Religion and the publick order for the service of God an Assembly of select Divines is call'd by special order from the Kings Majesty for debating of the settlement of things according to the Word of God and the practice of the Primitive Church These sate as Mr. Fox tells us in Windsor Castle where as he expresseth it after long learned wise and deliberate advises they did finally conclude and agree upon one uniform order c. No more is said by him of it and less by the late Historian The proceedings then in order to Reformation being so dark hitherto and obscure by what is as yet extant much light may accrue thereto by the help of some authentick MS. which by a hand of providence have happily come into my hands wherein the manner and method of the Reformation will be more evident to the World and the grounds upon which they proceeded In the Convocation that year sitting with the Parliament I find two Petitions made to the Archbishop and the Bishops of the upper house for the calling an Assembly of select Divines in order to the setling Church-affairs and for the Kings Grant for their acting in Convocation Which not being yet to my knowledge extant in publike and conducing to our present business I shall now publish from the MS. of Bishop Cranmâ—rs They run thus Certain Petitions and requests made by the Clergy of the lower house of the Convocation to the most Reverend Father in God the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Grace and the Residue of the Prelates of the higher house for the furtherance of certeyne Articles following First That Ecclesiastical Laws may be made and established in this Realm by xxxij persons or so many as shall please the Kings Majesty to name and appoint according to the effect of a late Statute made in the thirty fifth year of the most noble King and of most Famous memory King Henry the eighth So that all Iudges Ecclesiastical proceeding after those Laws may be without danger and peril Also that according to the antient custome of this Realm and the Tenor of the Kings Writs for the summoning of the Parliament which be now and ever have been directed to the Bishops of every Diocess the Clergy of the lower house of the Convocation may be adjoyned and associate with the lower house of Parliament or else that all such Statutes and Ordinances as shall be made concerning all matters of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical may not pass without the sight and assent of the said Clergy Also that whereas by the commandment of King Henry 8. certeyne Prelates and other Learned men were appointed to alter the service in the Church and to dewise other convenient and uniform order therein who according to the same appointment did make certeyne books aâ— they be informed their request is that the said books may be seen and perused by them for a better expedition of divine service to bee set furthe accordingly Also that men being called to spiritual promotions or benefices may have sum allowance for their necessary living and other charges to be susteyned and born concerning the said Benefices in the first year wherein they pay the first Fruits The other is Where the Clergy in the present Convocation Assembled have made humble suite unto the most Reverend Father in God my Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all other Bishops That hit may please them to be a mean to the Kings Majesty and the Lord Protectors Grace that the said Clergy according to the tenor of the Kings will and the auncient Laws and customes of this noble Realme might have their rowme and place and be associated with the Communs in the nether howse of this present Parliament as members of the Communwealth and the Kings most humble subjects and if this may not be permitted and graunted to them that then no Laws concerning the Christiâ—n Religion or which shall concern especially the persons possessions rowmes lyveings jurisdictions goods or cattalls of the said Clergy may passe nor be enacted the said Clergy not being made privy thereunto and their aunswers and reasons not heard The said Clergy dò most humbly beseech an answer and declaration to be made unto them what the said most Reverend Father in God and all other the Bishoppes have done in this their humble suit and request to the end that the said Clergy if nede bee may chose of themself such able and diserete persons which shall effectually follow the same suite in name of them all And where in a Statute ordeyned and established by auctorite of Parliament at Westminster in the twenty fifth year of the reigne of the most excellent Prince King Henry the eighth the Cleregy of this Realme submitting themselfe to the Kings Highness did knowledge and confesse according to the truth that the Convocations of the same Cleregie hath ben and ought to be assembled by the Kings writt And did promise further in verbo sacerdotii that they never from thenceforth wolde presume to attempt allege clayme or put in ure or enact promulge or execute any new Canons constitutions ordinances provincialls or other or by whatsoever other name they shall bee called in the convocation oneles the Kings most royal Assent and Lisence may to them be had to make promulge and execute the same And his Majesty to give his most royall Assent and Auctorite in that behalfe upon peyne of every one of the Cleregie doeyng the contrary and beinge thereof convict to suffre imprisonment and make Fine at the Kings will And that noe Canons constitutions or ordinances shall be made or put in execution within this Realme by auctorite of the convocation of the Cleregie which shall be repugnant to the Kings Prerogative royall or the Customes Laws or Statutes of this Realme Which