that this Book of Sibthorps called Apostolical Obedience was Printed there came out another of the same stamp Intitled Religion and Allegiance by one Doctor Manwaring It was the substance of two Sermons preached by him at Whitehall beside what of the same nature at his own parish of Saint Giles Therein he delivered for truth That the King is not bound to observe the Laws of the Realm concerning the Subjects Rights and Liberties but that his Royal word and command in imposing Loans and Taxes without common consent in Parliament does oblige the Subjects Conscience upon pain of eternal Damnation That those who refused to pay this Loan offended against the Law of God and the Kings supream Authority and became guilty of Impiety Disloyalty and Rebellion That the Authority of Parliament was not necessary for raising of Aids and Subsidies and the slow proceedings of such great Assemblies were not fitted for the supply of the states urgent necessities but would rather produâ—…e sundry impediments to the just designs of Princes And after he had been questioned for this doctrine nevertheless he preached again That the King had right to order all as to him should seem good without any mans consent That the King might in time of necessity demand Aid and if the Subject did not supply him the King might justly avenge it That the Propriâ—…ty of Estate and Goods was ordinarily in the subject but extraordinarily in the King that in case of the King's need he hath right to dispose them He had besides entring into comparison called the refusers of the Loan temporal Recusants and said the same disobedience that they the Papists as they then called them practise in spirituals that or worse some of our side if ours they be dare to practise in temporals And he aggravated further upon them under the resemblance of Turks Jews Corah Datâ—…an and Abiram which last said he might as well liken themselves to the three Children or Theudas and Judas the two Incendiaries in the daies of Caesar's tribute might as well pretend their Cause to be like that of the Maccabees as what the Refusers alledged in their own defence I should not have been so large in these particulars had they been only single and volatile Sermons but because this was then the Doctrine of those persons that pretended to be the Church of England The whole Quire sung that Tuno and instead of the Common Law of England and the Statutes of Parliament that part of the Clergy had invented these Ecclesiastical Lawes which according to their predominancy were sure to be put in Execution So that between their own Revenue which must be held Jure Divinâ—… as every thing else that belong'd to them and the Pâ—…ince's that was Jure Regio they had not left an inch oâ—… propriety for â—…he Subject It seem'd that they had granted themselves Letters of Reprisal against the Laity for the losses of the Church under Henry the Eight and that they would make a greater havock upon their Temporalities in retaliation And indeed having many times since ponder'd with my greatest and earnest impartiality what could be the true reason of the spleen that they manifested in those daies on the one hand against the Puritans and on the other against the Gentry far it was come they tell me to Jack Gentleman I could not devise any cause but that the Puritans had ever since the Reformation obstructed that laziness and splendor which they enjoyed under the Popes Supremacy and the gentry had sacrilegiously divided the Abby-Lands and other 〈◊〉 morsels of the Church at the Dissoluâ—…ion and now was the time to be revenged on them While therefore the Kingdome was turned into a Prison upon occasion of this Ecclesiastical Loâ—… and many of the eminentest of the Gentry of England were under 〈◊〉 they thought it seasonable to recover once again their antient Glory and to Magnificate the Church with triumphant Pomp and Ceremony The three Ceremonies that have the Countenance of Law would not sussice but they were all upon new 〈◊〉 and happy was he that was endued with that capacity for he was sure before all others to be preâ—…'d I here was a second Service the Table seâ—… Altar wise and to be called the Altar Candles Crucisixes Paintings Imagery Copes bowing to the East bowing to the Altar and so many several Cringes and Genuflexions that a man unpractised stood in need to entertain both a Dancing Maâ—…er and a Remem brancer And though these things were very uncouth to English Proteslants who naturally affects a plainness of fashion especially in sacred things yet if those Gentlemen 〈◊〉 have contented themselves with their own Formalitie the Innovation had been more excusable But many of these Additions and to be sure all that had any colour of Law were so imposed and prest upon others that a great part of the Nation was â—…'n put as it were to Fine and Ransom upon this account What Censures what Excommunications what Deprivations what Imprisonments I cannot represent the misery and desolation as it hath been represented to me But wearied out at home many thousands of his Majesties Subjects to his and the Nations great loss thought themselves constrained to seek another habitation and every Country even â—…hough it were among Savages and Caniballs appear'd more hospitable to them than their own And although I have been told by those that have seen both that our Chuâ—…ch did even then exceed the Romish in Ceremonies and Decorations and indeed several of our Church did therby frequently mistake their way and from