld the one is the inevitable consequence of the other and for this reason is it that the promotion of Bishops hath ever depended on our Kings and that it hath been judged very necessary to elect persons for those imployments who may indeed be able to edifie the people by their Doctrine and example and altogether incapable of indâ—ngering the publick The happinesse of States dependeth much upon Religion and the splendour of Religion doth more depend upon the vigilance and care of Bishops next to the blessing of Heaven the any other thing whatever May they not indeed be called the foundation of it Who doth more effectually fix the people in the fidelity which they ow their Soveraigns in obedience to Magistrates in reverence to Parents in respect to Justice the rule of their conduct Doubtlesse it is then very considerable in Government not to chuse such persons as are incapable of bringing these advantages to a State I shall not in this place say any thing of the obedience they ought to shew to Magistrates but only it is necessary that they be honest men because if licentious they will be apt to do more hurt then good and to neglect the restraining of the people not that I shall approve of chusing such persons who are of an indiscreet zeal for such persons designing to do too much good do oftentimes raise great disorders which themselves are unable to redresse Preachers are so much the more deserving of this promotion because the function of preaching was primitively reserved to the Bishops who communicated it unto Priests only by way of priviledge and that at sundry times in sundry places The Bishops of the East did first grant this power to Priests as may be proved by the examples of Pierius and Chrysostome who while they were yet Priests Preached one in Alexandria the other in Antioch a thing not used in Affrick before St. Austine who during his Priesthood had the liberty of Preaching conferred upon him by Bishop Valerius a thing without President and in Gaul this custom was introduced about an hundred year after the Councel of Vaison The King maketh a Declaration to Depose three Officers two of the Parliament of Paris and one of the Chamber of Accompts from their Charges SHortly after Monsieur le President Seguiers promotion to the Seals the ill conduct of President Cogneux the Sieur Deslandes Councellor of the Parliament and the Sieur de Monsigot Master of the Chamber of Accompts of Paris forced his Majesty to deprive them of their Offices I have inserted in the History of the fore-going years the Rebellious acts in which they ingaged themselves and in this I shall adde that it being a shame for his Majesty and unbefitting the reputation of the affairs of France to suffer the chief Officers of the Parliament of Paris and a Master of the chief Chamber of Accompts in the Kingdom to live abroad in Forraign parts avoiding the punishment due to their Rebellion and with the marks of their authority still about them as if they had been innocent his Majesty resolved to depose them for the more orderly doing whereof he went to the Parliament of sit in the Seat of Justice and publish a Declaration with expounding the Ordinance of Blois where it is said that all guilty of High-Treason particularly his Majesties Officers should never be restored to their Offices Declared that it ought to be understood of Officers condemned of Rebellion or Treason as well by default and contumacy of those who were present at their Tryals there being no reason to suffer those who had had their hands in conspracies and intelligences prejudicial to his Majesties service to injoy their dignities those rays of his Majesties power and moreover that the twenty eighth Article of the Ordinance of Molins more ancient then that of Blois where it is specified that those who are condemned by default and contumacy may have five years time to acquit themselves should not be interpreted in favour of them his Majesty requiring that judgement once pronounced against Traitors though condemned by default or contumacy should after publication be put it execution as to the confiscation of their offices only without being restored either by Letters or otherwise This very Declaration suppress'd the offices of President le Cogneux and the Sieur Deslandes as guilty of High-Treason whereof they were condemned by contumacy they were unworthy of any favour in regard his Majesty had given them a moneths time to recollect themselves and to return into the Kingdom which they had neglected to do Besides the King published his Letters Patents to create the like offices and conferr'd that of the President aâ— Mortier upon the Sieur de Lamoignon formerly President of the third Chamber of Inquests and placed the Sieur de la Hage de Vantelay Councellor of the grand Counsel in that of Counsellor of the Parliament His Majesty caused them to take their Oath in his Presence and then to take their places Monsieur le Comte de Soissons went in his Majesties behalf to the Chamber of Accompts to cause the like Declaration to be published against the Sieur de Monsigot and his Letters Patents by which Le Sieur des Rues was established in the office of Master of Accompts Thus his Majesty outed three Rebellious Officers and taught the rest that they having no Authority but what depended upon his pleasure they should be sure to be deprived of it if once they should be sound unworthy by Revolts Politique Observation VVHen Kings create Magistrates and communicate part of their power to them it is not to exempt them from obedience but to fix their Crowns by new supports and to keep the people by their