Statute is eftsoons renewed and established in the xxvij yere of the reigne of the said most noble Kinge as by the tenor of both Statutes more at large will appear the said Cleregie being presently assembled in Convocation by auctorite of the Kings Writ do desire that the Kings Majesties licence in writeing may be for them obteyned and granted according to the effect of the said Statutes auctoriseing them to attempt entreate and commune of such matters and therein freely to geve their consents which otherwise they may not doe upon peyne and perill premised Also the said Cleregie desireth that such matters as concerneth religione which be disputable may be quietly and in good order reasond and disputed emongst them in this howso whereby the verites of such matters shall the better appear And the doubtes being opened and resolutely discussed men may be fully persuaded with the quyetnes of their consciences and the tyme well spent Thus far those Petitions containing some excellent proposalls for a through Reformation Soon after were called together by the Kings special order the former select Assembly at Windsor Castle where met as far as I can guesse by the several papers delivered
for the internal acts of Worship for he can neither add to that Rule nor dissolve the obligation of it nor yet can he force the consciences of men the chief seat of Religion it being both contrary to the nature of Religion its self which is a matter of the greatest freedom and internal liberty and it being quite out of the reach of the Magistrates Laws which respect only external actions as their proper object for the obligation of any Law can extend no further then the jurisdiction and authority of the Legislator which among men is only to the outward actions But then if we consider Religion as it is publikely owned and professed by a Nation the supreme Magistrate is bound by vertue of his office and authority not only to defend and protect it but to restrain men from acting any thing publikely tending to the subversion of it So that the plea for liberty of conscience as it tends to restrain the Magistrates power iâ— both irrationall and impertinent because liberty of conscience is the liberty of mens judgements which the Magistrate cannot deprive them of For men may hold what opinions they will in their minds the Law takes no cognizance of them but it is the liberty of practice and venting and broaching those opinions which the Magistrates power extends to the restraint of And he that hath the care of the publike good may give liberty to and restrain liberty from men as they act in order to the promoting of that good And as a liberty of all opinions tends manifestly to the subverting a Nations peace and to the embroyling it into continual confusions a Magistrate cannot discharge his office unlesse he hath power to restrain such a liberty Therefore we find plainly in Scripture that God imputes the increase and impunity of Idolatry as well as other vices to the want of a lawful Magistracy Iudges 17. 5 6. where the account given of Micahs Idolatry was because there was no King in Israel which implies it to be the care and duty of Magistrates to punish and restrain whatever tends to the opposing and subverting the true Religion Besides I cannot find any reason pleaded against the Magistrates power now which would not have held under David Solomon Asa Iehosophat Hezekias Iosias or other Kings of the Jews who asserted the publike profession to the extirpation to what opposed it For the plea of Conscience taken for mens judgements going contrary to what is publikely owned as Religion it is indifferently calculated for all Meridians and will serve for a Religion of any elevation Nay stiff and contumacious Infidels or Idolaters may plead as highly though not so truly as any that it goes against their judgements or their conscience to own that Religion which is established by authority If it be lawfull then to restrain such notwithstanding this pretence why not others whose doctrine and principles the Magistrate judgeth to tend in their degree though not so highly to the dishonouring God and subverting the profession entertained in a Nation For a mans own certainty and confidence that he is in the right can have no influence upon the Magistrate judging otherwise only if it be true it wil afford him the greater comfort and patience under his restraint which was the case of the primitive Christians under persecutions The Magistrate then is bound to defend protect and maintain the Religion he owns as true and that by vertue of his office as he is Custos utriusque tabulae The maintainer of the honour of Gods Laws which cannot be if he suffer those of the first Table to be broken without any notice taken of them Were it not for this power of Magistrates under the Gospel how could that promise be ever made good that Kings shall be nursing Fathers to the Church of God unlesse they mean such Nursing Fathers as Astyages was to Cyrus or Amulius to Romulus and Remus who exposed their nurslings to the Fury of wild Beasts to be devoured by them For so must a Magistrate do the Church unlesse he secure it from the incursion of Hereticks and the inundation of Seducers But so much for that which is more largely asserted and proved by others The Magistrate then hath power concerning Religion as owned in a Nation Secondly We must distinguish between an external and objective power about matters of Religion and an internal formal power which some call an Imperative and Elicitive power others a power of Order and a power of Jurisdiction others potestas Ecclesiastica and potestas circa Ecclesiastica or in the old distinction of Constantine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a