made before to Molde the Empresse had taken vpon hym the crowne as is abouesayd he sware before the Lordes at Oxford that he would not hold the benefices that were voyded and that he would remit the Danegelt with many other things which after he little performed Moreouer because he dread the comming of the Empresse he gaue lisence to his Lordes euery one to build vpon theyr owne ground strong castles or sorcresses as them liked All the tyme of his raigne he was vexed with warres but especially with Dauid King of the Scottes with whom he was at length accorded but yet the Scottish king did hym no homage because he was sworne to Mande the Empresse Notwithstanding yet Henry the eldest sonne to king Dauid did homage to king Stephen But he after repentyng therof entred into Northumberland with a great host burnt and New the people in most cruel wyse neither sparing man woman nor chylde Such as were with chylde they ript the children they tost vpon their speare pointes and laying the priests vpon the altars they mangled and cut them all to pieces after a most terrible maner But by the manhood of the English Lordes and souldiours and through the meanes of Thurstine Archbishop of Yorke they were met withall and slaine a great number of them and Dauid their king cōstrained to geue Henry his sonne hostage for suretie of peace In the meane tyme king Stephen was occupied in the South countreys besieging diuers castles of diuers Bishops other Lordes and tooke them by force and fortified them with his knights and seruants to the entent to withstand the Empresse whose cōming he euer feared About the vi yeare of his raigne Maud the Empresse came into England out of Normandy by the aid of Robert Earle of Gloucester and Ranulph of Chester made strong warre vpon kyng Stephen In the ende whereof the kings partie was chased and himselfe taken prisoner sent to Bristow there to be kept in sure hold The same day whē kyng Stephen should ioyne his battayle It is sayd in a certaine old Chronicle before inyuded that he beyng at the Masse which then the bishop of Lincolne sayd before the kyng as he went to offer vp his taper it brake in two pieces And when the masse was done at what time the kyng should haue bene houseled the Rope whereby the pyxe did hang did breake and the pixe fell down vpon the aultar After this field the Queene king Stephens wyfe lying then in Kent made great labour to the Empresse and her counsail to haue the kyng deliuered and put into some house of religion but could not obtayne Also the Londiners made great sure to the sayd Empresse to haue and to vse agayne S. Edwardes lawes and not the lawes of her father which were more straight and strange to them then the other which when they could not obtayne of her and her counsaile the citizens of London beyng therwith discontented would haue taken the Empresse But she hauing knowledge therof fled priuily from London to Oxford But then the Kentishmen and Londiners taking the kings part ioyned battaile against the Empresse there the foresayd Robert Erle of Glocester and base brother to the Empresse was taken And so by exchange both the King and Erle Robert were deliuered out of prison Then Stephen without delay gatheryng to hym a strong army straightly pursued the foresaid Matild or Mauld with her friendes besieging them in the Castell of Oxford In the siege wherof fell a great snow and frost so hard that a man well laden might passe ouer the water Upon the occasion wherof the Empresse bethinking herself appointed with her friends retinue clothed in white shectes so issuing out by a postern gate went vpō the I se ouer Thames and so escaped to Wallingford After this the king the castle beyng gotten when he found not the Empresse was much displeased and molested the countrey about diuer's wayes In conclusion he pursued the empresse her company so hard that he caused them to flee the realme which was the vi yeare of his raigne The second yeare after this which was the viii yeare of his raigne there was a parliament kept at Londō Unto the which all the Bishops of the Realise resorted and there denoūced the kyng accursed and all them with him that did any hurt to the Church or to any minister therof Wherupon the king began somwhat to amend his conditions for a certain space but afterward as my story sayth was as euil as he was before but what the causes were myne author maketh no relation therof c. To returne agayne to the story the Empresse compesled as is sayd to flee the realme returned againe into Normandy to Geffrey Plantagenet her husband Who after he had valiantly wonne and defended the Duchy of Normandy agaynst the puissance of king Steuen a long tyme ended his lyfe leauing Henry his sonne to succeed him in that dukedom In the meane while Robert Earle of Gloucester and the Earle of Chester who were strong of people had diuers conflictes with the king In so much that at a battayle at Wilton betwene them the king was well nere taken but yet escaped with much payne It was not long after but Eustace sonne to king Stephen who had maried the French kings sister made war vpon duke Henry of Normādy but preuailed not Soone after the sayd Henry Duke of Normandy in the quarell of his mother Maude with a great puissance entred into England and at the first wan the castle of Mahnesbury then the Tower of London and afterward the towne of Notingham with other holdes and castles as of Walynford and other mo Thus betwene him and the king were foughten many battayles to the great annoyaunce of the realme During which tyme Eustace the kings sonne departeth Upon the occasion wherof the king caused Theobald which succeeded next after W. above mentioned Archbishop of Canterbury to make meanes for the Duke for peace which vpon this condition betwene them was concluded that Steuen during his life tyme should holde the kingdome and Henry in the meane tyme to bee proclaimed heyre apparant in the chiefe cities throughout the Realme These things thus concluded Duke Henry taketh his iourney into Normandy king Steuen and hys sonne William bringing him on his way where William the kings sonne taking vp his horse before his father had a fall and brake his leg and so was had to Canterbury The same yere king Stephen about October as some say for sorow ended his life after he had raigned 19. yeres periuredly As Theobald succeeded after William Archbishop of Canterb. so in Yorke after Thurstine succeeded William which was called S. William of Yorke who was poysoned in his chalice by his chaplaines In the tyme of this kyng which was the xvi yeare of his raigne Theobaldus Archbishop of Cant. and Legate to
vs leaue vs there where they had vs that is let them suffer vs to stand content with that faith and religion which then was taught brought from Rome by Eleutherius as nowe we differ nothing frō the same and we wil desire no better And if they wil not then let the wise Reader iudge where the fault is in vs or them which neither themselues will persist in the antiquitie of the Romish religion whych they so much bragge of neither will they permit vs so to do And thus much by the way to satisfie the foresayd obiection whereby we may haue now a more ready passage into the order and course of the Hystorie Beyng therefore graunted vnto them whych they so earnestly sticke vpon that the Christian faith and Religion of this Realme was brought from Rome first by Eleutherius then afterwarde by Austen thus wryteth the Chronicles of that matter About the time and yeare of the Lord. 180. king Lucius sonne of Coilus which builded Colchester king of the Britaines who then were the inhabiters possessors of thys land which now we Englishmen call England hearing of the myracles wonders done by the Christians at that time in diuers places as Monumetensis wryteth directed hys letters to Eleutherius Byshop of Rome to receaue of him the Christian faith Although about the computation of the yere and time great difference there is in authours when this shoulde be Nauclerus sayth it was An. 156. but that cannot be forsomuch as Eleutherius was not yet Byshop by the space of 20. yeres after that Henricus de Erfordia sayth it was An. 169. in the 19. yere of Verus Emperor but that agreeth not with approued hystories which all consent that Verus raigned not 19. yeres and if he had yet that yeare commeth not to the yere of our Lord. 169. but to the yere 181. Some other say that Eleutherius was made Byshop in the 6. yeare of Commodus which was the yeare of our Lorde 186. but that seemeth to goe to farre but let the authours agree as they can Let vs returne to Eleutherius the good Byshop who hearing the request of thys king glad to see the godly towardnes of his wel disposed mind sendeth him certaine teachers preachers called Fugatius or by some Faganus and Damianus or Dimianus which conuerted first the king and people of Britaine and Baptised them with the Baptisme and Sacrament of Christes faith The Temples of Idolatry and all other Monuments of Gentilitie they subuerted conuerting the people frō theyr diuers many gods to serue one liuing God Thus true religion with sincere faith increasing superstition decaied with al other rites of Idolatrie There were thē in Britaine 28. head Priestes which they called Flamines 3. Archpriests among them which were called Archflamines hauing the ouersight of their maners as Iudges ouer the rest These 28. Flamines they turned to 28. Bishops And the 3. Archflamines to 3. Archbyshoppes hauyng then theyr seates in three principall Cityes of the Realme that is in London in Yorke and in Glamorgantia videlicet in Vrbe legionum by Wales Thus the Countreys of the whole Realme being deuided euery one vnder his owne Bishop and all things setled in a good order the foresaide king Lucius sent againe to the sayd Eleutherius for the Romane lawes thereby likewise to be gouerned as in Religion nowe they were framed accordingly Unto whome Eleutherius againe writeth after the tenour of these words ensuing The Epistle of Eleutherius Bishop of Rome sent to king Lucius ANno 169. a Passione Christi scripsit Dominus Eleutherius Papa Lucio Regi Britanniae ad correctionem Regis procerum regni Britanniae and so foorth as foloweth in English Yee require of vs the Romane lawes and the Emperours to be sent ouer to you which you may practise put in vre wythin your Realme The Romane lawes the Emperours we may euer reproue but the lawe of God we may not Yee haue receaued of late through Gods mercie in the realme of Britaine the lawe and faith of Christ ye haue with you within the Realme both the parties of the Scriptures Out of them by gods grace with the Coūcel of your realme take ye a law and by that lawe through gods sufferance rule your kingdome of Britayne For you be Gods Vicare in your kingdome according to the saying of the Psalme Deus iudicium tuum Regi da c. That is O God geue thy iudgement to the King and thy righteousnes to the kings sonne c. He sayd not the iudgement righteousnes of the Emperor but thy iudgement and iustice that is to say of God The kinges sonnes be the Christian people folke of the Realme which be vnder your gouernement and liue and continue in peace within your kingdome as the Gospel sayeth like as the henne gathereth her chickēs vnder her wings so doth the king his people The people and folke of the Realme of Britayne be yours whome if they be deuided ye ought to gather in concord and peace to call them to the faith and lawe of Christ and to the holy church to cherish and maintaine them to rule and gouerne them and to defende them alwaies from such as would do them wrōg from malicious men and enemies A king hath his name of ruling and not of hauing a Realme You shal be a king while ye rule wel but if you do otherwise the name of a king shall not remaine with you you shall lose it which God forbid The almightie God graunt you so to rule the Realme of Britayne that you may raigne wyth him for euer whose Vicar ye be in the Realme After this maner as you haue heard was the Christiā faith either first brought in or els confirmed in this realme of Britayne by the sending of Eleutherius not with any crosse or procession but onely at the simple preaching of Fagane and Damian through whose ministerie this realme Ileland of Britaine was eftsoones reduced to the faith lawe of the Lord according as was prophecied by Esay as wel of that as other Ilelands mo where he sayth chap. 42. he shall not faint nor geue ouer till hee hath set iudgement in earth and Ilelands shal waite for hys lawe c. The faith thus receiued of the Britaynes cōtinued among them and florished the space of 216. yeres till the cōming of the Saxones who then were Paganes whereof more followeth hereafter to be sayde the Lorde Christ assisting thereunto In the meane time somthing to speake of this space before which was betwixt the time of Lucius and the first cōming in of the Saxones first is to be vnderstanded that all this while as yet the Emperors of Rome had not receiued the faith what time the kings of Britaine the subiects therof were cōuerted now as is sayd to Christ for the which cause much trouble and perturbation was sought
touched 16. That the same collectour being also receauour of the popes pence keepeth a house in London with clerkes and officers therto as it were one of the kings soleÌ„ne courtes transporting yearely to the Pope xx M. markes and most commonly more 17. That Cardinals other aliens remaining at Rome wherof one Cardinall is Deane of Yorke an other of Salisbury an other of Lyncoln an other archdeacon of Canterbury an other Archdeacon of Duresme an other archdeacon of Suffolk an other Archdeacon of York an other prebendary of Thame Nassington an other prebendary of Buckes in the Church of Yorke Haue diuers of the best dignities of England haue sent ouer to them yerely xx M. marks ouer and aboue that whych English brokers lying there haue 18. That the Pope to raunsome the Frenchmenne the kings enemyes who defond Lumbardy from hym doeth alwaies at his pleasure leuie a subsidy of the whole Clergie of England 19. That the Pope for more gaine maketh sundry translations of all the Byshoprickes and other dignities wythin the Realme 20. That the popes collector hath this yeare taken to hys dic the first fruits of all benefices by collatioÌ„ or prouision 21. To renue all the statutes against prouisors froÌ„ Rome sith that the Pope reserueth all the benefices of the worlde for hys owne proper gift hath thys yere created 12. new Cardinals so as nowe there are thirty where was wont to be but 12. and all those Cardinals except 2. or 3. are the kings enemies 22. That the Pope in tyme wil geue the temporall mannors of those dignities to the kings enemies sith he so daily vsurpeth vpon the Realme and the kings regalities 23. That all houses and corporatioÌ„s of religion who vnto the kings raigne nowe had free election of heades the Pope hath encroched the same to hymselfe 24. That in all legacies from the Pope whatsoeuer the English clergie beareth the charge of the legates and all for the goodnesse of our money 25. And so it appeareth that if the money of the Realme were as plentiful as euer it was the Collectors aforesaid wyth the Proctors of Cardinals would soone conuey the same 26. For remedy heereof it may be prouided that no suche Collector or Proctor doe remayne in Englande on payne of lyfe and member And that no Englysh man on the like payne become any such Collector or Proctor or remayne at Rome 27. For better information hereof and namely touchyng the Popes Collector for that the whole clergy beyng obedient to him dare not displease hym It were good that syr Iohn Strensale parsone of S. Botulphes in Holborne may be sent to come before the Lordes and commons of this Parliament who beyng straightly charged can declare much more for that hee serued the same Collector in house 5. yeares ¶ And thus much of this bil touching the popes matters wherby it may appere not to be for nought that hath bene vpon vs reported by the Italians and other straungers which vsed to call English men good Asses for they beare all burdens that be layd vpon them Item in the said parliament it was prouided also that such order as is made in London against the horrible vice of vsury may be obserued throughout the whole realme The commons of the dioces of Yorke complaine of the outragious taking of the Byshop and his clarkes for admission of priestes to their benefices To these recordes of the parliament aboue prefixed of the 50. yere of thys king Edward we will adioyne also other notes collected out of the parliament in the yere next following which was 51. and last yeare of this kings life and raigne An. 1377. the 27. of Ianuary Although in the printed boke these statutes are said to be made at the parliament holden as aboue in the 50. yeare whych is muche mistaken and ought to be referred to the 51. yere as by the recordes of the sayd yere manifestly doth appeare In which Parliament the Byshop of S. Dauids being Lord Chauncelour making a long oration taking his theame out of S. Paul Libenter suffertis insipientes c. Declaring in the sayde Oration many thyngs as first in shewing the ioyfull newes of the olde kings recouerye then declaring the loue of God toward the king and realme in chastising hym wyth sickenesse Afterwarde shewyng the blessing of God vpon the king in seeing hys childreÌ„s children Then by a similitude of the head members exhorting the people as members to coÌ„forme themselues to the goodnesse of the head Lastly hee turned his matter to the Lordes and the rest declaring the cause of that assembly that for somuch as the Frenche kyng had allyed hymselfe wyth the Spanyardes and Scottes the kyngs enemyes whych had prepared great powers conspiring to blot out the English tonge and name the king therefore was willyng to haue therein their faithfull counsaile This being declared by the Bishop Sir Robert Ashton the kings chamberlaine declaring that he was to moone them from the king for the profit of the realme the whych wordes percaâ—e lay not in the Byshops mouth for that it touched the Pope vz. By protesting first that the Kyng was ready to do al that ought to be done for the pope But for that diuers vsurpations were done by the Pope to the Kyng hys crowne and Realme as by particular billes in thys parliament should be shewed he required of them to seeke redresse In thys present parliament petition was made by the commons that al prouisors of things from Rome their ministers should be out of the kyngs protection Whereunto the kyng aunswered that the Pope had promysed redresse whych if hee did not the lawes then should stand It was also in that Parliament required that euery person of what sexe soeuer being professed of any religion continuing the habite of 15. yeares may vpon the triail of the same in any of the kings courts be in law vtterly forbarred of al inheritaunce albeit he haue dispenâ—ation from the pope Against which dispensation is the chief grudge whereunto the king and the lordes answered saying that they would prouide Item in the sayde Parliament was propounded that the statute of prouisors made at any time may be executed and that remedy may be had agaynst such Cardinalles as haue wythin the prouinces of Caunterbury and Yorke purchased reseruations wyth the clause of Anteferri to the value of xx or xxx thousande Scures of golde agaynst the Popes Collector who was wont to be an Englishman and now is a mere French residing at London conueieth yearely to the Pope xx M. markes or xx M. pounde who thys yeare gathereth the first fruites whatsoeuer Alledging the meanes to meete wyth these reseruations and nouelries as to commaund all straungers to depart the Realme during the warres that no English man to become their farmour or to send to them any mony without speciall licence on payne to be out
if that you shall apprehend by personall citation the sayd Nicholas and Phillip or either of them or whither they shall be absent and hide themselues as of euery thing els which in this behalfe you shall thinke meete to be done that betweene this and the feast of S Laurence you clerely certifie vs by your letters patentes contayning the effect of these thinges Fare ye well At our Manour of Lambeth the 13. day of Iuly the yeare of our Lord. 1382. and first yeare of our translation * The names of the Doctours and Fryers assistentes at this sitting Seculars M. William Blankpayne M. Wil. Barton Friers Carmelits Robert Euery prior Iohn Reningham prior and Iohn Lunne Friors Minors William Barnwel Iohn Ryddin and William Brunscombe Friers Augustines Iohn Court Patrington Tomson and Reepes Against this blind excommunication of the said archb the parties excommunicate commēced and exhibited their appeale vnto the bishop of Rome Which appeale of theirs as insufficient or rather to him vnpleasaunt the said archbishop vtterly reiected as might oftētimes ouercommeth right proceeding in his preconceaued excommunication against thē and writing moreouer his letters to hym that should preach next at Paules crosse as is aforesaid to denounce and to publishe openly the said Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington to be excommunicate for that not appearing and theyr terme assigned Which was in the 13. day of the month of Iuly Which archbishop moreouer the said yeare month and day aforesaid sent also an other letter to M. Rigge Commissary of Oxford straightly enioyning and charging him not onely to denounce the sayd sentence of excommunication and to geue out publique citation against them but also to make dilligent search and inquisition through all Oxford for them to haue them apprehended and sent vp to him personally before him to appeare at a certain day prescribed for the same Wherby may appeare howe busie this Bish. was in disquieting persecuting these poremē whō rather he should haue nourished and cherished vs his brethren But as his labour is past so his reward will follow at what day the great Archbishop of our soules shall iudicially appeare in his tribunall seat to iudge both the quick and the dead The archb yet not contented with this doth moreouer by all meanes possible sollicite the king to ioyne withall the power of his temporall sword for that he well perceaued that hitherto as yet the popishe Clergy had no authoritie sufficient by any publique law or Statute of thys land to proceede vnto death against anye person whatsoeuer in case of Religion but onely by the vsurped tyranny and example of the court of Rome Where note gentle reader for thy better vnderstanding the practise of the romish prelates in seeking the kinges help to further their bloudy purpose against the good saintes of God Which king being but young and vnder yeares of ripe iudgement partly enduced or rather seduced by importune suite of the foresayd Archbishop partly also eyther for feare of the Bishoppes for kings cannot alwayes doe in their realmes what they will or els perhaps entised by some hope of subsidie to be gathered by the Clergy was contented to adioyne his priuate assent such as it was to the setting downe of an ordinaunce which was in deede the very first lawe that is to be found made against Religion and the professors thereof bearing the name of an Acre made in the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno. 5. Rich. 2. where among sundry other Statutes then published and yet remayning in the printed bookes of Statutes this supposed Statute is to be found Cap. 5. vltimo as followeth Item forasmuch as it is openly knowne that there be diuerse euill persons within the realme going from county to countie and from Towne to Towne in certayne habites vnder dissimulation of great holinesse and without the licence of the ordinaries of the places or other sufficient authoritie preaching dayly not onely in Churches churchyardes but also in markets fayres and other open places where a great congregation of people is diuers sermons contayning heresies and notorious errours to the great emblemishing of Christen fayth and destruction of the lawes and of the estate of holy Churche to the great perill of the soules of the people and of all the realme of England as more plainly is found and sufficiently proued before the reuerend father in God the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the bishops and other prelates maisters of Diuinitie and doctors of Canon of ciuil law and a great part of the clergy of the said Realme specially assembled for this great cause which persons do also preach diuers matters of slander to engender discorde and discention betwixt diuers estates of the said realme as well spirituall as temporall in exciting of the people to the great perill of all the Realme which preachers cited or summoned before the ordinaries of the places thereto aunswere of that whereof they be impeached they will not obey to their sommons commandementes nor care not for their monitions nor censures of the holy Church but expressely despise them And moreouer by their subtile and ingenious wordes doe drawe the people to heare theire Sermons and doe mayntayne them in their errours by strong hand and by great rowtes It is ordayned assented in this present parliament that the kinges commissions be made and directed to the Sheriffes and other ministers of our soueraigne Lord the king or other sufficiēt persons learned and according to the certifications of the prelates therof to be made in the Chauncery from time to time to arest all such preachers and also their fautours mayntaynours and abbertours and doe hold them in arrest and strong prison till they wil iustify to them according to the law and reason of holy Church And the king will and commaund that the Chauncellour make such commissions at all times that he by the Prelates or any of them shal bee certified and thereof required as is aforesaid An examination of the foresayd supposed Statute and of the inualiditie therof WHich supposed statute for as muche as it was the principall ground whereuppon proceeded all the persecution of that time it is therefore not impertinent to examine the same more perticularly wherby shall appeare that as the same was fraudulently and vnduly deuised by the Prelates onely so was it in like maner most iniuriously and vnorderly executed by them For immediately vpon the publishing of this lawe without further warrant eyther from the king or his councell commissions vnder the great seale of England were made in this forme Richard by the grace of God c. vt patet act pag. 541. Witnesse my self at Westminster the 26. day of Iune in the sixt yeare of our raigne Without more wordes of warrant vnder written such as in like cases are both vsuall and requisite Viz. per ipsum Regem per Regem Concilium or per breue de priuato
Richard againe in the raigne of this king that many yeares after he was rumored to be aliue of them which desired belike that to be true which they knew to be false for the which diuers were executed For the space of sixe or vij yeares together almost no yeare passed without some conspiracy against the king Long it were here to recite the bloud of all such Nobles and other which was spilt in the raigne of this king as the Earle of Kent Earle of Salisbury Earle of Huntington named Iohn Holland c. as writeth the story of S. Albans But the English writers differ something in their names and make mention of 4. Earles of Surrey of Excester of Salisbury and Lord Spenser Earle of Gloucester Ex Lib. cui tit Calendarium Bruti And the next yeare following Syr Ihon Clarendon knight with two of his seruauntes the Priour of Laund with 8. friers were hanged and quartered And after these Henry Percy the younger the Earle of Worcester named Thomas Percy his vncle Lord of Kinderton and L. Richard de Uernoua The Earle of Northumberland scarce escaped with his pardon an 1403. In the which yeare the prison in Cornhill called the tonne was turned into the conduit there now standing To let passe other moe hanged and quartered the same time as Blount knight Benet Kely knight and Thomas Wintersel Esquier Also the same yeare was taken and executed sir Bernard Brokes knight sir Iohn Shilley knight Syr Iohn Mandelyn and William Frierby After all these L. Henry Earle of Northumberland and L. Bardolfe conspiring the kings death were taken in the North and beheaded which was in the 8. yere of this king Henry This ciuil rebellion of so many nobles other against the king declared what grudging heartes the people then bare towarde this king Henry Among whome I cannot pretermit heere also the Archb. of Yorke named Richarde Scrope who with the L. Moubrey Marshal of England gathered a great company in the North countrey against the foresaid king to whom also was adioyned the helpe of L. Bardolfe Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland Ex Chron. D. Albani And to stirre vp the people more willingly to take their partes they collected certaine Articles against the said king to the number of 10. and fastned them vpon the doores of Churches and Monasteries to be read of all men in English Which articles if any be disposed to vnderstand for somuch as the same also containe a great part of the doings betweene king Henry king Richard aforesayde I thought for the better opening of the matter heere vnder to inserte the same in such forme as I founde them in the historie of Scala mundi expressed ¶ Articles set vp on Church doores against king Henry the fourth IN the name of God Amen Before the Lorde Iesus Christ iudge of the quicke and dead c. We A.B.C.D. c. not long sithens became bounde by othe vppon the sacred Euangelicall booke vnto our soueraigne Lorde Richarde late king of England and France in the presente of many prelates potentates and nobilitie of the realme that wee so long as we liued should beare true allegeance and fidelity towardes hym and his heires succeding hym in the kingdom by iust title right and line accordyng to the statutes and custome of this realme of England By vertue wherof we are bound to foresee that no vices or hainous offences arise in the common weale do take effect or wyshed ende but that we ought to geue our selues and our goodes to wtstand the same without feare of sword or death whatsoeuer vpon paine of periurie which paine is euerlasting damnation Wherfore we seing perceiuing diuers horrible crimes and great enormities daily without ceassing to be committed by the children of the deuill and sathans soldiours against the supremacie of the Church of Rome the libertie of the church of England and the lawes of the realme against the person of king Rich. and his heires against the prelates noble men religion and comminaltie and finally against the whole weale publike of the realme of England to the great offence of the maiesty of almighty God and to the prouocation of his iust wrath and veÌ„geance towards the realme and people of the same And fearing also the destruction both of the Churche of Rome and England the ruine of our couÌ„try to be at hand hauing before our eyes the iustice the kingdom of God calling alwaies on the name of Iesus hauing an assured confidence in his clemency mercy and power haue here taken vnto vs certain articles subscribed in forme folowing to be proponed tried and heard before the iust iudge Iesus Christ and the whole world to his honour the deliuery of the church the cleargy and comminalty and to the utility profite of the weale publick But if which God forbid by force feare of violence of wicked persons we shal be cast in prison or by violent death preuented so as in this worlde we shall not be able to proue the saide articles as we would wish then do we apeale to the high celestiall iudge that he may iudge discerne the same in the day of his supreme iudgement 1. ¶ First we depose say except and entend to proue against the Lord Henry Derby sonne of the Lord Iohn of Gaunt late Duke of Lancaster and commonly called king of England himselfe pretending the same although without all right and title thereunto and against his adherents fautours and complices that euer they haue bene are and will be traytors inuaders and destroyers of Gods Church in Rome England Wales and Ireland and of our soueraigne Lord Richard late King of England his heires his kingdom and common wealth as shall hereafter maniâ—estly appeare 2. Secondarely we depose c. against the said Lord HeÌ„ry for that he had conceaued deutied conspired certaine hainous crimes and traiterous offences against his sayd soueraigne Lord Richard his state and dignitie as manifestly did appeare in the contention betwene the said Lord Henry and yâ— Lord Thomas Duke of Northfolke begon at Couentry but not finished throughly Afterwards he was sent in exile by sentence of the said king Richard by the agreement of his father the Lord Iohn Duke of Lancaster by the voice of diuers of the Lords temporall nobilitie of the realme and also by his owne consent there to remaine for a certaine time appointed vnto him by the said Lords and withall he was bound by othe not to returne into EnglaÌ„d before he had obteined fauour grace of the kyng Not long after when the king was departed into Ireland for reformation of that countrey apperteining to the crowne of England but as then rebelling agaynst the same the sayd Lord Henry in the meane time contrary to his oth and fidelitie and long before the time limited vnto him was expired with all his fautours and inuaders secretly entred into the Realme swearing
in Ecclesiasticall matters as in callyng the people to Gods seruice in cutting down groues in destroying images in gathering tithes into the Lordes house in dedicating the teÌ„ple in blessing the people in castyng downe the brasen SerpeÌ„t within the teÌ„ple in correcting deposing Priestes in coÌ„stituting the order offices of Priestes in commaundyng such thynges as pertained to the seruice worshyp of God in punishyng the contrary c. And in the new Testament what meaneth the exaÌ„ple of Christ himselfe both geuing teaching tribute to be geuen to Caesar to Caesar I say not to the high Priest What meaneth his wordes to Pilate not denying power to be geuen to him from aboue And agayne declaryng the kynges of nations to haue dominioÌ„ ouer theÌ„ willing his Disciples not so to do geuyng vs to vnderstaÌ„d the difference betwene the regimeÌ„t of his spirituall kingdome of the kingdome of this world willyng all worldly states to be subiect vnder the superiour rulers Magistrates in whose regiment is dominioÌ„ and subiectioÌ„ not in the other Whereunto accordeth also the doctrine of S. Paule where it is written let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers vnder whose obedience neither Pope Cardinall Patriarch Byshop Priest Frier nor Monke is excepted nor exempted as Theophilactus expouÌ„dyng the same place declareth sayth Vniuersos erudit siue sacerdos sit ille siue monachus siue Apostolus vt se principibus subdant that is he teacheth all sortes whether he bee Priest or Monke or els Apostle that they should submit themselues vnder their Princes c. And S. Augustine writyng ad Bonifacium sayth in much like sort Quicunque autem legibus imperatoris quae pro Dei veritate feruntur obtemperare non vult acquirit grande supplicium that is whosoeuer refuseth to obey the lawes of the Emperor which make for the veritie of God incurreth the daunger of great punishmeÌ„t c. Also in an other place writyng coÌ„â—ra Cresconium hath these words In hoc enim reges sicut eis diuiniâ—us praecipitur Deo seruiunt in quantum reges si in suo regno bona iubeant mala prohibeant non solùm quae pertinent ad humanam sâ—cietarem verumetiam quae ad diuinam religioné c. that is Kynges accordyng as it is inioyned them of God do serue God in that they are kynges if they in their kyngdome commaunde those thynges that be good forbid thynges that be euill such as appertaine not onely to humaine societie but also to Gods Religion c. And yet to come more neare to the Popes owne Doctours Thomas Aquine not much discrepant from the iniunction of the Apostle aboue alledged thus describeth the office of a kyng Hoc inquit officium rex se suscepisse cognoscat vt sit in regno sicut in corpore anima sicut Deus in mundo c. Let a kyng sayth he vnderstand that he hath taken this office vpon him to be as the soule within the body and as God in the world In like agreemeÌ„t with the holy Apostle S. Paule ioyneth also S. Peter be you subiect sayth he to euery humaine creature whether it be to the king as most preeminent or to other set ouer you c. Where the common Glose addeth thereto to obey the same whether they be good or euill These places rightly pondered let any maÌ„ now iudge whether the Pope hath done open wrong to the Emperour in surprising aboue the iurisdiction of his lawfull Prince and Magistrat notwithstaÌ„dyng whatsoeuer his owne Canon law sayth to the contrary And as it is sufficiently hetherto proued by Gods law that all Ecclesiasticall persons owe their due subiection to their lawfull Princes in matters as well teÌ„porall as spirituall so no lesse euideÌ„ces may also be inferred out of maÌ„s law and examples of the oldest fathers to proue the same And first to begyn with the example of Gregory the great who in his Epistle to Mauritius writeth thus Dominus meus fuisti quando adhuc Dominus omnium non eras Ecce per me seruum vltimum suum vestrum respondebit Christus c. that is You were theÌ„ my Lord wheÌ„ you were not the Lord of the whole Empire behold Christ him selfe shall make you auÌ„swere by me which am his most simplest seruauÌ„t and yours c. And before him Eleutherius his predecessour Byshop of Rome writyng to Lucius kyng of this Realme calleth him by the name of Christes Uicare But what needeth much confirmation of this matter wheÌ„ the Popes decrees Canons be full of recordes hereof testifiyng how the auncient Church of Rome not onely receaued but also required of the Emperours lawes coÌ„stitutions to be made touchyng not onely such causes but also such persons as were Ecclesiasticall And here to omit by the way the chap. Principes seculi also cap. Administratores 23. q. 5. with diuers other beside I will recite out of the Epistle of Boniface the 1. to the Emperour Honorius so much as serueth for our purpose written dist 92. cap. Ecclesiae cap. Victor Where it is mentioned that the sayd Bonifacius Byshop of Rome sent an huÌ„ble supplication to the forenamed Emperour desiryng him by his authoritie to prouide some remedy against the ambitious coÌ„tentions of the clergie concerning the bishoprike of Rome Which Emperor Honorius incontinent at his request directed stablished a law that none should be made Byshop of Rome through ambitioÌ„ charging all Ecclesiasticall Ministers to surcease froÌ„ ambition appointyng moreouer that if two were elected together neither of them both should be takeÌ„ but the election to proceed further to an other to be chosen by a full consent of voyces as is expressed Dist. 79. cap. Si duo To this I adioyne also the law constitution of Iustinian the Emperour ratified and renued afterward in the counsell of Paris in tyme of king Ludouicus Pius Where all Byshops Priestes be expresly forbiddeÌ„ not to excommunicate any maÌ„ before his cause was knowen proued to be such as for the whiche the auncient Canons of the Church would him to be excoÌ„municate And if any should otherwise proceede coÌ„trary to the same theÌ„ the excoÌ„municate person to be absolued by the authoritie of an higher degree the excoÌ„municate to be sequestred froÌ„ the communioÌ„ so long as should seeme conuenieÌ„t to him that had the executioÌ„ therof as is expressed 24. q. 3. De illicita The same Iustinian moreouer in his lawes coÌ„stitutions how many thynges did he dispose ordeine in Church matters as to haue a determinate number of Churchmen or Clerkes in Churches coÌ„st 3. Also coÌ„cerning Monasteries MoÌ„kes const 5. how Byshops Priestes should be ordeined coÌ„st 6. concerning remouyng of Ecclesiasticall persons froÌ„ one Church to an other Also concernyng the constitution of the Churches in Affrike And that the holy misteries should not