examples and decrees within the bounds of their subjection To this end only it is that Kings confer their power upon them who as they command their people to make their addresses to them to decide their differences so do they no lesse oblige their Magistrates to preserve them within their bounds by the example of their submissions and the integrity of their judgements If Magistrates ow the second to the people by their places they are no lesse indebted to their Kings in the first with this distinction of obligation that the good of the State invites them to it the Order of Monarchy requireth it and Justice it self commandeth it What presumpion were it for the Stars to indeavour to eclipse the Sun 's light when their own is but the effect of his What a disorder were it if the inferiour Spheres should oppose the motions of the Primum mobile And what likelyhood is there that those Magistrates who receive their Authority from their Princes to support their Crowns and confirm their Subjects in their obedience should flie into Rebellion and indeavour to draw them to follow their examples They
Archers and to hinder any Religious person from entring in pretending it might disturb the publique Peace for which by his charge he was oblig'd to provide The Arch-Bishop was very sensibly displeas'd to see his designs so forcibly countermin'd and not resolved so to relinquish them he went in person to the Religious to carry them to his Palace a resolution which was the cause of all the misfortune that happened what had pass'd till then being look'd upon by most people only as a gallantry of spirit The Duke having never learn'd patience enough to suffer the Arch-Bishop to incroach upon his power by any Ecclesiastical priviledge went to meet him in person with his guards and some other Gentlemen at the entrance of the Cathedral Cloister and the Arch-Bishop coming thither he went up to him spoke some angry words struck off his Hat and Cap and as some witnesses depos'd in the information taken by authority of Parliament put the end of the stick which he had in his hand to his breast This Procedure made a great noise in the City and the Arch-Bishop losing no time the very next morning being the eleventh of November assembled those of his Clergy and by common consent Excommunicated the Duke and his Assistants interdicted the Cities and Suburbs of Bourdeaux and Cadillac The Parliament seeing this great trouble did what they could to make an accommodation but it was to little purpose all they could obtain was that the Parliament might hear masse in the Palace Chappel He likewise sent to the King informations of what had pass'd whereupon his Majesty sent order to the Arch-Bishop to take away the interdiction and to the Duke to go to his house of Plassac which is out of the Diocess of Bourdeaux to expect the Popes resolution to whom the decision of that controversie properly belong'd seeing they had appeal'd to his Holiness which hung in suspence about five or six moneths nor was it ended untill the yeer following till when I forbear to say any more of it That much respect hath been alwaies given to Prelates and Bishops THe Function of Prelates and Priests is so eminent and holy that all people nay Emperors themselves have been oblig'd to respect them Plutarch alledging the cause saith it is because they pray to the Gods not only for themselves and friends but for all mankind The Romans in the times of Paganism did so much honour them that the Priests of Jupiter going in the City had a Lictor and a cella curulis and condemned Cneux Cornelius Praetor of Rome for having injuriously disputed with Aemilius Lepidus the High Priest Alexander Severus had so great a respect to them in such causes where religion was interessed that he was not offended when their judgements were contrary to his and how respectfully did Alexander treat the High Priest of the Jews when in his fury going to Jerusalem with a design to ruine it he met him comming in his Pontisicalibus he was not only appeas'd but as the History saith worshipped God in his person with a great deal of reverence All Pagans in general have next to their Kings ascrib'd the chief place to their Priests and held it a great crime to offend them If the light of nature hath induc'd them so to respect them Christianity obligeth us to honour them much more seeing Bishops are receiv'd for Fathers and Pastors of the Church for the Successors of Religion and the Pastors of Jesus Christ they ought to be respected as the Law of well-living as certain rules of good works as Angels who have intelligence of the mysteries of our faith and who are more purified by the flames of the Holy Ghost they ought to be respected as persons of an eminent dignity who ought to have their minds rais'd in the contemplation of heavenly things to live in a noble scorn of al earthly things as so māy bright stars whose lustre is never sullied by the Clouds of Vice as heavenly men who have familiar converse with God as living books of the true Doctrine as the true Organs of Christianity and the Idea by which the people ought to frame their lives Constantine the great said he did not consider them as common men but as so many Thrones where the Divinity inhabited for which reason he could not indure that any should speak of them slightly and threatned those with death who offended him as is to be seen in History and chiefly commanded all governours of Provinces especially to honour them I shall likewise add a particular care in punishing those who injure them History is full of examples which the brevity of these maximes give me not