power of things within and without the Church the sense of all is the same though the terms differ The internal formal Elicitive power of Order concerning things in the Church lies in authoritative exercise of the Ministerial Function in preaching the Word and administration of Sacraments but the external objective Imperative power of Jurisdiction concerning the matters of the Church lies in a due care and provision for the defence protection and propagation of Religion The former is only proper to the Ministry the latter to the Supreme Magistracy For though the Magistrate hath so much power about Religion yet he is not to usurp the Ministerial Function nor to do any proper acts belonging to it To which the instance of Uzzias is pertinently applied But then this takes nothing off from the Magistrates power for it belongs not to the Magistrate imperata facere but imperare facienda as Grotius truly observes not to do the things commanded but to command the things to be done From this distinction we may easily understand and resolve that so much vexed and intricate Question concerning the mutual subordination of the Civil and Ecclesiastical power For as Peter Martyr well observes these two powers are some wayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are conversant several wayes about the same thing but the Functions of both of them must be distinguished For the Pastors of the Church are not to administer Justice but it is their duty to declare how Justice should be rightly administred without partiality or oppression So on the other side the Magistrate must not preach the Gospel nor administer Sacraments but however must take care that these be duly done by â—hose to whose Function it belongs But for a clearer making it appear these things are to be considered both in a Magistrate and Minister of the Gospel In a Magistrate the Power it self and the Person bearing that Power The power it self of the Magistrate is no ways subordinate to the Power of the Ministry Indeed if we consider both Powers in reference to their objects and ends there may be an inferiority of Dignity as Chamier calls it in the civil power to the other considered abstractly but considering it concretely as lodged in the persons there is an inferiority of Subjection in the Ecclesiastical to the Civil But still the person
Worship we have reason to look upon as one of those planks which hath escaped the common shipwrack of humane nature by the fall of man And so though that argument from the generall consent of Nations owning a way of Worship though a false one in order to the proving the existence of God be slighted by some yet there is this double evidence in it to prove it more then is generally taken notice of and beyond the bare testimony its self given by that consent First From mens being so easily imposed upon by false Religions in that they are so soon gull'd into Idolatry it argues there are some Jewels in the World or else men would never be deceived with counterfeits It argues that a Child hath a Father who is ready to call every one that comes to him Father So it argues there is some naturall instinct in men towards the Worship of God when men are so easily brought to worship other things instead of God We see no other creatures can be so imposed upon we read of no Idolatry among the Brutes nor that the Bees though they have a King and honour him did ever bow their Knees to Baal or worship the Hive instead of him If men had no journeys to go others need not be sworn as the Athenians were not to put them out of their way If there were no inclinableness to Religion all cautions against Idolatry were superfluous there is then from mens proness to error as to the person and object of Worship an evidence of naturall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an instinct within towards the act of Worship And as when I see sheep flock together even in their wandrings I may easily gather that though they are out of their proper pastures yet they are of a tame and sociable nature So when we see Societies for Worship were preserved among men after they were degenerated into Idolatry it is an evident argument that such associating together for the generall nature of the act doth flow from the nature of man Secondly All mens agreeing in some kind of Worship though differing as to the object and manner of it is an evidence it comes from Nature because it plainly evinces it could be nothing taken up out of design received by custome nor convey'd by tradition because even among those whose interests and designs have been contrary to one another and could have no mutuall compacts to deceive their people have all agreed in this thing though almost in all other things they have strangely differ'd All other Customs and Traditions are either changed or lost among severall Nations as the rude barbarous Northern Nations that in their inrodes and incursions upon other places have left in process of time almost all other customs but only their Religion behind them This sticks closer then Saladines black shirt or the old Monks cloathes which they put not off till they dyed Nay even those Nations who openly and as by a Law violate the other received dictates of Nature do yet maintain and hold up this Those that have had the least of commerce and converse with civilized people have yet had their societies for worship And when they could find no gods to worship they would rather make then want them The Egyptians would rather spoyl their Sallets then be without gods and they that whipt their gods yet had them still They who had no sense of another life yet would pray to their gods for the good things of this and