be done in priuate houses so that whosoeuer should atteÌ„pt the contrary should be depriued const 57. Moreouer coÌ„cernyng Clerkes leauyng their Churches const 58. Also concerning the order maner of funerals const 59. And that Byshops should not keepe froÌ„ their flocke const 67. The same IustiniaÌ„ grauÌ„ted to the Clergy of ConstaÌ„tinople the priuiledge of the secular court in cases onely ciuile and such as touched not the disturbauÌ„ce of the Byshop otherwise in all criminall causes he left them to the iudgemeÌ„t of the secular court const 83. He geueth also lawes decrees for breach of matrimonie const 117. in diuers other places And in his const 123. after the doctrine of S. Paule he commauÌ„deth all Byshops Priestes to sounde out their seruice to celebrate the misteries not after a secrete maner but with a loude voyce so as they might not onely be heard but also be vnderstand of the faythfull people what was sayd done Whereby it is to be gathered that diuine prayers and seruice then was in the vulgar toung And as the said Iustinian other Emperours in those dayes had the iurisdictioÌ„ and gouernement ouer spirituall matters persons the like examples also may be brought of other kyngs in other laÌ„des who had no lesse authoritie in their Realmes then Emperours had in their Empire As in FrauÌ„ce Clodoueus the first Christened kyng at Orleans caused a CouÌ„cell of 33. Byshops where .33 Canons were instituted coÌ„cernyng the gouernemeÌ„t of the Church within .200 yeares after Christ. Ex primo Tomo Concil Carolus Magnus beside his other lawes and edictes political called v. Synodes one at Mentz the second at Rome the third at Remes the fourth at Cabilone the fift at Arâ—late where sundry rites ordinauÌ„ces were geuen to the Clergy about .810 yeares after Christ. The same Carolus also decreed that onely the Canonicall bookes of Scripture should be read in the Church none other Which before also was decreed an 4.17 in the third generall Councel of Carthage Item he exhorteth and chargeth Byshops and Priests to preach the word with a godly iniuÌ„ction Episcopi verò vt siue per se siue per vicarios pabulum verbi diuini sedulò populis annuncient Quia vt ait beatus Gregorius Iram contra se occulti iudicis excitat Sacerdos si sine praedicationis sonitu incedit Et vt ipsi clerum sibi commissum in sobrietate castitate nutriant Superstitiones quas quibusdam in locis in exequijs mortuorum noÌ„nulli faciunt eradicent that is That bishops either by them selues or their deputies shall shew forth the foode of Gods word to the people with all diligeÌ„ce For as Gregory sayth the Priest procureth against him the wrath of the secret iudge which goeth without the sound of preaching And also that they bring vp their Clergy to theÌ„ coÌ„mitted in sobernes chastitie The superstitioÌ„ which in certaine places is vsed of some about the Funerals of the dead let them exterminate plucke vp by the rootes c. Moreouer instructing informyng the sayd Byshops Priestes in the office of preaching willeth theÌ„ not to suffer any to fayne or preach to the people any new doctrine of their owne inueÌ„tion not agreing to the word of God but that they them selues both will preach such thyngs as lead to eternall life and also that they set vp other to do the same ioyneth with all a godly exhortation Ideo dilectissimi toto corde praeparemus nos in scientia veritatis mox vt diuina donante gratia verbum Dei currat crescat multiplicetur in profectum Ecclesiae Dei sanctae salutem animaruÌ„ nostrarum laudem gloriam nominis Domini nostri Iesu Christi Pax praedicantibus gratia obedientibus gloria Domino nostro Iesu Christo Amen Furthermore the said Carolus in his constitutions diuideth the goodes geueÌ„ to the Church so that in the more welthy places two partes should go to the vse of the poore the third to the stipeÌ„d of the Clergy Otherwise in poorer places an equall diuisioÌ„ to be made betwene the pouertie the Clergy vnles the gift had some speciall exception Ex Ansegiso lib. 1. cap. 80. And in the same booke a little after cap. 83. the author declareth by the sayd Carolus to be decreed that no Ecclesiasticall person or persons froÌ„ thenceforth should presume to take of any person any such gift or donation wherby the childreÌ„ or kinsfolkes of the sayd Donor should be defeited of their inheritance duly to them belongyng Ludouicus Pius king of France after Emperor was sonne to the foresaid Charles who being ioined together with the said Charles his father in the Empire ordained also with his father sundry actes obseruaunces touchyng the gouernement of the Church as in the author before alledged may appeare As first that no entry should be made into the Church by Symony Agayne that Byshops should be ordained by the free electioÌ„ of the Clergie of the people without all respect of person or reward onely for the merite of life and gift of heauenly wisedome Also the sayd Kynges Emperours forbad that any free maÌ„ or Citizen should enter the professioÌ„ of Monkery without licence asked of the kyng before added a double cause wherfore First for that many not for meere deuotioÌ„ but for idlenes and auoyding the kynges warres do geue theÌ„ selues to ReligioÌ„ againe for that many be craftely circumueÌ„ted deluded by subtile couetous persons seekyng to get froÌ„ them that which they haue Lib. 1. cap. 114. ibidem IteÌ„ that no young childreÌ„ or boyes should be shaueÌ„ or enter any profession without the will of their PareÌ„tes And no young maydens should take the veale or profession of a Nunne before she came to sufficient discretion of yeres to discerne chuse what they will follow That none should be interred or buried theÌ„ce forth within the Church which also was decreed by Theodosius Valentinianus 40. yeares before them Item the sayd Carolus .22 yeares before this Emperour enacted that murderers such as were giltie of death by the law should haue no sanctuary by flying into the Church c. which also was decreed by IustiniaÌ„ .300 yeares before this Carolus Ex Nouel Iustinia Moreouer the foresayd Ludouicus Pius with his sonne Clothariê° or as some call him Lotharius ioyned with him among other Ecclesiasticall Sanctions ordained a godly law for laymen to coÌ„municate the Sacrament of the body bloud of the Lord in these wordes Vt si noÌ„ frequeÌ„tius vel ter laici homines communicent nisi fortè grauioribus quibusâ—am criminibus impediaÌ„tur That laymen do communicate at least thrise if not ofter except they be let percase by some more haynous greuous offences Anseg lib. 2. cap. 43. Item they enacted that no goodes of the Church should be alienated vnder the payne Leoninae
long agone we weying with our selues that the libertie and freedome of religion ought not in any case to be prohibited but that free leaue ought to be geuen to euery man to doe therein according to his wil and minde we haue giuen commandement to all men to qualifie matters of religion as they themselues thought good and that also the Christians shoulde keepe the opinions and faith of their religion But because that many sundry opinions by the same our first licence spring and increase through such libertie graunted we thought good manifestly to adde thereunto and make plaine such things wherby perchance some of them in time to come may from such their obseruaunce be let or hindered When therfore by prosperous successe I Constantinus Augustus and I Licinius Augustus came to Mediolanum and there sate in councell vpon such thinges as serued for the vtilitie and profit of the common weale these things amongst others we thought woulde be beneficiall to all men yea and before all other things we purposed to establish those things wherin the true reuerence and worship of God is comprehended that is to geue vnto the Christians free choise to followe what religion they thinke good and whereby the same sinceritie and celestiall grace which is in euery place receaued may also be embraced and accepted of all our louing subiects According therefore vnto this our pleasure vpon good aduisement and sounde iudgement we haue decreed that no man so hardy be denied to chuse and followe the Christian obseruance or religion But that this libertie be geuen to euery man that he may apply his minde to what religion he thinketh meete himselfe whereby God may performe vpon vs all his accustomed care and goodnesse To the intent therefore you might knowe that this is our pleasure wee thought it necessary this to wryte vnto you whereby all such errours and opinions being remooued which in our former letters being sent vnto you in the behalfe of the Christians are conteyned and which seeme very vndiscreete and contrary to our clemēcy may be made frustrate adnihilate Now therfore firmly and freely we will and commaunde that euery man haue a free libertie to obserue the Christian religion and that without any griefe or molestation hee may be suffered to doe the same These things haue we thought good to signifie vnto you by as plaine wordes as we may that we haue geuen to the Christians free and absolute power to keepe and vse their religion And for as much as this libertie is absolutely geuen of vs vnto them to vse and exercise their former obseruance if any be so disposed it is manifest that the same helpeth much to establishe the publike tranquillitle of our time euery man to haue licence and libertie to vse and chuse what kinde of worshipping he list himself And this is done of vs onely for the intent that we woulde haue no man to be enforced to one religion more then an other And this thing also amongst others we haue prouided for the Christians that they may haue againe the possessiō of such places in which heretofore they haue bene accustomed to make their assemblies so that if any haue bought or purchased the same either of vs or of any other the same places without either mony or other recompence forthwith and without delay we will to be restored againe vnto the sayd Christians And if any man haue obtained the same by gift from vs and shall require any recompence to be made to them in that behalf Then let the Christians repaire vnto the President being the iudge appoynted for that place that consideration may be had of those mē by our benignitie al which things we will and commaunde that you see to be geuen and restored freely and with diligence vnto the societie of the Christians all delay set apart And because the Christians themselues are vnderstoode to haue had not onely those places wherein they were accustomed to resort together but certaine other peculiar places also not being priuate to any one man but belonging to the right of their congregation and societie you shall see also al those to be restored vnto the Christians that is to say to euery fellowship and company of them according to the decree whereof we haue made mention all delay set apart Prouided that the order we haue taken in the meane time be obserued that if any taking no recompence shall restore the same lands and possessions they shall not mistrust but be sure to be saued harmelesse by vs. In all these things it shall be your part to employ your diligence in the behalfe of the foresayde companie of the Christians whereby this our commaundement may speedely be accomplished and also in this case by our clemencie the common and publike peace may be preserued For vndoubtedly by this meanes as before we haue sayde the good will and fauour of God towardes vs whereof in many cases we haue had good experience shall alwayes continue with vs. And to the intent that this our constitution may be notified to all men it shall be requisite that the copie of these our letters be set vp in all places that men may reade and knowe the same least any should be ignorant thereof By these hystories I doubt not good reader but thou doest right well cōsider and behold with thy selfe the marueilous working of God his mighty power to see so many Emperours at one time conspired and confederate together against the Lord and his Christ annoynted whose names before we haue recited as Dioclesian Maximinian Galerius Maxentius Maximinus Seuerus Licinius who hauing the subiection of the whole world vnder their dominion did bende and extende their whole might and deuises to extirpate the name of Christ and of all Christians Wherein if the power of man could haue preuailed what coulde they not doe or what coulde they doe more then they did If policie or deuises could haue serued what policie was there lacking If torments or paines of death could haue helped what cruelty of torment by man could be inuented which was not attempted If lawes edictes proclamations wrytten not onely in tables but ingrauen in brasse could haue stande all this was practised against the weake Christians And yet notwithstanding to see howe no counsaile can stand against the Lorde note heere how all these be gone and yet Christ and his Church doth stande Fyrst of the taking away of Maximinian you haue heard also of the death of Seuerus of the drowning moreouer of Maxentius inough hath bene sayde What a terrible plague was vpon Galerius consuming his priuie members with Lice hath bene also described Howe Dioclesian the quondam being at Salona hearing of the proceedings of Constantinus and this his Edict either for sorrow died or as some say did poyson himselfe Onely Maximinus now in the East partes remained aliue who bare a deadly hatred against the Christians and no lesse expressed the same wyth
that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answere or ad litem cōtestatam as the words of their writing do terme it before they be orderly fully restored again to their possessiōs Who moreouer in the said their epistles stil harpe vpon this key of the scripture Tu es Petrus super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam Declaring more ouer that this priuiledge of iudging al mē and to be iudge of no man but onely to be left to the iudgement of the Lord was gyuen to this foresayd holy sea of Rome from tyme of the Apostles chiefly lefte with Peter the holye key keeper so that although the election of the Apostles was equall yet this was chieflye graunted to Saint Peter to haue preheminenes aboue the rest Concluding in the ende hereby Quod semper maiores causae sicut sunt episcoporum potiorum curae negotiorum ad vnam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent That is that alwaies all greater causes as be the matters of Byshoppes and such other cares of weighty importaunce should be brought to the sea of S. Peter the blessed prince of the Apostles c. These be the wordes of Miltiades and Eusebius whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath any nose what was the meaning of thē which forged these writings and letters vpon these auntient holy martirs This I cannot but maruell at in the thirde Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome that where as Marcellius his late predecessor before in his owne time and remembrance did fall so horribly and was condemned for the same iustly to be expulsed the Citie by the counsell of 300. Byshops yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epistle alledging the place of Tu es Petrus bringeth in for a profe of the same and saith Quia in sede Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio c. That is for in the Apostolicall sea alwaies the Catholike Religion hath bene preserued without any spot or blemish But howsoeuer the forgers of these decretal Epistles haue forgottē themselues most certeine it is that these holy bishops vpon whom they were and are ascribed liued perfect good men and died blessed martirs Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishoppes of Rome here in the west Church of Europe that euer was in daūger of persecution to be Martired yet to this present day And thus haue ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saintes which suffered in the time of persecution from the xix yeare of Dioclesian to the vij and last yeare of Maxentius with the deathes also plagues described vpon these tormentors and cruel tiraunts which were the captaines of the same persecutiō And here commeth in blessed be Christ the ende of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe so far as the dominion of blessed Constantinus did chiefly extend Yet notwithstanding in Asia al persecution as yet ceased not for the space of foure yeres as aboue is mentioned by the meanes of wicked Licinius Under whome diuers there were holy and constant martirs that suffered greeuous torments as Hermylus a Deacon and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison which both after their punishments sustained were strangled in the floud Ister Metasth Also Theodorus the Captaine who being sent for of Licinius because he would not come and because he brake his Gods in peeces and gaue them to the pore therfore was fastned to the crosse and after being pearsed with sharpe pricks or bodkins in the secret parts of his body was at last beheaded Adde to this also Milles who first being a Souldiour afterward was made bishop of a certaine Citie in Persia where he seing himselfe could do no good to conuert them after many tribulations and great afflictions among thē cursed the Citie and departed Which citie shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroied In the same countrey of Persia about this time suffered vnder Sapores the king as recordeth Symeon Metasthenes diuers valiant constant martirs as Acindymus Pegasius Anempodistus Epidephorus also Symeon Archbishop of Seleucia with Ctesiphon an other bishop in Persia with other ministers religious men of that region to the number of 128. Of this Symeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zozomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magitians in Persia taking counsaile togither against the Christians accused Symeon Ctesiphō to Sapores the king for that they were gratefull accepted vnto the Romane Emperor bewraied to him such things as were done in the land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moued toke great displeasure against the christians oppressing them with taxes tributes vnto their vtter impouerishing killing also their Priestes with the sword After that calleth for Symeon the Archbyshop who there before the king declared himselfe a worthy a valiant captaine of Christs church For when Sapores had cōmaūded him to be led to suffer torments he neither shronk for any feare nor shewed any great humble sute of submission for any pardon wherat the king partly marueiling partly offended asked why he did not knele downe as he was wont before to do Symeon to this aūswered for that saith he before this time I was not brought vnto you in bondes to betray the true God as I am nowe so long I refused not to accomplishe that which the order custome of the Realme of me required but now it is not lawful for me so to do for now I come to stand in defence of our Religion and true doctrine When Symeon thus had aunswered the king persisting in his purpose offereth vnto him the choise either to worship with him after his maner promising to him many great gifts if he would so doe or if he would not threatneth to him and to al the other christians within his land destruction But Symeon neither allured with his promises nor terrified with his threatnings cōtinued constaunt in his doctrine professed so that neyther he could be induced to Idolatrous worship nor yet to betray the truth of his religion For the which cause he was committed into hands and there commaunded to be kept to the kings pleasure further knowne It befel in the way as he was going to the prison there was sitting at the kings gate a certaine Eunuche an olde Tutor or scholemaister of the kings named Vsthazares who had bene once a christian and afterward falling from hys profession fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idolatrie This Vsthazares sitting at the doore of the kinges pallace and seing Symeon passing by led to the prison rose vp and reuerenced the Bishop Symeon againe with sharpe wordes as the time would suffer rebuked him in great anger cried out against him which being once a christian woulde so cowardly reuolt from his profession returne againe to the Heathenish Idolatry At the hearing of these
by the sworde both in Citie and in Towne some beyng sought for some offeryng themselues willyngly least they shoulde seeme by their sylence to deny Christ. Thus al the Christians that could be founde without pitie were slaine and diuers also of the kinges owne court and housholde Amonge whome was also Azades an Eunuche and whome the Kyng did entirely loue and fauour Which Asades after that the King vnderstoode to be put to death beyng greatly mooued with the sorrow thereof commaunded after that no Christians to bee slayne but them onely which were the Doctours and teachers of Chrystian Religion In the same tyme it happened that the Queene fell into a certaine disease vpon the occasion whereof the cruell Iewes with the wicked Magicians falsely and malicyously accused Trabula the sister of Symeon the Martyr a godly Uirgine with an other sister also of hers that they had wrought pryuie charmes to hurt the Queene for the reuenging of the death of Symeon This accusation beyng receaued and beleeued innocent Trabula with the other were condemned and with a sawe cut in sunder by the middle Whose quarters were then hanged vpon stakes the Queene goyng betweene them thinking thereby to be deliuered of her sickenes This Trabula was a mayde of a ryght comelye beauty and verye amiable to whome one of the Magicians cast great loue much desiring and labouryng by gyftes and rewardes sent into the pryson to wynne her to hys pleasure promising that if she woulde applye to hys request shee shoulde bee deliuered and set at lybertye But she vtterly refusing to consente vnto hym or rather rebukyng him for his incontinent attempt dyd chuse rather to dye then to betray eyther the Religion of her minde or the virginitie of her body Zozom Now forsomuch as the king had cōmaunded that no Christians should be put to death but onely such as were the teachers and leaders of the flocke the Magicians and Archmagitians left no diligence vntried to set forward the matter Whereby great affliction and persecutions was among the Byshops and teachers of the Church which in all places went to slaunghter especially in the country of Diabenor for that part of Persia aboue al other was most Christian. Where Acepsimas the Byshop with a great number of his flocke and clergy were apprehended and taken vpon the apprehension of whō the Magicians to satisfie the kings commaundement dismissed al the rest onely depriuing them of their liuing and goods Onely Acepsimas the bishop they retayned with whom one Iacobus a Minister or priest of his church was also ioined not of any compulsion but onely as himselfe so desired and obtained of those Magicians that he might folow him be coupled in the same bonds to serue the aged byshop and to relieue so much as he might his calamities and heale his woundes For he had bene sore scourged before of the Magians after they had apprehended him and brought him to worshippe the sunne which thing because he would not do they cast him into prison againe where this Iacobus was waiting vpō him At the same time likewise Athalis a Priest or Minister also Azadanes and Abdiesus Deacons were imprysoned and miserably scourged for the testimony of the Lorde Iesus After this the Archimagus espying his time complaineth to the king of them hauing authoritie and commission giuen him vnles they would worship the sunne to punish them as he pleased This commaundement receyued of the king the master Magus doth declare to thē in prison But they aunswered againe plainely that they would neuer be either betraiers of Christ or worshippers of the sunne wherupon without mercy they were put to bitter torments Where Acepsimas strongly persisting in the confession of christ endureth to death The other being no lesse rent wounded with scourges yet cōtinued meruailously aliue And because they woulde in no case turne from their constant sentence were turned againe into prison Of whome Athalas in the time of his whipping was so drawne rackt with pulling that both his armes being loosed out of the ioynts hanged downe from his body which he so caried about without vse of any hande to feede himselfe but as he was fed of other Miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters vnder the raigne of this Sapores of Byshops Ministers Deacons religious men holy virgins and other ecclesiasticall persons such as did then cleaue to the doctrine of Christ and suffered for the same The names of the bishops besides the other multitude taken in that persecution is recited in Sozom. lib. 2. and in Niceph. lib. 8 cap. 37. in this order following Barbasymes Paulus Gaddiabes Sabinus Mareas Mocius Iohannes Hormisdas Papas Iacobus Romas Maares Agas Bochres Abdas Abiesus Ioannes Abramius Agdelas Sabores Isaac Dausas Bicor also with Maureanda his fellow bishop and the rest of his Churches vnder hym to the number of 250. persons which were the same time apprehended of the Persians c. Briefly to cōprehend the whole multitude of them that suffered in that persecution the maner of their apprehension the cruelnes of their tormēts how and where they suffered in what places it is not possible for any history to discharg Neither are the Persians them selues as Zozomenus recordeth able to recyte them In summe the multitude and number of thē whom they are able to recite by name commeth to the summe of xvj thousand men and women The rumor and noyse of this so miserable affliction of the Christians in the kingdome of Persia comming to the eares of Constantinus the Emperour put him in great heauines studing and reuoluing with himselfe howe to helpe the matter which in deede was very hard for him to do It so befell the same time that certaine Embassadours were then at Rome from Sapores king of Persia to whom Constantinus did easely graunt and consent satisfying all their requestes and demaundes thinking thereby to obtaine the more friendship at the kings handes that at hys request he would be good to the Christians to whome he writeth his Epistle in their behalfe and sendeth the same by his messengers beginning thus Diuinam fidem seruans veritatis lucem sortior Veritatis luce ductus diuinam fidem cognosco Per ea igitur quibus illa res agēdas confirmat sanctissimam religionem cognitam redd◠hunc m◠cultum doctorem cognitionis sancti dei habere confiteor c. Eusebius de vita Constantinus lib. 4. The contentes whereof briefly do tende to this effect Declaring vnto him how he should stand much beholden to him if at his request he would shew some quiet and rest to the Christians In whose religion there was nothing which he could iustly blame For so much as in their sacrifices they vse to kil nothing nor to shed no bloud but only to offer vp vnbloudy sacrifices to make their praiers vnto God who delighteth not in bloud shedding but onely in the soule that loueth
vertue and followeth such doctrine and knowledge which is agreeing to true pietie And therefore such men as doe leade him and learne so to beleue and to worship God are more to bee commended Moreouer he assureth him to finde God more mercifull to him if hee woulde embrace the godlye pietye and truth of the Christians And for example thereof bringeth in the stories of Galienus and Valerianus who so long as they were fauorers of the Christiās did prosper and florish But as soone as they moued any persecution agaynst them it happened to them as it did to all other Emperors before them that all went backward with them as especially might appere by Valerianus who after he had raged so cruelly against the Christians was eftsoones ouercome of the Persians the reuenging hand of God falling vpon him where hee led euer after a miserable life in wretched captiuitie Farther also for the more euidèce of the same inferreth the examples of those Emperors and tyrants in his time whom he vanquished subdued only by his faith in Christ for the which faith God was hys helper and gaue him the victory in many battailes and tryumph ouer great tyraunts whereby he hath also enlarged the dominiō of the Romane monarchie from the west Ocean to the vttermost parts wel neere of al the East To the doing and working wherof he neither called to him the helpe of any charmer or diuination of southsayer nor vsed the killing of any sacrifice but onely the following of the crosse and prayer made to almightie God without any other bloudy sacrifice was the armour wherewith hee ouercame c. And in the end of the Epistle addeth these words What ioy saith he what gladnes would it be to my hart to heare the state also of the Persians to florish as I wish it to do by embracing this sort of men the Christians I meane so that both you with them and they with you in long prosperite may enioy much felicity together as your harts would desire in so doing no doubt ye shall For so shall you haue God which is the author and creator of all this vniuersall worlde to be mercifull and gratious to you These men therefore I commend vnto you vpon your kingly honour And vpon your clemency and piety wherewith you are indued I commit them vnto you desiring you to embrace receaue them according to your humanitie and benignity agreing and conuenient to your estate who in so doing shal now both procure to your selfe grace through your faith and also shall declare to me a great pleasure and benefit worthy of thanks This Epistle wrot Constantinus to king Sapores Such care had this godly Prince for them that beleued in Christ not onely in his owne Monarchie but also in all places of the world neither is it to be doubted but this intercessiō of the Emperour did something mittigate the heate of the Persians persecution Although thereof we reade no certaine thing in our historyes Of other troubles and persecutions we read of which happened afterward in the said country of Persia vnder Isdigerdes the king but these followed long after about the time of the Emperour Theodosius At which time suffered Andas their bishop and Hormisda a great noble mans sōne and of great reputation among the Persians whom whē the king vnderstod to be a Christian and to deny to turne from his religion condemned him to kepe his Elephants naked In processe of time the king looking out and seeing him all swarted and tanned in the sunne commanded him to haue a shirt put on to be brought before him Whome then the king asked if he woulde denye Christ. Hormisda hearing this tare of his shirt from his body and cast it frō him saying If yee thinke that I will denye my faith to Christ for a shirt haue heere your gift againce c. And so was vpon that expelled the country Theodor. lib. 5. An other there was that same time named Suenes which had vnder him an hundreth seruaunts The king takyng displeasure with him for that he would not alter from hys religion and godly truth asked who was the worst of all his seruaunts And him the king made ruler of all the rest and coupling him with his maisters wife brought also Suenes vnder his subiection thinking therby to subdue also the faith of Suenes but it was builded vpon a sure foundation Of Beniamin the Deacon thus writeth the saide Theoret in his fift booke that after two yeares of his imprisonment at the request of the Romaine Legate hee was deliuered who afterward contrary to the kings commaundement hee preached and taught the Gospell of Christ was most miserable excarnificate hauing xx sharpe prickes of reeds thrust vnder his nayles but when he did laugh at that then in his priuye yarde had a sharpe reede thrust in with horrible paine After that a certaine long stalk ragged and thorny being thrust into his body by the nether part was forced into him with the horriblenes of the paine whereof the valiant and inuincible souldiour of the Lord gaue ouer his life Theodor. ibid. And thus much concerning the martirs and persecutions among the Persians although these persecutions belong not of this time which came as it is sayd long after the daies of Constantinus about the yeare of our Lorde 425. Likewise vnder Iulianus the wicked Apostata certaine there were which constanly suffered Martyrdome by the Heathen Idolaters as Emilyanus who was burned in Thracia and Domitius which was slayne in hys caue Theodorus also for singing of a Psalme at the remoouing of the body of Babylas wherof mention is made of before pag 60. being apprehended was so examined with exquisite torments and so cruelly excruciate from morning almost to noone that hardly he scaped with life Who being asked afterward of his friendes howe he coulde abide so sharpe torments said that at the first beginning he felt some paine but afterward there stode by him a yong man who as he was sweating wiped of his sweate and refreshed him with cold water oft times wherewith he was so delited that when he was let downe from the engine it greeued hym more then before Ruff. lib. 5. cap 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom lib. 5. cap. 10. Artemius also the captaine of the Egiptian soldiours the same time lost his head for his religiō indede although other causes were pretended against him Theo. Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 11. Adde to these moreouer Eusebius and Nestabus twoo brethren with Nestor also which for their christianitie were dragged through the streetes and murdered of the idolatrous people of Gaza Sozo Lib. eod cap. 11. But especially the crueltie of the Arethusians a people of Syria exceeded against the Christian virgines whome they set out naked before the multitude to be scorned after that being shauen they couered them with swil and draffe woont to be giuen to their hogs so
pretensed or rather a fable imagined or els to be the deede of Pipinus or Charles or some such other if it were euer the deede of any And thus hast thou beloued Reader briefly collected the narration of the noble actes and heauenly vertues of thys most famous Emperour Constantine the great a singulare spectacle for all Christian Princes to beholde and imitate and worthy of perpetuall memorie in all congregations of Christian Saintes Whose feruent zeale pietie in generall to all coÌ„gregations and to all the seruants of Christ was notable but especially the affection and reuerence of hys heart toward them was admirable whych had suffered any thyng for the confession of Christ in the persecutions before them had hee principally in price and veneration in so much that hee embraced and kissed theyr woundes and stripes and their eyes being put out And if any suche Byshops or any other Ministers brought to hym any coÌ„plaints one against an other as many times they did he would take theyr bils of complaint and burne them before theyr faces so studious and zealous was hys mind to haue them agree whose discord was to hym more griefe then it was to themselues All the vertuous actes and memorable doings of this diuine renowmed Emperour to comprehende or commit to hystorie it were the matter alone of a great volume wherfore contented with these aboue premised because nothing of him can be sayde inough I cease to discourse of him any further One thyng yet remaineth not to be omited wherein as by the way of a note I thought good to admonish the learned Reader suche as loue to be conuersant in reading of auncient authors that in the Ecclesiasticall hystorie of Eusebius where in the latter ende of the booke is added a certaine Oration Ad coÌ„uentum Sanctorum vnder the name of Eusebius Pamphilus here is to be vnderstaÌ„d that the sayd Oration is wrongly intituled vpon the name of Eusebius whych in very truth is the Oration of Constantinus hymselfe For the probation whereof beside the stile and matter therein contained and tractation heroycall liuely declaring the religious vaine of Constantine I alledge the very testimonie of Eusebius himselfe in his fourth booke De vita Constantini where he in expresse wordes not onely declareth that CoÌ„stantine wrote such an Oration intituled Ad Conuentum Sanctorum but also promiseth in the end of hys booke to annexe the same declaring moreouer what difficultie the interpretors had to translate the same from the Romaine speeche to theyr Grecian toung Eusebius de vita Constantini Lib. 4 pag. 211. And here an end of these lamentable doleful persecutions of the primitiue Church during the space of the 300. yeres froÌ„ the passion of our Sauiour Christ til the coÌ„ming of this Constantinus by whom as by the elect instrumeÌ„t of God it hath so pleased his almighty maiesty by his determinat purpose to giue rest after loÌ„g trouble to his church according to that S. Cyprian declareth before pag. 68. to be reueled of God vnto his Church that after darkenes and stormy tempest should come peaceable calme stable quietnes to his church meaning this time of Constantine now present At which time it so pleased the almightie that the murdering malice of Sathan should at length be restrained and he him selfe to be tied vp for a thousande yeares through his great mercie in Christ to whome therefore â—e thankes and praise now and for euer AMEN The ende of the first Booke THE SECOND BOOKE CONTAINING the next 300. yeares following with such things specially touched as haue happened in England from the time of king Lucius to Gregorius and so after to the time of king Egebert BY these persecutions hytherto in the Booke before precedent thou maiest vnderstand Christian reader how the furie of Sathan and rage of men haue done what they could to extinguish the name and religion of Christ. For what thing did lacke that eyther death coulde doe or torments coulde worke or the gates of hell coulde deuise all was to the vttermost attempted And yet all the furie and malice of Sathan al the wisedom of the world strength of men doing deuising practising what they could notwtstanding the religion of Christ as thou seest hath had the vpper hand Which thing I wish thee greatly gentle reader wisely to note and diligently to ponder in coÌ„sidering these former histories And because thou canst not consider them nor profit by them vnles thou do first read peruse them let me craue therfore thus much at thine handes to turne read ouer the said hystories of those persecutioÌ„s aboue described especially aboue all the other hystories of this present volume for thy especiall edification whych I trust thou shalt finde not vnworthy the reading Nowe because the tying vp of Sathan geueth to the Church some rest to me some leisure to addresse my selfe to the handling of other stories I minde therefore Christ willing in thys present booke leauing a while the tractation of these generall affaires pertaining to the vniuersal Church to prosecute such domesticall hystories as more neare concerne this our country of England Scotland done here at home beginning first with king Lucius with whome the faith first begaÌ„ here in this Realme as the sentence of some writers doth hold And for somuch as here may rise yea and doth rise a great coÌ„trouersie in these our Popish daies coÌ„cerning the first origine planting of the faith in this our Realme it shall not be greatly out of our purpose somewhat to stay say of this question whether the Church of England first receiued the faith from Rome or not The which although I graunt so to be yet being so graunted it little auaileth the purpose of them whiche woulde so haue it for be it so that England first receaued the Christian faith and Religion from Rome both in the time of Eleutherius theyr Byshop 180. yeares after Christ and also in the time of Austen whome Gregory sent hether 600. yeares after Christ yet their purpose followeth not thereby that we must therefore fetche our Religion from thence still as from the chiefe welhead and fountaine of all godlines And yet as they are not able to proue the second so neither haue I any cause to graunt the first that is that our Christian faith was first deriued from Rome which I may proue by vj. or vij good coÌ„iectural reasons Wherof the first I take of the testimony of Gildas our couÌ„treyman who in his history affirmeth plainly that Britaine receaued the Gospell in the time of Tiberius the Emperour vnder whome Christ suffered Lib. De victoria Aurelij Ambrosij And sayth moreouer that Ioseph of Arimathie after dispersion of the Iewes was sent of Philip the Apostle froÌ„ France to Britayne about the yeare of our Lord. 63. and heere remained in this land al his time and so with his fellowes