a 〈◊〉 kind of Worship fell into the Roman Religion yet I cannot upon my best judgement believe that that party had generally a design to alter the Religion so far but rather to set up a new kind of Papaâ—…y of their own here in England And it seemed they had to that purpose provided themselves of a new Religion in Holland It was Arminianism which though it were the Republican Opinion there and lo odious to King James that it helped on the death of Barnevelt yet now they undertook to accomodate it to Monarchy and Episcopacy And the choice seemed not imprudent For on the one hand it was removed at so moderate a distance from Popery that they should not disoblige the Papists more than formerly neither yet could the Puritans with justice reproach these men as Romish Catholicks and yet on the other hand they knew it was so contrary to the antient reformed Doctrine of the Church of England that the Puritans would never imbrace it and so they should gain this pretence further to keep up that convenient and necessary Quarrel against Non-conformity And accordingly it happened so that here again was a new Shiboleth And the Calvinists were all studiously discountenanced and none but an Arminian was judg'd capable and qualified for imployment in the Church And though the King did declare as I have before mentioned that Mountague's Arminian Book had been the occasion of
spirits and weakens the vigor of any Nation at once indisposing them for war and rendring them uncapable of Peace For if they escape intestine troubles which would certainly follow when they had left themselves by their prodigality or intemperance no other means of subsistence but by preying upon one another then must they either to get a maintenance pick a quarrel with some other Nation wherein they are sure to be worsted or else which more frequently happens some neighbouring Prince that understands Government takes them at the advantage and if they do not like ripe Fruit fall into his lap 't is but shaking the Tree once or twice and he is sure of them Where the Horses are like those of the Sybarites taught to dance the Enemy need only learn the Tune and bring the Fiddles But therefore as far as I understand his Majesty to obviate and prevent these inconveniencies in his Kingdoms hath on the one hand never refused a just War that so he might take down our Grease and Luxury and keep the English Courage in breath and exercise and on the other though himself most constantly addicted to the Church of England hath thought fit to grant some liberty to all other Sober People and longer than the are soy God forbid they should have it thereby to give more temper ond allay to the commhn end notorious Debauchery But Mr. Bayes nevertheless is for his fifth Persecution recommended and he does it to the purpose Julian himself who I think was first a Reader and held forth in the Christian Churches before he turnd Apostate and then Persecutor could not have outdone him either in Irony or Cruelty Only it is God's mercy that Mr. Bayes is not Emperor You have seen how he inveighs against Trade That whilst mens Consciences are acted by such peevish and ungovernable Principles to erect Trading Combinations is but to build so many Nests of Faction and Sedition Lay up your Ships my Maers set Bills on your Shop-doors shut up the Custom-House and why not ajourn the Term mure up Westminster-hall leave Plowing and Sowing and keep a dismal Holy-day through the Nation for Mr. Bayes is out of humour But I assure you it is no jesting matter For he hath in one place taken a List of the Fanatick Ministers whom he recons to be but a hundrâ—…d Systematical Divines though I believe the Bartlemew-Register or the March-Licenses would make them about an hundred and three or an hundred and four or so But this is but for rounder number and breaks no square And then for their People either they live in greater Societies of men he means the City of London and the other Cities and Towns-Corporate but expresses it so to prevent some inconvenience that might betide him but there their noise is greater than their number Or else in Country Towns and Villages where they arise not above the proportion of one to twenty It were not unwisely done indeed if he could perswade the the Magistrate that all the Fanaticks have but one neck so that he might cut off Nonconformity at one blow I suppose the Nonconformists value themselves though upon their Conscience and not their Numbers but they would do well to be watchful lest he have taken a List of their Names as well as their Number and have set Crosses upon all their Doors against there should be occasion But till that happy juncture when Mr. Bays shall be avenged of his new Enemies the wealthy Fanaticks which is soon done too for he saith there are but few of them men of Estates or Interest he is-contented that they should only be exposed they are his own expressions to the Pillories Whipping-posts Galleys Rods and Axes and moreover and above to all other Punishments whatsoever provided they be of a severer nature than those that are inflicted on men for their immoralities O more than human Clemency I suppose the Division betwixt Immoralities and Conscience is universal and whatsoever is wicked or penal is comprehended within their Territories So that although a man should be guilty of all thâ—…se heinous enormities which are not to be named among Christians beside all lesser Peccadillo's expresly against the ten Commandments or such other part of