they that would not pray that the gods would do them good yet would that they might do them no hurt So that in the most prodigious Idolatry we have an argument for Religion and in the strange diversities of the wayes of worship we have an evidence how naturall a society for worship is This to shew the validity and force of the Argument drawn from Consent of Nations even in their Idolatry Three things I shall evidence these Societies for Worship among the Heathens by the solemnity of their Sacrifices their publick Festivals and their secret Mysteries all which were instituted peculiarly in honour of their gods It being necessary in such Societies for Worship to have some particular Rites whereby to testifie the end of such Societies to be for the honour of their Deity and to distinguish those solemnities from all other First then for Sacrifices Paulus Burgensis observing how this custome spread all the World over concludes from thence that it was naturall to men In qualibet aetate apud quaslibet hominum nationes semper fuit aliqua sacrificiorum oblatio Quod autem est apud omnes naturale est Thus far I confesse sacrificing naturall as it was a solemn and sensible Rite of Worship but if he meant by that the destroying of some living creatures to be offered up to God I both deny the universall practice of it and its being from the dictate of Nature and I rather believe with Fortunius Licetus that it was continued down by Tradition from the sacrifices of Cain and Abel before the flood or rather from Noahs after which might the easier be because Nature dictating there must be some way of worship and it being very agreeable to Nature it should be by sensible signs all Nations having no other Rule to direct them were willing to observe that Rite and Custome in it which was conveyed down to them from their Progenitors But let us see what reason Burgensis gives Ratio naturalis dictat ut secundum naturalem inclinationem homines ei quod est supra omnes subjectionem exhibeant secundum modum homini convenientem Qui quidem modus est ut sensibilibus signis utatur ad exprimendum interiorem conceptum sicut ex sensibilibus cognitionem accipit invisibilium Unde ex naturali ratione procedit quod homo sensibilibus signis utatur offerens eas Deo in signum subjectionis honoris ad similitudinem eorum qui Dominis suis aliquid offerunt in recognitionem Dominii But all this will extend no further then that it is very agreeable to naturall reason that as man attains the knowledge of invisible things by visible so he should expresse his sense of invisible things by some visible signs thereby declaring subjection to God as his Lord and Master as Tenants expresse their Homage to their Lord by offering something to them And I withall acknowledge that as to oblations without blood they seem indeed very naturall Whence we shall somewhat largely discover the antiquity of the Feasts of first-fruits which were the clearest acknowledgement of their dependance upon God and receiving these things from him Aristotle tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the most ancient sacrifices and Assemblies appear to have been upon the in-gathering of fruits such as the sacrifices of first-fruits to the gods were To the same purpose Porphyrius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first sacrifices were of first-fruits And Horace Agricolae prisci fortes
used to say that their Gods beg'd them all their play-days After telling us of the mirth and jollity used after their sacrifices which was alwayes the second course at these Festivalls thence the Jews called their High Festival days 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 good days or days of Mirth We read of few Nations but had these Festival Solemnities for the honour of their Gods The Persians had theirs for their God Mithras The Babylonians saith Athenaeus out of Berosus had their Feast Sacaea which Casaubon would have called Sesacaea because Babylon in Scripture is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sesac as the Ludi Romani were from Rome It is to no purpose to mention the Festivals observed by the Greeks and Romans in honour of their Gods being so many that whole books have been composed of them That which I observe from hence is that Societies for the Worship of God are Natural because of their solemn resting from their ordinary labour upon days appointed for the honour of their Gods Thereby shewing they looked upon those as peculiar days and themselves as peculiar Societies upon those days from what they were at other times One thing more evidenceth this among them their solemn and secret Mysteries which were Societies on purpose as pretended for this very end in honor of their Gods Their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they were wont to call them preserved with the greatest secrecy by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Their great and lesser Eleusinian Samothracian Cotyttian Mithriacal Mysteries to which none were admitted without passing through many degrees 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before they came to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perfectly initiated Wherein they were much imitated by the Christians in the Celebration of the Lords Supper about the fourth or fifth Century as is largely showed by Casaubon in a most learned Diutriba on this Subject in his Exercitations to which I refer the Reader We see what strict Rules they had for Admission of any into these pretendedly Sacred but truly most impious Societies In those of Mithras as Suidas and Nonnus tell us they passed through eighty degrees before they were throughly initiated and seldome escaped with life