against them not onely here in Britayne but through all parts of Christendome by the Heathen infidels In so much that in the persecution onely of Dioclesian Maximinian raigning both together within one moneth xvij thousand martyrs are nūbred to haue suffered for the name of Christ as hath bene hetherto in the booke before sufficiently discoursed Thus therefore although the foresayd Lucius the Britaine king through the mercifull prouidence of God was then Christened and the gospel receaued generally almost in all the land yet the state thereof as wel of the Religion as of the common wealth coulde not be quiet for that the emperors nobles of Rome were yet infidels enemies to the same but especially for this cause the cause so happening that Lucius the Christen king died without issue for therby such trouble variance fel amōg the Britaines as it happeneth in al other Realmes namely in this our Realme of England when soeuer succession lacketh that not onely they brought vpon them the Idolatrous Romaines at length the Saxons but also in wrapped them selues in suche miserie and desolation as yet to thys day amongest them remayneth Such a thyng it is where a Prince or a King is in a kingdome there to lacke succession as especially in this case may appere For after the death of Lucius when the Barons and Nobles of the land could not accord wtin themselues vpon succession of the crowne stept in the Romaines got the crowne into their owne hands wherupon followed great misery and ruine to the realme for sometimes the Idolatrous Romaines sometimes the Britaynes raigned and ruled as violence and victorie would serue one king murderyng an other till at length the Saxones came and depriued them bothe as in processe hereafter followeth to be seene In the meane season touching the story of king Lucius here is to be reproued the fable of some wryters falsely faining of him that he shoulde after hys Baptisme receaued put of all his kingly honor and forsake the land be made a preacher who after long trauaile in preaching and teaching in Fraunce in Germany in Augusta in Sueuia at length was made Doctor and Rector of the Churche of Cureak where as this fable sayeth he suffered Martyrdome But this phātasie of whomsoeuer it first did spring disagreeeth from all our English stories Who with a full consent do for the most part cōcord in this that the said Lucius after he had foūded many Churches and geuen great riches and liberties to the same deceased with great tranquillitie in his owne lande and was buried at Glocester the 14. yeare after his Baptisme as the booke of Flores Historiarum doeth counte which was the yeare of our Lorde as he sayeth 201. and reckeneth his conuersion to be An. 87. In some I finde hys decease to be the fourth in some the tenth yeere after his Baptisme and holde that he raigned all the space of lxxvij yeares and thus much concerning king Lucius Now to proceede in order of the storie briefly to touch the state of the foresaid land of Britayne betwene the time of king Lucius and the entring of the Saxones who were the kings thereof and in what order they succeeded or rather inuaded one after an other this Catalogue heere vnder written will specifie Kinges of Britaine from the time of Lucius till the cōming of the Saxons Lucius a Britayne Seuerus a Romaine Bassianus a Romaine by the father Cerausius a Britayne Alectus a Romaine Asclepiodotus a Britayne Coilus a Britayne Constantius a Romaine Constantinus a Britayne by the Mother named Helena who being the daughter of Coel maryed to Constantius father of Cōstantinus is said to make the walles first of London also of Colchester muche about the yere of the Lorde 305. and borne in Britayne Octauius a Gewissian Maximinianus a Romaine borne but hys mother a Britaine Gratianus a Romaine Constantinus a Britayne by the mother Constans a Romaine by the father Votigerus a Gewissian or Bri. Vortimerus a Brit. Vortigernus againe By this table may appere a lamentable face of a common wealth so miserably rent and diuided into two sortes of people differing not so much in coūtrey as in religion For when the Romaines raigned so were they gouerned by the Infidels When the Britaynes ruled so they were gouerned by Christians Thus what quietnesse was or could be in the Church in so vnquiet and doubtful dayes it may easely be considered Albeit notwithstanding al these foresayd Heathen rulers of the Romaines which here gouerned yet God be praised we read of no persecution during all these x. persecutiōs aboue mentioned that touched the christian Britaynes before the last persecution onely of Dioclesian and Maximianus Herculius whych here then exercised much crueltie Thys persecution as it was the last among the Romane Christians so it was the first of many diuers that followed after in thys Churche and Realme of England wherof we will here after intreate Christ willing as order of the matter shall leade vs. In the meane tyme this rage of Dioclesian as it was vniuersally through all the churches in the world fierce vehement so in this realme of Britayne also it was so sore that as all our English Chronicles do testifie and recorde all Christianitie almost in the whole land was destroied Churches were subuerted all bookes of the Scripture burned many of the faythfull both men and women were slaine Among whom the first and chiefe was Albanus then Iulius Aaron and Amphibalus Of whome sufficiently hath bene sayde before What were the other or howe many they were that suffered beside stories make no rehearsall And thus much therof Nowe as concerning the gouernement of these aboue named kinges of Britayne although I haue little or nothing to note which greatly appertaineth to the matter of this Ecclesiasticall hystorie yet this is not to be past ouer first how in the order of these kings commeth Constantinus the great worthy Emperor not onely a Britayne borne by hys mother Helina being kyng Coilus daughter but also by the helpe of the Britaynes army vnder the power of God whych the sayde Constantine tooke wyth hym out of Britain to Rome obtained with great victory peace and tranquilitie to the whole vniuersall Church of Christ hauing iij. legions with him out of this realme of chosen able soldiors Wherby the strēgth of the lād was not a litle impaired indangered as afterward in this story foloweth After him likewise Maximian following his steppes tooke wyth him also as stories recorde all the power and strength whych was left and whatsoeuer he could make of able and fighting men to subdue Fraunce besides the garrisons whych he had out wyth him before sending for mo to the number of C.M. souldiors at once to be sent to hym out of Britayne into Fraunce At whych time also Conanus his partener being then in Fraunce sent ouer
for virgins from Britaine to the number of xi M. who with Vrsula the Prince Dionets daughter being shypped ouer many perished in the sea some were taken of the infidels marching vppon the borders wyth whome because they wold not be polluted all were destroyed being miserably dispersed some one way some an other so that none escaped Thus poore Britayne being left naked and destitute on euery side as a maimed body wtout myght or strength was left open to hys enemyes not able to succour it selfe without helpe of forreine friendes To whome they were then constrained to flie especially to the Romains to whō the Britaynes sent this worde or message Aetio ter Consuli gemitus Britannorum Repellunt nos Barbari ad mare Repellit nos mare ad Barbaros Hinc oriuntur duo sunerum genera quia aut iugulamur aut submergimur But the Romains then began to forsake them whereby they were in nearer danger to be oppressed by Gwanus and Melga had not Gwetelinus the Archbyshop of London made ouer to lesser Britayne and obtayning theyr helpe had brought Constantinus the kings brother to rescue his countrey against the infidels Thys Constantinus was brother to Aldroenus king of litle Britayn and father to Constans Aurelius Ambrosius Vter who after raigned kings in Britayne Thus by the meanes of the good Archbyshop and Constantinus the state of the Religion and Realme of Britayne was in some meane quiet safetye during the time of the sayd Constantine and of the good Archbishop But as the Realme of Britayne almost from the beginning was neuer without ciuill warre at length came wicked Vortigerne who cruelly causing Constans his Prince to be murdred ambitiously inuaded the crowne who then fearing the other two brethren of Constans whych were Aurelius Vter being then in litle Britayne did send ouer for the aide of the Saxons being then infidels and not onely that but also maried with an infidell the daughter of Hengist called Rowen Whereupon the sayde Vortigerne not long after by the sayd Hengist and the Saxones was with like trayterie dispossessed of his kingdome the people of Britayne driuen out of their countrey after that the Saxons had slaine of their chiefe Nobles Barons at one meeting ioyning together subtiltie with crueltie to the number of CC.lxxi some stories say CCCC lx This wicked acte of the Saxones was done at Almisbury or at a place called Stonehenge by the monument of which stones there hanging it seemeth that the noble Britaynes there were buried This fabulous Storie of the Welshemen of brynging these stones from Ireland by Merlyn I passe ouer Some storyes record that they were slaine being bid to a banket other do say that it was done at a talke or assembly where the Saxons came with priuie kniues contrary to promise made with the which kniues they geuing a priuie watch-word in their Saxones speache neme your sexes slewe the Britaynes vnarmed and thus farre concerning the historie of the Britaynes As this great plague could not come to the Britaynes without Gods permissiō so Gildas sheweth in hys Chronicle the cause thereof wryting thus Quòd Britones propter auaritiam rapinā Principum propter iniquitatem iniustitiam Iudicum propter desidiam praedicationis Episcoporum propter luxuriam malos mores populi patriam perdidisse c. A description of England as it was deuided in the Saxones time into vij kingdomes The entring and raigning of the Saxons THis was the comming in first of the Angles or Saxones into this realme being yet vnchristened and infidels which was about the yeare of our Lord as William Malmesbury testifieth CCCC lxix the Captaines of whō were Hengistus and Horsus Although the sayd Hengist and Saxones at their first comming for all their subtile working and cruell attempt had no quiet setling in Britayne but were driuen out diuers times by the valiantnesse of Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother Vter aboue mētioned who raigned after that among the Britaynes yet notwtstanding they were not so driuen out but that they returned againe and at length possessed all driuing the Britaynes such as remained into Cambria whych we call nowe Wales Hengistus as some Chronicles recorde reigned 43. yeares and died in Kent Galfridus in suo Britannico sayeth that he was taken in warre by Aurelius Ambrosius and beheaded at Coningesburgh after he had raigned xxxix yeare After the death of Hengist hys sonne Osca raigned xxiiij yeres leauing his sonne Octa to whose reigne with hys sonne Ymenricus hystories doe attribute liij yeares who also were slaine at length by Vter Pendragon Polichroni Lib. 5. cap. 4. The Saxones after they were setled in the possession of England distributed the Realme among themselues first in seuen partes euery part to haue his king that is The first to be the king of Kent The second to be king of Sussex and Southerye holding hys Palace at Cicester The thirde king was of Westsexe The fourth king of Essex The fift king was of the Eastangles that is of Cambridgeshire Northfolke and Southfolke The vj. king of Merceland or Mercia and in his kingdome were cōteined the Countesses of Lincolne Leycester Huntyngdon Northampton Orford Darby Warwike c. The vii king had all the countries beyond Humber and was called king of Northumberland Of these seuen kingdomes although they continued not long but at length ioyned all in one comming all into the possession subiection of the Westsaxons yet for the space they cōtinued which was with continuall trouble warres among themselues thys is the race and order of them as in this Table particularly followeth to be seene A Table describing the seuen kingdoms of the Saxons raigning here in England IN the tyme of Vortiger aboue mentioned began the raigne of the Saxons in this land the which comming out of 3. sortes of the Germaine people to witte the Saxons the Intes and Angles replenished the land of them called now Anglia Of whom first Hengistus raigned in Kent which countrey of Kent he had obtayned by Rowen his daughter of king Vortiger which was about the yeare of our Lord as some doe count 476. or as I finde in the computation of our English Tables 456. in some 463. After Hengist came in Octha with Eosa or Ysse his kinsman who afterward succeeded the sayd Hengist in Kent Not long after came in an other company of the Saxons with Elle their Captaine which planted themselues in Southsexe And after them agayne an other garrison of the Saxons with Cerdice their Captain which did occupy the West part of the land called by them Westsaxon And so likewise the other multitude of the Saxōs after them which as yet beyng vnchristened and Infidels deuided the whole land among themselues into vij kingdoms as in this Table followeth 456. ¶ The Kings of Kent with the yeares how long they raigned Kent Hengistus slaine 31   Eosa or Ysse 24
thinges whether they pleased or displeased God they regarded alyke And not secular men onely did this but also the congregation of the Lorde and their Bishops and teachers without any difference at all Therefore it is not to be marueiled that such people so degenerating and going out of kinde should lose that countrey which they had after this maner defiled And thus much hetherto concerning the history of the Britaines till by the grace of Christ the order of time shal bring vs heereafter to the treatise of Cedwalla and Calwalladrus Nowe remaineth in returning againe to the matter of the Saxons to discourse particularly that which before in the table aboue we haue sommarely comprehended In this order and rase of the Saxon kings aboue specified which had thus thrust out the Britones now deuided their land in seuen kingdomes as there were many noughty and wicked kings whose pernicious examples being all set on warre and bloudshed are greatly to be detested and eschued of all true godly Princes so some there were againe although but fewe very sincere good But none almost from the first to the last which was not either slaine in warre or murdered in peace or els constrained to make him selfe a monke Such was the rage then and tyranny of that time Whether we shuld impute it to the corruption of mans nature or to the iust iudgement of Gods hand so disposing the matter that as they had violently falsely dispossessed the Britons of their right so they most miserably were not onely vexed of the Danes and cōquered at last by the Normās but also more cruelly deuoured them selues one warring still agaynst an other till they were neyther able to helpe themselues nor yet to resist others Of thē which are noted for good among these Saxon kings the first and principal is Ethelbertus or Ethelbrict the first king of Kent aboue specified who by the meanes of Austen and partly through hys wife named Berda firste receiued and preferred the Christian faith in al this land of the English Saxons wherof more foloweth hereafter to be said the Lorde so permitting as place and oportunitie shall require The next place I geue to Oswaldus of Northumberland who not onely did hys endeuour in furthering the faith of Christ amongst his people but also being king disdained not himselfe to stande vp and interprete to his nobles subiectes the preaching of Aidanus preaching Christ to them in his Scottish language In the same cōmendation also like as in the same line commeth hys vncle Edwin king of Northumberlād a good Prince and the first receauer of Christes faith in that land by the meanes of his wife and Paulinus Byshop Adde to these also Sigebert first Christened king of the Eastangles Sebert first Christened king of Essex of whome the one was a great furtherer of Religion setter vp of scholes the other which is Sebert or Sexbrieth was neuew to Ethelbert of Kent vnder whom he ruled in Essex By the which Ethelbert in the time of the sayd Sebert the Church of Paules was builded at London and Christian faith much enlarged c. Of the same name there was also an other Ethelbert King of the Eastangles a good Prince who by the aduise of his counsaile perswaded to mariage though against his wil went peaceably to King Offa for despousage of Athilride hys daughter wher the good king meaning innocētly through the sinister and deuilishe counsaile of king Offa hys wife was secretely beheaded and made away Whereupon Offa through repentance thereof made the first Peter pence to be geuen to S. Peters church in Rome In the Cathologue of these good kinges is also to be numbered Kenelmus king of the Mercians and Edmundus king of the Eastangles of the which ij the first was falsely abhominably circumuented beheaded by the meanes of his cruell sister and hys tutor as he was in his hunting at Corfcastle The other whych is called king Edmund the Martyr was slaine at Bury or as some wryte at the Castle of Halesdon by the Danes vpon what occasion histories do vary The author of Flores Historiarū sayeth it was by reason of one Lothebrocus a Dane who being of the kings bloud being with his Hawke on the sea side in a litle boat was driuen by force of weather into the coast of Northfolke wher he being presented to king Edmūd was retained in his Court with great fauour til at length one Bericke the kings Fawkner enuying and despiting hym for his great dexteritie in that facultie priuily did murder him in a wood This being at last spied as murder lightly will come out Bericke was set in Lothbrockes boate alone without all tackling to be cōmitted vnto the Sea and as it chāced so was driuen into Denmarke who there being seene in Lothbrockes boate was straitly examined of the partie He then to excuse himselfe falsly sayd he was slaine by the cōmandement of the king Upō the occasion wherof Inguar and Hubba sonnes to the sayde Lothebroke gathering an army of Danes inuaded first Northūberland after that bursting into Northfolke on euery side sent thys message to king Edmund after this tenor Signifying that king Inguar the victorious Prince dreade both by sea and lande as he had subiect diuers other landes vnder him so arriuing now to the coasts of Northfolke where he intēdeth to winter chargeth and commaundeth him to deuide with him his olde treasures and his fathers riches and so to rule vnder him which if he would not do but wold cōtemne his power so strōgly furnished wyth such an army he should be iudged as vnworthy both of kingdom life c. The king hearing this message not a little astonyshed therat calling his coūsaile about hym consulted with them especially with one of his Bishops being then his Secretarie what was best to be done who fearing the kinges life exhorted him by wordes diuers examples to agree to the message At this a while the king holding his peace at length thereto made aunswere againe in these wordes saying Go saith he tel your Lord and let him know that Edmundus the Christened King for the loue of this temporal life wil not subiect him selfe to a Pagane Duke vnles before he become a Christiā c. The messenger taking his answere was not so soone out of the gates as Inguar meeting him and bidding him to be short in declaring hys answere caused all the kings garrison to be set round about Some say that the king flying to Thetforde there pitcht a field with the Danes but the Danes preuailing the good king from thence did flie to the Castle of Halesdon aboue mentioned where he beyng pursued of the Danes was there taken and at length being bounde to a stake there of the raging Danes was shot to death And thus much for the good kings Now as concerning those kinges which made them selues Monks which in number be vij or viij
the nūber of xl But by the waye howe it happened I cannot saye As Austen with his company were passing in theyr iourney such a sodaine feare entred in their harts that as Antonius saith they returned all Other write that Austen was sent backe to Gregory againe to release them of that viage so daungerous and vncertaine amongst such a barberous people whose language neither they knewe nor whose rudenes they were able to resist Thē Gregory with pithy perswasions confirming and comforting him sent him againe with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis willing him to helpe and aide the said Austen and his company in all whatsoeuer his neede required Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austine vnto his fellowes exhorting them to go foreward boldly in the Lords work as by the tenour of the said Epistle here followyng maye appeare Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei seruis Domini nostri Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire c. In Englishe Gregory the seruaunt of Gods seruaunts to the seruaunts of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hande then after they be begon to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe therefore now you may not nor cannot deare children but with all feruent study and labor must needes go forward in that good busines which through the helpe of God you haue wel begunne Neither let the labor of your iourney nor the slanderous tounges of men appalle you but that with all instaunce and feruency yee proceede and accomplish the thing which the Lorde hath ordeyned you to take in hande knowing that your great trauell shal be recompensed with rewarde of greater glorye hereafter to come Therefore as we sende here Austen to you againe whom also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour so doe you humblye obey him in all thinges knowing that it shall be profitable so for your soules whatsoeuer at his admonition yee shall doe Almighty God with his grace defend you and graunt me to see in the eternall country the fruite of your labour that although I can not labour as I woulde wyth you yet I may be found pertaker of your retribution for that my will is good to labour in the same felowship with you together The Lord God keepe you safe most deare and welbeloued children Dated the x before the Calendes of August in the raigne of our soueraigne Lord Mauritius most vertuous Emperour the .xiiij. of his Empire Thus they emboldened comforted through the good wordes of Gregory sped foorth their iourney till they came at length to the I le of Thene◠lying vpon the East side of Kent Neare to the which landing place was then the Manory or palace of the king not farre from Sandwiche Eastward from Caunterbury which the inhabitauntes of the Isle then called Richbourgh whereof some part of the ruinous walles is yet to be sene The king then raigning in Kent was Ethelbert as aboue appeareth the fifte King of that prouince who at that time had Maried to wyfe a French woman beyng Chrystened named Berda whom he had receiued of her parents vpon this conditiō that he shoulde permitte her with her Bishop committed vnto her called Lebardus to enioye the freedome of her fayth and Religion by the meanes whereof he was more flexible and sooner induced to embrace the preachyng and doctrine of Christ. Thus Austen beyng arryued sent foorth certayne messengers and interpreters to the Kyng sygnifying that such a one was come from Rome brynging with hym glad tydinges to him and all his people of lyfe and saluation eternally to reygne in heauen with the onely true and lyuing God for euer if he would so willingly harken to the same as he was gladly come to preache and teach it vnto him The King who had heard of this Religion before by meanes of his wife within a few daies after commeth to the place where Austen was to speake with him but that shoulde be without the house after the maner of his lawe Austen against his cōming as stories affirme erected vp a banner of the crucifixe such was then the grosenes of that tyme and preached to him the word of God The Kyng aunswering againe saith in effect as followeth the words be very faire that you preach and promise Neuerthelesse because it is to me vncoth and new I can not soone starte away from my country law wherwith I haue bene so lōg inured and assent to you Albeit yet notwithstanding for the ye are come as ye saye so farre for my sake ye shall not be molested by me but shall be rightwell intreated hauing al thinges to you ministred necessarye for your supportatiō Besydes this neither doe we debarre you but to haue fre leaue to preach to our people and subiects to conuert whō ye may to the faith of your Religion When they had receaued this comfort of the king they went with procession to the Citie of Dorobernia or Caunterbury singyng Alleluya with the Letanie which then by Gregory had beene vsed at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning thē at Rome mentioned in old histories The wordes of the Letany were these Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua vt auferatur furor tuus ira tua a ciuitate ista de domo sancta tua quoniam peccauimus Alleluya That is We beseech thee O Lorde in all thy mercyes that thy fury and anger maye cease from this Citie from thy holy house for we haue sinned Alleluya Thus they entryng in the Citie of Dorobernia the head Citie of all that dominion at that time where the king had gyuen them a mansion for there abode there they contynued preaching and baptising such as they had conuerted in the east side of the Citty in the old church of S. Martine where the Queene was woont to resorte vnto the time that the kyng was conuerted himselfe to Christ. At length when the king had wel cōsidered the honest conuersation of their life and moued with the myracles wrought through gods hand by thē he heard them more gladly and lastly by their wholsome exhortations and example of godly life he was by them conuerted and christened in the yeare aboue specified 586. and the 36. yeare of his reigne After the King was thus conuerted innumerable other daily came in were adioyned to the Church of Christ whom the King did specially embrace but cōpelled none for so he had learned that the faith and seruice of Christ ought to be voluntary and not coacted Then he gaue to Austen a place for hys Byshops sea at Christes Church in Dorobernia builded the Abbey of Saint Peter and Paule in the East side of the sayde Citie where after Austen and all the Kinges of Kent were buried and that place is now called S. Austen In this
good horses which before by their old law they might not do nor ride but onely a Mare so destroied al the altars of the maumentrye their temple of Idoles which was at Godmundham not far from Yorke and this was the xi yeare of his raigne From that time â—orth during the life of Edwyne which was the terme of vj. yeares moe Paulinus christened continually in the riuers of Gweny Swala in both prouinces of Deira and in Bernicia vsing the said riuers for his fountes and preached in the shire of Lincesey where he builded also a Church of stone at Lincolne In this time was so great peace in the kingdome of Edwyne after his conuersion that a womaÌ„ laden with gold might haue gone from the one side of the sea to the other and no man molest hir Moreouer by the hye waye sydes through al his kingdom he caused by euery wel or spryng to be chayned a dish or bole of brasse to take vp water for the refreshing of such as went by the way which boles of brasse there remained safe that no man touched them during all the life of the said Edwyne Such was then the tender care and study of Christen Princes for the refreshing of their subiectes But that was then the Brasen worlde which now is growne to yron and leade called Aetas ferrea or rather plumbea This Edwyne who first brought in the fayth in the North partes continuing after his Baptisme vj. yeres at length was slaine in battell by Cedwalla king of the Britaines and by wicked Penda king of the Mercians wyth his sonne also Offricus in the field called Hatfield This Paulinus was the first Archbyshop of Yorke and as he was of Iustus Archbyshop of Caunterbury ordained Archbyshop of the sea of Yorke so he againe after the discease of Iustus ordained Honorius to be Archbyshop of Caunterbury Paulinus after the death of godly Edwyne seing vnmerciful Cedwalla or Cedwallon with his Britaines and wycked Penda with the Idolatrous merciaÌ„s to spoile the land in such sort as they made no spare neither of age nor sexe nor Religion was compelled to fle with Edelburg the Queene and Euflede her daughter by water into Kent where the said Archbishop Paulinus remained Bishop of Rochester the space of xix yeares And so the Churche of Northumberland lacked a Byshop for the space of xxx yeares after Notwithstanding he lett there one Iames his Deacon a good man who continued their baptising and preaching in the North parts till that peace being recouered the number of the faithfull increasing the church came againe to his stay Hunting Lib. 3. By the meanes of this Edwyne Erpwaldus King of the Eastangles sonne to Redwaldus aboue mentioned was reduced to Christes faith After the decease of Edwyne and his sonne Offrike both slayne in battell reigned Ofricus and Eufridus the one in Deyra the other in Bernicia Osricus was the sonne of Elfricus which was brother to Ethelfride Eaufridus was the eldest sonne of Ethelfride for Ethelfride had three sonnes to wit Eaufridus Oswaldus Osricus These two kinges of Desyra and Bernicia Osricus and Eaufride beyng fyrst Christened in Scotlande after being kinges returned to their old idolatry so in the yeares following were slaine one after the other by the foresaide Cedwalla and wycked Penda as is in the table aboue expressed After whoÌ„ succeded in Northumberlaad the seconde sonne of Ethelfride named Oswaldus hauing rule on both the Prouinces as well Deyra as of Bernicia Whereof when the foresaide Cedwalla or Cadwallo the Brytayne king had vnderstanding who before had made hauoke of the Saxons and thought to haue rooted them vtterlye out of England he sent king Penda with a mighty host of the Brittaines thinking to slea also Oswald as he had before slaine his brother Eaufride and King Edwyne before them But Oswald when he was warned of the great strength of this Cadwal and Penda made his prayes to God and besought him meekely of helpe to withstand his enimie for the saluation of his people Thus after Oswald had prayed for the sauing of his people the two hostes met in a fielde named Denesburne some say Heuenfield where was faught a stroÌ„g battell But smally the armye and power of Penda Cedwall which were farre exceeding the number of Oswaldus host was chased and most part slaine by Oswaldus after he reigned ouer the Britanes xxij yeares leauing after him a sonne whom Gaufridus called Cadwaladrus the last king of the Britanes Of this Oswald much praise and commendation is written in authors for his feruent zeale in Christes Religion mercifull pitty toward the poore with other great vertues moe As touching the miracles of S. Oswald what it pleased the people of that time to reporte of him I haue not here to affirme This I find in stories certaine that he being well and vertuously disposed to the setting foorth of Christes faith and doctrine sent into Scorlande for a certeine Bishop there called Aidanus which was a famous preacher The king what time he was in Scotland banyshed had learned the scotish toung perfectly wherfore as this Aidanus preached in his scotish toung to the Saxons the king himselfe interpreting that which hee had said disdayned not to preach expounde the same to his nobles subiects in the English toung Moreouer toward the poore and needy his pitty tendernes was such being notwithstanding of so highe Princely calling that vpon a time being then Easter day he sitting with the saide Aidanus at meate and serued after the maner of kings in siluer there commeth to him one of the seruitures bringing him word that there was a great multitude of poore people sitting in the strete which desired some almes of the king Hee hearing this commaundeth not only the meate prepared for his owne table to be caried vnto them but also taking a Siluer platter whiche stode before him brake it in peeces and sent it among theÌ„ And so relieued his pore subiectes not onely with the meate of his table but with his dishes also Aidanus the Byshop seing this and marueiling therat taketh him by the hand wishing and praying in this wise This hand sayth he I pray God may continue and neuer putrifie What the stories say more concerning this hand of Oswald I enteÌ„d not to medle farther then simple true and due probalitie will beare me out In those dayes and partly by the meanes of the said Oswald Kynigilsus king of the Westsaxons was coÌ„uerted to Christes faith especially through the godly labor of Berinus which was sent by Pope Honorius to preach in England and was then made Bishop of Dorchester To whom Quicelinus brother of Kynigilsus after he had also receiued baptisme of the said Berinus gaue to him the sayd Citie to make there his sea And as Guydo witnesseth the said Quicelinus gaue after to
thinkest to possesse the gift of God by thy money therefore thy part nor lot is not in this worde Neither ought we to bee shauen on the crowne onely because Saint Peter was so shauen but because Peter was so shauen in the remebraunce of the Lords Passion therfore we that desire by the same Passion to be saued must weare the signe of the same passion with him vpon the top of our head which is the highest part of our body For as euery Church that is made a Church by the death of the Sauiour doth vse to beare the signe of the holy crosse in the front that it maye the better by the defence of that banner bee kept from the inuasions of euill spirits by the often admonition therof is taught to crucifie the flesh with the concupiscence of the same In like maner it behoueth such as haue the vowes of Monkes and degres of the Clergy to bind them selues with a straiter bit of continencie for the Lords sake And as the Lord bare a crowne of thorne on his head in his passion wherby he tooke caried away from vs the thornes and prickes of our sinnes so must euery one of vs by shauing our heads patiently beare and willinglye suffer the mockes and scorners of the worlde for his sake That wee may receaue the crowne of eternall life which God hath promised to all that loue him shall by shauing their corporal crownes beare the aduersity contemne the prosperity of this worlde But the shauing which Symon Magus vsed what faithful man doth not detest together with his magicall arte The which at the first apparance hath a shew of a shauen crowne but if you marke his necke you shal finde it curtailed in such wise as you will say it is rather meete to be vsed of the Symonistes then of the Christians And such of foolishe men be thought worthye of the glory of the eternall crowne whereas indede for their yll liuing they are worthy not only to be depriued of the same but also of eternall saluation I speak not this against thē that vse this kinde of shauing liue Catholikely in fayth and good workes but surely I beleeue there be diuers of them be very holy and godly men Amongst the which is Adamnan the Abbot and worthy Priest of the Columbians who when he came Embassadour from his country vnto king Alfride desired greatly to see our Monastery where be declared a wonderful wisedowe humilitie and Religiō both in his maners and wordes Amongest other talke I asked him why he that did beleue to come to the crown of life that should neuer haue end did vse contrary to his belief a definite Image of a crowne on his head And if you seke quoth I the felowship of S. Peter why doe you vse the fashion of his crowne whom S. Peter did accurse and not of his rather with whom you desire to liue eternally Adānā answered saying you know right well brother though I vse Symons maner of shauing after the custome of my country yet doe I detest with all my heart abhorre hys infidelitie I desire notwithstanding to imitate the footesteps of the holy Apostle as far forth as my power wil extend Then said I I beleeue it is so But then is it apparaunt you imitate those thinges which the Apostle Peter did frō the bottom of your hart if you vse the same vpon your face that you know he did For I suppose your wisedome vnderstandeth that it is right decent to differ in the triming your face or shauing frō his whom in your hart you abhorre And cōtrariwise as you desire to imitate the doings of him whom you desire to haue a mediator betweene God you so it is meete you imitate the maner of his apparell and shauing Thus much saide I to Adamnan who seemed then well to like our Churches in so much that he returning into Scotland reformed many of his churches there after our celebratiō albeit he could not do so amongst the Monks with whom he had special authority He endeuoured also to haue reformed their maner of shauing if he had bene able And nowe O King I exhort your maiestie to labor together with your people ouer whom the King of Kinges and Lorde of Lordes hath made you gouernor to imitate likewise in all these points the Catholicke and Apostolical churches So shall it come to passe that in the end of this your temporall kingdome the most blessed prince of the Apostles shall opē you the gates of the heauenly kingdome together with the other elect of god The grace of the eternal king preserue you most derely beloued sonne in Christ long time to reigne ouer vs to the great tranquility of vs all When this letter was read before king Nayton wyth other of his learned men and diligentlye translated into his proper language he semed to reioyce very much at the exhortation therof insomuch as rising vp from among his noble men he kneled on the ground and gaue God thankes that he had deserued to receaue so worthye a presente out of England so caused it forthwith by publike proclamation to be writen out learned obserued throught out all the prouinces of the Pictes defacing the errours that had bene vsed there by the space of 700. and 4. yeares For all the ministers of the altar all Monkes were shauen on the crowne And al the people reioiced for the new dyscipline of the most blessed Prince of the Apostles S. Peter which they had receaued ¶ By this monkish letter aboue prefixed voide of all Scripture of all probation truth of history thou maiest note gentle Reader howe this vaine tradition of shauen crownes hath come vp vpon how light and trifling occasion which in very deede was none other but the dreaming phantasies of Monkes of that time falsely grounding vpon the example of Peter when by no olde monument of any aūtient record they can euer proue either Peter or Symon Magus to haue bene shauen Moreouer in the said leter also is to be noted how the Scottish Clergy at that season did weare no such Priestly crownes as our English Churchmen then did But to cut of this matter of shauing more worthy to be laught at thē to be storied let vs now againe returne where as we left at king Iue of whom W. Malmesbery and Fabian in his chronicle do record that whē the foresaide Iue had ruled the west saxons by the tearme of 37. yeares by the importunate perswasion and subtile policie of his wife Ethelburga was allured to go to Rome there to be made a Monke Which Ethelburga after she had a long tyme laboured him to leaue the world and could not bring about her purpose vpon a season when the king and she had rested them in a faire pallace richly behanged were vpon the morow thence departed she by her commaundement caused the pallace to