leave to insert I shall only add that Prelates to render themselves worthy of this extraordinary honour are oblig'd to contain themselves within the limits of their condition because as the shadow cannot be without the body so it is unreasonable to pretend to glory without meriting it by virtue An Edict to abate superfluous expences THough the Forraign Wars undertaken by his Majesty of late years consum'd great sums of money and forc'd the King to levy great Taxes which did not a little diminish private mens Revenues yet such was the fruitfulnesse of France that they found means to satisfie their natural inclination of going richly cloath'd His Majesty dislik'd the ill deportment of many who notwithstanding the great necessities of the State did not cease to make superfluous expences in Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver Laces Bone-laces and other like vanities not to be permitted but in a full and long Peace It was the more needfull to redress these disorders because for the satisfying of such excessive curiosities there was a great deal of silver transported out of France which thereby was much impoverished whereby his Majesty was disabled at a time of need to raise monies for the supplying of his occasions or to exact those contributions which the glory and interest of his state did really require These reasons oblig'd him to make an Edict in the moneth of December by which the wearing of any Stuffs Embroideries gold and silver lace or any bone-lace of above nine Livres the Ell was prohibited upon pain of confiscation and six hundred Livres to be levied on them on them who should wear it and a thousand Crowns upon the Merchants who should sell it His Majesty knowing how powerfull the example of a Soveraign is amongst his people taught the French by his habit how to follow this rule and was so carefull in it that this Edict was better observed then any of the like quality had a long time been That Edicts inhibiting superfluous Expences are profitable both to Soveraign and People EDicts which forbid vain Expences are no lesse profitable to Soveraigns than the people especially in times of War Private mens plenty is the Princes treasure which he may make use of in time of necessity and as it cannot be preserv'd without frugality which prohibiteth the use of
her usuall residence there That the King of Great Britain should be obliged to treat her and her Family with that Port which was fit for one of her quality that there should be fifty thousand crowns in Jewels presented to her by the King of Great Britain as a marriage favour which should remain to her and hers as well as those which she then had as also such as she should have in future That she should have the free disposal of Benefices and Offices in those lands which should be given her in Dower and that one of those lands should be a Dutchie or an Earldome that it should be lawfull for her in her Widdow-hood to return into France whether she had children or not that in case she should return the King of Great Brittain should conduct her at his own proper charges to Callis with such honour as should be fit for one of her quality That her house should be furnished with such dignity and should be filled with as many Officers as any Princess yet had or as had been accorded to the Infanta of Spain upon the late Treaty which had been proposed Briefly that for the assurance of these conditions he of the two Kings who should be deficient to accomplish what belongeth on his part to do should be bound to pay four hundred thousand crowns to the other as a penalty for breach of them This was as much security as could be had for the present but one thing is not to be forgotten which was that all the Treaty all the promises given and taken and all the Acts which were concluded on passed in the Kings name as the Person to whom the marrying of the Princesses of the Bloud did really appertain and which he might do according to his own pleasure and upon such conditions as he should think fit whereas they are onely concern'd to give their consents both to the Persons and Articles which are resolved on Custome may raise obstacles against marriages and make them void if there bee any defect of following the usual order which is prescribed The Popes have found by the Canon Law that they have this Power Particularly Alexander the third who when a Bishop asked him the Question whether Marriage between the Children of two Gossips were allowable answered him yes in case the custome of the Country did permit it But I shall say moreover that the same Pope hath declared that there might be such Customes in France which might annull marriages though on the other side those of Rome may license them According to that answer which was made to the Bishop of Amiers who desiring to know if a marriage made with a Eunuch were good was answered that the general custome of the French Church was to dissolve it and he was contented so to permit it though the Roman Church used the contrary It is the Custome of France that no Princesses or Ladies of great quality whose marriages may be of concern to the State may marry but by and with the Kings order and consent The second Race of our Kings furnisheth us with an example very remarkable in the marriage of Judeth Widdow of Edmulph King of England who being married without the consent of Charles the Bauld with Bauldwin grand Forrestier and afterwards first Earl of Flanders he declared the said marriage to be nul by the Prelates Clergy of France assembled at Senlis though she were at her own disposal by her first marriage and royalty