However we may gain from them this general notion that they looked on a peculiar distinct Society as necessary for the worship and honor of the Deity they served Thus we see à posteriori how a distinct Society for Gods Worship appears to be a Dictate of Nature We shall now see if we can evidence à priori that it is a Dictate of Nature that there must be some Society for the Worship of God Three things will make that appear First The sociableness of Mans Nature Man is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Creature that loves to herd it self with those of his own kind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If a man had all other comforts of life and wanted Society he would not think his life worth leading as Aristotle observes who further takes notice of the sociableness of mans Nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the general commendation that is given to courteous and affable men I deny not but in the entring into a Civil State or Society either fear or profit might be a main inducement to it but though it be an inducement yet there must be supposed an inclinableness to a Society or a Commonwealth might be assoon set up among Tygers as Men. So that they have very little ground of Reason who from the external inducements of fear or profit in entring into Civil Societies do conclude against the sociableness of Mans Nature If then Mans Nature be sociable in all other things then Nature will tell men they ought to be so in things of common concernment to them all and which is every ones work or duty as Religion is if in other things men are sociable much more in this For Secondly Religion gives a great improvement to mans sociable Nature and therefore Plutarch well calls Religion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Foundation that knits and joynts Societies together And thence wisely observes that in the Constitution of Laws 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first and greatest thing to be looked at is the Religion established or the Opinions men entertain of the Gods To which he subjoyns this excellent reason 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That it is more impossible for a Commonwealth either to be formed or subsist without Religion then a City to si and without Foundations Thence a prudent States-man called Religion the best Reason of State It appears then evidently both from reason and experience that Religion hath a great influence upon the modelling and ordering Civil Societies whence as the same Moralist observes Lycurgus did as it were consecrate the Lacedaemonians with Religious Rites as Numa the Romans Ion the Athenians and Deucalion the Hellens Whence some half-witted men but I know not whether more defective in wit or grace have observing the great influence Religion hath to keep men in order been ready to look upon it as only a Politick device to awe men with greater ease It is not here a place largely to Examine and Refute this unworthy pretence Only I adjure them by their onely Goddess Reason to tell me whence come men to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Plutarch expresseth it To be so easily awed by the hopes and fears of another life more then other creatures are Why are they at all affected with the discourse of them Why cannot they shake off the thoughts of these things when they please Are not men hereby made the most miserable of creatures For no other creature can be perswaded that it shall ever quench its thirst in those Rivers of pleasures nor make its bed in everlasting flames The beasts of Sardinia that have their only refreshment by the Dew of Heaven yet have never any hopes to â—ome there The Lyon never keeps from his prey by the thoughts and fears of a great Tribunal But suppose onely mankind of all creatures should be liable to be thus imposed on as is pretended How comes it to pass that in no age of the world this Imposture hath not been discovered confuted and shaken off by some people as wise as themselves Or have there never been any such in the world But whence come some men then to be wiser then others Whence come some to know things which all the Reason in the World could never finde out without Revelation Whence comes a power to doe any thing above the course of Nature if there be nothing but Nature Or are all men deceived that believe such things If so then there must be somewhat that must deceive men men would not deceive themselves and they could not be so long imposed upon by other men there must be then some evil spirit must do it and whence should that come from Nature too but then whence comes Nature its self from its self too or some thing ' else
with them as may be seen in the actions of Paschasinus the Roman Legat in the Council of Chalcedon From whence forward the great Leviâ—than by his tumbling in the waves endeavoured to get the Dominion of all into his hands but God hath at last put a hook into his nostrils and raised up the great instruments of Reformation who like the Sword fish have so pierced into his bowels that by his tumbling he may only hasten his approaching ruine and give the Church every day more hopes of seeing its self freed from the tyranny of an Uâ—urped power By this Scheme and draught now of the increase of the Churches power nothing can be more evident then that it rise not from any divine institution but only from positive Ecclesiastical Laws made according to the several states and conditions wherein the Church was which as it gradually grew up so waâ— the power of the Church by mutual consent fitted to the state of the Church in its several ages Which was the fiâ—st argument that the Primitive Church did not conceive its self