of these noble women which professing Monastick lyfe haue cast of all worldly dignitie and delightes so we should also intreate of such noble men who among the Saxon kings in lyke zeale of deuotion haue geuen ouer themselues from the world as they thought to the contemplatiue life of Monkish profession The names of whoÌ„ as in the Catalogue of the Saxon kings before is described be these to the number of ix A Table of such Saxon Kings as were after made Monkes 1. Kynigilsus king of Westsaxons 2. Iue king of Westsaxons 3. Ceolulfus king of Northumberland 4. Eadbertus king of Northumberland 5. Ethelredus king of Mercia 6. Kenredus king of Mercia 7. Offa king of Eastsaxons 8. Sebbi king of Eastsaxons 9. Sigebertus king of Eastangles Of whiche kynges and their doynges what is to be iudged looke gentle Reader before pag. 133. By these historyes it is apparaunt what mutations what perturbations and what alteratioÌ„ of state hath bene in this Realme of Britayne first from Brittaynes kings to Romaines then to Britaynes agayn afterward to the Saxons First to vij altogether raigning then to one c. And this alteratioÌ„ not onely happened in the ciuile gouernment but also followed in the state Ecclesiastical For as in the Britaynes tyme the Metropolitan sea was in LondoÌ„ so in the Saxons time after the comming of Austen it was remoued to CaÌ„terbury the Catologue and order of which Metropolitanes from the tyme of Austen to Egbertus is thus as in the history of Malmesberiensis described ¶ The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterbury from Augustine to the tyme of king Ethelbert 1. Augustinus 16. 2. Laurentius 5. 3. Mellitus 5. 4. Iustus 3. 5. Honorius 25. 6. Deus dedit 10. â— Theodorus 22. ¶ Hitherto from Augustine all the Archbishops of Caunterbury were Italians and foreiners 8. Berctualdus English 37 In his tyme the Monasterie of S. Martin was builded in Dorobernia by Witredus hys brother kings of Kent 9. Tacuinus 3 10. Nothelinus 5  11. Cuthbertus 17 This Cutbert after his death forbad all funerall exequies or lamentation for him to bee made William Malm. De vitis Lib. 1. 12. Breguinus 3 13. Lambrihtus or Lambertus 27 In his tyme king Offa translated the Metropolitane sea from Caunterbury to Lichfield by the graunt of Pope Adrian beyng ouercome with Apostolicall arguments as sayth Flores Hist. that is with money  Ethelardus 13 15. Vlfredus 28 16. Fegeldus 3 m. This Ethelardus by his Epistles to Pope Leo obtayned the Metropolitane sea agayne to CaÌ„terbury 17. Celnochus 41 Duryng the course of these 17. Archbishops of Cant. in Rome passed in the meane tyme 34. Popes of whome partly heretofore we haue declared And thus much touching the tyme of the seuen kingdomes of the Saxones rulyng together in Englande from the raygne of Hengist vnto Egbert the first Kyng and Monarche of the whole lande after the expulsion of the Britaynes NOw remayneth by the grace of Christ in the next booke followyng to prosecute the order of such kings as principally raigning alone had this realme in their possession from the tyme of Egbert king of Westsaxons to the comming of William Conqueror the Normand comprehending therin the rest of the next 300. yeares with the actes state of Religion as in that space was in the Church wherin may appeare the declining tyme of the Church and of true ReligioÌ„ preparing the way to Antichrist which not long after followed For here is to be noted that during yet this mean tyme Sathan as is sayd was bound vp from his raging and furious violence counting from the tyme of Constantinus to the next loosing out of Sathan which was foretold by the Reuelation of S. Iohn aboue mentioned to be a thousand yeares Wherof by the order of the history Christ graunting more shall be sayd hereafter The ende of the second Booke THE THIRD BOOKE CONTEINING THE next 300. yeares from the raigne of King Egbertus to the tyme of William Conquerour NOW remayneth likewise as before I did in describing the discent and diuersitie of the seuen kings altogether raigning and ruling in this land so to prosecute in like order the lineal succession of them which after Egbert king of Westsaxones gouerned and ruled soly vntill the conquest of William the Normand first expressing their names afterward importing such acts as in their tyme happened in the Church worthy to be noted Albeit as touchyng the actes and doyngs of these kings because they are sufficiently and at large described and taken out of Latine writers into the English tong by sondry authors and namely in the story or Chronicle of Fabian I shall not spende much trauaile therupon but rather referre the reader to him or to some other where the troublesome tumulis betwene the Englishmen and the Danes at that tyme may be seene who so listeth to read them Onely the Table of their names and raigne in actes done vnder their raigne I haue compendiously abridged vsing such breuitie as the matter would suffer ¶ A Table of the Saxon Kings which ruled alone from King Egbert vnto William Conquerour Egbertus raygned 37. yeares and had issue Athelwulfus raigned 20. yeares had by his wife Osburga Ethelbaldus raigned 5. yeares Ethelbertus raigned 6. yeares Etheldredus raigned 5. yeares Aluredus or Alfredus raigned 28. yeares Edwardus raigned 24. yeares Adelstanus raigned 16. yeares Elfrede and Ethelwaldâ— Edmond raigned 6. yeares Edwin raigned 4. yeares Edgar raigned 16. yeares Edwardus raigned 4. yeares Ethelredus raigned 36. yeares Edmond Irenside raigned 2. yeres Alfredus Edward the Confessor who raigned 24. yeares Edredus raigned 9. yeares Egelwarduâ— Here is to be noted that before the raigne of Edward the confessor the Danes obtayned the crowne vnder their captaine Canutus who raigned yeares 19 Haraldus Harefoote sonne of Canutus 4 Hardeknoutus sonne of Canutus 2 Edwar. the confessor an englishmaÌ„ sonne of Etheldred 24 Haraldus sonne of Erle Godwine an vsurper 1 William Conqueror a Normand ¶ King Egbertus IN the raigne of Brigthricus a little before mentioned about the yere of grace 7â—5 there was in his dominion a noble personage of some called Egbert of some Ethelbert of some Athelbright who being feared of the same Brigthricus because he was of a kingly bloud nere vnto the crowne was by the force conspiracie of the forenamed Brigthricus chased pursued out of the land of Britam into FraÌ„ce where he endured till the death of the sayd Brigthricus After the hearing whereof Egbert sped him eftsoones out of Fraunce vnto his countrey of Westsaxe where he in such wise behaued himselfe that he obteined the regiment and gouernance of the abouesaid kingdom Bernulphus king of Mercia aboue mentioned with other kings had this Egbert in such decisioÌ„ that they made of him diuers scoffing gestes and scorning rimes at which he susteined for a time But when he was more established in his kingdome had
of the Northpart of Englande from the riuer of Tames with Mercia London and Essex disdained that Alfrede shoulde beare any dominion on the other side of Tames southward Whereupon the foresayde three kings with all the force and strength they coulde make marched towarde Chippenham in Westsexe with such a multitude that the king with his people was not able to resist them In so much that the people which inhabited there some fled ouer the sea some remained with the king diuers submitted themselues to the Danes Thus King Alfrede being ouerset with multitude of enemies and forsaken of hys people hauing neither lād to hold nor hope to recouer that which he had lost withdrew himselfe with a fewe of his nobles about him into a certaine wood countrey in Somersetshire called Ethelyng where he had right scant to liue with but suche as he and his people might purchase by hunting and fishing This Edelyng or Ethelying or Ethelyngsey standeth in a great Maresse or Moore so that there is no accesse vnto it without ship or boate and hath in it a great woode called Selewood and in the midle a litle plaine about of two acres of ground In which Ile is veneson and other wilde beastes with soule and fishes great plenty In this wood King Alured at his first comming espied a certaine deserte cotage of a poore Swynarde keeping swine in the woode named Dunwolphus of whome the King then vnknowen was entertained and chearished with such poore fare as he and his wife could make him For the which King Alfrede afterwarde set the poore Swinarde to learning and made him Bishop of Winchester In the meane season while King Alfrede accompanied with a few was thus in the desert wood waiting the euent of these miseries certaine stories recorde of a poore beggar which there came and asked hys almes of the King And the night folowing he appeared to the King in hys sleepe saying his name was Cutbert promising as sent frō God vnto him for his good charitie great victories against the Danes But to let these dreaming fables passe althoughe they be testified by diuers authours both Wilielmus Lib. de Reg. Polychronicon Rog. Houeden Iornalensis and other mo Notwythstanding the king in processe of time was strēgthened and cōforted more through the prouidence of God respecting the miserable ruine of the Englishmen First the brother of King Haldene the Dane before mentioned comming in with xxiij ships landed about Deuonshire where by chaunce being resisted by a bushment of king Alfredes men who for their safegarde there lay in garyson were slaine to the number of 1300. men and their ensigne called the Ranen was taken Houedenus in hys booke of Continuationis wryteth that in the same cōflict both Inguar and Hubba were slain among the other Danes After this King Alfrede being better cheared shewed him selfe more at large so that daily resorted to him men of Wiltshyre Somersetshyre and Hamshyre till that hee was strongly accompanied Then the King put himselfe in a bold and dangerous venture as wryteth Wilelmus Lib. de Reg. Polychron and Fabian which followeth them both for he apparelling him in the habite of a Minstrell as hee was very skilfull in all Saxon Poemes with his instrument of Musike entred in the tentes of the Danes lying then at Eddendime and in shewing there his interlude and songs espied all theyr slouth and ydlenes and heard much of their counsell And after returning to hys companie declared vnto them the whole manner of the Danes Shortly vpon the same the King sodainly in the night fell vpon the foresaid Danes distressed and slewe of them a great multitude chased them from that coast In so much that through hys strong valiaunt assaultes vpon his enemies out of his tower of Edelyng newly fortified he so encōbered them that he clearly voyded the countrey of them betweene that and Selwoodes His subiectes eftsones hearing of these hys valiaunt victories and manful deedes drewe to him daily out of all coasts Who through the helpe of God and their assistānce helde the Danes so short that he wanne from them Winchester diuers other good townes Briefly at lēgth he forced them to seeke for peace the which was concluded vpon certaine couenaunts Whereof one and the principal was that the forenamed Gutrum their King shoulde be Christened The other was that suche as woulde not be Christened should depart and voide the countrey Upon these couenants first the sayde Gutrum the Danish Prince cōming to Winchester there was Christened with xx of his greatest Dukes or Nobles To the whyche Gutrum King Alured being hys Godfather at hys Baptisme named hym Athelstane Who after a certaine season that he had feasted the said Danes he according to his promise before made gaue vnto theyr King the countrey of Eastanglia containing Northfolke Suffolke and part of Cambridshire Moreouer as saith Polychron he graūted to the Danes that were Christened the Countrey of Northumberland So the residue that wold not be Christened departed the land and sailed into Fraunce where what vexation and harme they wrought the Chronicles of Fraunce do partly comprehend King Athelstane thus hauing the possession of these countreis had all Eastangles vnder his obedience And albeit that he held the sayd prouince as in fee of the king promised to dwel there as his liege mā yet that notwithstanding hee continued more like a tyrant by the terme of xj yeare and died in the xij yere During the which space King Alfrede hauing some more rest and peace repaired certain townes and strong holds afore by the Danes empaired Also he builded diuers houses of religiō as the house of Nunnes at Shaftesbury An other religious house at Ethelyng he foūded Item an other in Winchester named the new monastery Item he endewed richly the Churche of S. Cutbert in Dyrham He sent also to India to pay and performe his vowes to S. Thomas of Inde which he made during the time of his distresse against the Danes About the xv yeare of the reigne of Alfred the Danes returning from France to England landed in Kent and so came to Rochester and besieged that City and there lay so long that they builded a Tower of tymber against the gates of the Citie But by strength of the Citizens that tower was destroyed and the Citie defended t◠King Alfrede came and reseued them Whereby the Danes were so distressed and so nere trapped that for feare they left their horses behind them and fled to their ships by night But the King when he was thereof ware sent after them and tooke xvj of their shippes slew many of the said Danes This done the King returned to London repaired the same honorably as sayth Houedenus made it habitable which before was sore decaied and febled by the Danes The third yeare after this which was the xix yeare of the raigne of king
Iacob Vikyll Iuchell All which kings after they had geuen their fidelitie to Edgar the next day following for a pompe or royaltie he entred with these aforesaid kings into the riuer of Dee Where he sitting in a boate tooke the rule of the helme and caused these 8. kings euery person taking an ore in hys hand to row him vp and downe the riuer to and from the Church of S. Iohn vnto his palace agayne in token that he was maister and Lord of so many prouinces whereupō he is reported to haue sayd in this maner Tunc demum posse successores suos gloriari se Reges Angliae esse cum tanta praerogatiua honorum fruerētur But in my mynd this king had sayd much better if he had rather said with S. Paule Absit mihi gloriari nisi in cruce Domini nostri Iesu Christi And thus ye haue heard hetherto touching the cōmendation of king Edgar such reportes as the old Monkish writers thought to bestow vpon him as vpon the great patron of their monkish religion who had builded so many monasteries for them as were Sondayes in the yeare as some say or as Edmer reporteth but 48. Now on the other side what vices in him were raigning let vs likewise consider according as we find in the sayd authors described which most write to his aduancement Wherof the first vice is noted to be crueltie as well vpon others as namely vpon a certaine Erle being of his secret counsaile called Ethelwold The story is this Ordgarus Duke of Deuonshire had a certaine daughter named Elfrida whose beautie beyng highly commended to the king he being inflamed therwith sent this foresaid Ethelwold whom he especially trusted to the partie to see and to bring him word againe if her beautie were such as was reported willing him also to make the match betwene them Ethelwold wel viewing the partie and seing her beautie nothing inferior to her fame and thinking first to serue his owne turne tolde all things contrary to the king Wherupon the king withdrawing his mynd otherwise in the ende it came to passe that Ethelwold hymselfe did marry her Not long after the king vnderstanding further by the complaints and rumors of certayne how he was preuented and beguiled set a faire face vpon the matter before Ethelwold and merily iesting with hym tolde hym how he would come and see his wyfe in deed appointed the day when he would be there Ethelwold the husband perceauing this matter to go hardly with hym made hast to hys wife declaring to her the comming of the king and also opening the whole order of the matter how he had done desired her of all loue as she would saue his life to disgrace deforme her selfe with garmentes and such attyre as the king might take no delighting in her Elfrida hearing this what did she but contrary to the request of her husband promise of a wife against the kings commyng trimmed her selfe at the glasse decked her in her best aray Whom when the king beheld he was not so much enamoured with her as in hatred with her husband who had so deceaued him Wherupon the king shortly after making as though he would goe to hunt in the forest of Harwood sent for Ethelwold to come to him vnder the pretence of huntyng there ran him thorow and slew him After this the bastard sonne of Ethelwold comming to him the king asked hym how he liked that hunting Who aunswered againe that which pleaseth the king ought not to displease him For the death of which Ethelwold Elfrida afterward builded a Monastery of Nunnes in remission of sinnes An other fault which Malmesbury noteth in hym was the comming in of strangers into this land as Saxones Flemmings Danes whome he with great familiaritie retained to the great detriment of this land as the forsaid story of Malmesbury recordeth whose wordes be these Vndè factum est vt fama eius per ora omnium volitante alienigenae Saxones Flandritae ipsi etiam Dani huc frequenter annauigarent Edgaro familiares effecti quo rum aduentus magnū prouincialibus detrimentum peperit Inde meritò iureque reprehendunt eum literae c. That is wherby it happened that diuers straungers out of foraine countreys allured by hys fame came into the land as Saxones Flemmings and Danes also all which he retained with great familiaritie The comming of which straungers wrought great dammage to the realme and therfore is Edgar iustly blamed in stories c. with the which reprehension all the Saxone stories also do agree The third vice to him obiected was his incontinent lasciuious lust in deflouring maides as first of a Dukes daughter being a Nūne and a virgin named Wilfrida or Wilftrude of which Wilfride was borne Editha a bastard daughter of Edgar Also of an other certaine virgin in the town of Audeuar who was priuily conueied into his bed by this meanes The lasciuious king commyng to Andeuar not farre from Winchester and thinking to haue his pleasure of a certayne Dukes daughter of whose beautie he heard much speaking commaunded the mayde to bee brought vnto him The mother of the virgine grieued to haue her daughter made a concubine secretly by night cōueyed to the kings bed in stead of her daughter an other mayden of beauty and fauour not vncomely who in the morning rising to her worke and so beyng known of the king what she was had graunted vnto her of the king such libertie and freedome that of a seruant she was made mistresse both to her maister and also to her mistresse Ex Mat. Paris lib. de Regib An other concubine he had also besides these aforesaid which was Egelfleda or Elfleda called Candida the white daughter of duke Ordinere as Guliel Malmesb. recordeth she beyng also a professed Nunne of whom he begot Edward in bastardy For the which he was enioined by Dūstane 7. yeares penance After which penance beyng complete then he tooke to him a lawfull wyfe as Malmesbury sayth Elfritha the mother of Edmund and Ethelred or otherwise called Egelred whereof more shall be sayd the Lord willing hereafter Ouer and besides all these vices noted and obiected to king Edgar in our monkish storywriters I also obserue another no lesse or rather greater vice then the other afore recited which was blynd superstition and idolatrous mōkery brought into the church of Christ with the wrongfull expulsing of lawful maried priests out of their houses Whereupon what inconueniences ensued after in this realm especially in the house of the Lord I leaue it to the consideration of them which haue heard of the detestable enormities of these religious votaries The occasiō wherof first and chiefly began in this Edgar through the instigation of Dunstane and his fellowes who after they had inueigled the kyng had brought him to their purpose they caused him to call a Councell of the Clergy where
and Antoninus who in playne termes likewyse report the same Nowe hauing sayd the foundation for the truth and ground of this matter let vs come to examine how truely our latter writers do say which write that Editha and not Edward was the child for whom Dunstane enioined to the king 7. yeares penaunce and also how truely they report Edward to be a lawfull heyre and Elflede to bee a lawfull wyfe to king Edgar For first touching Editha this is confessed by the sayd writers themselues that she was of good yeares at what tyme Edgar her father was enioyned his penaunce After the which seuen yeares of his penaunce expyred he lyued at the most but in yeares and a halfe Which seuen yeares and 3. yeares and a halfe make in all but x. yeres a halfe But now the said authors themselues do graunt that she was made Abbas by her father he beyng then alyue And how can this then stand with her Legend which sayth that she was not lesse then 15. yeares of age By which account it must needes fall out that she could not be so little as v. yeres old before the birth of that chyld for whom the kyng did penaunce And thus much touching Editha Now in like maner to consider of the tyme of Edward First this by all writers is graunted that he was slayne in the 15. yeare of his age Which yeares do well agree to that chyld which king Edgar begate in bastardy for the which he did hys penance For the more euidence whereof let vs come to the supputation of yeares in this sort First the penaunce of the king after the byrth of this child lasted 7. yeres Then the king after the same lyued 3. yeres a halfe After whose death Edward raigned other 3. yeres and a half which in all make the full summe of 14. yeres About the count of which age the said Edward goyng on his 15. yeres by their owne reckoning was slaine And thus haue ye by manifest demonstration prooued by the right casting of the yeres after their owne graunt rekoning that Editha daughter of Wlfride in no case can be the child which was borne after Edward for whom the king was enioyned penance but that Edward rather was borne after Editha and was the childe for whom the penance was enioined contrary to the opinion commōly receiued in the church which for ignorance of the story hath hetherto holden Edward to be an holy Martyr and right heyre vnto the crowne Which error and opinion how it first sprang and by whom albeit it pertaine not to my story to discusse yet were it no hard matter to coniecture First after that Dunstane and Oswolde wyth other Bishops Abbots and certayne Lordes Dukes of that faction for the maintenaunce of Monkery had aduaunced Edward to be king against Queene Alfrith mother of Ethelred Alferus duke of Mercia and certaine other Nobles which held with the contrary side of the Priestes agaynst the Monkes In processe of tyme the monkes that came after to write stories perceiuing Dunstane to be reputed in the Church of Rome for an holy Saint and the sayd king Edward for an holy Martyr and partly also to bolster vp their owne religion of Monkery so muche as they could to the intent therfore they would saue the credite both of Dunstane and of the kyng and especially bearing fauour to their owne religion and partly that the reputation of the church of Rome should not be disteined by opening the truth of this matter either did not see or would not confesse herein what they knew but rather thought best to blanch the story and colourably to hide the simple truth therof making the people falsly beleue that Elfleda the mother of Edward was wife to king Edgar and Edward to be lawfully borne and also that Editha was born after Edward to be the child for which the king was enioyned penance All which is false and cōtrary both to the order of tyme aboue declared and also to the plaine words of Malmesbury which speaking of king Edgars last concubine sayth in plaine wordes Dilexit vnicè integram lecto vni deferens sidem quoad legitimam vxorem accepit Elfthride filiam Ordgari That is he had a concubine whom he loued entirely keping true faith of his bed to her alone vntil the tyme he maried for his lawfull wife Elfride the daughter of duke Ordgare c. Wherby we haue to vnderstand that whatsoeuer concubine this was which Malmesbury speaketh off certaine it is that Edgar liued in whoredome till tyme he maried his lawfull wyfe Furthermore and finally to conclude beside these arguments and allegations aboue recited let this also be perpended how the said Dunstan with his complices after the killing of king Edward leauing the right heyre of the crowne which was Ethelred went about as Capgraue and their owne Legend cōfesseth to set vp Editha the other bastarde to possesse the crowne but that she more wise then her brother Edward refused the same Wherby what is to be thought of the doyngs of Dunstane and what should be the cause why hee preferred both Edward and Editha to the crowne rather then the lawfull heyre I leaue to all indifferent Readers therof to iudge After that Dunstane and his fellowes had thus set vp Edward for their king they were now where they would be supposing all to be sure on their side and that they had established the kingdom of Monkery for euer through the helpe of the young king and the Duke of Eastangles and certaine other nobles whom they had drawn to their part Howbeit this matter passed not so wel with them as they hoped For shortly after the coronation of this yong king Alferus duke of Mercia who folowed much the deedes of the Queene with other great men stoutly standing on the contrary side droue out the Monkes from the Cathedrall churches which king Edgar before had set in and restored agayne the Priests as Ranulphus sayth with their concubines but in the historie of the Librarie of Iornall I find it plainly expressed with their wiues The wordes of the very author be these Alferus princeps Merciorum caeterique plures eiectis monachis de magnis monasterijs quos rex Edgarus nuper instituerat clericos cum vxoribus reduxerunt That is Alterus duke of Mercia with other great men mo droue out the Monkes from the great monasteries whom king Edgar had there set in before restored againe the priests with their wyues Wherby it doth euidently appeare that priests in those dayes were maried and had their lawfull wiues The like before that in king Inas tyme is plaine that Bishops then had wiues and children as appeareth by the words of the lawe then set forth extant in the history of the said Iornalensis which be these Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vel patrinum sit simile cognationi
Monuments of bookes were consumed In the time whereof the Danes by fauour of some of the citizens entred the citie and slew more then iii M. of the Normanes But not long after King William chased them out and droue them to the ships tooke suche displeasure with the inhabitauÌ„tes of that countrey that he destroied the land from Yorke to Durham so that 9. yeres after the prouince lay wast and vninaâ—â—red onely except S. Iohns land of Beuerley the people theroft so straitly being kept in penurye by the warre of the king that as our English storie sayeth they eate rats cats and dogs and other vermine Also in the fourth yeare of this king Malcolyn king of Scots entred into Northumberland destroyed the couÌ„trey slew there much of the people both of men women and children after a lamentable sorte and tooke some prisoners But within 2. yeares after king William made such warre vpon the Scottes that he forced Malcolyn theyr king to doe him homage And thus much concerning the outwarde calamities of this Realme vnder this forreine Conquerour Whych is nowe the fifth time that the sayd land with the inhabitaunce thereof hath bene scourged by the hande of God First by the Romaines in the time of Iulius Cesar. Then by the Scottes and Pictes as hath bene shewed afterwarde by the Saxons Againe the Saxons or Englishmen did not enioy the possession of Britain with long quiete but were brought in as much subiection themselues vnder the Danes as they had brought the Britaines before and that muche more in so muche that throughe all England if an Englishe man had mette a Dane vppon a bridge he might not stirre one foote before the Lord Dane otherwise Lurdane were past And then if the Englishe man had not geuen lowe reuerence to the Dane at hys comming by he â—as sure to be sharpely punished wyth more as aboue hath bene declared And this subiection almoste continued from the reigne of Kinge Ethelwolfus 230. yeares till the reigne of king Edwarde And yet the indignation of God thus ceased not but stirred vp the Normandes against them who Conquered and altered the whole Realme after their owne purpose in somuche that besides the innouation of the lawes coignes and possessions there was in no Church of England almoste anye English bishop but only Normands forreiners placed through all their Dioces To suche miserie was this lande then brought vnto that not onely of all the English nobilitie not one house was standing but also it was thought reprochfull to be called an English man This punishmeÌ„t of God against the English nation writers do assigne biuersly to diuers causes as partly before is touched of whoÌ„ some assigne this to be cause as foloweth in the wordes of the storie In primitiua Angliae Ecclesia religio clarissimè splenduit ita vt Reges Reginae Duces Episcopi vel MonachatuÌ„ vel exilium pro Dei amore appeterent processu verò temporis adeo omnis virtus in eis emarcuit vt gentem nullam proditione nequitia sibi parem esse permitterent c. The meanyng whereof is that whereas Kings and Queenes Dukes and Prelates in the primitiue time of the English church were ready for Religion to forsake either liberty or countrey and giue themselues to a solitarie life In processe of time they grew to such dissolutenes that they left no other realme like vnto them in iniquity c. Again some writing of the vision of king Edward a litle before the inuasion of the NormaÌ„ds testify how the king reporting of his owne vision should heare that for the great enormitye and misbehauior of the heade Dukes Bishops and Abbats of the realme the kingdome should be geuen to the hand of their enemies after the decease of him for the space of a C. yeres and one day Which space was also seene by William conquerour to be a hundreth yeres fiftie and that his progenie so long should continue Againe some wryters entreating of this so great wrath of God vpon the Englishe people declare the cause therof as foloweth Nam ficut Angl Britones quds Deus disterminate proposuerat peccatis suis exigentibus humiliuerant a term Angliae minus iniustè fugauerant sic ipsi duplici persecutione c. Like as the Englishmen did subdue the Britons whom God proposed for theyr deseruings to exterminate and them vniustly did dispossesse of their land so they should likewise be subdued and scourged with a double persecution first by the Danes and after by the Normanes c. Moreouer to these iniuries and iniqnities done and wrought by the English men hetherto recited let vs adde also the cruell villanie of this nation in murdering and tything of the innocent Normans before who comming as straungers wyth Alfrede the lawfull heire of the Crowne were despitefully put to death Which seemeth to me no little cause why the Lorde whose doings be alwaies iust right did suffer the Normans so to preuaile By the coÌ„ming in of the which Normans and by their quarel vnto the Realme iii. things we may note learne First to consider and learne the righteous retribution and wrath of God from heauen vpon all iniquitie and vnrighteous dealing of men Secondly we may thereby note what it is for Princes to leaue no issue or sure succession behinde them Thirdly what daungers often do chaunce to Realmes publiquely by foreine mariage with other Princes c. In the same fourth yeare of this king betwene Easter and Whitsontide was holden a solemne councell at Winchester of that clergy of England At the which counsell were present two Cardinals sent from Pope Alexander 2. Peter Iohn In this counsell the king being there himselfe present were deposed diuers bishops Abbots and priors by the meanes of the king wtout any euident cause to the intent his Normans might be preferred to the rule of the Church as he had preferred his knightes before to the rule of the teÌ„poraltie therby to stand in more surety of the land Amongest whoÌ„ also Stigandus Archb. of Cant. was put downe for 3. causes against him pretended The first was for that he had holden wrongfully that byshoprike while Robert the Archbishop aboue meÌ„tioned pag. 156. was liuing The seconde was for that he had receiued the palle of Benedict byshop of Rome the fifth of that name Whyche Benedict for buying his Popedome had bene deposed as is shewed before The thirde cause for that he occupied the said palle wtout license and lawfull autoritie of the court of Rome Then Stigandus wel proued the beneuolence of king William For where before the king seemed in frendly couÌ„tenance to make much of him and did vnto him great reuerence then he chaunged all his mildenes into sternes excused himselfe by the bishops of Romes autority So that in the ende Stigandus was depriued of his dignitie and kept in
Anselme with maried priestes were runing verses made to helpe the matter withall when reason coulde not serue Which verses for the folly therof I thought here to annexe O malè viuentes versus audite sequentes Vxores vestras quas odit summa potestas Linquite propter eum tenuit qui mortetro phaeum Quod si non facitis inferna claustra petetis Christi sponsa iubet ne praesbyter ille ministrer Qui tenet vxorem domini quia perdit amorem Contradicentem fore dicimus insipientem Non ex rancore loquor haec potius sed amore About the end of the third yere of this king which was the computation of our Lord 1103. a variance fell betweene king Henry and Anselme the occasion whereof was this Ye heard a little before how Henry the foresaid king had of his owne authority inuested 2. bishops our Roger which was his Chauncelour bishop of Salisbury and another Roger bishop of Herford Besides them diuers also he invested and diuers other like things tooke he vpon him in the ecclesiastical state which he might lawfully doe Gods worde allowing wel the same but because it was restrained by the bishop of Rome for him so to doe this Anselme swelled fretted and waxed so mad that he woulde neither consent to it neither yet confirme them nor communicate nor talke frēdly with them whome the king had instituted and inuested but opprobriously called them abortiues or children of destruction disdainefully rebuking the gentle king as a defiler of Religion and polluter of their holy ceremonies as witnesseth Polydorus With thys vncomely outrage the King was much displeased as he myght full well and required Gerard the Archbishop of Yorke as he ought him allegeance to consecrate them who wythout delay did so well performing the same saning that one William Gifford to whom the king had geuen the Bishoprike of Winchester refused to take his consecration by the hands of the Archbishop of Yorke For the which cause the King worthely with him offended depriued him both of bishoprike and goods and banished him the realme Moreouer the king required of Anselmus the Archb. of Canterbury to do vnto him homage after the maner of his auncetours as witnesseth Guliel de gestis pontif Anglo Also it was asked of the sayde Anselme whether that yee wold be with the king in geuing inuestures as Lanfrancus his predecessor was with his father To whome Anselme said that he promised not in any time that he would enter into this order to kepe the law or custome of his father as Lanfrancus did Moreouer as cōcerning homage to be done to the King that he refused alledging the Censures of the Popes excommunication whom his councel of Rome a little before had geuen foorth open sentence of excommunication vpon all such lay persons whatsoeuer they were that shoulde from hencefoorth conferre or geue any spirituall promotions also vpon them that receiued them at their hands either yet should consecrate any suche receiuers Moreouer he accursed at them that for benofices or other Ecclesiasticall promotions shoulde subiect themselues vnder the homage or seruice of any great mā king Prince Duke or Erle of the laitie For it was vnseemely sayd the Pope and a thing very execrable that the hands which were conuerted into so high working as was grāted to no Angell that is to create him with their Crosses which created all and to offer vp the same before the sighte of the father for the saluation of the whole world shoulde be brought to such a slauerie as to be subiect to those filthye hands which both day and night are polluted in shamefull touchings robberies and bloudshed c. This decree of Pope Urban Anselmus alleaging for himselfe denyed to subiect himself to the kings homage fearing as he said the Popes excommunication Upō this messengers were sent to Rome on both partes vnto the Pope then paschalis who stoutly standing to the steps and determinations of Urbane his predecessor woulde in no case decide to the kings inuesting In the meane time while there was long disputation on both sides for inuesting the nobles of the realme cōtended that inuestings did belōg to the kings dignity wherfore the King calling for Anselmus againe required him either to do homage to him or els to voide his kingdome To whom Anselmus replying again required the popes letters to be brought forth and according to the tenor thereof so the matter to be decided For now the messēgers were returned from Rome with the Popes answer altogether bearing with Anselmus Then sayde the king what haue I to do with the Popes letters I wil not forgo the liberties of my kingdome for any Pope Thus the contention continued betwene them Anselmus sayeth he would not out of the realme but depart home to his church and there see who wold offer him any violence and so did Not long after message came from the King to Anselme requesting him after a gentle sort to repaire to the Kings presence againe to set an ende of the controuersie begun whereunto Anselme graunted and came Then were newe Ambassadours sent againe to the Pope that he woulde something qualifie and moderate or rather abolish the streitnesse of the Romaine decree before mentioned On the part of Anselmus went two monkes Baldwinus and Alexander On the kings behalfe were sent two bishops Robert bishop of Lichfield and Herbert bishop of Norwich to the kings letters wrytten vnto the Pope containing in forme as followeth Patri venerabili Paschali summo pontifici Henricus dei gratia rex Anglorum Salutem Promotioni vestrae in sedem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae plurimum congaudeo petens vt amicitia quae patri meo cum antecessoribus vestris suit inter nos quoque illibata permaneat Vnde vt dilectio benignitas a me videatur sumere initium beneficium quod ab antecessoribus meis beatus Petrus habuit vobis mitto eosque honores eam obedientiam quam tempore patris mei antecessores vestri in regno Angliae habuerunt tempore meo vt habeatis volo eo videlicet tenore vt dignitatis vsus consuetudines quas pater meus tēpore antecessorum vestrorum in regno Angl. habuit ego tempore vestro in eodem regno meo integrè obtineam Notumque habeat sanctitas vestra quod me viuente deo auxiliante dignitates vsus regni Angl. non minuentur Et si ego quod absit in tanta me deiectione ponerem optimates mei imo totius Angl. populus id nullo modo pateretur Habita igitur charissime pater vtillori deliberatione ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra ne quid inuitus faciam a vestra me cogatis recedore obedientia In English To the reuerende father Paschal the chiefe bishop Henrie by the grace of God king of England greeting For this your promotion into the see of the holy Church of Rome
was so sodenly discharged of the Chancellorship which he had borne fiue yeares In the 44. yeare of hys age on the Saterday in the Whitson-weeke he was made priest and the next day consecrated Byshop As touching the priesthoode of this man I finde the histories to vary in theÌ„selues for if he were beneficed and chaplaine to Theobald afterward archdeacon as some say it is no other like but that he was priest before not as our most English storyes say made priest in one day and archbishop the next But howsoeuer this matter passeth here is in the meane tyme to be seene what great benefites the K. had done for him and what great loue had bene betweene them both Now after that Becket was thus promoted what variaunce and discord happened betweene them remayneth to be shewed The causes of which variaunce were diuers and sondry As first when according to the custome the Kinges officers gathered of euery one hyde mony through the Realme for the defence of their owne country the Kyng would haue taken it to hys cofers But the Byshop sayd that which euery man gaue willingly he should not coâ—â—t as his proper rent An other cause was that where a Priest was accused of murther and the kinges officers and the friendes of the dead accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salisbury his Diocesan to whoÌ„ he was sent desiring iustice to be done on him the priest was put to his purgation But when he was not able to defend himselfe the Byshop sent to the archbishop to aske what he should do The Archb. commaunded he should be depriued of all ecclesiastical benefices shut vp in an abbey to doe perpetuall penance After the same sort were diuers other handled for like causes but none put to death nor lost ioynt nor burned in the hand or the like payne The third cause was that where a Chanon of Bruis did reuile the kinges iustices the king was offended with the whole clergy For these and such lyke the Archbishop to pacifie the kinges anger commaunded the Chanon to be whipped depriued of his benefices for certain yeares But the king was not content with this gentic punishement because it rather increased their boldnes and therfore he called the Archbishop bishops and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster WheÌ„ they were assembled together the king earnestly commaunded that suche wicked Clerkes should haue no priuilege of their Clergy but he deliuered to the Iaylers because they passed so little of the spiriturll correction and this he sayd also their own Canons and lawes had decreed The Archbishop counsailing w e his bishops and learned men answered probably and in the end he desired hartely the kinges gentlenes so the quietnes of himselfe and his realme that vnder Christ our new king and vnder the new law of Christ he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm vpon the new chosen people of the Lord agaynst the old decrecs of the holy fathers And oft he sayd that he neyther ought nor could suffer it The king moued therwith and not without cause alledgeth agayne and exacteth the olde lawes and customes of his grandfather obserued and agreed vpoÌ„ by archbishops bishops prelates other priuileged persons inquiring likewise of hym whether hee would agree to the same or els now in his raigne would condeÌ„ne that which in the raigne of his grauÌ„dfather was well allowed To which lawes customes the said Thomas did partly graunt and partly not graunt The copy of the which foresayd lawes are contayned in the number of xxviii or xxix whereof I thought here to recite certain not vnworthy to be knowne The copy of the old lawes and customes wherunto Thomas Becket did graunt 1. That no order should be geuen to husbande mennes children and bondmens ChildreÌ„ without the assent or testimoniall of them which be the Lordes of the country where they were borne and brought vp if their sonnes become Clerkes they shall not receaue the order of priesthoode without licence of their Lordes 2. And if a man of holy Churche hold any lay fee in hys hand he shall do therefore the king the seruice that belonlongeth therto as vpon iuries assise of landes and iudgementes sauing onely at execution doing of death 3. If any man were the kinges traytour and had taken the Church that it should be lawfull to the king and hys officers to take him out 4. Also if any felons goods were brought to holy church that there should none such keepe there for euery fellons goodes bene the kinges 5. That no land should be geuen to the Church or to any house of religion without the kinges license These articles folowing Thomas agreed not vnto 1. IF that betweene a clerke and a lay man were anye striuing for Church goodes they would the ple should he done in the kinges court 2. That there should neyther bishop nor clerke go out of the land without the kinges licence And then hee shoulde sweare vpon a booke he should procure no hurt agaynst the king nor none of his 3. If any man were denounced accursed and were come agayn to amendment the king would not that he should be sworne but onely finde sureties to stand to that the holy Church should award 4. The fourth that no man that held of the king in chiefe or in seruice should be accursed without the kings licence 5. That all the Bishopprickes Abbayes that were vacant should be in the kings handes vntill suche time that he should chuse a prelate thereto and he should be chosen out of the kinges chappels and first before he were confirmed he should doe his homage to the king 6. If any ple were to consistory brought they should appeale from thence to the archdeacon and from thence to the Byshops court and from the Byshops court to the archbyshops and from thence to the king and no further So that in conclusion the complayntes of holy Church must come before the king and not the pope 7. That all debtes that were owing through trouthplyght should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal Court 8. That the Peter pence which to the Pope were gathered should be taken to the king 9. If any clerke for felony were taken and so proued he should be first disgraded and then through iudgement to be hanged or if he were a traytour to be drawne Other lawes and constitutions made at Claredoun in Normandy and sent to England wherunto Becket and the Pope would not agree He being then fled out of the Realme 1. IF any person shall be found to bring from the Pope or from the Archbish. of Canterb any writing conteining any indicte or cursse agaynst the realme of England the same man to be apprehended without delay for a traytour and execution to be done vpon the same 2. That no monke nor any Clerke shall be permitted to passe ouer into England without a passport