the Divine Law as shall be of the Magistrates making he shall be in a better condition and more gently handled thaâ—… a well-meaning Zelot For this is the man that Mr. Bayes saith is of all villains the most dangerous even more dangerous it seâ—…ms than a malicious and â—…meaning Zelot this is he whom in all Kingdoms where Government is rightly understood he would have â—…demned to the Galleys for his mistastakes and abuses of Religion Although the other punishments are more severe yet this being more new and unacquainted I cannot pass it by without some reflection For I considered what Princes make use of Galleys The first that occurred to me was the Turk who according to Bayes his maxim hath established Mahometism among his Subjects as the Religion that he apprehends most advantagious to publick peace and settlement Now in his Empire the Christians only are guilty of those Religious mistakâ—…s that tend to the subversion of Mahometism So that he understands Government rightly in chaining the Christians to the Car. But then in Christendom all that I could think of were the King of France the King of Spain the Knights of 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 and the rest of the Italian 〈◊〉 And these all have bound their Subjects to the Romish Religion as most advantagious But these people their Gallies with Immoral Fellows and Debauchees whereas the Protestants being their Fanaticks and mistakers in Religion should have been their Ciurma But 't is to be hoped these Princes will take advice and understand it better for the future And then at last I remembred that his Majesty too 〈◊〉 one Gally lately built but I dare say it is not with that intention and our Panaticks though few are so many that one will not serve But therefore if Mr. Bayes and his Partners would be at the charge to build the King a whole Squadron for this use I know not but it might 〈◊〉 very well for we delight in Novelties and 〈◊〉 would be a singular obligation to Sir John 〈◊〉 Dutel who might have some pretence to be 〈◊〉 neral of his Majesties 〈◊〉 But so much 〈◊〉 that Yet in the mean time I cannot but 〈◊〉 Mr. Bayes his courage who knowing how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Villain a well-meaning Zelot is and 〈◊〉 ing calculated to a man how many of them there 〈◊〉 in the whole Nation yet dares thus openly stimulate the Magistrate against them and talk of nothing less but much more than Pillories whipping-posts Galleys and Axes in this manner It is sure some sign and if he knew not so much he would scarce adventure of the peaceableness of their Principles and of that restraint under which their tender Consciences hold them when nevertheless he may walk night and and day in
Prudence and good Intentions of Princes and the Establishment of their Affairs His Majesty therefore expected a better season and having at last rid himself of a great Minister of state who had headed this Interest he now proceeded plainly to recommend to his Parliment effectually and with repeated instances the Consideration of tender Consciences After the Kings last representing of this matter to the Parliament Mr. Bayes took so much time as was necessary for the maturing of so accurate a Book which was to be the standard of Government for all future Ages and he was happily delivered in 1670 of his Ecclesiastical Pollicy And though he thought fit in this first Book to treat his Majesty more tenderly than in those that followed yet even in this he doth all along use greaâ—… liberâ—…y and prâ—…sumption Nor can what he objects 〈◊〉 â—…2 〈◊〉 weak Consciences take place so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 them as upon himself who while his Prince might expect his Compliance doth give him Counsel advises him how to govern the Kingdom blames and corrects the Laws and tells him how this and the other might be mended But that I may not involve the thing in generals but represent undeniably Mr. Bayes his performance in this undertaking I shall without Art write down his own words and his own quod Scripsi Scripsi as they ly naked to the view of every Reader The grand Thesis upon which he stakes not only all his own Divinity and Policy his Reputation Preferment and Conscience of most of which he hath no reason to be prodigal but even the Crowns and Fate of Princes and the Liberties Lives and Estates and which is more the Consciences of their Subjects which are too valuable to be trusted in his disposal is this pag-10 That it is absolutely necessary to the peace and government of the World that the supream Magistrate of every Commonwealth should be vested with a power to govern and conduct the Consciences of Subjects in affairs of Religion And p 12 he explains himself more fully that Unless Princes have Power to hind their Subjects to that Religion that they apprehend most advantagious to publick peace tranquility restrain those religious mistakes that tend to its subversion they are no better than Statues and Images of Authority Pag. 13. A Prince is indued with a Power to conduct Religion and that must be subject to his Dominion as well as all other Affairs of State P. 20. If Princes should forgo their Soveraignty over mens Censciences in matter of Religion they leave themselves less power than is absolutely necessary And in brief The supreaâ—… Government of every Commonwealth where-ever it is lodged must of necessity be universal absolute and uncontroulable in all affairs whatsoever that concern the Interests of Mankind