though Pope Nicholas the first would have pickt a quarrel at it and have confirmed it Some one perchance not well informed may suppose that this Pope wanted courage but there is no reason for it seeing he had spirit enough to excommunicate Lotharius for marrying a second wife leaving his first though his Clergy at Merz and Calogue did favour him to constrain him to quit his last Wife and to receive his first as also to dispossess two Bishops who had Abetted the disorder the true reason is he knew that the Custome of France did not permit Judith to re-marry without the Kings consent The third Race affords us another proof reported by a Historian who deserves so much the rather to be credited he being generally known for one of the enemies of France It was the marriage contracted by Proxy between Maximilian and Anne of Brittain It 's true it was not consummated as that of Judith was but because it was concluded without the consent of Charles the Eighth one of our Kings His Majesty making use of his Power declared it Null by reason of that default In fine it was allowed for naught and both parties remained Free Maximilian afterwards marrying Margaret of Milan and Charles the Eighth married the same Anne of Brittain and no one doubted the validity of either of the marriages If these examples evince to us the Antiquity of this Custome and how the Church hath allowed of it we cannot suspect or doubt but that they are grounded upon just reasons seeing the marriages of persons of such quality are of great importance to the State and ordinarily are the originals of Peace or War and serve for a Stair-Case to such who aspiring higher then they ought raise enterprizes against the Soveraignty as Cornelius Tacitus hath observed it doth therefore rest safely to bee concluded on that the Princesses of France cannot lawfully marry without the Kings consent So that neither men or women who have had them in their possession did never make a difficulty to promise either by Oath or any other assurance that they would not contract them in any marriage without their consents and approbation Philippes Auguste took security of Mahaut Countess of Flanders that if it should happen that she and Eude the third Duke of Burgogn should separate she should not re-marry without permission Philip Earl of Namur promised the same King that he would not marry Jane or Margaret of Flanders his Neeces whose Guardian he was without his consent Jane Countess of Flanders promised by a particular instrument unto St. Lewis the King that she would not marry with Simon de Montfort but with his allowance Jane daughter to Philip of Burgogn being delivered to King John by the Treaty between him and the Earl of Savoy amongst other things it was then concluded that she should be married where his Majesty should think fitâ—â— provided it were not to the Daupâ—ine his eldest son And Francis Duke of Brittain ingaged by a Treaty with Charles the Eight not to marry either of his two daughters without his advise under the penal forfeiture of two hundred thousand crowns of Gold and for the greater security he bound unto him the principallest Towns in his whole Dutchee The Deputation of Father Berule to his Holiness to obtain a Dispensation for the above-mentioned Marriage THe respect wherewith the King had ever honoured the Holy Father made him resolve with the English Embassadours in the first Article of the Treaty That in
of bringing his Master into such trouble as he wil have somewhat to do ere he get clear of them The Athenians did heretofore think this to be a business of so great importance that they condemned their Embassadours to die whom they had sent into Arcadia for onely returning home by another Coast then that which they were commanded though they had well dispatched the Affair they were imployed on as it is reported by Elian It is true the face of things may alter after an Embassadours departure and if so he must have his eyes in his head it being permitted him to vary the means which are prescribed to him for the easier obtaining the end of his Affair But in case Affairs be not altered he is bound to stick close to his Instructions under penalty of being very faulty Manlius did not spare his own son for fighting with the Enemy contrary to his order though he got the better of them for a Captain never ought to assault an Enemy contrary to his Generals command though he be assured to overcome him And that Embassador deserveth severely to be chastised who shall propose things contrary to those which are commanded him for the management of a Treaty is sometimes not a jot less considerable to the good of a State then the Conduct of a War Those spirits which are most acute and subtle are most subject to slip into this defect because they are more wedded to their own opinions and will ever be refining of things more then need requires esteeming more their own thoughts then all the orders which shall be given to them and this is it which made Thucydides say Those Souls which are a little more steady are propperer for negotiations then those which are so full of mettle and sprightfulness The difficulties which did arise in pursuance of the dispence for the Match with England THE Dispensation was sent to the Nuntio with expresse order not to deliver it untill the King of England should ingage himself by Oath to observe those Conditions which his Holiness had inserted and untill the King of France had given it under his hand that he would undertake and promise to see all the Articles to which the King of England should ingage to be fully accomplished The Nuntio gave notice of