affection then prudence to allow approue what soeuer they do yet for me to iudge vpon this reuerend man verily I think not his doings acts to be prayse worthy or to be allowed Forasmuch as therof came no vtilitie but onely the anger and stirring vp of the king whereupon afterwarde sprong so great mischiefes although the king that he did might proceede of a certayne laudable zeale like as in the blessed Prince of the Apostles in that he taught the Gentiles by his example to play the Iewes Paule the doctor of the Gentiles did declare him therein to be rebukeable albeit it cannot be denyed but that he did it of good affection c. And in the same author in an other place it followeth to the like effect in these wordes Literas has in Angliam ad suspensonem Episcoporum praemissas ipse sequebatur zelo iustitiae feruidâ—s vâ—rùm an plene secundum scientiam nouit Deus Nostrae enim paruitati nequaquam conceditur de tanti viri actibus temerè iudicare Puto enim quòd in molli ad huc teneraque regis coÌ„cordia minus prouidè egisset ea quae sine fidei Christianae periculo tolerari potuissent ratione temporis coÌ„peÌ„satione pacis dissimulanda dixisse+ iuxta illud propheticum prudens in tempore illo tacebit quia tempus malum est Itaque quod a venerabli pontifice tunc actum est nec laudandum esse iudico nec vituperare praesumo sed dico si vel modice in huiusmodi a sancto viro per zeli immoderatioreÌ„ impetuÌ„ est excessuÌ„ hoc ipsuÌ„ est sacrae quae coÌ„secata noscitur igne passionis excoctuÌ„ Ita quippe saÌ„ccti viri vel amaÌ„di vel laudaÌ„di suÌ„t a nobis qui nos illis loÌ„gè impares esse cognoscimus vt ea in quibus homines fuerunt vel fuisse noscuntur nequaquam vel amemus vel laudemus sed ea tantuÌ„ in quibus eos sine scrupulo imitari debemus Quis enim eos dicat in omnibus quae ab ipsis fiant esse imitabises Non igitur in omnibus quae faciuÌ„t sed sapientèr cautè debent laudari vt sua Deo praerogatina seruetur in cuius vtique laudibê° nemo potestesse nimius quantumcunque laudare conetur c. That is in English The letters which were sent before for the impending of the Bishops hee pursued with burning zeale of iustice but whether according to knowledge god knoweth it It is not for my rude and slender witte to iudge of the doings of such a perioÌ„ But yet thys I suppose that he did not behaue himselfe so circumspectly as hee ought considering the tyme and that the concorde betwene him and the king as yet was but soft and tender Who for the consideration of the time and for the recompeÌ„ce of peace might haue forborne or dissembled such things which without any perill of Christian religion might be tollerate wel inough according to the propheticall saying A wise maÌ„ in his time wil keepe silence because the tyme will not serue him wherfore as the doings of that reuerend Prelate I iudge in that behalfe not to be commeÌ„ded so neither did I presume to discommend them But this I say that if that holy man thorough immoderate violence of zeale did exceede in a part therin the same was excocted again and purged by the fire of his suffering which afterward ensited And so far holye meÌ„ are to be loued or praised of vs which know our selues much inferiour to their vertues that in such things wherin they haue bene men also knowne to be men therein we neyther hold with them nor commend them but onely such thinges wherein without all daunger or scruple we ought to imitate theÌ„ For who is able to say that they are to be imitated in all that they doe and therefore are not to be esteemed and praysed in al things generally whatsoeuer they do but considerately with aduisement wherin they deserue prayse so that the onely prerogatiue in this behalfe be reserued to God in whose prayse no man can exceede how seruent foeuer he be in his praysing c. And heare yet more what the sayde author writeth in the same cause of the kinges wrath Beckets faults Plusquam 100. homicidia a clericis commissa sub Hen ij dicuntur In quibus plectendis rex aliquanto vehementior Sed huius immoderationis regiae nostri temporis Episcopos tantum respicit culpa quantum ab eis processit causa Cumenim sacri praecipiuÌ„t canones clericos noÌ„ solùm facinorosos grauioribus irretitos criminibus verùm etiam leuiorum criminum reos degradari tot millia talium tanquam innumeras inter pauca grana paleas Ecclesia Anglicana contineat tamen quam paucos a multis retro annis clericos in anglia contigit officio priuari Nempe Episcopi duÌ„ defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus quam corum vitijs corrigendis tesecandisque inuigilantâ—arbitraÌ„tur obsequiuÌ„ se praestare Deo Ecclesiae sifacinorosos clericos quos pro officij debito canonicae vigore censurae coercere debeant contra publicam tucantur disciplinam VndeÌ„ clerici qui in sortem domini vocati tanquam stellae in firmamento coeli positae vita verbo lucere deberent super terram habentes pro impunitate agendi quodcunque libuerit licentiam libertatem neque Deum cuius iudicium tardare videtur neÌ„que homines potestatem habeÌ„tes reuerentur cum Episcopalis circa eos sollicitudo sit languida seculari eos iurisdictioni sacri eximat ordinis praerogatiua That is More then 100. murders are sayd to be committed by the Clergy vnder king Henry the 2. In punishing of whoÌ„ the king was somewhat to vehement but the fault sayth he of this immoderate dealing of the king resteth most in the Bishops of our tyme for as much as the cause thereof proceedeth of them For where it is de creed and commauÌ„ded by the Canon law concerning the spirituall men of the clergy that not onely such as be notorious but suche as be spotted with lighter crunes should be disgraded wherof haue we so many thousandes and whole swarmes of such now in England as innumerable chasse among the little good grayne and yet how few do we see these many yeares in England depriued of their office For why the Byshops while they labour more to mayntayne the liberties and dignities of Church men then to correct their vices thinke they do God and the Churche great seruice if they rescue and defend the enormities of the Church men agaynst publike discipline whome they ought rather to punish by the vertue of the censure ecclesiasticall Whereupon the Church men such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord and ought like starres to shyne in earth by worde example taking licence and libertie to doe what they iust neyther reuerence god whose iudgement seemeth to tary neyther men set in authoritie when
dissolue the buildyng of hys new Church though he chaunged the place yet thought not to chaunge his intent and therefore making exchaunge of landes with the Byshop and Monkes of Rochester purchased of them their ground in Lambeth an 1191. which done he came to hys Clerkes whome he had placed to be Canons in his new Colledge of Hakingtō and willed them to remoue al their goodes furniture to Lambeth ouer agaynst Westminster where he erected for them an other church and there placed the said Canōs About which colledge of Lambeth afterward much trouble likewise ensued by the styrring of the sayd Monkes of Cant. in the time of Hubert the archbish in the reygne of the sayd King Richard and in the yeare of our Lord. 1196. Furthermore after the deposing of Roger Norys Pryor of Cant. aforesaid Baldwyn the archb enforesaid to graūt them an other Pryor by the assent of the king and of the Couent assigned Olbernus to theyr Pryor who had takē part before with the archbish but the monkes not pleased with him after the death of Baldwine the Archb. remoued hym agayne And thus haue you the tedious discourse of this Catholike tragedy betweene the monkes of Cant. and theyr Archb. scarse worth the rehearsall Notwithstanding thys I thought to geue that reader to see of purpose first to shewe forth vnto the world the stout sturdines of this monkishe generatiō who professing profoūd humilitie in their coat what little humilitie they had in their hart what pride arrogancie in their conuersation and what hipocrisie in theyr religiō this one example amongst a thousand other may geue some experience Secondly that the posteritie nowe may see how little kinges coulde then doe in theyr owne Realmes for the Pope And thirdly to the entent it may more notoriously appeare to all readers what stryfe and debate what dissention and deuision what little vnity and concord hath alwaies followed the popes Catholicke church wheresoeuer the corrupt religiō and vsurped ambition of the pope preuayled For not to speake onely of this monkishe house of Cant. what Churche Cathedrall Collegiate or Conuentuall what sea Church Monastery or Chappell was vnder all the popes gouernement but euer there happened some variance eyther betweene the king and the archb as betwene K. William Lancfranck king Henry 1. and Anselme king Stephen and Richard king Henry 2. and Becket king Iohn Stephen Lancton king Henry 3. and Boniface c. or els betwene archb and archb for making profession for caryeng y◠Crosse for sitting on the right hād of the popes Legate c. or els betweene archbishops and their Suffraganes or betweene Archbishops and their Couentes or betweene Byshops and monkes betweene Deane and the Chapter betweene monkes and seculer Priestes monkes of one sorte agaynst an other Fryers of one order agaynst an other students against Friers townes men against scholers c. As for example what discord was betweene the archb Of Canterbury and Richard archbish of York Betweene Lancfrancus and archb Thomas betweene Theobalde archb of Cant. and Siluester Abbot of S. Austens betweene Walter of Christes Church and Siluester Abbot aforesaid betwene William archb of Cant. and Ieremias Prior of Cant. an 1144. betweene the monkes of Cant. and O do their Prior for translating the reliques of Dunstane betweene King Stephen and Roger bishop of Salisbury the byshop of Lincolne and Roger byshop of Ely hys sonne an 1138. betweene Pope Innocent and Anacletus the space of seuen yeares the Cardinals for money sayth Gernasius sometyme holdyng with the one sometyme with the other at at last the election was determined by a sore battayle betwene Lotharius Emperour Rogerius Duke of Apulia an 1137. Also betwene pope Innocent 4. and Fredericke Emperour 2. betweene R. Hēry 3. and William Rale byshop of Winchester when the kyng had the gates of Winchester towne to be shut against hym an 1250. betweene Boniface Archbishop of Canterb. and Canons of S. Paule Item betweene the sayd Boniface and Monkes of S. Bartholomew who sate there in harnes in hys visitation an 1250. betweene the Abbot of Westminster and monkes of the same house an 1251. Itē betweene the foresayd William Rale Byshop of Winchester and Boniface archbishop of Canterbury for a priest of the Hospitall in Soutwarke an 1252. betweene the sayde Boniface and Canons of Lincolne after the death of Robert Grosthead for geuing of Prebends an 1253. betwene the monkes of Couentry and Canons of Lichfield for chusing their byshop in the time of R. Henry 3. And what should I speake of the discord which cost so much money betweene Edmund archbishop of Canterb. and the monkes of Rochester for chusing Richard Wandour to be their bishop an 1238. betwene Robert Grosted Byshop of Lyncolne and Canons of the same house for which both he and they were driuen to trauaile to Rome an 1244. betwene Gilbert byshop of Rochester delegate to archbishop Baldwine and Robert the Popes Legate for sitting on the right hand of the Legate in his councell at Westminster an 1190. betwene the Abbot of Bardeney and the sayd Grosted about the visitation of their Abbay an 1243. Item betwene the Couent of Canterb. the sayd Robert byshop of Lyncolne an 1243. betwene Hugo B. of Durham and Hubert Byshop of Sarum and Geffrey Archbishop of Yorke an 1189. betwene William Byshop of Ely the kings Chancellor the Canons of Yorke for not receauing him with procession an 1190. betweene the Abbot of Westminster and hys Couent of Black monks whom king Henry the 3. had much adoe to still and agree an 1249. Item betweene the foresayd bishop of Lincolne the Abbot of Westminster Likewise betweene Nicolas bysh of Durhā and Iohn Abbot of S. Albones an 1246. Also betweene Hubert archbishop of Canterbury and the monks there for the house of Lābeth an 1146. And what a styrre was betwene the preaching Fryers and the gray Friers mentioned In. Math. Paris for superioritie an 1243. Also betweene the sayd gray Friars and the Prelates and Doctors of Paris about ix conclusions and condemned of the Prelates to be erroneous 1. Concerning the deuine essence that it can not be seene of the aungels or men glorified 2. Concerning the essence of the holy Ghost 3. Touching the proceeding of the holy ghost as he is loue 4. Whether men glorified shal be in coelo Empyreo or in coelo Christallino 5. That the euill Aungell at his first creation was euill and neuer good 6. That there haue bene many verities from the beginning which were not God 7. That an angel in one instant may be in diuers places 8. That the euill angell neuer had wherby he might stād no more had Adam in his state of innocencie 9. That he whiche hath meliora naturalia that is to say more perfect strength of nature working in him shal haue more full measure of necessitie to obtayn grace and glory To the which
Bishops this wicked vse and custome grew that vnlesse the Emperours elect crowned would geue vnto thē such like great and large giftes they could not obtayne of them their consecration or confirmation which for that intent they deuised Furthermore Fredericke the Emperour willing to shew himselfe more bountifull and liberall to the Church neyther yet to restraine any priuiledge that might benefite the same gaue admitted those cōstitutiōs which the pope hymselfe woulde desire and are yet extant in theyr ciuill Law By which hys doyngs he deliuered to their hands a sworde as it were to cut his owne throte For the bishops of Rome now hauing euen what they lifted all in theyr owne handes might by the payne of proscription bryng what Emperour or king vnder coram nobis that them listed and keepe them by their owne lawes as if it were bound in a certain bands out of the which they might not start For whatsoeuer he were whiche for the diminution of the liberties of the Church were excommunicate and so continued a yeares space then he should be within the dāger of this proscript and shoulde not be released before he had made satisfaction and were admitted by the Pope to the Church and congregation of good men agayn wherby it came to passe that whatloeuer Emperour in the gouernement of hys dominions shoulde in any poynt displeased or doe contrary to the lust of the Bishop of Rome he then as enemy to the church was excommunicate And vnlesse within a yere he were reconciled to them again by this their principal law he was in the proscript And often it chaunced that Princes to auoyde the payne of this proscript were ready to do what soeuer the pope would haue them and commaund them to doe After the consecration of Fredericke was with great solemnitie finished and that the pope Churche of Rome in all ample maner as is partly described were gratified and yet larger constitutions to them confirmed he departed from Rome and went into Italy there to set in order and stay the Citties and great townes for the better tranquillitie of himselfe and safety of his subiectes and from thence into hys owne prouinces and dominions where he heard of certayne that began to rayse and make newe factions agaynst him Amongst whom were found Thomas and Richard the brethren of Innocentius the thyrd Earle of Anaquinos that held certayn castles in the kingdome of Neopolitanes from him by force whiche castles he besieged and beate downe and tooke from them al that he in them found Richard he tooke and sent as a prisoner into Sicilia but Thomas escaped and came speedely to Rome whither also repayred certayn bishops and others that were conspiratours against Frederick as also such other as the feare of the Emperours lawes and their own gilty consciences caused to flye and were that notwithstāding of this Bishop of Rome Honorius the 3. to gratifie agayne the liberalitie of the Emperour bestowed vpon him vnder hys nose succored mayntayned and defended Which thing when Fredericke vnderstode he began to expostulate with the Byshoppe considering the vnseemlinesse of that his fact Agaynst whom the Pope on the other side was so chased vexed that he immediatly without farther delay thundereth out agaynst him like a tyrant his curses and excommunications Thomas Fazellus declareth the detestation or defiance to happen betweene thē somewhat otherwise There were sayth he amongst those which were found traytours to the Emperour certayne Byshops whiche fleyng to the pope requested his ayd whereupon the pope sent his Legates to the Emperour and requested him that he would admit and receaue to sauour those Byshops which he had banished and put frō their offices and that he woulde not intermedle with any Ecclesiasticall charge wherewith he had not to doe And sayd further that the correction and punishment of such matters pertayned to the Byshop of Rome and not to him and moreouer that the ouersight of those Churches in that kingdome from the whiche he had expelled the Byshoppes pertayned and belonged to hym Wherunto Frederick thus replyeth That for as much as now 400. yeares and more from the tyme of Carolus Magnus all Emperours and kinges in their dominions might lawfully commit to apt and fit mē for the same such Ecclesiasticall functions and charges as within their territoryes and kingdomes fell That he looked to haue the like priuiliege authoritie also that other his predecessors before hym had And farther sayd that he had the same and like authoritie in the Empire that his father Henry Fredericke his graundfather and other his predecessours be-before them had neyther had he so deserued at the handes of the Church of Rome eyther of Honorius himselfe to be depriued of those priueledges whiche his auncesters before him had had and kept And further Friderick being chafed and moued with these demaundes of the Pope breaketh forth and sayth how long will the Bishop of Rome abuse my patience when will his couetous hart be satsfied whereunto wil this ambitious desire grow with such like wordes more repeating certayn iniuries and conspiracies both agaynst him and his dominions as well by Honorius as Innocentius 3. his predecessour as also other like iniuries of Pope to hys auncetours practised what man sayth he is able to suffer and beare this so incredible boldnes and intollerable insolency of so proud a Byshop Boe sayth he vnto the Legates and tell Honorius that I will hazarde both the seignory of my Empire and crowne of my kingdome rather then I will suffer him thus to diminish the authoritie of our maiesty Thomas Fazellus Lib. 8. Nowe because much disquictnes and controuersie hath arisen for the most part through all Christendome in euery kingdome and realme seuerally for and about the authoritie of chusing and depriuing of Byshops as may be seene by the example of this Fridericke which the pope onely and arrogantly challengeth to himselfe and not to appertayne to an other I thought good not with silence to ouer passe but somewhat to say and to proue the authoritie of Christen kings princes in this behalfe to be both sufficient good which thing not onely by the holy scriptures is right easie to be done but also by Synodall decrees councels diuers and sondry to be established and confirmed may easly be proued as also by the auncient custome and maner of the primitiue Church may further be corroborated and made good Whereunto appertayne certayne places collected and gathered out of the decrees by Gratianus specially in these canons 12 13 14 26 27 32 and 63 distinction Farthermore when Christen kings and princes began to embrace Christ his religion both for honor and orders sake it was graunted that when the people desired such ministers as were cōuenient by them thought meet that they whiche were then in the ecclesiasticall functiou and chiefest in authoritie shuld either confirme such as were
a great army besiegeth the citie Ferraria that alwaies loued the Emperour full well which Citie when the Popes Legate had assauted sharpely the space of 5. monethes and could not winne the same he deuised with hymselfe to sende for Salingwerra out of the towne by way of a parlie promising his faith and truth to him for his safe returne Who by the perswasion of Hugo Rambartus that said without peril he might doe the same being but by way of Parley was comming to the legate who preuenting him in his iourney tooke him as prisoner contrary to his trueth and fidelitie And thus gate he Ferraria and deliuered the keping therof to Azones Astensis And that the Popes Legate thus falsified his trouth and circumuented the capitaine olde man Salingwerra the same is confessed of the Popes frendly Historiographers to be but a Stratagem or warlike pollicie But to returne againe About the same time also the Uenetian nauie at the mount Garganum chased 12. galleis of the Emperors which were appointed to the keeping of that coste spoiled brent and wasted all the region and farther tooke one of the Emperors great ships being driuen by tempest and weather into the hauen Sipontinum fraught with men and munition Fredericus againe getting on hys side the Lucenses the Uolateranes the Genenses the Aretines and diuers Cities besides in Hetruria to helpe that countrey came to Pisas and Uiterbium which tooke parte with him Some say that the names and factions of the Gibellins Guelphes sprang from Fredericke that by them hee might spie and know hauing recourse to all the townes and cities in Italie which tooke part with and fauoured the Pope and which the Emperour and called the one by the name of Gibellines and the other by the name of Guelphes But for that both Blondus and Platina and some others bring no sufficient proofe thereof but onely by slender coniecture I rather cleaue to the opinion of Nauclerus Hermanus Antonius Florentinus and other such wryters which say that these Guelphes and Gibellines in Italie tooke their beginning of Cōradus 3. Fredericus his great vncle being Emperour And that these Guelphes were dedicated to the Pope of Guelphus the yonger brother of Henry the proud and that those which were called Gibellines were appoynted either of Conradus himselfe or els of his sonne being brought vp in the Lordship of Uaiblingen But to our purpose The Pope when he vnderstoode that Fredericke was come to Uiterbium he was very heauy for that he feared he would come to Rome the good will of which Citie the Pope much mistrusted He therefore caused a supplication to be drawne portraying about the same the heads of Peter and Paule with a sharpe and contumelious oration he much defaced the Emperour promising them euerlasting life gaue them the badge of the crosse as many as would arme themselues and fight against the Emperour as against the most wicked enemy of God the Church Now when the Emperour marching somewhat neare to Rome gates behelde those whome the Pope had with his goodly spectacle of S. Peter and S. Paule and wyth his alluring oration stirred vp against him and marked with the badge of the crosse to come foorth in battell against him Disdaining to be accompted for the enemye of the Church who had ben therunto so beneficial geuing a fierce charge vppon them put them soone to flight and as many as hee tooke cutting off that badge frō them he caused to be hanged From thēce he marching into Campania his owne kingdomes leuied a great masse of money mustred new bandes and augmented his armie and in these bandes he retained the Saracens also And to the intent he might finde the Saracens the more trustie vnto hym hee appoynted them to inhabit in a city named Luceria For which thing although the Papisticall wryters doe greatly blame and opprobriously write of Fredericke yet notwythstanding Nicholaus Machiuellus doth wryte that therefore he retained them least that through the Popes execrable curses he should be quite destitute of souldiours as was Fredericus Barbarossa a litle before his graundfather when that of Alexander the Pope hee was excommunicated as ye haue heard After this when the Emperor had greatly afflicted by battaile the Popes Ecclesiasticall consorts such as conspired with the Pope against him and that he had wasted destroyed Beneuentum the mount Casenum Sora for that they toke part with the Pope against him Frederick when he had manned the City Aquila marched forth with a great hoste both of horsemen and footemen to Picenum that he might vanquish his enemyes in Italie And by the way he besieged the strong towne of warre named Asculinum which was also conuerted to the popes faction and rebellion He there hauing vnderstanding what the Popes assistents had done with the Princes electours and other princes of Germanie especially with Wenseslaus king of Bohemia and Otho Palatinus wryteth his letters vnto them In the which first he sheweth how that those contumelies and spitefull wordes which the Pope blustered out against him are light vpon himselfe And how the bishops of Rome haue taken to them of late such hart of grace and are become so loftie that not only they seeke to bring Emperours Kings and Princes vnder their obedience but also seeke howe to be honoured as gods And say that they cannot erre neither yet be subiect or bounde to any religion and that it is lawful for them to do al things what they list neither that any accoumpt is to be sought or demanded of their doings or els to be made of them to any so impudent are they in these their affirmations And further as Princes they commaund and that vnder paine of cursing that men beleue euery thing they say howe great a lie soeuer it be In so much that by this couetousnes of his all things goe backwarde and the whole state of the common weale is subuerted neither can there any enemie be founde more hurtfull or perillous to the Churche of God then he Hee wrote vnto them furthermore that he to whom the greatest charge and dignitie was in the whole common weale appoynted and committed seeing and perceauing to hys great perill their good harts willes practises towardes him would with all the power and hability that God had geuen him do his indeuour that he which in the likenesse of the shepheard of the flocke the seruaunt of Christ and chiefe prelate in the Churche sheweth himselfe so very a wolfe persecutour and tyrant may be remoued from that place and that a true carefull shepheard of Gods flocke may be appoynted in the Church Wherefore he exhorteth them that if they desire the safetie and preseruation of the whole state of the cōmon weale and Empire that they be vnto him no hinderers but furtherers of his purpose and proceedings least otherwise they also should happē to fall into
omitted for that euen from and about the beginning of this kings raigne sprang vpp the very welspringes of all mischiefe and sectes of Monkish religions and other swarmes of Popish orders which with their grosse and horrible superstition haue encombred the Church of Christ euer since First to omitte the repeticion of Pope Innocent the third the great Graundsire of that fowle monster Transustantiation and auriculer Confession with the fryers Dominick and Franciscane Fryers Thomas Aquinas Iacobus de Uoragine Uincentius with Pope Honorius the third coyner of the Cannon Lawe and the Cardinall Hostiensis as also Bonauenture Albertus magnus with Pope Urbane the 4. first founder of the feast of Corpus Christi and procuror of the adoration of the body of Christ in the Sacrament besides Durandus and many moe followeth further to be noted that the Tartarianes aboute the yeare 1240. issuing out of Moscouia into the partes of Polonia made great waste in Christendome so muche the rather because the Princes about Polonia beyng at variaunce amongest themselues vsed none other remedie for theyr defence but heapes of Masses Inuocation of the dead and worshipping of Images whiche in deede dyd nothing relieue them but rather encrease theyr trouble The next yeare following the whole nation of the Scithians mustering like Locustes inuaded the partes of Europe with two mightye armyes whereof the one entring vppon Polonia made great hauocke and caryed away many Christians from thence Captiues the other ouerrunning Hungaria made no lesse spoyle there Adde hereunto an other freshe armye of Tartarianes to the number of 5000000. Who at the very same tyme ioyninge themselues together entered into Muscouia and Cracouia and made most horrible slaughter sparing neyther sexe nor age noble nor vnnoble within the Land From thence passing to Uratislauia made great spoyle there also and thinkyng there to winne the Castle were by the miraculous workyng of the Lorde at the instaunce and prayers of good people discomfited beyonde all expectation of man by thundringe and lightning falling vpon them from heauen in most terrible wise The same yeare immediately after Easter an other armye of Tartarians were gathered agaynst Lignicium drawing neere to Germnany By the bruyte whereof the Germaynes being put in great feare were altogether dismayed but yet not able to helpe themselues by reason they lacked a good guyde and gouernour amongest them All which came to passe specially by the mischieuous practize of the Romayne Popes raysing variaunce and discorde amongst them notwithstanding Dentry prince of Polonia and Silicia gathering a power as well as he coulde dyd encounter with him but in fine hys whole armye was vanquished and the kyng hymselfe slayne Notwithstanding whiche ouerthrowe of Christians it pleased God to strike such a feare into the heartes of the sayd Tartarianes that they durst not approche anye further or nearer into Germany but retired for that tyme into they Countrye agayne who recounting theyr victory by taking each man but one eare of euery of the Christians that were slayne founde the slaughter so great as that they filled it great sackes full of eares Neuertherles after this viz the yeare 1260. the same Tartarianes hauing the Moskouites to theyr guides returned agayne into Polonia and Cratonia where in the space of three monethes they ouerranne the land with fire and sword ouer to the coastes of Silesia And had not the princes of Germany put to theyr helping hand in this lamentable case they had vtterly wasted the whole lande of Polonia and the Coastes thereaboutes This yeare also in the month of Aprill Richard Kyng of Almayne dyed at the Castell of Barchamsted and was buryed at the Abbey of Dayles whiche he built out of the ground The same yeare also at Norwich there fel a great controuersie between the monks and the citizens about certayn tallagies and liberties At last after much altecration and wrangling wordes the furious rage of the Cittizens so much increased and preuayled and so litle was the feare of God before theyr eyes that altogether they set vpon the Abbey and Priory and burned both the church and Byshops Pallace whē this thing was heard abroad the people were very sory to heare of so bold naughty an enterprise much discommended the same At the last K. Dēry calling for certayne of hys Lords and Barons sent thē to the city of Norwich that they might punish and see execution done of the chiefest malefactors in so much that some of them were condemned and burnt some of them hanged and some were drawne by the heeles with horses throughout the streetes of the Citty and after in muche misery ended theyr wretched liues The same yeare Adam the prior of Canterbury and Bishop elect in the presence of pope Gregory the 10. refused to be archbishop although he was elect wherefore the pope gaue the same archbishopricke to Frier Robert Kilwardby the Prouost of the preaching Friers a man of good life and great learning He was cōsecrated at Caunterbury the fourth day of March by sixe bishops of the same Prouince The same yeare also at Michelmas the Lord Edmund the sonne of king Richard of Almaine maryed the sister of Gilbert Erle of Gloucester Also in this yeare of our Lord 1273. the 16. day before the Calendes of December vpon S. Edmundes day the archbishop and confessour died King Henry in the 56. yeare of his raigne and was buryed at Westminster leauing after him two sonnes and two daughters to wit Edward the Prince and Edmund Earle of Lancaster and Leicester Beatrice and Margaret whiche Margaret was maryed to the king of Scottes This king Henry in his life tyme beganne the building of the Church steeple at westminster but did not throughly finish the same before his death King Edward the first IN the time of the death of K Henry Edward his eldest sonne was absent in Dasconia as a little before you heard yet notwithstanding by Robert Kilwarby Archb. of Caunt and other bishops nobles he was ordeined heire and successour after hys father who after he had heard of hys fathers death retourned home to his Countrey and was crowned the yeare of our Lord 1274. who then layd downe his crowne saying he woulde no more put it on before he had gathered together all the landes pertayning to the same This Edward as he had alwayes before bene a louing and naturall Childe to his Father whom he had deliuered out of prison and captiuity afterward hearing both together of the death of his sonne of his father wept and lamented much more for his father then for his sonne saying to the French king which asked the cause thereof that the losse of his child was but light for Children might after increase and be multiplied but the losse of his parent was greater which could not be recouered Robert Auesbury So almighty God for the same his pietie to his father shewed rewarded
Churches that should be next vacant beside Bishopricks and Abbotshyps to the extent of two thousand Marks Wherupon the procurators of the sayd Cardinals were sent down for the same But the kyng and nobility of the realme not suffring that vnder paine of imprisonment caused the sayd procurators foorthwith to depart the realm wherupon the nobles and commons shortly after writeth a fruitfull Epistle to the Pope for the liberties and the maintenance of yâ— English church Whereunto as saith the author the pope and the Cardinals were not able to answer The argument and tenor of which letter out of French wee haue caused to be translated into Englishe as insueth The letter of the king of England and nobles of the same to the Pope against the reseruations and prouisions which he had in England TO the most holy father in God Lord Clement by the grace of God of the holy church of Rome and of the vniuersal church chiefe and high Bishop His humble deuout children the Princes Dukes Earles Barons Knights Citizens Burgeses and al the comminaltie of the Realme of Englande assembled at the Parliament holden at Westminster the 15. day of May last past Deuoute kissings of his holy feete with all humble reuerence and humilitie Most holy father the holy discretion gouernment equitie which appeareth to be in you and ought of duety so to be beyng so high and holy a prelate and head of the holy church by whom the holy vniuersall churche and people of God ought to be as by the sunne beames inlightened Geueth vs good hope and likelyhode that the iust petitions to the honour of Iesus Christ holy Church and your holinesse also by vs declared shal be of you graciously heard and considered And that all errours and other iniquities quite taken away and remooued in stede thereof fruitfull exployts and necessary remedies by the grace of the holy spirite which you in so high an estate haue receiued may be by you likewise graciously ordained and disposed Wherfore most holy father all we vpon great deliberation and common assent come vnto your holines shewing and declaring that the noble kings of England our progenitours our auncitours and we according to the grace of the holy spirite to them and vs geuen euery one according to his deuotion haue established fouÌ„ded and endowed with in the realme of Englande Churches Cathedrals Colleges Abbeis Priories and other diuers houses of religion in the same ordained and to the Prelates and gouernours of the same places haue geuen landes possessions patrimonies franchesies aduowsons and patronages of dignities reuenues offices churches with many and diuers other benefices vnto them geuen whereby the seruice of God and faith of Christ might haue bene honoured and had in reuereÌ„ce that the hospitals almes houses that are made with all the churches edifices might be honestly kept maintained and that deuout praiers might in those places be made for the founders the poore parishioners aided and comforted And such only ought to haue the cure therof as are able to heare confessions and in their owne naturall toung otherwise meete to informe teach their parishioners And for so muche as most holy father that you caÌ„not well come to the notice of diuers such errours defaults neither yet vnderstand the condition of the places being so far of vnles your holines be enformed aduertised We hauing the perfect intelligence and vnderstanding of the sayd errours and defaultes of the places abouesayd within the sayd Realme haue thought meete to signifie the same vnto your holines That diuers reseruations prouisions and collations by your predecessours Apostolicke of Rome and by you most holy father in your time haue bene graunted and that more largely then they haue bene accustomed to be vnto diuers persons as well straungers and of sundry nations as vnto some such as are our enemies hauing no vnderstanding at all of the tongue and conditions of them of whom they haue the gouernment cure Whereby a great number of soules are in perill a great many of their parishners in daunger the seruice of GOD destroyed the almes and deuotion of all men diminished the hospitals perished the churches with their appurtenaunces decayed charitie withdrawne the good and honest persons of our realme vnaduaunced the charge and gouernement of soules not regarded the deuotion of the people restrayned many poore schollers vnpreferred and the treasure of the realme caryed out against the myndes and intentes of the founders All which errours defaultes and flaunders most holy father we neyther can nor ought to suffer nor indure We therefore most humbly require your holines that the slaunders errors and defaultes which we haue declared vnto you may be through your great discretion considered and that it may please you that such reseruations prouisions and collations may be vtterly repelled that from henceforth the same be no more amongst vs vsed But to take such order and remedy therein that the said benefices edifices rightes with their apertinentes may be to the honour of God by our owne countrymen cured defended and gouerned And that it may further please your holines by your letters to signifie vnto vs without delay and other detract of tyme what your plesure is touching this our lawful request demaund and that we may doe our indeuour with dilligence herein for the remedy correction and amendment of those enormities aboue specified In witnes wherof vnto these letters patentes we haue set our seales Geuen in the full Parliament at Westminster the 8. day of May an 1343. After these thinges thus passed ouer the King shortly after sent ouer his Procuratours Earle of Lancaster and Darby Hugh Spencer L. Rafe Stafforde wyth the Byshop of Exâ—tor and diuers other to the popes court to discusse and plead about the right of his title before the pope Unto whom the said Pope Clement the 6. not long after sent down thys message how that Ludouike duke of Bauarie the Emperour whom the pope had before deposed had submitted himselfe to hym in all things and therefore deserued at his hands the benefite of absolution And how the pope therfore had coÌ„ferred and restored vnto him iustly and gratiously the Empire which he before vniustly did holde c. Which message when the King did heare beyng therwith moued to anger answered againe saying That if he did agree and compound also with the Frenche king he was ready to fight with them both c. Ex chro Albanen Within the time of this yere pence halfepence and farthings began to be coyned in the tower And the next yere folowing which was an 1344. the castle of winsor where the king was borne began to be repared and in the same the house called the rounde table was situate the diameter wherof from the one side to the other contained 200. feete to the expeÌ„ces of which house weekly was allowed an C. li. for the mainteining