and the ends of Government P 32. He in whom the Supream Power resides having Authority to assign to every Subject his proper function and among others these of the Priesthood the exercise thereof as he has power to transfer upon others so he may if he please reserve it to himself P. 33. Our Saviour came not to unsâ—…ttle the Foundations of Government but left the Government of the World in the same condition he found it P. 34. The Government of Religion was vested in Princes by an antecedent right to christ This being the Magisterial and main Point that he maintains the rest of his Assertions may be reckoned as Corollaries to this Thesis and without which indeed such an unlimeted Maxime can never be justified Therefore to make a Conscience fit for the noâ—…se he says P. 89. Men may think of things according to their own perswasions and assert the freedom of their judgments against all the Powers of the Earth This is the Prerogative of the Mind of Man within its own Dominions its Kingdom is intellectual c. Whilst Conscience acts within its proper sphere the Civil Power is so far from doing it violence that it never can P. 92. Mankind have the same natural right to Liberty of Conscience in matters of Religious Worship as in Affairs of Justice Honesty that is to say a Liberty of Judgment but not of Practice And in the same pagehe determins Christian Liberty to be founded upon the Reasonableness of this Principle P 308. In cases and disputes of Publick concernment Private men are not properly sui Juris They have no power Over their own actions they are not to be directed by their own judgments or determined by their own wills but by the commands and determinations of the publick Conscience and if there be any sin in the Command he that imposed it shall answer for it and not I whose whole duty it is to obey The Commands of Authority will warrant my Obedience my Oobedience will hollow or at least excuse my action and so secure me â—…rom sin if not from error and in all doubtful and disput able cases 't is better to err with Authority than to be in the right against it not only because the danger of a little error and so it is if it be disputable is outweighed by the importance of the great duty of Obedience c. Another of his Corollaries is That God hath appointed p. 80. the Magistrates to be his Trustees â—…pon Earth and his Officials to act and determin in Moral Vertues and Pious Devotions according to all accidents and emergencies of affairs to assign new particulars of the Divine Law to declare new bounds of right and wrong which the Law of God neither doâ—…h nor can limit P. 69. Moral Virtue being the most material and useful part of all Religion is also the utâ—…ost end of all its other duties P. 76. All Religion must of necessity â—…e resolved into Entbusiasm or Morality The former is meer Imposture and therefore all that is true must be reduced to the latter Having thus enabled the Prince dispenced with Conscience sitted up a Moral Relâ—…gion for that Conscience to shew how much those Moral Virtues are to be valued P. 53. of the Preface to his Ecclesiâ—…stical Policy he affiâ—…ms that t is absolutely necâ—…ssary to the peace and happiness of Kingdoms that there be set up a more severe Government over Mens Consciences and Religious Perswasions than over their Vices and Immortallities And Pag. 55. of the same that Princes may with less hazard give liberty to mens Vices and Debaucheries than their Consciences But for what belongs particularly to the use of their Power in Religion he first p. 56. of his Book saith that the Protestant Reformation hath not been able to resettle Princes in their full and natural rights in reference to its concerns p. 58. most Protestant Princes have been frighted not to say hector'd out of the exercise of their Ecclesiastical jurisdiction p. 271. if Princes will he resolute and if they will govern â—…o they must be they may easily make the most stuborn Conscience bend to their resolutions p. 221. Princes must be sure to
be disputable I cannot understand the truth of this reasoning that whatsoever is disputable is little for even the most important matters are subject to controversie And besides things are little or great according to the Eyes or Understandings of several men and however a man would suffer something rather than commit that little error against his Conscience which must render him an Hypocrite to God and a Knave amogst Men. The Commands he saith and Determinations of the publick Conscience ought to carry it and if there be any fin in the Command be that imposed it shall answer for it and not I whose duty it is to obey And mark the commands of Authority will warrant my Obedience my Obedience will hallow or at least excuse my action and so secure me from sin if not frfm error and so you are welcome Gentlemen Truly a very fair and conscionable Reckoning So far is this from hallowing the Action that I dare say it will if followed home lead only to all that sanctified Villany for the invention of which we are beholden to the Author But let him have the honour of it for he is the first Divine that ever taught Christians how another man's sin couâ—…d confer an Imputative Righteousness upon all Mankind that shall follow and comply with it Though the Subject made me ferious yet I could not read the expression without laughter My Obedience will hallow or at least excuse my Action So inconsiderable a difference he seems to make betwixt those terms That if ever our