bound to observe any one unalterable form of Government This being the chief the rest that follow will sooner be dispatched The second is from the great varieties as to Government which were in several Churches What comes from divine right is observed unalterably in one uniform constant tenour but what we find so much diversified according to several places we may have ground to look on only as an Ecclesiastical constitution which was followed by every Church as it judged convenient Now as to Church Government we may find some Churches without Bishops for a long time some but with one Bishop in a whole Nation many Cities without any where Bishops were common many Churches discontinue Bishops for a great while where they had been no certain rule observed for modelling their Dâ—ocesses where they were still continued Will not all these things make it seem very improbable that it should be an Apostolical institution that no Church should be without a Bishop First then some whole Nations seem to have been without any Bishops at all if we may believe their own Historians So if we may believe the great Antiquaries of the Church of Scotland that Church was governed by their Culdei as they called their Presbyters without any Bishop over them for a long time Iohannes Maior speaks of their instruction in the faith per Sacerdotes Monachos sine Episcopis Scoti in fide eruditi but least that should be interpreted only of theâ—r conversion Iohannes Fordònus is clear and full to their government from the time of their conversion about A. D 263. to the coming of Palladius A. D. 430. that they were only governed by Presbyters and Monks Ante Palladii adventum habebant Scoti fidei Dâ—ctores ac Sacramentorum Ministratores Presbyteros solunmodo vel Monachos ritum sequentes Ecclesiae Primitivae So much mistaken was that learned man who saith That neither Beda nor any other affirms that the Scots were formerly ruled by a Presbyterie or so much as that they had any Presbyter among them Neither is it any wayes sufficient to say that these Presbyters did derive their authority from some Bishops for however we see here a Church governed without such or if they had any they were only chosen from their Culdei much after the custom of the Church of Alexandria as Hector Boethiuâ— doth imply And if we believe Philostorgius the Gothick Churches were planted and governed by Presbyters for above seventy years for so long it was from their first conversion to the time of Ulphilas whom he makes their first Bishop And great probability there is that where Churches were planted by Presbyters as the Church of France by Andochius and Benignus that afterwards upon the encrease of Churches and Presbyters to rule them they did from among themselves choose one to be as the Bishop over them as Pothinus was at Lyons For we nowhere read in those early plantations of Churches that where there were Presbyters already they sent to other Churches to derive Episcopâ—l ordination from them Now for whole Nations having but one Bishop we have the testimony of Sozomen that in Scythia which by the Romans was called Masia inferior 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Although there were many Cities they had but one Bishop The like Godignus relates of the Abâ—ssine Churches Though their Territories be of vast extent there is but only one Bishop in all those Dominions who is the Bishop of Abuna And where Bishops were most common it is evident they looked not on it as an Apostolical rule for every City to have a Bishop which it must have if it was an Apostolical institution for the Church to follow the civil Government Theodoret mentions 800 Churches under his charge in whose Diâ—cess Ptolomy placeth many other Cities of note besides Cirus as Ariseria Regia Ruba Heraclea c. In the Province of Tripoly he reckons nine Cities which had but five Bishops as appears by the Notitia Ecclesiae Africanae In Thracia every Bishop had several Cities under hâ—m The Bishop of Heraclea that and Panion the Bishop of Byze had it and Arcadiapolis of Coela had it and Callipolis Sabsadia had it and Aphrodisias It is needless to produce more instances of this nature either ancient or modern they being so common and obvious But further we find Bishops discontinued for a long time in the greatest Churches For if there be no Church without a Bishop where was the Church of Rome when from the Martyrdome of Fabian and the banishment of Lucius the Church was governed only by the Clergy So the Church of Carthage when Cyprian was banished the Church of the East when Meletius of Antioeh Eusebius Samosatenus Pelagius of Laodicea and the rest of the Orthodox Bishops were banished for ten years space and Flavianus and Diodorus two Presbyters ruled the Church of Antioch the mean while The Church of Carthage was twenty four years without a Bishop in the time of Hunerik King of the Vandals and when it was offered them that they might have a Bishop upon admitting the Arrians to a free exercise of their Religion among them their answer was upon those terms Ecclesia Episcopum non delictatur habere and Balsamon speaking of the Christian Churches in the East determines it neither safe nor necessary in their present state to have Bishops set up over them And lastly for their Diocesses it is evident there was no certain Rule for modelling them In some places they were far less then in others Generally in the primitive and Eastern Churches they were very small and little as far more convenient for the end of them in the government of the Churches under the Bishops charge it being observed out of Walafridus Strabo by a learned man Fertur in Orientis partibus per singulas urbes praefecturas singulas