his speciall maintainers As yeares and time grew on king Edward the third which had reigned nowe about 51. yeares after the decease of prince Edwarde his sonne who departed the yeare before was stroken in great age in such feblenes withall that he was vnweldy through lacke of strēgth to gouerne the affairs of the realm Wherfore a parliament being called the yeare before his death it was there put vp by the knights other the burgesses of the Parliament because of the misgouernment of the realme by certain gredy persons about the king raking all to themselues without seing any iustice done that 12. sage and discrete Lordes and Pieres such as were free from note of all auarice shuld be placed as tutours about the Kyng to haue the doing and disposing vnder him 6. at one time and in their absence 6. at an other of matters pertinent to the publike regiment Here by the way I omit to speake of Alice Perris the wicked harlot which as the story geueth had bewitched the kings hart gouerned all and sate vpon canses herself through the diuelish help of a Frier Dominick who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take and was conuicted should haue suffred for the same had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friers more regarding the liberty of their Churche then the punishing of vice reclaimed hym for their own prisoner This Alice Perrys notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king yet afterward she came againe left him not til at hys death shee tooke all his rings vpon his fingers and other iewels frō him and so fled away like an harlot But thys of her by the way These 12. gouernours by the parliament aforesayd being appoynted to haue the tuition of the king to attend to the publike affaires of the realme remained for a certaine space about him till afterward it so fel out that they being againe remoued all the regiment of the realme next vnder the King was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed was very yong and vnder age This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceiued a certaine displeasure against the popish clergy whether for corrupt and impure doctrine ioyned with lyke abhominable excesse of life or for what some other cause it is not precisely expressed Onely by story the cause thereof may be gessed to rise by William Wickam bishop of Winchester The matter is thys The Bishop of Winchester as the saying went then was reported to affirme that the foresaid Ihon of Gaunt duke of Lācaster was not the sonne of king Edward nor of the Quene Who being in trauel at Gaūt had no sonne as he sayd but a daughter which the same time by lying vppon of the mother in the bedde was there smothered Whereupon the Quene fearing the kings displeasure caused a certaine manchilde of a woman of Flaunders borne the very same time to be conueyed and brought vnto her in stead of her daughter aforesayde And so brought vp the child whom she bare not who now is called duke of Lancaster And this said the Bishop did the Queene tell him lying in extremes on her death bed vnder seale of confession charging hym if the sayde Duke should euer aspire to get the crowne or if the kingdome by any meanes should fall vnto hym he then should manifest the same declare it to the worlde that the sayde Duke of Lancaster was no part of the kings bloud but a false heire of the king This slaunderous report of the wicked Byshop as it sauoureth of a contumelious lie so seemeth it to proceede of a subtile zeale toward the Popes religion meaning falshoode For that the foresayd Duke by fauouring of Wickliff declared hymselfe to be a professed enemy against the Popes profession Whych thing was then not vnknowen neyther vnmarked of the Prelates and Byshops then in Englande But the sequele of the story thus followed Thys slanderous vilany of the Byshops report being blased abroad and comming to the Dukes eare he therw t being not a litle discontented as no maruell was sought againe by what meanes he coulde to be reuenged of thys forenamed Bishop In conclusion the Duke hauing now al the gouernment of the realm vnder the king his father in hys own hand so pursued the byshop of Winchester that by acte of parliament he was condemned and depriued of al his temporal goods which goods wer assigned to prince Rich. of Burdeur the next inheritour of the crowne after the king and furthermore inhibited the said bishop not to approch nere to the court by 20. miles Further as touching thys bishop the story thus procedeth Not lōg after in the yeare of our Lord. 1377. a Parliament was called by the meanes of the Duke of Lancaster vpon certaine causes respects in which parliament great request and sute was made by the cleargy for the deliueraunce of the B. of Winchester At length whē a subsidie was asked in the kyngs name of the clergy and request also made in the kings behalfe for spedy expedition to be made for the dissoluing of the parliament the Archb. therfore accordingly conuented the bishops for the tractation thereof To whō the B. with great lamentation cōplained for lack of their felow and brother B. of Wint. Whose iniury said they did derogate to the liberties of the whole church And therfore denied to ioyne themselues in tractation of any such matters before al the members together were vnited with the head And seing the matter touched them altogether in common as well him as thē would not otherwise do And seemed moreouer to be moued against the Archb. for that he was not more stout in the cause but suffered him so to be cited of the duke The Archb. although hauing sufficient cause to excuse himselfe wherefore not to send for him as also he dyd because of the perils which might ensue therof yet being enforced persuaded therunto by the importunitie of the bishops directed downe his letters to the foresaid bishop of wintch willing hym to resort vnto the conuocation of the clergy Who being glad to obey the same was receyued with great ioy of the other bishops And at length by that meanes of Alice Perris the kings paramor aboue mētioned geuing to her a good quantity of mony the sayd Winchester was restored to his temporalities againe As the Bishops had thus sent for wintch the Duke in the meane time had sent for Iohn Wickliffe who as is saide was then the diuinity reader in Oxford and had cōmenced in sondry actes and disputations contrary to the forme and teaching of the Popes church in many things who also for the same had bene depriued of his benefice as hath bene afore touched The opinions which he began in Oxford first in his lectures and sermōs to entreat of and
Sigillo all or any of which wordes being vtterly wanting in this place as may be seene in the kinges Recordes of that time it must therfore be done eyther by warrant of this foresayd Statute or els without any warrant at all Whereupon it is to be noted that wheras the said Statute appointed the commissions to be directed to the Sheriffe or other ministers of the kings or to other sufficient persons learned for the aresting of suche persons the sayd commissions are directed to the Archbishop and his Suffragans being as it appeareth parties in the case autorising theÌ„ further without either the wordes or reasonable meaning of the sayde Statute to imprison them in their owne houses or where els pleased them Besides also what maner of law this was by whome deuised and by what authoritie the same was first made and established iudge by that that followeth Viz. In the Utas of S. Michell next following at a parliament summoned and holden at Westminster the sixt yeare of the said king among sondry petitions made to the king by his commons whereunto he assented there is one in this forme Articl 52. Item prayen the commons that wheras an Estatute was made the last parliament in these wordes It is ordayned in this present Parliament that commissions from the king be directed to the Sheriâ—fes and other ministers of the king or to other sufficient persons skilfull and according to the certificates of the Prelates thereof to be made vnto the Chauncerie from time to time to arest all suche preachers theyr fautoures maintenors and abbettours And them to deteine in strong prison vntill they will iustifie themselues according to reasoÌ„ law of holy church And the king willeth and commaundeth that the Chauncellor make such commissions at all times as shal be by the prelates or any of them certified and thereof required as is aforesayd The which was neuer agreed nor graunted by the commens but what soeuer was moued therein was without their assent That the said statute be therfore disanulled For it is not any wise their meaning that either theÌ„selues or such as shal succeed theÌ„ shal be further iustified or bound by the Prelates then were their ancesters in former times whereunto is answered il plâ—ist aa Roy. 1. the king is pleased Hereby notwithstanding the former vniust lawe of Anno. 5. was repealed and the fraude of the framers therof sufficiently discouered yet such meanes was there made by the prelates that this acte of Repeale was neuer published nor euer fithence imprinted with the rest of the statutes of that Parliament In so much as the sayd Repeale being concealed like commissions and other proces were made from time to time by vertue of the sayd Basterd statute aswel during al the raign of this king as euer sithence against the professors of religion As shall hereafter by the grace of God appeare in the second yeare of king Henry the fourth where the Clergy pursued the like practise And now againe to the story of our Oxford Diuines and of the Archbishop to whom the king writeth his letters patents first to the Archbishop then to the Uicechauncellor of Oxford in forme as followeth The kinges letters patentes to the Archbishop RIchard by the grace of God king of England and Lord of Ireland To all those to whome these present letters shall come greeting By the petition of the reuerend â—ather in God William Archb. of Caunterbury Primate of England exhibited vnto vs we right well vnderstand That diuers and sondry conclusions very contrary to wholesome doctrine and redounding both to the subuersion of the Catholike fayth the holy Church and his prouince of Cant. in diuers and sundry places of the same of his prouince haue bene openly and publiquely preached although damnably preached Of the which conclusions some as heresies other some as errours haue bene condemned but not before good and mature deliberation first therein had and vsed and by common counsaile of the said Archbishop his suffragans and many doctors in diuinitie and other clerkes and learned men in the holy Scriptures were sententially and holesomely declared Whereupon the sayd Archbishop hath made his supplication vnto vs that both for the coertion and due castigation of such as shall henceforth of an obstinate minde preach or mayntaine the foresaid conclusions that we would vouchsafe to put to the arme and helping hand of our kingly power We therefore moued by the zeale of the catholicke faith whereof we be and will be defendours and vnwilling that any such heresies or errours shoulde spring vp within the limites of our dominion Geue and graunt speciall licence and authoritie by the tenour of these presentes vnto the foresayd Archbishop and to his Suffraganes to arest and imprison either in their owne prisons or any other all and euery such person and persons as shall either priuely or apertly preach and mayntayne the foresayd conclusions so condemned and the same persons so imprisoned there at their pleasures to detayne till such time as they shall repent them and amend them of suche hereticall prauities or els shall be of suche arestes by vs and our counsaile otherwise determined and prouided Further charging and commaunding all and singuler our liegemen ministers and subiectes of what state and condition so euer they be vpon their fidelitie allegeance wherin they stand bound to vs that by no meanes they eyther fauour counsayle or helpe the preachers or els mayntayners of the sayde conclusions so condemned or their fauourers vpon payn and forfaiture of all that euer they haue But that they obey and humbly attend vpon the said Archbishop his Suffraganes and ministers in the execution of these presentes so that due and manifest publication agaynst the foresaid conclusions and their mayntayners without any perturbation may be done and executed as for the defence of our Realme and catholike fayth shal be thought most meete and requisite In witnesse wherof we haue caused these our letters patentes to be made Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 16. day of Iune and 6. yeare of our reigne * The kinges letters patentes to the Uicechauncellour THe king To the Chauncellour and the procuratours of the vniuersitie of Oxford which now be or for the time being shall be Greeting Moued by the zeale of christian fayth where of we be and alwayes will be defenders and for our soules health induced thereunto hauing a great desire to represse and by condigne punishmeÌ„t to restraine the impugners of the foresaid fayth which newly and wickedly go about and presume to sow their naughty and peruerse doctrine within our kingdome of England and to preach and hold damnable conclusions so notoriously repugnant and contrary to the same faith to the peruerting of our subiectes and people as we vnderstand Before they any further proceed in their malicious errours or els infect others We haue by these presentes appoynted you to be inquisitour generall all
as is sayde in the North came the Earle of Northumberland Lord Henry Percy and Henry his son the Earle of Westmerland Lord Radulph Neuile and other Lordes moe to a great number so that the multitude rose to 60000. able souldiours Who first making towarde the Castle of Bristow tooke the foresayd Busshey Grene Scroupe and Bagot of whom three incontinent were beheaded Bagot escaped away and fled away to Ireland The king in this meane while lying about Wales destitute and desolate without comfort or counsayle who neither durst come to London neyther would any man come to him and perceauing moreouer the commons that were vp in such a great power agaynst hym would rather dye then geue ouer that they had begunne for feare of themselues Seing therforeno other remedy called to him L.T. Percye Earle of Worcester and stewarde of hys household willing him with other of hys family to prouide for themselues in tyme. Who then openly in the hall brake his white rod before them all commaunding euerye man to shift for himselfe Although Fabian and some other say that he did this of hys owne accord contrary to his allegeance The king compassed on euery side with miseryes shifted from place to place the Duke still following him tyll at length being at the Castle of Conewey the king desired to talk with Tho. Arundell archb and the Earle of Northūberland To whom he declared that he woulde resigne vp hys crowne in condition that an honourable liuing might be for hym prouided and life promised to 8. persons such as he would name Which being graunted and ratified but not performed he came to the Castle of Flint where after talke had with the Duke of Lācaster he was brought the same night by the Duke and his armye to Chester And from thence was conueyed secretly into the Tower there to be kept till the next parliament By the way as he came neare to London diuers euil desposed men of the city being warned thereof gathered themselues thinking to haue slayne hym for the great cruelty he had vsed before toward the Citty But by the pollicies of the Mayor and rulers of the Cittie the madnes of the people was stayd Not long after followed the Duke and also began the parliament In which Parliament the Earle of Northumberland with many other Earles and Lords were sent to the king in the Tower to take of him a full resignation according to hys former promise and so they did This done diuers accusations and articles were layd and engrossed agaynst the sayd King to the number of 33. some say 38. which for the matter not greatly materiall in them contayned I ouerpasse And that next yeare after was had to Pomferr Castle and there famished to death King Henry the fourth ANd thus King Richard by common assent being deposed from his rightfull crowne The Duke of Lancaster was led by Thomas Arundell the Archbishop to the feat royall who there standing vp and crossed himselfe on the forehead and the brest spake in wordes as followeth ¶ In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster clayme the Realme of England and the crowne with all the appurtenaunces as I that am descended by right lyne of the bloud comming from that good Lord King Henry the 3. And thorough the right that God of his grace hath sent to me with the helpe of my kinne and of my frendes to recouer the same which was in poynt to be vndone for default of good gouernance and due iustice c. ¶ After which wordes the Archbishop asking the assent of the people being ioyfull of theyr new king took the Duke by the hād placed him in the kingly throne which was an 1399 and shortly after by the foresayd Archbishop he was crowned also for king of England Ex Chron. De Alban The next yeare after followed a Parliament holden at Westminster in which Parliament one will Sautre a good man and a faythfull priest inflamed with zeeale of true Religion required he might be heard for the commoditie of the whole realme But the matter being smelt before by the Byshops they obtayned that the matter should be referred to the conuocation Where the sayd William Sautre being brought before the Byshops and Notaries thereunto appointed the conuocation was differred to the Saterday next ensuing When Saterday was come that is to say the 12. day of February Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Caunterbury in the presence of his Counsayle prouinciall being assembled in the sayd Chapter house agaynst one fyr William Sautre otherwise called Chatris Chaplayne personally then and there appearing by the commaundement of the foresayd archbishop of Caunterbury obiected that the sayd sir William before the Byshop of Norwiche had once renounced and abiured diuers and sondry conclusions heretical and erroneous and that after such abiuration made he publiquely and priuily helde taught preached the same conclusions or els such like disagreeing to the catholique fayth and to the great perill and pernitious example of others And after this he caused such like conclusions holden and preached as is sayd by the sayd Syr William without renunciation then and there to be read vnto the sayd Archbishop by maister Robert Haull Chācellor vnto the sayd byshop in a certayne scrole written in tenour of wordes as followeth Syr William Chatris otherwise called Sautre parish Priest of the Churche S. Scithe the Uirgine in London publiquely and priuily doth holde these conclusions vnder written ¶ In Primis he sayth that he will not worship the crosse on which Christ suffered but onely Christ that suffred vppon the Crosse. 2. Item that he would sooner worship a temporal king then the foresayd wodden crosse 3. Item that he would rather worship the bodyes of the Saintes then the very crosse of Christ on which he hong if it were before him 4. Item that he woulde rather worship a man truely contrite then the crosse of Christ. 5. Item that he is bound rather to worship a man that is predestinate then an aungell of God 6. Item that if any man would visite the monumentes of Peter and Paule or go on Pilgrimage to the Toumbe of S. Thomas or els any whether els for the obtayning of any temporall benefite he is not bounde to keepe hys vowe but that he may distribute the expences of his vowe vpon the almes of the poore 7. Item that euery priest and Deacon is more bound to preach the word of God then to say the canonical houres 8. Item that after the pronouncing of the Sacramental wordes of the body of Christ the bread remayneth of the same nature that it was before neyther doth it cease to be bread To which conclusions or articles being thus read the Archbish. of Caunterb required the same Syr William to aunswere And then the sayd William asked a copy of such articles or conclusions and a competent space to answere vnto the same Whereupon the
strong agaynst all daūger of iust reprehension Who being as ye haue heard so faythfull and obedient to God so submisse to his king so soūd in hys doctrine so constant in his cause so afflicted for the trueth so ready prepared to death as we haue sufficiently declared not out of vncertayne doubtful chronicles but out of the true originals instrumēts remaining in aūcient records What lacketh now or what should let to the contrary but that he declaring himself such a martyr that is a witnes to the verity for the which also at last he suffred y◠fire may therfore worthily be exorned with the title of a martir which is in Greek as much as a witnes bearer But here nowe steppeth in Dame 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with her cosē scold Alecto c. who neither learning to hold her coūg nor yet to speak wel must needs find here a knot in a rush and beginning now to quarrell inferreth thus But after sayth he that the Lord Cobham was escaped out of the tower his felowes and confederates conuēted themselues together seditously agaynst y◠king against their coūtry A great crime no doubt M. Cope if it be true so if it be not true the greter blame returneth vnto your self so to enter this action of such slaunder vnles the ground wherupō ye stand be sure First what felowes of the L. Cobhā were these you meane of Sir Roger Acton ye say maister Brown Iohn Beuerley with 36. other hanged and burned in the sayd field of S. Biles A maruellous matter y◠such a great multitude of 20000. specified in story shoulde rise against y◠king yet but 3. persons only known and named Thē to proceed further I would aske of maister Cope what was the end of this conspiracy to rebell against the king to destroy their country and to subuert the Christian fayth for so purporteth the story As like true the one as the other For euen as it is like that they being Turkes went about to destroy the fayth of Christ wherin they died and to subuert their country wherin they were bred euen so like it is that they went about to destroy the king whom God and their conscience taught to obey Yet further proceedeth this fumish promoter in his accusation sayth moreouer that these foresayd felowes and adherentes of the Lord Cobham were in the field assēbled and there incamped in a great number agaynst the king how is this proued by Robert Fabian which appeareth to be as true as that which in the sayde Robert Fabian followeth in the same place where he affirmeth that Io. Cledon and Richard Turmin were burnt in the same yere being 1413. When in deede by the true Registers they were not burnt before the yere of our lord 1415. But what wil maister Cope say if the originall copy of the inditemēt of these pretensed conspirators doe testify that they were not there assembled or present in the field as your accusation pretendeth But they purposed will you say and intended to come The purpose and intent of a mans mind is hard for you and me to iudge where as no fact appereth But geue their intēt was so to come yet might they not come to those thickets neare to the fielde of Saint Biles hauing Beuerley theyr Preacher with them as ye say your self as well to pray to preach in that woody place as wel as to fight Is this such a straunge thing in the church of Christ in time of persecution for christians to resort into desolate woods and secrete thickets from the sight of enemies when they would assemble in praying and hearing the word of God In Queene Maryes tyme was not the same coulour of treason obiected agaynst George Egle and other moe for frequenting and vsing into backsides and fields and suffered for that whereof he was innocent guiltlesse Did not Adam Damlipe dye in like case of treason for hauing a French crowne geuen him at his departure out of Rome by Cardinal Poole What can not cankred calumnia inuēt when she is disposed to cauill It was not the Cardinals crowne that made him a traytour but it was the hatred of his preaching that styrred vp the accuser In Fraunce what assemblyes haue there beene in late yeares of good and innocent christiās congregating together in backfieldes couertes in great routes to heare the preaching of Gods holy word to pray yea and not with out their weapon also for their owne safegard yet neuer intēded nor minded any rebelliō against their king Wherfore in cases of Religion it may doth happē many times that such congregations may meete without intent of any treason ment But howsoeuer the intent and purpose was of these fore said cōfederats of the Lord Cobham whether to come or what to do seing this is playne by recordes as is aforesaid that they were not yet come vnto the place how will M. Cope now iustify his wordes so confidently affirming that they were there assembled seditiously together in the field of S. Biles agaynst the king And marke here I besech thee gentle Reader how vnlikely and vntidely the poynts of this tale are tide and hang together I will not say without all substaunce or truth but without all fashion of a cleanly lye wherin these accusers in this matter seeme to me to lacke some part of Siuons Arte in conueiing their narration so vnartificiallye First say they the king was come first with his garrison vnto the field of S. Biles And then after the king was there incamped cōsequently the fellowes of the Lord Cobham the Captayne being away came were assembled in the said field where the king was against the king yet not knowing of the king to the number of xx thousand and yet neuer a stroak in that field geuen And furthermore of all this xx thousād aforesayd neuer a mans name knowne but onely three to witte sir Roger Acton sir Iohn Browne and Iohn Beuerley a preacher How this gear is clamperd together let the reader iudge and beleue as he seeth cause But geue all this to be true although by no demōstration it can be proued yet by the Popes dispensation which in this earth is almost omnipotent be it graunted that after the king had take S. Biles field before the cōpanions of the Lord Cobham afterward comming and assembling in the thickets neare to the sayd field to fight seditiously agaynst the king agaynst their country agaynst the fayth of Christ to the nūber of xx thousand where no stroke being geuen so many were takē that al the prisons of London were full and yet neuer a mans name knowen of all thys multitude but onely three All this I say being imagined to be true the foloweth to be demaūded of M. Cope whether the Lord Cobham was here present with this company in the field or not Not
22. Item whether he beleueth that an euill Priest with due maner and forme and with the intentiō of doing doth verily consecrate doth verily absolue doth verily baptise and doth verily dispose all other sacramentes euen as the Church doth 23. Item whether he beleeue that Saint Peter was the Uicar of Christ hauing power to bynde and to lose vppon the earth 24. Item whether he beleue that the Pope being canonically elect whiche for the tyme shall be by that name expresly be the successor of Peter or not hauing supreme authoritie in the Church of God 25. Item whether he beleue that the authoritie of iurisdiction of the Pope an archbishop or a Bishop in binding loosing be more then the authorititie of a simple priest or not although he haue charge of soules 26. Item whether he beleue that the pope may vpon a iust and good cause geue indulgēces and remission of sins to all Christian men being verily contrite and confessed especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy places and good deedes 27 Item whether he beleue that by such graunt the pilgrimes that visite those Churches and geue thē any thing may obtayne remission of sinnes or not 28. Item whether he beleue that all Bishops may graūt vnto their subiectes according as the holy Canons doe limit such indulgences or not 29. Item whether he beleue and affirme that it is lawfull for faythfull Christians to worship Images and the reliques of sayntes or not 30. Item whether he beleue that those religions whiche the Churche hath allowed were lawfully and reasonably brought in of the holy fathers or not 31. Item whether he beleueth that the pope or any other Prelate for the time being or their vicars may excommunicate their subiect Ecclesiasticall or secular for disobediēce or contumacie so that such a one is to be holden and taken for excommunicate or not 32. Item whether ye beleue that for the disobediēce and contumacie of persons excommunicate increasing the prelates or their vicares in spirituall thinges haue power to agrauate and to reagrauate to put vpon men the interdict and to call for the secular arme and that the same secular arme or power ought to be obedient to the censures by their inferiors called for 33. Item whether he beleue that the pope and other prelates or els their vicares haue power in spirituall things to excommunicate priestes and lay men that are stubberne and disobedient from theyr office benefice or entrance into the church and from the administration of the sacraments of the Church also to suspend them 34. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for ecclesiasticall persons without committing sinne to haue anye possessions temporall goodes and whether he beleeue that it is not lawfull for lay men to take away the same from thē by their authoritie but rather that such takers away incrochers vpō ecclesiasticall goods are to be punished as committers of sacriledge yea although such Ecclesiasticall persons liue naughtely that haue such goodes 35. Item whether any such taking away or incrochyng vpō any priest rashly or violently made although the priest be an euill liuer be sacriledge or not 36. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for lay mē of whether sexe soeuer that is men and women to preache the word of God or not 37. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull to al priestes freely to preach the word of God whersoeuer whensoeuer and to whom soeuer it shal please them althogh they be not sent at all 38. Item whether he beleue that all mortall sinnes and especiall such as be manifest and publike are to be corrected and to be extirpate or not Furthermore wee will commaunde and decree that if any by secrete information by you or any other to be receiued shall be founde either enfamed or suspected of anye kind of the pestiferous sect heresie doctrine of the most pestilence men I. Wickleffe I. Hus and Hierome of Prage the archheretickes aforesaid or of fauoring receiuing or defending the foresayd damned men whilest they liued on the earth their false followers and disciples or any that beleeueth their errours or any that after their death pray for thē or any of them or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholick men or that defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of y◠saintes either by their preaching worshipping or otherwaies wherin they deserue to be suspected y◠then they by you or some of you may be cited personally to appeare before you or some of you wtout either Proctor or Doctor to answere for them an oth being opēly taken by them as is aforesayd to speak the plain mere veritie of the articles aboue written and euery of them or other oportune as case and circumstance shall require according to your discretion as you or anye of you shall see expediēt to proceed against them or any of them according to these presentes or otherwise canonically as you shall thinke good Also that you do publish solemnly cause to be published these present letters omitting the articles interrogatories herein contayned in the citties other places of your dioces where conueniently you may vnder our authoritie there to denounce and cause to be denounced all singular such hereticks with their abbetters fauorers of their heresies erroures of what sexe or kinde soeuer that do hold defend the sayd erroures or doe participate any maner of way with heretickes priuely or apertly of what state dignitie or condition soeuer he or they be Patriarche Archbishop king Queene Duke or of what other dignitie either Ecclesiasticall or seculare he be also with their aduocates and procurators whosoeuer whiche are beleuers followers fauourers defenders or receiuers of such heretickes or suspected to be beleuers followers fautors defenders or receiuers of them to be excommunicate euery sonday and festiuall day in the presence of the people Furthermore that you dilligently do to be inquired by the sayd our authoritie vpon all and singular such persons both men and women that mayntayne approue defend teach such erroures or that be fauourers receauers and defenders of them whether exempt or not exempt of what dignitie state preeminence degree order or condition soeuer And such as you shal finde in the sayd your inquisition either by their own confession or by any other meane to be diffamed or otherwise infected with the spot of suche heresie or errour you through the sentence of excommunication suspension interdict and priuation of their dignities personages offices or other benefices of the Church and fees which they hold of any church monastery and other Ecclesiastical places also of honours and secular dignities and degrees of sciences or other faculties as also by other paynes and censures of the Church or by wayes and meanes whatsoeuer els shall seeme to you expedient by taking and imprisoning of their bodies and other corporall punishmentes
nowe come to manifest their innocencie before the whole Church and to require open audience where as the laitie may also be present The request was graunted them and being further demanded in what poynts they did disagree from the church of Rome they propounded 4. Articles First they affirmed that all suche as woulde be saued ought of necessitie to receiue the Communion of the laste supper vnder both kindes of bread and wine The second Article they affirmed aâ—l ciuil rule and dominion to be forbidden vnto yâ— Clergy by the law of God The thirde Article that the preaching of the worde of God is free for all men and in all places The fourth Article as touching open crimes and offences which are in no wise to be suffered for the â—â—oiding of greater euill These were the onely propositions whyche they propounded before the Councell in the name of the whole realme Then another ambassador affirmed that he had hard of the Bohemians diuers and sundry thinges offensiue to Christian eares amongst the which this was one poynte that they should preach that the inuention of the order of begging Friers was diabolicall Then Procopius rising vppe sayde neither is it vntrue for if neyther Moises neyther before hym the Patriarkes neither after him the Prophets neyther in the new lawe Christe and hys Apostles did institute the order of begging friers who doth dout but that it was an inuention of the deuil and a worke of darkenesse This answere of Procopius was derided of them all And Cardinall Iulianus went about to prooue that not onely the decrees of the Patriarkes and Prophetes and those things which Christ and his Apostles had instituted to be onely of God but also all such decrees as the church shuld ordaine being guided through the holy ghost be the workes of God All be it as he sayde the order of begging Friers might seeme to be taken out of some parte of the gospel The Bohemians chose out 4. diuines which shuld declare their Articles to be taken out of the Scriptures Likewise on the contrary part there was 4. appoynted by the councell This disputation continued 50. dayes where many thinges were alledged on either parte whereof as place shal serue more hereafter by the grace of Christ shal be sayd when we come to the time of that Councel In the meane season while yâ— Bohemians were thus in long conflicts wyth Sigismund the Emperour and the Pope fighting for their religion vnto whome notwtstanding all the fulnesse of the Popes power was bent against them God of his goodnesse had geueÌ„ such noble victories as is aboue expressed and euer did prosper them so loÌ„g as they could agree among theÌ„selues as these things I say were doing in Boheme King Henry the 5. fighting likewise in Fraunce albeit for no like matters of religion fell sicke at Boys and died after he had raigned 9. yeres 5. moneths 3. wekes and odde daies from his coronation This king in his life and in all hys doings was so deuout seruiceable to the Pope and his chapleins that he was called of many the Prince of priests who left behind him a sonne being yet an infant 9. monthes and 15. dayes of age whom he had by Quene Katherine daughter to the French king married to him about 2. or 3. yeares before The name of which Prince succeeding after his father was Henry 6. lefte vnder the gouernement and protection of his vncle named Humfrey Duke of Gloucester ¶ The names of the Archbishops of Canterbury in this fifte Booke conteined 54 Simon Islepe 17 56 Simon Langham 2 57 William Witlesey 5 58 Simon Sudbery 6 59 William Courtney 15 60 Thomas Arundel 18 61 Henry Chichesly 29 THE SIXT PART OR SECTION pertaining to the last 300. yeares A preface to the reader ACcording to the fiue sondry diuersities and alterations of the Churche so haue I deuided hetherto the order of thys presente Church story into fiue principall partes euery part containing 300. yeares So that nowe comming to the laste 300. yeares that is to the last times of the Church counting from the time of Wickleffe For as muche as in the compasse of the sayd last 300 yeres are contained great troubles and perturbations of the Church with the meruailous reformation of the same through the wonderous operation of the almighty all which things cannot be comprehended in one booke I haue therefore disposed the sayd latter 30. yeares into diuers bookes beginning nowe with the sixt booke at the raigne of king Henry the vj. In which booke beside the greeuous and sundry persecutions raised vp by Antichrist to be noted here in is also to be obserued that where as it hath of long time bene receyued and thought of the common people that this religion now generally vsed hath sprong vp and risen but of late euen by the space as many do thinke of 20. or 30. yeares it may now manifestly appeare not onely by the Acts and Monuments heretofore passed but also by the hystories here after following howe this profession of Christes religion hath bene spread abroade in Englande of olde and auncient time not onely from the space of these 200. late yeares from the time of Wyckleffe but hathe continually from time to time sparkled abroade although the flames thereof haue neuer so perfectly burst out as they haue done within these hundred yeares and more As by these hystories here collected gathered out of Registers especially of the Diocesse of Norwich shall manifestly appeare wherein may be seene what men and how many both men and women within the sayde Diocesse of Norwich haue bene which haue defended the same cause of doctrine which now is receiued by vs in the Church Which persones althoughe then they were not so strongly armed in their cause and quarel as of late yeres they haue bene yet were they warriours in Christes churche and fought for their power in the same cause And although they gaue backe through tyrannie yet iudge thou the best good Reader and referre the cause therof to God who reuealeth all things according to his determined will and appoynted time THis yong prince being vnder the age of one yeare after the death of his father succeeded in his reigne and kingdom of England Anno 1422. and in the 8. yeare was crowned at Westminster and the 2. yeare after was crowned also at Paris Henry bishop of Winchester Cardinall being present at them both raigned 38. yeres and then was deposed by Edwarde the 4. as heere after Christ willing shall be declared in his time In the firste yeare of his raigne was burned the constant witnesse bearer and testis of Christes doctrine William Tailour a Priest vnder Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury Of this William Tailour I read that in the dayes of Thomas Arundell hee was first apprehended and abiured Afterwarde in the daies of Henry Chichesley aboute the yeare of our Lorde 1421. which was