this order which the Pope had sent him to the King and his Majesty was not a little surprized at it to find himself reduced to the making of new conditions with the King of England and to seek for a new dispence from Rome when some moneths had been passed over in the soliciting for the former Indeed it was so much the more troublesome in respect that these obstructions might totally break it off which might not onely breed quarrels between the two Crowns but divers mis-fortunes upon the Catholicks in England A Conference was at last had with the Nuntio and it was there represented to him of how little importance these new Articles â—ere in comparison of the danger of a total breach to which it did expose things especially seeing that the Children were to be brought up by the Princess that is by her Domestiques and servants and by those of the Princess were to be Catholicks which did tacitely imply that the Children should be brought up by Catholicks This was easie to be demonstrated but the Nuntio being of an impertinent nature in affairs as also obliged to follow his Holinesses Interests beseeched the Ministers to find out some expedient to satisfie his Holiness without imbroyling the business with the King of England promising that he would write to him very effectually about the necessity that did appear for the taking away all obstructions and difficulties which might bring any delay to the marriage In prosecution whereof the Earls of Carlisle and Holland were consulted with and the King writ to his Majesty of England to desire him to condiscend to those alterations which the Pope had made letting him see how frivolous they were The King of England did not receive the news without much wonder but however seeing it had been agreed that the children who should be born of this match were to be educated by the Princesse untill their respective ages of thirteen years and that her servants were to be Catholicks and to have all freedome for the exercise of their Religion hee consented to all that was desired as that the Officers of those Children should be Catholick and should have no trouble in their Religion accordingly hee sent all manner of assurances to the King but not a word of swearing to it which was enough without urging him to take his oath for performance The King gave all those assurances in writing which his Holiness expected the Princess also writ a Letter to the Pope wherein she promised upon her Parol not to chuse any Officers for those Children which God should hestow upon her but such as should be Catholicks All Conditions being thus resolved on it was verily beleeved there could be no further difficulties raised at Rome There were two extraordinary Courtiers dispatched one by Sea the other by Land to the Sieur de Bethune with Orders to procure the dispense to bee amended withall expedition and to beseech the Pope in his Majesties name to dispatch it according to the Articles which had been newly agreed on without exacting a new Oath The Sieur de Bethune having received one of these Dispatches acquitted himself of his duty with all kind of Prudence and did not forget to use his very utmost diligence to procure that satisfaction for his Majesty he spake to the People with a great deal of affection by re-presenting to him those great blessings which heaven had bestowed on the Church since his Majesty came to the Crown and with what zeal his Majesty had imployed his Arms against the Hereticks all which ought to make him be much esteemed by the holy Chair in regard his demands could not be refused without some kind of injustice both in relation to the acknowledgements which are due to him as also because his Actions gave great assurance that he would never omit any occasion which might tend to the advantage of the Church He forgot not to represent to him the dangers that would ensue from a total breach by the longer retardment of concluding the marriage and the severe usage that the Catholiques in England would consequentially lie under That what his Holiness had thought fit to adde to the Articles already concluded on was in a manner included in them already and that the chief executing of them would rest upon the discretion of those who should have the honour to be neer the Princess however that his Master the King that he might testifie the respect which he bore his Holiness had written to the King of Great Brittain who had consented to it excepting onely in the point of taking a new Oath which he would no more press him upon in regard of that Oath which he had
to forsake their false and turn unto the true Religion and in case they become obstinate to punish them by the Ax. Heresie is a Crime laesae Majestatis Diviâ—ae and as Heaven hath endued them with no lesse Authority to punish those offences committed against God then those against their own persons so it cannot be doubted that they have an absolute and Just power to punish Heresie with all the severity that it deserveth But however discreet Princes have alwayes used much moderation in this particular because they ever conceived violent means were proper in the first growth and when it might quickly destroy Heresie without any likelihood of its springing up again but that being once spread abroad and increased Rigors and Severities would more fix and confirm it besides the confusions and disorders which would follow in the State by such cruelties and punishments It should seem that for the confirmation of this their judgment the Son of God prohibited his Disciples from picking out the Tares from the wheat which grew together in the field and were