Author come for his merits to be a Bishop a man might almost adventure instead of Consecrated o say that he was Excused The third is Moral Grace And whoever is not satisfied with those passages of his concerning it before quoted may find enough where he discourseth it at large even to surfeit I cannot make either less or more of it than that he overturns the whole fabrick of Christianity and Power of Religion For my part if Grace be resolv'd into Mortality I think a man may almost as well make God too to be only a Notional and Moral Existence And white-apron'd Amaryllis was of that opinion Ma tu Sanctissima Honest à che sola sei D' alma ben nata inviolabil Nume But thou most holy Honesty that only art the inviolable Deity of the well-born Soul And so too was the Mortal Poet for why may not I too bring out my Latin shreds as well as he is Quaesitum ad fontem solos deducere vorpos Nullum Numen abest fi sit Prudentis There is no need of a Deity where there is Prudence or if you will wheae there is Ecclesiastical Policy But so far I must do Mr. Bayes right that to my best observation if Prudence had been God Bayes had been a most damnable Atheist Or perhaps only an Idolater of their number concerning whom he adds in the next line sed te Nos facimus Fortuna Deam Caeloque locamus But we make thee Fortune a Goddess and place thee in Heaven However I cannot but be sorry that he hath undertaken this desperate vocation when there are twenty other honest and painful wayes wherein he might have got a Living and made Fortune propitious But he cares not upon what Argument or how dangerous he runs to shew his ambitious Activity whereas those that will dance upon Ropes do lightly some time or other break their neks And I have heard that even the Turk every day he was to mount the Higâ—…-Rope took leave of hâ—…s Comfortable Importance as if he should never see her more But this is a matter forreign to my Judicature and therefore I leave him to be trayed by any Jury of Divines and that he may have all right done him let half of them be School-Divines and the other moity Systematical and let him except against as many as the Law allows and so God send him a good deliverance But I am afraid he will never come off The fourth is Debauchery tolerated For supposing as he does that 't is better and safer to give a Toleration to mens Debaucheries than to their Religious Perâ—…wasions it amounts to the same reckoning This is a very ill way of discoursing and that a greater seveâ—…ity ought to be exercised over mens Consciences than over their Vices and Immoralities For it argues too much indiscretion by avoiding one evil to run up into the contrary extream And Debauch'd Persons will be readyhence conclude although it be a perverse way of reasoning That where the Severity ought to be less 〈◊〉 Crime is less also â—…ay even-that the more theâ—… are debaâ—…ch'd it is 〈◊〉 that the Punishment should stilâ—… 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 but however thaâ—… it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and unadvisable to 〈◊〉 aâ—…d 〈◊〉 on the Râ—…ligious hand lest they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 greater penalties Mr. Bayes would have done much better had he sing led out the Theme of Religion He might have loaded it with all the truth whieh that subject would bear I would allow him that Rebellion is as the sin of witch-craft though that text of Scripture will scarce admit his interpretation He could not have declaimed more sharply than I or any honest men else would upon occasion against all those who under pretence of Conscience raise War or create publick Disturbances But Comparisons of Vice are dangerous and though he should do this without design yet while he aggravates upon Religion and puts it in ballance he doth so far alleviate and encourage Debauchery And moreover which to be sure is against his design he doth hereby more confirm the austerer sort of Sinners and furnishes them with a more â—…pecious Colour and stronger Argument It had been better Policy to instruct the Magistrate that there is no readier way to shame these out of their Religious Niceties than by improving Mens Morals But as he handles it never was there any point more unseasonably exposed at such a time when there is so general a depravation of Manners that even those who contribute towards it do yet complain of it and though they cannot reform their practice yet feel the effects and tremble under the apprehension of the Consequences It were easie here to shew a man's râ—…ading and to discourse out of History che causes of the decay and ruine of Mr. Bayes his Roman Empire when as the Moralist has it saevior armis Luxuria incubuit Victumque 〈◊〉 Orbem And descending to those Times since Christianity was in the Throne 't is demonstrable that sor one War upon a Fanatical or Religious account there have been an 100. occasioned by the thirst of Glory Empirethat hath inflamed some great Prince to invade his Neighbours And more have sprung from the Contentiousness and Ambition of some of the Clergy But the most of all from the Corruption of Manners and alwayes fatal Debauchery It exhausts the Estates of private persons and makes them fit for nothing but the High-way or an Army It debases the