no further but to Fabian and Hall lacketh no good wil in him but only a little matter to make a perfect sycophant And admit the sayde name of Onley could not be founde in those wryters yet it were not vnpossible for a man to haue two names especially if he were a religious man to beare the name of the towne where he was born beside his own proper surname But nowe what if I M. Cope can auouch and bring foorth to you the name of Roger Onley out of sufficient recorde which you seeme not to haue yet read Haue yee not then done well and properly thinke you so bitterly to flee in my face and to barke so egerly all this while at moneshine in the water hauing no more cause almoste against me theÌ„ against the man in the Moone And now least you shoulde thinke me so much vnprouided of iust authority for my defence as I see you vnprouided of modestie and patience wryte you to your prompter or suborner where so euer he lurketh here in England to sende you ouer vnto Louane the booke of Iohn Harding a Chronicler more auncient then either Fabian or Hall printed in the house of Richard Grafton Anno 1543. where turne to the fol. 223. fac b. lin 19. and there shall you finde and reade these wordes Againe the Church and the king cursedly By helpe of one maister Roger Onley c. By the whyche woordes yee must necessarily confesse Roger Onley to be the name of the man either els must ye needes deny the author For otherwise that master Roger Bolingbroke was the onely helper to the Duchesse in that fact by no wise it can stande with the story of these authors which say that 4. other besides hym were coÌ„demned for the same erune c. And moreouer thought the sayd Sir R. Onley was no knight as I haue saide in my former edition yet this yee cannot deny by the testimonie of them that haue sene his workes but that he was a Priest which you wil graunt to be a knights fellow And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger Onley Fourthly as concerning Margaret Iourdeman whoÌ„ ye call the witch of Eye ye offer me herein great wrong to say that I make her a martyr which was a wytche when as I here professe confesse and ascertaine both you and all English men both present al posterity hereafter to come that this Margaret Iourdeman I neuer spake of neuer thought of neuer dreamed of nor did euer heare of before you named her in your booke your selfe So farre is it of that I eyther with my will or against my will made any martyr of her Furthermore I professe and denounce in like manner the neither haue you any iust or congrue occasion in my boke so to iudge much lesse to raile of me For where in expresse words I do speake of the moÌ„ther of the Lady Yong what occasion haue you therby to slander me and my boke with Margarete Iourdeman which Margarete whether shee was a witche or not I leaue her to the Lorde As for me neither did I knowe of her then nor did I meane of her nowe But because I couple her in the same story you say To this I say because shee was the mother of a Ladie I thought to ioyne her w e an other Lady in the same story as in one pue together although in one cause I will not say And yet notwtstanding I doe so couple the saide mother w e the Duchesse in such distinet difference of yeares that you M. Cope might casily haue vnderstande or beside you no man els would haue thought the contrary but that Margaret Iouedeman was neither heere in my booke nor yet many memento For the wooordes of my storie are playne whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the yeare of our Lord 1441. I doe also in the same story through the occasion of that Ladie inforte mention of the mother of the Ladie Yong declaring in expresse woordes that shee folowed certayne yeares after in the end of that chapter do name also the yeare of her burning to be 1490. whiche was 50. yeares after the death of Onely and Margaret Iourdeman by the computatioÌ„ of which yeares it is playne that no other woman could be noted in that place but only the Lady Younges mother But M Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood obiecteth agayne for that in my Callendar the sayd Ladye Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger Onley whiche day pertayneth properly to Margaret Iourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield not to the Ladyes mother c. What order was taken in placing the names dayes what is that to me If he whiche had the disposing of the Catalogue did place them so in monthes as he sawe them ioyned in chapiters not perusing peraduenture nor abuising the chapters that doth nothing preiudice the truth of my story which sufficiently doth clare it selfe in distincting theÌ„ rightly in names also in yeares as is afore declared Fiftly and lastly hauing thus sufficiently aunswered to your circumstanunces of persons names and times M. Cope I will nowe enter to encounter with you concerning the fact and crime obiected to the Lady Duches and to the rest with this protestation before premised vnto the reader that if the fact be true and so done is reported in the histories of Fabian Halle and harding I desire the reader then so to take me as though I do not here deale withall nor speake of the matter but vtterly to haue pretermitted and dispuncted the same But for somuch as the deed and offence layd and geuen forth agaynst these parties may be a matter made of euil wil compacted rather then true in deede therefore I doe but onely moue a question by way of history not as defending nor commending nor commemorating the thing if it be true but onely mouing the question whether it is to be iudged true or suspected rather to be false and forged and so hauing briefly propounded certayne coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter to passe it ouer neither medling on the one side nor on the other The first coÌ„iecture why it may be possible that this act of treason layd to the charge of the Duches Roger Oneley agaynst the king may be vntrue is this that the sayde Oneley otherwise named Bolingbroke tooke it vppon hys death that they neuer intended any such thing as they were condemned for The second coniecture for that the Lady Eleanor and Onely seemed then to fauour and fauour of that religion set forth by wicklesse and therefore like enough that they were haâ—d of the clergy Furthermore what hatred practise of Papistes can do it is not vnknowne The third coniecture for that the sayd mayster Roger Onely falsly
mischiefe For vpon the necke of this matter as witnesseth Fabian Polychronicon and Hall whiche followeth Polych first ensued the condemnation of L. Elianour the Duches and her Chapleynes as ye haue heard before Whereby it may appeare the sayd Duches more of malice then any iust cause this to haue bene troubled Also within vi yeares after followed the lamentable destruction of the Duke himselfe as hereafter more is to be declared About which time or not long after an 1443. the steeple of Paules was set on fire by lightening and at last by dilligent labour of helpers the fire was quenched And after the condemnation of lady Elianour the Duches aforesayd within few yeares an 1445. followed the death of Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Cant. by whom she was condemned in S. Stephens chappell at Westin for penaunce to beare a taper through cheapside three sondry times and afterward outlawed to the I le of Manne vnder the custody of syr Iohn Standly knight This Hēry Chichesley builded in hys time 2. Colledges in the vniuersitie of Oxford the one called Alsolne Colledge the other named Barnard Colledge Proceeding now to the yeare wherein suffered Humfrey that good Duke of Gloucester which was the yeare of that Lord. 1447. first we will begin in few words to intreat of his life conuersation then of the maner and cause of hys death As touching the ofspring and dissent of this Duke first he was the sonne of Henry the fourth brother to kyng Henry the fift and vncle to kyng Henry the sixt assigned to be the gouernour and protector of his person Of manners he seemed meeke and gentle louing the common wealth a supporter of the poore commons of wit wisdome discreet and studious well affected to religion and a frend to veritie no les enemy to pride ambitiō especially in hauty prelates which was his vndoing in this presēt euil world And which is seldome rare in such princes of that calling he was both learned himselfe no lesse geuen to study as also a singular fauourer patron to them which were studious learned And that my commendation of him may haue the more credite I wil produce the testimony of learned writers who liuing in hys time not only do cōmend his famous knowledge and ripenes of learning in him but also commit submit their works to his iudgement to be examined Of whiche writers one is Petrus de Monte writing De virtutū vitiorum differentia who in his Epistle dedicatory beginning with the singuler commendation of this Duke and afterward speaking De optimarum artium liberaliumque scientiarum peritia sayeth thus Cui tu quidem omni conatu omni ingenio atque studio incumbis adeo vt nihil tibi sine librorum lectione iocundum gratum aut certe delectabile videatur c. And in further processe of his worke thus he further declareth saying Delectaris autem non vna tantum arte aut scientia quanquam id quidem esset satis verum fere omnibus earumque codices magna quadam auiditate legisti c. Besides this Petrus de Mōte let vs heare also the iudgement of an other writer of the same age named Lapiscastellius who likewise dedicating to the sayd Duke Humfry his booke intituled Comparatio studiorum rei militaris amongst diuers other words cōmēdatory hath these as follow Ad te potissimum mitto quod horum te optimum sapientissimum iudicem fore existimo qui vt ex integerrimo pat domino Zenone Baiocensi episcopo homine tuae laudis cupidissimo accepi ita in his humanitatis studiis inuigilares vt nullus toto terrarū orbe princeps nec doctrina nec eloquentia nec humanitate tecum comparandus sit c. Many other argumentes and places may be brought to declare what is to be esteemed of the learning and studious wit of this noble Prince Furthermore as the learning of this Prince was rare and memorable so was the discreete wisedome and singular prudence in him no lesse to be considered as for the more manifest proofe thereof I thought here good amongst many other his godly doings to recite one example reported as well by the penne of syr Thomas More as also by M. William Tindall the true Apostle of these our latter dayes to the intent to see and note not only the craftye working of false miracles in the clergye but also that the prudent discretion of this high and mighty prince the fore sayd Duke Humfrey may geue vs better to vnderstand what man he was The story lyeth thus In the yong dayes of this king Henry the sixt beyng yet vnder the gouernance of this Duke Humfrey his protector there came to S. Albones a certayne begger wyth his wife and there was walking about y◠towne begging fiue or sixe dayes before the kinges comming thether saying that he was borne blind and neuer saw in his lyfe was warned in hys dreame that he shuld come out of Barwik where he sayd he had euer dwelled to seek S. Albon and that he had bene at his shrine and had not bene holpē and therefore he would go and seek him at some other place for he had heard some say since he came that S. Albones body shoulde be at Colon and in deede suche a contention hath there bene But of truth as I am surely informed he lyeth here at S. Albones sauing some Reliques of him whiche they there shew shryned But to tell you foorth when the king was comen and the towne full sodainly this blynde man at S. Albones shrine had hys sight agayne and a miracle solemnly ronge and Te Deum song so that nothing was talked of in al the towne but this miracle So happened it thē that Duke Humfrey of Glocester a man no les wife then also well learned hauing great ioye to see suche a miracle called the poore man vnto him and first shewing himselfe ioyous of Gods glory so shewed in the getting of his sight and exhorting him to meekenes and to no ascribing of any part of that worship to himself nor to be proud of the peoples prayse which would call him a good godly man therby at last he looked well vpon his eyne and asked whether he could see nothing at al in al his life before And when as well his wife as himselfe affirmed fastly no then hee looked aduisedly vpon his eyen againe and sayd I beleue you very well for me thinketh ye cannot see well yet Yes syr quod he I thanke God and hys holy martyr I can see now as well as any mā Yea can quod the duke what colour is my gowne Then anon the begger tolde him What colour quoth he is this mans gowne He told him also and so forth without any sticking he told him the names of all that colours that could be shewed him And when the Duke saw that he
price dignity of the thing that is bought what reason is it seing the sancting of a king beareth a bigger sale then the sancting of any Pope in heauen but that Kings should be aboue Popes also vpon the earth Sed extra iocunt◠as I do not doubt but that K. Henry was a good a quiet prince if he had not otherwise bin abused by some so touching the ruine of his house I thinke not contrary but it came not without the iust appointmēt of the Lord either for that Henry of Lancasters house were such enemies to Gods people for the burning of the Lord Cobham and many other or else for the vniust displacing of King Richard 2. or else thirdly for the cruell slaughter of Humfrey the good Duke of Gloucester his vncle whereof sufficiently hath bene said before During the time of these doings being about the yeare of our Lord 1465. There was here in England a certaine Frier Carmelite who about the tearme of Michaell the Archangel preached at Paules in London that our Lord Iesus Christ being heere in this present worlde was in pouertie and did beg To whose opiniō and doctrine the prouinciall of that order semed also to incline defending the same both in his reading and preaching with other Doctours moe and brethren of the same order vnto whom also adioined certaine of the Iacobites and stifly did take their partes On the cōtrary side many doctours also lawyers both in their publicke lectures preaching to the vttermost of their cunning did withstād their assertion as being a thing most pestiferous in the Church to be heard Such a bitter cōtention was among them that the defendent part was driuen for a while to keepe silence Much like to those times I might well resemble these our dayes now present with our tumultuous contention of formes and fashions of garments But I put my selfe here in Pythagoras schoole and keepe silence with these Friers In the story moreouer it foloweth that this beggerly questiō of the begging Friers whether Christ did begge or no went so far that at length it came to the Popes eares Paulus 2. who was no beggar ye may be sure After that the fame of this doctrine mounting ouer the Alpes came flieng to the court of Rome which was about the Assumption of the virgin Mary that yeare next folowing an 1465. it brought with it such an euill sinell to the fine noses there that it was no neede to bid them to stirre for begging to them was worse thē hie heresie Wherfore the holy father pope Paulus the 2. to represse the sparkles of this doctrine which otherwise perhaps might haue set his whole kitchin on fire taketh the matter in hand estsoones directeth downe his Bull into England insinuating to the Prelates here Haeresim illam pestiferè asserentem quod Christus publice mendicauit esse antiquitus a Romanis pontificibus cum suis Concilijs damnatam eam pro damnata vndique declarandam conculcandam c. That is that this heresie which pestiferously doth affirme that Christ did openly begge was condemned of old time by the Bishops of Rome and his Councels and that the same ought to be declared in all places for a damned doctrine and worthy to be troden downe vnder all mens feete c. This was in the same yeare when Prince Edward King Edwards sonne was borne in the Sanctuary at Westminster an 1465. As touching the rest of the doings and affaires of thys king which had vāquished hetherto ix battailes himselfe being present how afterward he through the incitemēt of Charles duke of Burgoine his brother in law vētred into France with a puissant army how the Duke fayled him in his promise also how peace betwene the two kings was at length cōcluded in a solēne meeting of both the sayd kings together which meeting is notified in stories by a white doue sitting the same day of meeting vpō the top of king Edwards tent also of the mariage promised betwene the yong Dolphin Elizabeth K. Edwards eldest daughter but afterward broken of the French kings part moreouer as touching the death of the duke of Burgoine slaine in war of his daughter Mary neece to King Edward spoiled of her lands possessions wrōgfully by Lewes the French king maried after to Maximilian furthermore as touching the expeditiō of king Edward into Scotlād by reason of King Iames breaking promise in marieng with Cecilie the ij daughter of king Edward of driuing out his brother how the matter was composed there of the recouery againe of Barwicke of these I say such other things mo partly because they are described sufficētly in our cōmon english stories partly also because they be matters not greatly perteining to the Church I omit to speake making of thē a supersedeas Two things I finde here among many other specially to be remembred The first is concerning a godly and constant seruant of Christ named Iohn Goose which in the time of this king was vniustly condemned and burnt at the tower hill an 1473. in the moneth of August Thus had England also his Iohn Hus as well as Boheme Wherein moreouer this is to be noted that since the time of King Richard 2. there is no reigne of any King to be assigned hetherto wherin some good mā or other hath not suffred the paines of fire for the Religion true testimonie of Christ Iesus Of this said Iohn Goose or Iohn Hus this moreouer I find in another English monumēt recorded that the sayd Iohn being deliuered to Robert Belisdone one of the Shiriffes to see him burnt the after noone the Shiriffe like a charitable man had him home to his house and there exhorted him to deny sayth the story his errours But the godly man after long exhortation heard desired the Shiriffe to bee content for he was satisfied in his conference Notwithstādyng this he desired of the Shiriffe for Gods sake to geue him some meate saying that he was very sore hungered Then the Shiriffe commaunded him meate whereof he tooke and did eate as he had bene toward no maner of daunger and sayd to such as stoode about him I eate now a good and a competent dinner for I shall passe a litle sharpe shower ere I goe to supper And when hee had dyned he gaue thankes and required that he might shortly be lead to the place where hee should yeld vp his spirite vnto God Ex Polychron ¶ The burnyng of Iohn Goose. The second thyng herein to be noted is the death of George Duke of Clarence the kynges second brother Of whom relation was made before how he assisted K. Edward his brother agaynst the Earle of Warwicke at Barnet field and helped him to the crowne and now after all these benefites was at lēgth thus requited that for what cause it is vncertaine he was apprehended and cast into
rose vpright vppon hys feete and looking vp to heauen called vpon the Lord and protested his innocency in that behalf and so laying downe his necke againe at the fourth blowe was dispatched Mathias the other brother was led captiue with the king vnto Austria The rest of the captiues brake the prison and escaped It was not long after thys cruelty was wrought vppon Ladislaus the king being about the age of twentye two yeares that talke was made of the kings marryage wyth Magdalene daughter to the French king The place of the marryage was appoynted at Prage where greate preparation was for the matter At the first entraunce of the King into the Citie of Prage Rochezana wyth a company of Ministers such as were fauourers of Iohn Hus and of sincere Religion came with all solemnity to receiue the king making there hys oration to gratulate the kings most ioyful and prosperous accesse into the same his owne Realme and countrey of Boheme Unto whych Rochezana after he had ended hys Oration scarce the king woulde open hys mouth to geue thankes to him nor any cheareful countenaunce vnto hys companye but fiercely seemed to frowne vppon them In the next Pagen after these came foorth the Priestes of the high Minster after the most Popish maner meeting him wyth Procession and wyth the Sacrament of the aultare For as Panacea among Phisitions serueth for all diseases so the sacrament of the popes aultare serueth for all pompes and Pagens First it must lie vppon the aultare then it must be holden vp in hands then it must hang in the pixe it must serue for the quicke it must also helpe the dead it must moreouer visite the sick it must walk about that churchyard it must go about the streets it must bee caried about the fieldes to make the grasse to growe it must be had to the battaile it must ride on horsebacke before the Pope And finally it must welcome kings into Cities Wherein these Catholicke fathers doe seeme somewhat to forget themselues For if the Pope being inferiour to the Sacrament of the aultar at the commyng of kings doe vse to sitte still while the kings come and kisse hys feete what reason is it that the Sacrament of the aultare whyche is I trowe aboue the Pope shoulde meete kings by the way and welcome them to the towne But thys by the way of parenthesis Let vs nowe continue the text When Ladislaus thys Catholicke king who had shewed hymselfe before so stoute and sterne against Rochezana and his company had seene these Catholique priests with theyr Procession and especially wyth their blessed Sacrament to come wyth all reuerence and much deuotion hee lyghted downe from his horse hee embraced the crosse and kyssed it and wyth chearefull countenaunce saluted the Priestes in order All thys while his young wife was not yet come out of Fraunce but Legates were sent after most sumptuous wise to conduct her Other Legates also were sent the same time to the Emperour Fredericke for conconclusion of peace The thirde Legacie was directed likewise to Pope Calixtus about Religion howe to reduce the Bohemians to the Churche of Rome The authour of thys story which was Pope Pius hymselfe declareth further the opinion of some to be that king Ladislaus the same time had entended to make a finall ende and destruction of all that secte in Bohemia whych helde with the doctrine of Iohn Hus and Hierome by the assemble and cōcourse of the Catholique Princes and popish Prelates whyche were appoynted there to meete together at that marriage in Prage For there shoulde be first the Emperour Fredericke Elizabeth the kings mother and hys sisters Elizabeth and Anna the Princes of Saxonie Baioria Slesia Franconia the Palatine and other Princes of Rhene many also of the Lordes of Fraunce besides the Popes Cardinals Legates Prelates and other potestates of the Popes Church Who if they had all together conuented in Boheme no doubt but some great mischiefe hadde beene wrought there against the Hussires against whome thys Ladislaus following the steppes of Sigismundus hys graundfather and Albertus hys father was euer an vtter enemie But when man hath purposed yet God disposeth as pleaseth hym And therefore truely it is wrytten of Aeneas Syluius in the same place saying De regimine Ciuitatum de mutatione regnorum de orbis imperio minimum est quod homines possint tum vero De religionis constitutione multo minus magna magnus dispoint Deus That is In regiment of Cities in alteration of kingdomes in ruling and gouerning the world it is lesse then nothing that man can do it is the hygh God that ruleth high things Whereunto then I may wel adde thys moreouer and say that if the gouernance of worldly kingdomes standeth not in mans power but in the disposition of God muche lesse is it then that mans power can doe in the regiment and gouerning of Religion Example whereof in this purposed deuise of Princes doth euidently appeare For as thys great preparation and solemnitie of mariage was in doing and the Princes ready to set foorth with a litle turne of Gods holy hand al these great purposes were sodeinly turned and dashed For in the middest of this busines about the 21. day of Nouember An. 1461. this great aduersarie of Christes people king Ladislaus king of Boheme of Hungarie and Prince of Austria sickened and wythin 36. houres died some say of a Pestilent fore in hys grine some say of poyson But howe so euer it was as it came not wythout the iust iudgement of God reuenging the innocent bloude of Ladislaus Huniades sonne wrongfully put to death before so by the oportune deathe of thys King the poore Churches of Boheme were gratiously deliuered And thys ende made Ladislaus one of the mightiest Princes at that time in all Europe in whome three mighty kingdomes were conioyned and combined together Austria Hungaria and Bohemia which countreys doe lie Southeast from Englande in the farthest partes of all Germanie towarde Constantinople and the dominion of the Turks contain these principal townes in them AVstria called once Panonia superior Vienna whyche was besieged of the Turke Anno 1533. Melck Neustat noua Ciuitas Gretz S. Hypolit Lintz Stein Haynberg Kremsz Karolsburg Teben Kotzo Raba Lindenburg ¶ To Austria bee adioining also certaine Prouinces Earledomes as Stiria Prouinces Carinthia Prouinces Croaia Prouinces Cilicia Earldomes Tyrolētz Earldomes HVngaria which once called Pannonia inferior Buda Ofen Strigonium Kalachia Varadinum Nitria Noua Vetus Nicopolis Noua Vetus Agria Noua Vetus Agria Orszaw◠Bossen Sabaria ¶ Thys Vngaria was first called Pannonia or Poeonia After y◠comming of y◠Hunes it was called Hungaria Of which came Attila which destroied Italy about the yeare of the Lorde 440. Thorough Ungaria rūneth Danubius hauing on the west side Austria and Bohemia on the East Seruia on the South-side Polonia c.
The most of this Hūgary is nowe vnder the Turk which Turks first came into Europe An. 1211. BOhemia Praga Pilzen Thabor Buduuis Kolin or Koelu Egra Kuttenberg Leimiritz Laun. Rakonicke Glataw Bern. or Beraun Bruck Most Gretz Hradetz Aust. Maut Myto Hof Iaromir Dub. Biela Lantzhut Gilowy Krupka Krumaw Pardubitz Chumitaun Loket Teplitz Hantzburg Zbraslau Labe. Vltawa After the deathe of Ladislaus the kingdome of Boheme fell to George Pogiebracius aboue mentioned whō Pope Innocent the eight did excommunicate and depose for hys religion as is afore declared Furthermore the kingdome of Hungary was geuen to Mathias sonne of Huniades who was in captiuity as is sayd with king Ladislaus and should haue bene put to death after his brother had not the king before bene preuented wyth death as is aboue recorded Moreouer heere is to be noted that the sayde king Ladislaus thus dying wythout wife and issue left behinde hym two sisters aliue to witte Elizabeth which was maried to Casimirus king of Polonia and Anna maried to William duke of Saxonie Elizabeth by her husbande Casimirus king of Polonia had Uladislaus who at length was king both of Boheme and Hungarie This Casimirus first was maryed to Beatrix wife before to Mathias Then being diuorced from her by the dispensation of Pope Alexander maryed a newe wife a Countesse of Fraunce by whome he had two children Lewes and Anna Lewes which was heire of both kingdomes of Boheme and Hungarie was slayne fighting against the Turkes Anna was maried to Ferdinandus by whome he was Archduke of Austria kyng of Boheme c. Sigismundus left onely ouedaughter Elizabeth wife to Albertus Emperour Who had 3. children Ladislaus king of Hungarie Boheme and Austria Elizabeth wyth of Casimirus kynge of Polonie who had Anna wyfe to William Duke of Saxon. Vladislaus kyng of Baheme and Hungary who by hys seconde wife Countesse of Fraunce had Ludouicus King of Boheme Hungarie Anne wife to Ferdinandus Father to thys Maximilian nowe Emperour Ye heard before howe after the decease of Ladislaus the Hungarians by their election preferred Mathias surnamed Coruinus which was sonne of Huniades to the kingdome of Hungary For which cause dissention fel betwene Friderick the Emperor and him for that the said Friderick was both nominated himselfe by diuers vnto that kyngdom also because he had the crown of Hungary then remaining in his hands which Elizabeth mother to K. Ladislaus had brought to the Emperor as was before declared But this warre betweene them was ceased by the intercessiō of the Princes of Germany so that Mathias ransomed that crowne of Fridericke for 8000. Florences Not long after Pope Innocent being displeased with George Pogiebracius or Boiebracius king of Bohemia for fauouring of Iohn Hus his Religion that is to say for playing the part of a godly Prince dyd excommunicate depose him conferring his kingdome to Mathias But for somuch as Fridericke the Emperour would not thereto consent and especially after the death of the foresayde George when the Emperour and the Bohemians leauing out Mathias did nominate Uladislaus sonne of Casimirus king of Polonie and of Elizabeth to be kyng of Boheme therefore great warre and trouble kindled betweene him and Fridericke the Emperour wherein the Emperour had vtterly gone to ruine had not Albertus Duke of Saxonie rescued the Emperour and repressed the vehemencie of Mathias The noble actes of Iohn Huniades and of this Mathias hys sonne were not onely great stayes to Hungary but almost to al Christendom in repelling backe the Turke For beside the other victories of Iohn Huniades the father afore mentioned thys Mathias also his sonne succeeding no lesse in the valiantnes then in the name of hys father did so recouer Sirmium and the confines of Illyrica from the hands of the Turks so vanquished their power that both Mahometes and also Baiazetes hys sonne were enforced to seeke for truce Ouer and besides the same Mathias conducting hys army into Bosna which lyeth South from Hungary recouered againe Iaitza the principall towne of that kyngdome from the Turkes possession Who if other Christen Princes had ioyned their helpes withal would haue proceded farther into Thracia But behold here the malitious subtilty of Sathan working by the Pope For while Mathias was thus occupied in hys expedition agaynst the Turkes wherein he should haue bene set forward and aoded by Christen Princes and Byshoppes the Byshop of Rome wickedly and sinfully ministreth mater of ciuil discord betwene him Pogiebracius aforesayd in remouing him from the right of hys kingdome and transferryng the same to Mathias Wherupon not only the course of victory against the Turkes was stopped but also great warre and bloudshed followed in Christen realmes as well betweene thys Mathias and Pogiebracius wyth hys two sonnes Uictorinus and Henricus as also betweene Casimirus Uladislaus and Mathias warring about Uratislauia till at length the matter was taken vp by the Princes of Germanie Albeit for al the execrable excōmunication of the Pope against Pogiebracius a great part of Boheme would not be remooued from the obedience of their King whome the Pope had cursed and deposed yet Mathias toke from him Morauia and a great portion of Slesia and adioyned it to his kingdome of Hungarie An. 1474. ¶ Where this by the way is to be noted that the Religion in Bohemia planted by I. Hus could not be extinct or suppressed withall the power of foure mightie Princes Uenceslaus Sigismundus Albertus and Ladislaus notwithstanding they wyth the Popes did therein what they possibly coulde but still the Lorde maintained the same as ye see by thys Pogiebracius king of Boheme whome the Pope coulde not vtterly remooue out of the kingdome of Bohemia This forementioned Mathias beside his other memorable actes of chiualry is no lesse also commended for hys singulare knowledge and loue of learning and of learned men whom he with great stipends procured into Pannonia where by the meanes of good letters and furniture of learned mē he reduced in short space the barbarous rudenesse of that countrey into a flourishing common wealth Moreouer such a Library he did there erect and replenish with all kinde of authors sciences and hystories which he caused to be translated out of Greeke into Latine as the like is not thought to be foūd next to Italy in all Europe beside Out of which Librarye we haue receaued diuers fragments of wryters as of Polybius and Diodorus Siculus which were not extant before Ex Peucer The constante fortitude also of Georgius Pogiebracius king of Boheme is not vnworthy of commendation of whom also Pope Pius himselfe in Descriptione Europae doth honestly report as a Pope may speake of a protestāt in these words wryting Magnus vir alioqui rebus bellicis clarus c. Who although Pope Innocent did execrate with hys children yet hee lett not of the profession of the veritie knowledge which he had
written in his boke intituled Rapularium where as hee wryteth that in the Councell of Basill An. 1536. the Archbyshop of Lions did declare that in the time of Pope Martine there came out of France to the court of Rome 9. millions of golde which was gathered of the Byshops and Prelates besides those whych could not be counted of the poore clergy which daily without number runne vnto the court of Rome carying with them all their whole substance The archbishop of Turonne sayde also at Basil in the yeare of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came vnto Rome in his time within the space of 14. yeres from the prelates prelacies wherof no accompt could be made beside the poore cleargy which daily run to that court Let the man which feareth God iudge what a deuouring gulf this is A million containeth x. C.M. And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labor so earnestly to Lewes the 11. the French Kinge who as is aforesayde was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin that he wold according to his former promise abolishe vtterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsell of Bitures by king Charles the 7. his predecessour called Pragmatica Sanctio but onely the ambition of that sea which had no measure and their auarice which had no ende the storie is this King Charles 7. the French king willing to obey and folow the councel of Basil did sommon a Parliament at Bitures Where by the full consent of all the states in Fraunce both spiritual and temporal a certain constitution was decreed and published called Pragmatica Sanctio wherein was comprehended briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees cōcluded in the councel of Basil The which constitution the saide king Charles willed and commaunded through all his realme inuiolably to be obserued and ratified for the honor and increase of Christian religion for euer This was An. 1438. It followed that after the decease of thys foresayde Charles the 7. succeded king Lewys 11. who had promised before being Dolphine to Pope Pius that if he euer came to the crowne the foresayd Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished Wherupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crowned did send vnto him Iohn Balueus a Cardinall wyth hys great letterg patent willing him to be mindful of hys promise made The king eyther willing or els pretending a will to performe and accomplish what he had promised directed the Popes letters patēt wyth the sayd Cardinal to the counsaile of Paris requiring them to consult vpon the cause Thus the matter beyng brought and proposed in the Parliament house the kings Atturney named Ioannes Romanus a man wel spoken singularly witted and wel reasoned stepping foorth with great eloquence and no les boldnes prooued the sayd Sanction to be profitable holy and necessary for the wealth of the realme and in no case to be abolished Unto whose sentence the Uniuersity of Paris adioyning their consent did appeal from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell The Cardinall vnderstanding this toke no litle indignation thereat fretting and fuming and threatning many terrible things against them but al his minatory words notwithstanding he returned againe to the king hys purpose not obtained An. 1438. Ex Ioan. Mario Thus the Popes purpose in France was disappoynted which also in Germanie had come to the like effect if Fredericke the Emperor had there done his part lykewise toward the Germaines Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate wēt about wyth humble sute to perswade the Emperor that he should no longer be vnder the subiection of the Popes of Rome except they had first obtained certaine things of them as touching the Charter of Appeales declaring their estate to be far worse although vndeserued then the Frenchmen or Italians whose seruants and especially of the Italians they are worthely to be called except that their estate were altered The nobles comminalty of Germanie did instantly intreate with most waighty reasons examples both for the vtilitie and profite of the Empire to haue the Emperours aide and helpe therin for that which he was bound vnto them by an oth alledging also the great dishonor ignominie in that they alone had not the vse of their owne lawes declaring how the French natiō had not made their sute vnto their king in vaine against the exactions of Popes by whom they were defended whych also prouided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people caused the same to be obserued the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within hys Empire to prouide for hys people and states of his empire as well as other Kings doe For what shall come to passe therby if that forreine nations hauing recourse vnto their kings being relieued and defended by them from the said exactions and the Germains states of the Empyre flying vnto theyr Emperour be by him forsaken or rather betraied depriued of their owne lawes and decrees The Emperor being mooued partly ouercome by theyr perswasions promised that he wold prouide no lesse for them then the king of Fraunce had done for the Frenchmen and to make decrees in that behalfe but the graue authoritie of Aeneas Syluius as Platina wryteth in the history of Pius the second brake of the matter who by his subtile and pestiserous perswasions did so bewitche the Emperour that hee contemning the equall iust and necessary requestes of hys subiects chose the sayd Aeneas to be hys Ambassadour vnto Calixtus then newly chosen Pope to sweare vnto hym in his name to promise the absolute obedience of al Germany as the only coūtry as they call it of obedience neglecting the ordinances decrees of their country as before he had done vnto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassadour for the sayd Fredcrike promising that he all the Germaines would be obedient vnto him from hēceforth in al matters as well spirituall as temporall Thus twise Friderike of Austrich contemned and derided the Germaines frustrating them of their natiue decrees and ordinances brought them vnder subiection and bondage of the Pope whych partly was the cause that 7. yeres before his death he caused his sonne Maximiliā not only to be chosen but also crowned king of Romains and did associate hym to the ministration of the Empire least after hys death as it came to passe the Empire shoulde bee transported into an other family suspecting the Germains whom he had twise cōtrary to his lawes made subiect and in bondage vnto the Popes exactions first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the second time after hys coronation and death of Pope Nicholas the 5. denying their requests Wherupon Germany being in this miserable pouerty and greuous subiection vnder the Popes tiranny and polling with teares and sighs lamenting their estate continued so almost vnto Luthers time as the hystories