hard to be divided it being most certain that it is full as difficult nay no lesse impossible to exterminate Heresie when multiplyed without great confusion even to the State where it is and some trouble to the true Church it self But granting all this to be so yet the Laws of Prudence do not allow of at least whilst a Prince may avoid it that he should grant them any Towns or Places for the excercise of their Heresie for that were to divide his Kingdome to nourish an Enemy in his bosome to foment a Rebellion against himself and to furnish them with arms and means to cut his own throat It is also to give advantage unto strangers who are still fishing in troubled States and hindreth a Prince from assisting his Allyes when their necessities and his own Interests invite him to it and in fine it were to expose himself the true Church and Professors of true Religion unto a thousand affronts and tyrannies That Prince who allows them but weapons submits himself to greater troubles the he is aware of but he who employeth his power to destroy them doth an Act not onely of Religion and Generosity but also of great Prudence and discretion The Kings departure on the fifteenth of January in the year one thousand six hundred twenty and nine towards Piedmont THe same day that his Majesty went to the Pallace to publish his Declaration Ordinances and to cause the Power which he had comitted to the Queen his Mother to be read he likewise departed out of Paris towards Cazal But I may not passe by the observation of a singular act of Prudence in his Majesty who had already advanced the most part of his Forces to Auvergne under the command of Monsieur de Thoyras immediately after the taking of Rochel that be might every day draw them neerer and neerer to the place where he intended to make use of them insomuch that he lost not one hours time upon which he knew the successe of affairs did often depend His Majesty desired to go by the way of Bourgogne and Champagne as well to avoid the sickness which was very hot upon the Road of Lion as also because he had not as yet passed by the Towns of Troyes Dion or Chaal us Where he made his entrance with great Splendour and Magnificence shewing the people by this what respect they were obliged to shew unto him Politick Observation WIse Polititians have not thought it proper for a King to let himself be often seen by the subjects yet they have all concluded it fit that he should visit at least once the principal Cities of his Kingdome This gives them an acquaintance of the people whom they are to governe and the magnificence with which they are accompanied makes impressions of obedience in the thoughts of their subjects Which magnificence doth so much the more contribute to beget respect because the people are often guided by their own sences and Kings ought not to neglect occasions of making themselves reverenced and esteemed The Sun is venerable in our eyes by reason of his lustre and Splendor and with the vulgar nothing doth breed so great a reverence towards the persons of their Princes as the pomp where with they are accompanied whence it comes to passe that many have been of opinion that a King ought not to make himself be feared yet none ever thought but he was obliged to use all means to beget a respect and obedience toward him Humility is a virtue which in this particular is to be dispenced with because the meanuess of his train or reception could diminish the respects of his people and for this reason it is that God hath obliged them to enforce that honour which is due unto them and to maintain themselves in a State correspondent to their Majesty in reference whereunto the wisest Kings would not permit any to approach near their persons but with great respects and seldome would appear in publick but when with great attendance The ancient Kings of the Persians Medes and Judians required their subjects to salute them prostrate on the ground Amongst those of China they are adored like Gods others are served upon the knee and suffer themselves to be seen but seldome and then with great Ceremony too and men do the more readily reverence them in regard God Almighty hath stamped his image upon them for their greater honour and that there is still something in their face that speaks them more than humane The Duke of Lorrain comes to visit the King before his departure and promiseth after his return to come and do him homage for the Dutchy of Bar. WHiles the King was at Chaalous the Duke of Lorrain came thither to wait upon him hoping that by his bare complements civilities he might satisfy his Majesty without doing homage for the Dutchy of Bar which was in his possession by the death of his predecessour The King had often called upon him to do his homage knowing that as God had put the crown upon his head so he was by it obliged no lesse to preserve the Authority which he had given him over stranger Princes then over his own subjects The Duke refused it not but pretended that the Dutchy of Bar belonged to him in chief as also that of Lorrain by virtue of a certain Salique Law which had been likewise confirmed by those of his Family and was yet to be seen amongst his old Record and thereupon would do homage in his own name and not in his wifs to whom really it belonged The King who could not endure injustice would not permit that the Dutchess his wife who had put the Ducal Coronet upon his head should be so dealt with but resolved that either shee should do the homage or he in her name Upon this account it was that he came to assure his Majesty he would suddenly after his return acquit himself of the