his first Book was a meeâ—… mistake before he were come to years of discretion For as in Law a Man is not accounted so till he hath compleated 21 and 't is but the laâ—… minute of that â—…ime that makes him his own Man as to all things but Conscience I mean for as to that many are never sui Juris so though the distance of Bayes his Books was but betwixt 1670 and 1671 yet a year nay an instant at any time of a man's life may make him wiser and he hath like all other fruits his annual maturity It was so long since as 1670. p. 33. that this Universal Unlimited and Uncontroulable Power was the natural right of Princes 〈◊〉 to Christ firmly established by the unalterabls Dictates of Natural Reason Universal Practice and consent of Nations that the Scripture rather 〈◊〉 than asserts the Ecclesiastical and so the Civil Jurisdiction of Princes 'T was in 1670. p. 10. That it was absolutely necessary and p. 12. that Princes 〈◊〉 that power to bind thâ—…ir Suâ—…cts to that Relegion that they apprehend most advantagious to Publicâ—… Peace c. So that they derive their title from Eternal Necessity which the Moralists say the Gods themselves can not impeach His Majesty may lay by his Dieu and make use only of his Mon Droit He hath a Patent for his Kingdom under the Broad-Seal of Nature and next under that and immediately 〈◊〉 Christ is over all Persons and in all Causes aswel Ecclesiastical as Civil and over all mens Consciences within his Majesty's Realms and Dominions Supream Head and Governour 'T is true the Author sometimes for fashion-sake speaks in that Book of Religion and of a Deity but his Principles do necessarily if not in terms make the Princes Power Paramount to both those and if he may by his uncontroulable and unlimited universal Authority introduce what Religion he may of consequence what Deity also he pleases Or if there were no Deity yet there must be some Relgion that being an Engine most advantagious for Publick Peace and Tranquillity This was in 1670. But by 1671. you see the case is altered Even one night hath made some men gray And now p. 238. of his second Book he hath made Princes accountable ay and to so severe an Auditor as God himself The Thrones of Princes are established upon the Dominion of God And p 241. ' T is no part of the Princes concernment to institute rules of Moral Good and Evil that is the care and the Preâ—…ogative of a Superiour Law-giver And p. 260. he owns that if the Subjects can plead a clear and undoubted preingagement to that higher Authority they have a liberty to remonstrate to the equity of their Laws I do not like this Remonstrating nor these Remonstrants I wish again that Mr. Bayes would tell us what â—…e means by â—…he term and where it will end whether he would have the Fanaticks remonstrate but they are wary and asham'd of what they have done in former times of that nature or whether he himself hath a mind to remonstrate because the Fanaticks are tolerated That is the thing that is the business of this whole Book and knowing that there is a clear and undoubted preingagement to the higher Authority of Nature and Necessity if the King will persist in tolerating these people who knows after remonstrating what Mr. Bayes will do next But now in summe what shall we say of this man and how had the King been served if he had followed Bayes's advice and assumed the power of his first Book He had run himself into a fine Premunire when now after all he comes to be made accountable to God nay even to his Subjects And by this means it happens though it were beyond Mr. Bayes his forcast and I dare â—…ay he would rather have given the Prince again a power antecedent to Christ and to bring in what Religion he please he hath obliged him to as tender a Conscience as any of his Christian subjects and then good night to Ecclesiastical Policy I have herein indeavoured the utmost ingenuity toward Mr. Bayes for he hath laid himself open but to too many disadvantages already so that I need not I would not press him beyond measure but to my best understanding and if I fail I even ask him pardon I do him right 'T is true that being distracted betwixt his desire that the Consciences of men should be persecuted and his anger at Princes that will not be advised he confounds himself every where in his reasonings that you can hardly distinguish which is the Whoop and which is the Holla and he makes Indentures on each fide of the way wheresoever he goes But no man that is soâ—…er will follow him lest some Justice of Peace should make him pay his five shillings beside the scâ—…ndal and it is apparent to every one what he drives at But were this otherwise I can spare it and 't is sâ—…fficient â—…o my purpose that I do thus historically deduce the reason of his setting forth his Books and shew that it was plainly to remonstrate against the power of his Prince and the 〈◊〉 that he hath taken of governing to set his Majesty at variance not onely with his Subjects but with himself and to raise a Civil-Waâ—… in his Intellectual Kingdom betwixt his controulable and his uncontroulable Jurisdiction And because having to do with a wise man as Mr. Bayes is one may ofâ—…en gather more of his mind out of a word that â—…rops casually than out of his whole watchful and serious discourse when he is talking of matters of Policy 〈◊〉 that require caution I cannot slight one passage of Mr. Bayes page 656. Where raging bitterly against all the Presbyterians and other Sects and as much against the allowing them any Tenderness Liberty Toleration or Indulgence he concludes thus Tenderness and Indulgence to such men were to nourish Vipers in our own Bowels and the most sottish neglect of our own quiet and security and we should deserve to perish with the dishonour of Sardanapalus Now this of Sardanapalus I remember some little thing ever â—…ince I read I think it was my Justine and I would not willingly be such a Fool as to make a dangerous 〈◊〉 that hâ—…s no foundation For if Mr. Bayes in the Preface of his Defence to excuse his long 〈◊〉 before it were brought forth places it partly upon his recreations I know not why much more a Prince should not be willing to enjoy the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of this life as well as to do the common 〈◊〉 But I am thinking what Mr. 