was an Illyrian but whatsoeuer he was certayne it is that the Turk himselfe was much more beastiall then was the very brute Oxe which being a beast shewed more sence of humanity to a dead man thē one mā did to an other Ex Leonic Chalcondyla To this crueltye adde moreouer that beside these 500. Methonians thus destroyed at Constantinople in the said City of Methone all the townes men also were slayne by the forsayd Captayn Omares and among them theyr Bishop likewise was put to death Ex Andrea de Lacuna ex Wolfgango alijs Iohn Faber in his Oration made before king Henrye the 8. at the appointment of king Ferdinandus and declaring therin the miserable cruelty of the Turkes toward al christians as also toward the bishops and ministers of the church testifieth how that in Mitilene in Constantinople and Trapezunda what Byshops Archbishops or other ecclesiasticall and religious persons the Turks could find they brought them out of the cityes into the fieldes there to be slaine like Oxen and Calues The same Faber also writing of the battell of Solyman in Hungary where Ludouicus the king of Hūgary was ouerthrown declareth that 8. Byshops in the same field were slayne And moreouer when the Archbishop of Strigon and Paulus the Archbishop Colossensis were found dead Solyman caused thē to be taken vp to be beheaded and chopt in small pieces an 1526. What christian hart will not pity the incredible slaughter done by the Turkes in Euboia where as the sayd Faber testifieth that innumerable people were sticked gored vpon stakes diuers were thrust through with a hoat iron childrē and infants not yet wayned from the mother were dashed agaynst the stones many cut a sūder in the midst Ex Iohan Fabro alijs But neuer did country taste and feele more the bitter deadly tyranny of the Turkes then did Rasia called Mysia inferior now Seruia Where as writeth Wolfgangus Dreschlerus the prince of the sayde countrey being sent for vnder fayre pretence of words promises to come speak with the Turke after he was come of his own gentlenes thinking no harme was apprehended wretchedly fasly put to death his skin flain of his brother sister brought to Constantinople for a triumph and all the nobles of his country as Faber addeth had theyr eyes put out c. Briefly to conclude by the vehement and furious rage of these cursed cayrifes it may seme that Satan the old dragon for the great hatred he beareth to Christ hath styred them vp to be the butchers of all christen people inflaming theyr beastly hartes with suche malice cruelty against the name and religion of Christ that they degenerating frō the nature of men to deuils neither by reason wil be ruled nor by any bloud or slaughter satisfied Like as in the primitine age of the Church and in the time of Dioclesian and Maximiliā whē the deuil saw that he could not preuaile against the person of Christ which was risen agayne he turned all his fury vpon his sely seruants thinking by the Romayn Emperours vtterly to extinct the name and profession of Christ out from the earth So in this latter age of the world Satan being let lose agayne rageth by the Turkes thinking to make no end of murdering and killing till he haue brought as he entendeth the whole church of Christ with all the professors therof vnder foot But the Lord I trust will once send a Constantinus to vanquish proud Maxētius Moyses to drowne indurate Pharao Cyrus to subdue the stout Babilonian And thus much hitherto touching our christian brethrē which were slain destroied by these blasphemous turks Now forsomuche as besides these aforesayde many other were pluckt away violently from theyr country from their wiues children from liberty from all their possessions into wretched captiuity and extreme pouerty it remaineth likewise to entreat somewhat also cōcerning the cruel maner of the Turkes handling of the sayd christian captiues And first here is to be noted that that turke neuer cōmeth into Europe to war against the christiās but there foloweth after his army a great number of brokers marchaunts such as buy men children to sell again bringing with thē long cheines in hope of great cheates In the which cheynes they linke thē by 50. 60. together such as remayne vndestroyd with the sword whō they buy of the spoiles of thē that rob spoyle the Christian countryes Which is lawfull for any of the Turkes armye to doe so that the tenth of their spoyle or pray whatsoeuer it be be reserued to the head Turke that is to the great mayster theefe Of such as remayne for tithe if they be aged of whom very fewe be reserued aliue because little protite commeth of that age they be solde to the vse of husbandry or keeping of beastes If they be young men or women they be sent to certein places there to be instructed in theyr language and Artes as shall be most profitable for theyr aduauntage such are called in theyr tongue Sarai and the first care of the Turkes is this to make them deny the Christian religion and to be circumcised and after that they are appointed euery one as he semeth most apte either to the learning of their lawes or els to learn the feates of war Their first rudimēt of war is to handle the bow first beginning with a weake bow and so as they growe in strength comming to a stronger bow if they misse the marke they are sharply beaten theyr allowance is two pence or three pence a day till they come take wages to serue in war Some are brought vp for the purpose to be placed in the number of the wicked Ianizarites that is the order of the Turks champions which is the most abhominable cōdition of al other Of these Ianizaraites see before pag. 736. And if any of the foresayd yong men or children shal appeare to excell in any beuty him they so cutte that no part of that whiche nature geueth to man remayneth to be seene in all his body wherby while the freshnes of age continueth he is compelled to serue theyr abhominable abhomination and when age cōmeth then they serue in stead of Eunuches to wayte vpon Matrones or to keepe horses and Mules or els to be scullians and drudges in theyr kitchins Such as be young maydens beautifull are deputed for concubines The whiche be of meane beautye serue for matrones to theyr drudgery worke in theyr houses chābers or els are put to spinning and such other labors but so that it is not lawful for them either to professe their christian religiō or euer to hope for any liberty And thus much of them which fall to the Turke by tithe The other which are bought and sold amongst priuate subiects first are allured with faire words and promises
orders Dispensation agaynst a lawfull othe or vowe made Dispensation agaynst diuers irregularities as in crimes greater then adultery and in suche as be suspended for Symonie Dispensation in receiuing into orders hym that had two wiues Dispensing with suche as beeing within orders do that which is aboue theyr order as if a Deacon shoulde say masse beyng not yet Priest To receaue into orders such as be blemished or maymed in body Dispesation with murther or with suche as willingly cut of any member of mans body DispeÌ„sation to geue orders to such as haue bene vnder the sentence of the greater curse or excommunication Dispensation with suche as being vnlawfully borne to receiue orders or benefices Dispensation for pluralities of benefices Dispensation to make a man Byshop before he be thirty yeare olde Dispensation to geue orders vnder age The Pope onely hath power to make and call a generall Councell The Pope onely hath power to depriue an Ecclesiastical person and geue away his benefice being not vacant The Pope alone is able to absolue hym that is excommunicate by name The Pope onely is able to absolue him whome his Legate doth excommunicate The Pope both iudgeth in the causes of them that appeale vnto hym and where he iudgeth none may appeale from him Onely he hath authoritie to make Deacon and Priest whom he made subdeacon eyther vpon Sondayes or vpon other feastes Onely the Pope and none els at all times and in all places wheareth the passe The Pope onely dispenseth with a man eyther being not within orders or being vnworthy to be made Bishop He onely eyther confirmeth or deposeth the Emperour when he is chosen A man being excommunicate and his absolutioÌ„ referred to the Pope none may absolue that man but the pope alone The same hath authoritie in any electioÌ„ before it be made to pronounce it none wheÌ„ it is made He doth Canonise Saintes and none cls but he Dispensation to haue many dignities and personages in one Church and without charge and cure of soule belongeth onely to the Pope To make that effectuall whiche is of no effect and contrariwise belongeth onely to the Pope To plucke a monke out of his cloyster both against his owne will and the Abbattes pertaineth onely to the Pope His sentence maketh a law The same day in whiche the pope is consecrate he may geue orders He dispenseth in degrees of consanguinitie and affinitie He is able to abolishe lawes quoad vtrumque forum that is both Ciuill and Canon where daunger is of the soule It is in his dispensation to geue generall indulgences to certayne places or persons Item to legitimate what persons soeuer he please as touching spiritualties in all places as touchinge temporalties as honoures inheritaunce c. To erect new religions to approoue or reproue rules or ordinaunces and Ceremonies in the Church He is able to dispense with all the preceptes and statutes of the Church Item to dispense and to discharge any subiect from the bond of allegeance or oth made to any maner person No man may accuse hym of any crime vnlesse of heresie that neyther except he be incorrigible The same is also free from all lawes so that he cannot incurre into any sentence of excommunication suspension irregularitie or into the penaltie of any crime but into the note of crime he may well Finally he by hys dispensation may graunt yea to a simple priest to minister the sacrament of confirmation to infants also to geue lower orders and to hallow churches and virgines c. These be the cases wherein I onely haue power to dispeÌ„se and no man els neyther Byshop nor Metropolitane nor Legate without a licence from me ¶ After that I haue nowe sufficiently declared my power in earth in heauen and in purgatory howe great it is what is the fulnes thereof in binding loosing commanding permitting electing confirming deposing dispensing doyng and vndoing c. I will entreat now a litle of my riches likewise and great possessions that enerye man may see by my wealth and aboundaunce of all thynges rentes tythes tributes my silkes my purple Miters Crowns Golde Siluer Perles and Gemmes Landes and Lordships how God here prospereth and magnifieth hys Vicare in the earth For to me pertayneth first the Imperiall Cittie of Rome the Pallace of Laterane the kingdome of Cicile is proper to me Apulia Capua be myne Also the kingdome of England and Ireland be they not or ought to be tributaryes to me 214. To these I adioyne also besides other prouinces and countryes both in the Occident and Orient from the North to the South these dominions by name 215. as Surrianum MoÌ„tembordoÌ„ lunae in sulam Corficae regnum Paruam Mantuam Montenselete Insulam venetiarum Ducatum Ferrariae Canellum Caniodam Ducatum Histriae Dalmatiam Ex archatum Rauennae Fauentiam Cesenam Castrum Tiberiatus Roccam Mediolanum Castrum ceperianum Castrum Casianum Terram Cornulariam Ducatum Arimini Contam Montem ferretum Montem Capinie feu Olympicum Gastrum exforij Robin Eugubin Vrbin forum Sempronij Galli Senogalli Anconam Gosam Ducatum perusij Vrbenetam Tudertum Castrum Sinianum Ducatum Spoletanum TheanuÌ„ Calabriam Ducatum Neapolim DucatuÌ„ Beneuenti Selernum Sorrenti insulam Cardiniam insulam Anciae insulam Territorium Cutisan Territorium praenestinum Terram Silandis Terram Clusium Terram fundan Terram vegetan Terram Gland â—nam â—erram comisâ—â—n Terram Fabinensem Terram Siram Terram portuensem cuminsula Archis Terram Ostiensem cum maritimis Ciuitatem Aquinensem Ciuitatem lamentum Sufforariam Ciuitatem Falisenam Fidenam Feretrum Cliternam Neapolim Galiopolim with diuers other mo 216. which Constantinus the Emperour gaue vnto me not that they were not mine before he did geue them 217. For in that I tooke them of hym I tooke them not as a gifte as is afore mentioned but as a restitution And that I rendered them agayn to Otho I did it not for any duety to him but onely for peace sake What should I speak here of my dayly reuenues of my first fruites annates palles indulgences bulles confessionals indultes and rescriptes testameÌ„ts dispensatioÌ„s priuilegies elections prebends religious houses and such like which come to no small masse of money Insomuch that for one palle to the Archbishop of Mentz whiche was wont to be geuen for x. thousand 218. florence now it is growne to xxvij thousand florence which I receaued of Iacobus the Archbishop not long before Basill Councell Besides the fruites of other Bishoprickes in Germanye comming to the number of fiftie whereby what vauntage commeth to my coffers it may partly be coniectured But what should I speake of Germany 219. when the whole worlde is
1 ioyneth with the Archb. Agreement betweene the Archb. and Monkes of Cant. vpon what conditions Conditions of peace coÌ„cluded Ex libr. anoâ—imo ex hist. Geruaiij Mo â—achi Canâ—queriensis Arcb. of Cant. purchaseth of the B. of Rochester laÌ„d in Lambeth to builde his house vpon Baldewin archbishop of Cant. buildeth his house at Lambeth Three things to be obserued in this story of Canterbury Monkes aboue rehearsed Hypocrisie in Monkery Kinges made slaues vnder the Pope No concord not vnitie in Popish Churches Examples prouing what discord and how little vnitie is in the Popes Church Ex Math. Paris No vnitie in the popes Church Conclusions of the Friers condemned for erroneous by the Prelates of Paris Ex Mat. Paris sol 167. Contention betweene Friers aboâ—t the conception of our Ladie Continuall variaunce in the Popes church Anno. 1190. King Richard taketh his iourney toward the land of Hierusalem The oth of fidelitie betweene Philip second French king and king Richard the first going to the holy laÌ„d Discipline and orders set by king Richard for malefactors The French king 〈◊〉 Rich. 〈◊〉 to Lyons K. Richard commeth â—â— Marsilia K. Richard complained of the filthe Symony of the Popes Court. K. Richard departeth from Maâ—â—â—lia The kyngs ships arâ—e at Messana The comming of 〈◊〉 Richard tâ— Messana The French king 〈◊〉 in Messana The French king driue backe again by the wyâ— to Messanâ— K. Richard obtaineth his sister Ioan queâ—â— sometime â—â— Scicilia to 〈◊〉 sent vnto him K. â—ichard getteth the monastery of Grâ—â—â—â— Discord betweene the Citizens Messana of the Engliâ—â— armie The king â—oulde not â—tay the rage of the people Communication about peace amoÌ„g the kings A skirmish betweene the Citizens of Messana the Englishmen The French Kyng a bearer with straungers against the English men English men wâ—ane the City of Messana in Sicilia English armes set vp at Messana The league renued betweene K. Richard and the French king Peace coÌ„cluded betwene K. Richard Tancrede K. of Sicilia Fredericke 1. Emperour with his sonne Conrade come vp toward the siege of Achon Fredericke the Emperor drowned in a riuer going to the siege of Achon A miserable famine in the siege of Achon Gods prouideÌ„ce in time of need The siege of AAchon Ignis Graecus much vsed of the Saracens K. Richard conferreth with Ioachim Abbot about the comming of Antichrist Abbas Ioachim condemned in the councell of Laterane by Innocent 3. Henricus sonne of Fredericke standeth to be Emperour Pope Clement dyeth Celestinas 3. Pope Anno. 1191. The bountifull liberalitie of king Richard King Richard remoueth from Messana and commeth to Cathneys The honorable intertainment of king Richard by king Tancredus Philip the freÌ„ch king trayterously seeketh the destruction of K. Richard by secret letters sent to the king of Sicilia A faithfull part of Tancredus kyng of Sicilia toward kyng Richard The first occasion of discord betweene the French king and king Richard K. Richard chargeth the French king with falsehood The FreÌ„ch king quarelleth with L. Richard about marying his sister Causes alledged why K. Richard could not marry with the French kinges sister Agreement betweene the two kinges with the conditions touching the same The French king commeth to Achon Berengaria or as some do call her Bernegera daughter to the king of Nauarre brought to be maried to kyng Richard by his mother Alinor Pope Celestinus 3. Conditions required of Henricus K. of Almanes before he should be made Emperour by the Pope The Pope of Rome in the ful toppe of his pride Pope Celestine croâ—neth Herâ—cus the emperour was his seete The Pope striketh is the Emperours 〈◊〉 with his foote K. Richard moueth his Messana 〈◊〉 Achon K. Richard ouertaken with a â—â—â—pest in the Seas going to Achon Isakiuâ— king of Cyprus 〈◊〉 cruell enemy to Englishe men K. Richard maketh sure to the king of Cyprus for his souldiours in captiuitie The disâ—â—â— full 〈◊〉 answere of Isakius to K. Richard K. Richard exhorteth his men to fight against Isakius K. Richard setteth vpon Isakius 〈◊〉 of Cyprus The battaile betwene the Emperour of Cyprus and K. Rich. Isakius Emperour of the GriffoÌ„s put to flight The towne of Lymezâ—â— taken by king Rich. The king of Cyprus againe put to flight K. Richard marrieth Bernegera daughter of the king of Nauarie in the Isle of Cyprus Isakius king of Cyprus yeldeth himselfe to king Richard The king of Cyprus breaketh conditions with kyng Richard King of Cyprus againe submitteth himselfe and was kept in golden fetters K. Rich. taketh his iourney to Achon A thousand fiue hundreth Saracens sent to the rescue of Achon vanquished on the sea by K. Richard The Citie of Achon yelded to the Christians An honest part of a secret Christian in the citie of AchoÌ„ The forme of peace concluded betweene the Kings and the Princes of Achon Couenaunces made in giuing vp the citie of Achon Religion would be taught and not coacted The two kinges deuide the citie of Achon with all the spoyle therof betwene themselues CoÌ„monly seene who so taketh most paynes their part to be the least Many of the Christian soldidiours for neede were constrayned to depart from Achon K. Richard requireth of the French kyng to remaine three yeares with his army but hee would not Christian captiues slai◠〈◊〉 the Saladine The Saracen captiues slaine by k. Richard Saladine put to flight A noble victory by Gods power gotten by Kyng Rich against the Saracens K. Richard in possession of Syria The storie of William the proude Byshop of Ely Vt iustè iudicarent â—lerum populum verba hist. Foure chiefe Iustices with two Byshops appointed ouerseers of the Realme in the kings absence William Longchamp B. of Ely Lord Chauncelour and the popes Legat. The church and belles of Yorke suspended because the Lord Legate was not set in with procession Bysh. of Ely getteth the caâ—tel of Wyndsore from the b. of DurhaÌ„ Hugo Bishop of Durham vexed by W. Bishop of Ely The exceâ—siue pride and enoâ—â—â—ties of Wâ—â—shop of Eâ—â— Byshop of Ely neuer rode vnder a 1500 horse His 〈◊〉 His vsâ—ry His riotous and dâ—licate life The Bishop of Ely playeth both king priest 〈◊〉 Bish. of Ely garded with French men Fleâ—mings Anno. 1191. A generall complaint to the K. of W. Bish. of Ely Of these foure associates read the page before s Another dissention betweene Iohn the kings brother William Bish. of Ely Another broyle betweene the Chauncelor and Geffray Archbish. of Yorke the kings brother The cruell handling of Geffray Archbish. of Yorke by the B. of Ely the Popes â—egate and Chaunceler of England Geffray Archb. of Yorke deliuered out of prisoÌ„ by coÌ„mandement of Earle Iohn his brother A skirmish betweene the seruants of the B. of Ely and the seruants of Earle Iohn The nobles assembled in counsell against the B. of Ely The B. of Ely Chauncelour of the realme and Legate deposed The B. of Ely resigneth
Kyng Henry 4. The Lorde Cobham in the begynning fauoured of kyng Henry the 5. The kynges displeasure procured agaynst the L. Cobham by popish prelates The L. Cobham obedient to the kyng The L. Cobham confâ—at in his fayth to the sentence of death The L. Cobham worthy the name of a Martyr The name of a martyr what it signifieth Calumnis Syr Roger ActoÌ„ knight M. Iohn Brown Esquire Iohn Beverley preacher Rob. Fabian proued with an vntruth An vntruth in Alanus Copus Praying and preaching in dicke corners a common thyng in time of persecution Ill will taketh all thinges to worst meaning An other vntruth in Alanus Copus An vnlikely tale The L. Cobham no traytor Alanus Copus pag. 833. lib. â—â— Alanus Copus taken with an other vntruth Ex statuto Reg. Hen 5. an â— cap. 7. The former ediof Acts and Mon. pag 175. The preface or preamble of the statute (A) A (B) B (C) C (D) D (E) E Here it appeareth at whose sute and supplication this statute was set forward as also the cause why AstiteruÌ„t reges Pharosaes (F) F (G) G (H) H (I) I (K) K (L) L (M) M Notes vpon the statute foresaide Prefaces before statutes not to be regarded in triall of truth Statut. an 2 Hen. 5. cap. 11. The preface â—efore the â—tatute DecoÌ„bureÌ„do Ex fetussis astrumeÌ„tis False accusaâ—â— no newes 〈◊〉 Christes â—â—rch Example of Nemesion Martir pag. â—â— Example of Cyprian pag. 69. Example of â—â—â—tine the Martyr Example of somelius â—â—sh of RoÌ„e pag. 65. Lawes and statutes â—ounded â— false 〈◊〉 against the Chritians The persecuting statutes in the primitiue church and of the latter church coÌ„pared Feare hatred causers of persecution Vide supra pag. 48. The matter debared by recordes whether the L. Cobham and sir Roger Acton were traytors or not (A) A Rumors Congregations Insurrections Insurrection of the Lollordes against the king not lykely (B) B A slauÌ„der of the L. Cobham that he inteÌ„ded to destroy Christen fayth Cyprian lib. 4. Epist. 2. (C) C The Lord Cobham falsely slauÌ„dered for intending to destroy the king How vnlyâ—e it is that the L. Cobham did rise against the king Examples what an heard matter it is to rise against the king The nobles against K. Henry 3. The noble against K. Edward 2. The nobles against K Rich. 2. The nobles against K. Henry 4. The insurrection of the L. Cobham against the king iudged by circuÌ„stace A rebellion â—o be of â—0 thousand and yet no countrey to â— knowen â—rom wheÌ„ce they came it is not like Neuer was 〈◊〉 rebellioÌ„ of commons in England but the speciall couÌ„trey from wheÌ„ce they came was noted and knowen (D) D Another false reporte of sir Iohn Oldecastle that he inteÌ„ded to kill all maner of estates in the realme (E) E An hard matter to destroy all policie and lawes of a land Obiection Aunswere Ex originals statut Hen. 4. cap. 15. The reason and cause how chroniclers oft times be deceiued Alanus Copus deceiued by his chroniclers Horat. arâ— Poet. (F) F The body of the statute an 2. Reg Hen. 5. cap. 7. examined (G) G (H) H (I) I (K) K (L) L (M) M Iustice Stanford of the plees of the crowne lib. 1. cap. 33. The first procurers of this statute Practise of prelates to couple treason with heresie Alanus Copus pag. 833. lin 4. The wordes of Commission against the Lord Cobham B Examples of 〈◊〉 falseâ—â— accused â—or treasons A Ouâ— Engliâ—h Chroniclers examined by the wordes of this Commission (B) B (A) A (B) B (C) C (D) D (E) E (F) F (G) G (H) H (A) A The first note concerning the date and day both â—f the Commission of the verdicâ—e of the Iurers concurring on one day (B) B The secoÌ„d note of the names of the Iurers left out (C) C The 3. argumeÌ„t by making a Regent the king being not yet gone ouer (D) D The 5. argumeÌ„t by coÌ„trarietie (E) E The 6. argumeÌ„t by the persons vnknowen (F) F The 7. argumeÌ„t by the vnskilfull penning (G) G The 8. argumeÌ„t by the date and tyme. (H) H The 9. argumeÌ„t by errour and wrong naming the Dukes (I) I The 10. note or argumeÌ„t by the absence of the partie The 11. note or argument The 12. note or argument The L. Coâ— sir R. Actâ—â— c. proued no traitoâ—â— The 13. note or argumeÌ„t Aunswere to the allegation of Fabian Polydore and Hall c. Modestie commended in writers Two things to be obserued iâ— story writers The ground of histories to be coÌ„sidered All thinges not true that be fouÌ„d in stories Wordes without probation are not sufficieÌ„t in story matters Chroniclers how farre and to what effect they serue Histories not rashely to be beleued The testimony of Fabian 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Cobham â—â—â—mined The testimony of Rich. Belward for the L. Cobham Ex Regist. Epise Noruic Witnesses against the L. Cobham 〈◊〉 not togeather Fabian conuict of a manifest vntruth in his story of the L. CobhaÌ„ Fabian part 7. in â—ita Henr. 5. pag. 390. Ex regist Archiep. Cant. The testimony of Polydore examyned 5. Vntruhes of Polydore noted in one story 1. Vntruth 2. Vntruth 3. 4. Vntruth Gopus pag. 833. lin 11. 5. Vntruth An other Vntruth in Polydore noted The testimony of Hall against the L. Cobham examined Cope a carper of storyes where of he hath no skill Aunswerâ— to Ed. Hall Hall raceth out his owne storie writâ—â— against the L. CobhaÌ„ Hal. in â—ita Hen. 5. pag. 2. b. lin 30. Hall in the storie of the L. Cobham sir Roger Acton a greeth not with other stories Vntruth in Hall noted Hall doubtfull in the story of sir R. ActoÌ„ c. Halle no witnes in sir Roger Actons case RepugnauÌ„ce noted in the witnes a-against the L. Cobham sir Roger Acton 1 1. RepugnauÌ„ce in the place 2 2. Repugnaunce in the place Ala. Copus pag. 833. lin 12. 3 3. RepugnauÌ„ce in the yeare 4 4. RepugnauÌ„ce in the month 5 5. Repugâ—auÌ„ce in the day Papistes can â—ot see great â—â—ames in tâ—eir owne eyes which spye small motes in other Popes traytours to their Emperours princes The Popes saintes and confâ—ssours many were traytours R Scrâ—â—◠〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 holy 〈◊〉 Popes coÌ„monly traytours Tho. Lancaster traitor and yet made a Sainâ—t by the Pope EdmuÌ„d Archb. of Cant. rebelled against his prinâ— and yet made a Saint by the Pope Tho. Arundâ—â— a ranck traitour against his king and yet a great piller counted in the popes church Pope Gregory 7 a traytor against the Lords owne body Vide supra pag. 172. Vide supra pag. 383. Religion coÌ„moÌ„ly maketh treasoÌ„ among the papistes AuÌ„swere to the second part of Copes accusatioÌ„ concerning his vntrue charging of the booke of Actes MonuÌ„ The booâ—â— of Actes 〈◊〉 Monum to true if it had pleased god otherwise Vngentelenes noted in Cope The nature of the spider Copuâ— Sycoplianta The Calendare of the Actes and
the Cardinall The Card. a deceauer of the king a briber The Card. purchaseth a pardon against his premuniri Prelates holde one with an other Malice burst out Paules steepleset on fire by lightning Anno. 1445 The death of Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant. The builâ—ing of Alsolne Colledge and Barnard Colledge in Oxforde Anno. 1447 The storie death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester Duke Humfrey coÌ„mâ—nded for his learning Petrus de Monte. De Virtutum et Vitrorum differentia ad D. Humfredum Lapiscastellius De compatatione Audiorum etrei militarus ad D. D. Humfredum A false miracle espied Dissimulatâ—on wel punished Commen-dation of Duke Hum-frey The good Duke of Glocester Polyd. Hist lib. 23 Halâ— in 25. Hâ—n 6. The enemies to the Duke of Glocester The malicious working of the cardinall against the Duke of Glocester W. De la Pole Duke of Suffolke the cause of the Duke of Glocesters death The vnprofitable mariage betweene K. Hen. 6. and Queene Margaret Queene Margaret mortall enemy to the Duke of Glocester The malice of a woman A snare to catch the innocent Anno. 1447. A parliament at Bery The cruel death or martyrdome of the good Duke of Glocester The iudgement of god vpon theÌ„ which persecuted the Duke of Glocester Anno. 1448. The death of the Cardinall and maner of the same The wordes of the Cardinall of Winchester at his deâ—th Will. Wanflet Bishop of Wint. Magdalen Colledge in Oxford builded Gods punishment vpon the Marques of Suffolke The 〈◊〉 glory of mans 〈◊〉 foâ—gethâ—â—g himselfe in honour The commons vncoÌ„ stant The Duke of Suffolke accuâ—ed by the coÌ„monâ— The Duke of Suffolke againe accused Example of Gods iudgement and of bloud reuenged The Duke of Suffolke beheaded Publicam instâ—umentum nomine Regis An instru ment by the thing against the admitting the Popes legate Anno. 1450. The arte of printing inuented Ex Tipographia per Matsheum Iudiâ—em Carmen Anâ— Campani Printing camâ— of God Printing likened to the giftes of tongues The time considered when Printing was founde Double confusiâ—â— vpon the Pope by printing The fruit profite of printing Good counsaile to the Pope So preached the vicar of CroydeÌ„ in K. Henry the 8. dayes at Paules crosse saying that either we must roote out printing or else printing will roote out v 8. Triple commodity by printing When Gunnes were first inuented Anno. 1458. The losing of Constantinople The tirannie of the Turke toward his owne men The cowardnes of Duke Iustinian The Emperour of CoÌ„stantinople flaine CoÌ„staÌ„tinople wonne of the Turkes The bloudy victory of the Turkes The horrible in aÌ„ny of the Turkes Constantinople called new Rome A warning to all Christendome by Constantinople The story of Reinold Pecocke The citatioÌ„ of the Arch. Tho. Bowcher alias Bourâ—chet Pecocke appeareth at Lambeth before the Archb. Great labour to reduce Pecocke from his opinioÌ„s The retractation of B. Pecocke Ex regist His Articles The articles of Reynolde Pecocke mentioned by Thomas Gascoigne Ex Tho. Gascoig lib. De Dictionario Theolog part 3. B. Pecocke deteyned in prison Polydoâ—e noted Eugenius warred against Sâ—ortia and diuers other Pope Fâ—â—â—x Pope Nicholas 5. Emperours are but kinges of Romaines before they be crowned by the Pope Ex Platina de vitis The example of Idolatrie punished The fruit of Idolatry Mat. Palmerius a Florentine martyr Toling of Aues S. Edmund of Cant. canonised Pope Pius 2. Promotion choketh religion The Prouerbes of Pius Mariage of priestes allowed by Aeneas Syluius Ex epist. 54. Pii sâ—cund ad Gasparum Schlick The way to exclude schisme is concord of princâ—s The Popes Clergie wil not abyde the fyre eyther for prince or pope The breath of this pestilent seate corrupteth all that sit in it whatsoeuer they were before Aeneas Syluius now puffed vp with worldly pompe and glorie impugneth the trueth whiche he did before both know and professe Dâ—scord betwene Pope Pius the Archbishop of Mentz Anno. 1458. Pope Paulus 2. Ex Stanislao Rutheno Vide Cent. 8. Bal. The feast of the conception and presentation of our Lady Beades brought in Wesellus Groningensis The pope licenseth the whole familie of a certaine Cardinall to play the Sodomites three monethes in the yeare Pope Innocentius 8. 8. men and 6. we men condemned of heresie by Pope Innocentius 8. George king of Boheme condemned of heresie Mischieues to England after the death of the Duke of Glocester Angeow Main Normandy and Gascoyne recoueâ—ed of the Frenchmen Iacke Cade The Duke of Yorke agaâ—â—st kyng Henry Anno. 1459. The Northern men intended the subuersion of London Ex historia manuscripta cui titulus Scala mundi London rescued by prince Edw. Anno. 1461. The title of Edward to the crowne proued at Paules crosse K. Edward taketh possession of the crown The fierce and cruell battaile betweene king Henry 6. K. Edward 4. King Henry 6. conquered Barwicke geuen to the Scottes by K. Henry 6. The title of the house of Yorke Rich. Plantagenet Ex Scala mundi Leaden Hall bilded The Standard in Chepe The Conduite in Fletstrete New gate builded The Colledge of Eton and the kings Colledge in Cambridge founded The king reiecteth the popes Bulles Ex Getuslo codic cuâ— initium Nomâ—na custodum c. et ex Fabiano Example of Gods rodde and iudgement Anno. 1461. King Edward 4. Queene Margaret fledde the lande Anno. 1462. K. Edward sitteth his own person in the kings bench iudging Anno. 1463. K. Henry 6. againe repulsed in the battaile of Exham K. Henry 6. taken arested committed to the Tower Anno. 1465. The kyngs lodeine mariage with Queene Elizabeth The first falling out betweene K. Edwarde the Earle of Warwick Conspiracie against king Edward K. Edward take prisoner by the Earle of Warwicke The rebellion in Lincolnshire repressed The Earle of Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence fly into Fraunce The Earle of Warwick the Duke of Clarence returne into England The receiuing of the Earle of Warwicke into England K. Henry againe proclaymed kyng The inconstant leuitie of the people of England The constant hart and â—â—nth of the Lord Hastinges K. Edward forsaken of his people in his neede The weake state of king Edward Whether godly simplicitie or mans policie be stronger The double case of these two kings considered K. Edward taketh the Washes God prouideth K. Edward taketh shipping K. Edward near taken of the Esterlings God againe prouideth K. Edward deliuered from the Esterlinges Charles Duke of Burgoyne K. Edwardes brother in law Queene Elizabeth taketh sanctuary Prince Edward borne in sanctuary K. Henry 6. brought out of the tower K. Henry restored again to his kingdome K. Edward returneth againe into England K. Edward onely with 2000. souldiours commeth to Rauenspurre alias Rauensport The dissembling policy of king Edward K. Edward commeth to Yorke K. Edward repelled by the citizens of Yorke K. Edward chaungeth his title The gentle and fayre wordes of K. Edward Two conditions put to K.
you wtin these fifteene dayes you shall shew your selfe abroad if God permit vpon your horse backe whole and well as euer you were And according to the promise her made the prince it came to passe to the no litle comfort and admiration of all his subiectes When the great Souldan heard of and that the Prince was yet aliue he woulde scarsly beleue the same and sending vnto hym three of hys nobles and princes excused himselfe by them calling hys gods to witnes that the same was done neither by hym nor his consent Whiche Princes and messengers standing a loofe of from the kinges sonne worshipping hym fell flat vpon the ground You sayth the prince doc reuerence me but yet you loue me not But they vnderstoode hym not because he spake in Englishe vnto them speaking by an interpreter Neuertheles he honourably intreated thē and sent them away in peace Thus when Prince Edward had bene 18. monethes in Acra he tooke shipping about the assumption of our lady as wee call it returning houseward after 7. weekes he arriued in Sicilia at Trapes and from thence trauelling through Palestina and Mermes and so through the middes of Apulia till he came to Rome where he was of the Pope honourably entertayned From thence he came into Fraunce whole same and noble prowes was there much bruted among the common people and enuied of y◠nobillitie especially of the Earle de Chafōs who sent vnto hym and required him that he might breake a staffe with him at the Tilte in hys countrey whiche thing to doc for that the prince would not diminishe his honour and fame although he might haue well alledged a sufficient cause and excuse by meanes of hys trauell yet he would not but willingly consented therunto Wherupon it was proclaymed that Prince Edward by suche a day with those that were with him had challenged all commers at the Tilt Barriers Whereupon great assemblies were made in the country all about and diuers as well horsemen as footemen had coniured amongst themselues and conspired agaynst the Englishmen selling their horses and armour a forehand drinking one to an other in bon voiage of the spoile of them whom they would take as theyr prisoners Prince Edward in the meane tyme sent into England for diuers Earles and Barons whiche came vnto hym Whē the day appoynted was come the Prince had with him more then 1000. horsemen whiche were knightes besides hys footemen But yet there was as many mo on the other side both in horsemen and footemen When the parties should meete The French footmen whiche had before conspired began both to spoyle rifle and kill The Englishmen resisted defended thēselues both with bowes slings many of thē they slue draue them to the gates of their Citty the other they chased ouer a riuer where manye of them were drowned In the meane season the Earle with fiftie of his knights which followed him came forth and ioined together so many for so many and a lōg time together they tryed it with theyr swordes laying one at an other At the last the Earle perceauing himselfe not able to match with him at the armes end enclosed with him and taking him about the necke held him with his armes very straite What meane you my Lord sayth the prince thinke you to haue my horse Yea marry quoth that Earle I meane to haue both thee and thy horse Hereat Prince Edwarde being ascourued lifted vp himself and gaue him such a blow that therwithall he forsaking his horse hong stil about the Princes necke till that he shooke him off to the ground Herewith the Prince beyng somewhat in a heate lefte the prease to take some ayre thereby to refreshe himselfe But when he sawe the iniury of the Frenchmen towardes hys men and how they had slayne many of them he then said vnto them that they vsed rather the exercise of battayle then of Torny Spare you not therefore sayth he from henceforth none of them all but geue them agayn as good as they bring Thē they assayed to kill eche other freely on eyther part and let theyr swordes walke And when by this tyme the English footmen were agayne returned and saw the conflicte of horsemen and many other Englishmen ouerthrowne they put themselues amiddes the prease some pāching the horses some cutting a sonder the girthes of y◠Frenchmens saddels ouerthrew◠the ryders and gaue them holibread Then when the foresayd Earle was horsed agayn by some of his men amongst the throng Prince Edward also rushed in amongst the thickest coped agayn with him to whō he often spake and cryed that he shoulde yelde hymselfe as vanquished but that he would not doc Notwithstanding when his strength began to fayle hym he was fayn to yeld himselfe vnto a simple knight according as Prince Edward him bad and all the rest of hys horsemen Knights fled and saued themselues Howbeit many of them in that place were slaine and our men returned hauing the victorye But when after this they thought themselues to be quiet and at rest they were killed by two by three at once as they went in the streetes of the Citizens Which thing when the prince heard he sent for the Maior and Burgeses commaunding them to see the same redressed and that immediately for otherwise of hys knighthoode he assured them that vpon the morow he would fire the city and make it leuell with the grounde Whereupon they went theyr wayes and set watchmen in diuers places of y◠same to keepe the peace by whiche meanes the Prince and hys mē were in safety and quiet Thus in this pastime of Torneing and Barriers much bloud was spilte whereupon the name of the place was chaunged so that it is not called Torniamentum de Chalons but paruum bellum de Chalons From thence the prince came to Paris and was of the french king honorably entertained after certain dayes went from thence into Vascouia where he taryed till that he heard of the death of the king his father In the yeare of our 1272. died pope Clement the 4. After whom succeeded Pope Gregory the 10. who in the next yeare following whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1273. called a general Councell at Lyons about the controuersie betweene the Greeke Church and the Latine Churche and for the vacancy of the sea Apostolicall c. ¶ Certaine Notes of other occurrents chaunced in forreine Countryes abroad within the compasse of yeares and raygne of the foresayd King Henry the thyrd HAuing thus accomplished the life and history of King Henry the third with such accidents as happened wtin this realm I thought good to adioine vnto the same some other foreine matters not vnworthy the note incident in other Countries during the tyme of the sayd king Namely from the yeare of our Lord. 1217. vnto this yeare 1272. which I thought the rather not to be