〈◊〉 meant by it for every similitude must have though not all yet some likeness Now I am sure there were no Nonconformists and â—…byterians in Sardanâ—…lus his days I am â—…re also that Sardanapalus was no Clergy man that he was no â—…ject but he was one of the 〈◊〉 Creaâ—…ures that instead of â—…cising his Ecclesiastical power delighted in spinning till some body
come in on the sudden and caâ—…ching him at it cut his thâ—…d Come 't is better we left this Argument and the Company too for you see the 〈◊〉 you see the Sentence and who â—…er 〈◊〉 be there is some Prince or other whom Mr. 〈◊〉 will have to perish That p. 641. iâ—… indeed not so severe but 't is pretty well where on the same â—…ind of Subject 〈◊〉 the Prince against those people he saith That Prince that hâ—…th fâ—…lt the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if aftâ—… that 〈◊〉 shall be perâ—… to regard their fair 〈◊〉 at such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉 power without other evident and unquestionable tokens of their conversion deserves to be King of the Night Now for this matter I believe Mr. Bayes knows that his Majesty hath received such evidenâ—… and unquestionable tokens of Loyalty from the Non-conformists otherwise his own Loyalty woâ—…ld have hindred him from daring to use that expression And now I should continue my History to his third Book in hand the Preface to Bishop Bramhal But having his second Book still before me I could not but look a liâ—…tle further into it to see how he hath left matters standing betwixt himself and his Answerer And first I lighted on that place where he strives to disintangle himself from what he had said about Trade in his former Book Here therefore he defies the whole Fanatick world to discover one Syllable that tends to its discouragement Let us put it upon that issue and by this one example take the patern of his ingenuity in all his other contests Whoop Mr. Bayes pag. 49. with what conscience does the Answerer tell the people that I have reprelented all Tradesmen as seditious when 't is so notorious 〈◊〉 onâ—…y suppose that some of them may be tainted with Seditious Principles If I should affirm that when the Nobility or Clergy are possest with Principles that incline to Rebellion and disloyal practices they are of all Rebels the most dangerous should I be thought to impeach them of Treason and Rebellion Holla Mr. Bayes But in the 49th page of your first Book you say expresly For 't is notorious that there is not any sort of people so inclinable to Seditious Practices as the Trading part of a Nation Is this the same thing now and how does this Defence take off the Objectâ—…on And yet he tears and insults and declaims as if he had the Truth on his side At last he strives to bring himself off and salve the matter in the same page 49. With In brief it is not the rich Citizen but the Wealthy Fanatiâ—…k that I have branded for an 〈◊〉 Beast and that not as Wealthy but as Fanatick Subtle Distinguisher I see if we give him but Rope enough what he will come to Mr. Bayes many as proper a man as your self hath march'd up Holborn for distinguishing betwixt the Wealth and the Fanatick and moreover let me tell you Fanatick Money hath no Ear-mark So concerning the Magistrates power in Religion wherein his Answerer had remark'd some unsafe passages Whoop Mr. Bayes P. 12 of his first Book before quoted Unless Princes have power to bind their Subjects to what Religion they apprehend most advantagious c. they are no better than Statues of Authority Holla Bayes Pag. 467. of the second Book This bold Calumny I have already I hope compeâ—…ently enough discovered and detested Yet he repeats this fundamental Forgery in all places so that his whole Book is but one huge Lye 400 pages long Judge now who is the Forger And yet he roars too here as if he would mix Heaven and Earth together But you may spare your raving you will never claw it off as long as your name is Bayes So his Answerer it seems having p. 85. said that Bayes confines the whole Duty of Conscience to the inward thoughts and perswasions of the mind over which the Magistrate hath no power at all Whoop Bayes page 89. of his first Book Let all matters of mere Conscience whether purely moral or religious be subject to Conscience only i. e. Let men think of things according to their own perswasions and assert the Freedom of their Judgments against all the Powers of the Earth This is the Prerogative of the mind of man within its own Dominions its Kingdom is intellectual c. P. 91. Liberty of Conscience is internal and invisible and confined to the minds and judgments of men and while Conscience acts within its proper sphere the Civil power is so far from doing it Violence that it never can Holla Bayes p. 229 of his Second Book This in down right English is a shameless Lye Sir you must pardon my rudeness for I will assure you after Long Meditation I could not devise a more pertinent answer to so bold an one as this I believe you Mr. Bayes You meditated long some twelve moneths at least and you could not devise any other answer and in good earnest he hath not attempted to give any other answer I confess 't is no extraordinory Conceit but t is the best Repartee my barren Fancy was able to suggest to me upon so rude an occasion Well Mr. Bayes I see it must come to a quarrel for thus the Hectors use to do and to give the Lye at adventure when they have a mind to try a mans Courage But I have often known them dye on the spot So his Answerer p. 134 having taxed him for his speaking against an expression in the Act of Parliament of 5 to Eliz. concerning the Wednesday Fast. Whoop Bayes pag. 〈◊〉 of his first Book The Act for the Wednesday Fast the Jujunium Cecilianum our Ecclesiastical Poliâ—…ician is the better States man of the two by far and may make sport with Cecill when he pleases was injoynd with this clause of Exception That if any person should affirm it to be imposed with an intention to bind the Conscience he should be punished as spreader of false News So careful was the supreme Magistrate in those dayes not to impose upon the Conscience and the Wisdom of it is confirmed by the experience of our time When so eminent a Divine as I mentioned before thought fit to write 〈◊〉 whole Volumne concerning the Holiness of LENT though if I be not deceived this Doctrine too iâ—… prohibited by Act of Parliament under the same Penalty But saith Bayes there The matter iâ—…deed of this Law was not of any great moment but this Declaration annexed to it proved of a satal and 〈◊〉 Consequence 'T is very well worth reading at large but in short the Consequence or the occasion 't is no matter when I have to do with Bayes was that Princes how peremptory soever they have been in asserting the Rights of their Supreme Power in Civil Affairs they have been forced to seem modest and diffident in the exercise of their Ecclesiastical Supremacy Now Holla Bayes p. 298. of his Second Book To what purpose does he so briskly taunt me
a business To conclude the Author gives us one ground more and perhaps more Seditiously insinuated than any of the former that is if it should so prove that is if the Fanaticks by their wanton and unreasonable opposition to the ingenious and moderate Discipline of the Church of England shall give their Governours too much reason to suspect that they are never to be 〈◊〉 in order by a milder and more gentle Government than that of the Chuâ—…ch of Rome and force them at last to scourge them into better manners with the Briars and Thorns of thâ—…ir Discipline It seems then that the Discipline contended about is worth such an alteration It seems that he knowes something more than I did believe of the Design in the late times before the War Whom doth he mean by our Governours the King No for he is a single person The Parliament or the Bishops I have now done after I have which is I think due given the Reader and the Author a short account how I came to write this Book and in this manner First of all I was offended at the presumption and arrogance of his stile whereas there is nothing either of Wit or Eloquence in all his Books worthy of a Readers and more unfit for his own taking notice of Then his infinite Tautology was burâ—…ensome which seem'd like marching a Company round a Hill upon a pay-day so often till if the Muster master were not attentive they might râ—…ceive the pay of a Regimâ—…nt All the variety of his Treat is Pork he knows the story but so little disguised by good Cookery that it discovers the miserableness or rather the penury of the Host. When I observed how he inveighs against the Trading part of the Nation I thought he deserved to be within the five mile Act and not to come within that distance of any Corporation I could not patiently see how irrevorently he treated Kings and Pâ—…inces as if they had been no better then King Phys and King Ush of Bâ—…anford I thought his profanation of the Scripture intolerable For though he alledges that 't is only in order to shew how it was misapplyed by the 〈◊〉 he might have done that too and yet preserved the Dignity and Beverence of those Sâ—…cred Writings which he hath not done but on the contrary he hatâ—… in what is properly his own taken the most of all his Ornaments and 〈◊〉 thence in 〈◊〉 sâ—…urrilous and sacrilegious sâ—…ile insomuch that were it honest I will undertake out of him to make a better than is a more ridiculâ—…s and 〈◊〉 book than all the Friendly Debates bound up together Me thought I never saw a more bold and wicked attempt than that of reducing Grace and making it a meer Fable of which he gives us the Moral I was sorry to see that even Prayer coulâ—… not be admitted to be a Virtue having though hitherto it had been a Grace and a peculiar gift of the Spirit But I considered that that Prayer ought to be discouraged in order to prefer the Licargy He seem'd to speak so little like a Divine in all those matters that the Poet might as well have preâ—…ended to be the Bishop Davenant and that description of the Poets of Prayer and Praise was better than out Auâ—…hors on the same Subjectâ—… Canto the 6th where he likens Prayes to the Ocean For Prayer the â—â—â—an is where diverâ—â—â— Men steer their course each to a several coast Where all our interests so discordant lye That half beg winds by which the rest are lost And Praise he compares to the Union of Fanaticks and Atheists c. that is Gunpowdâ—r Praise 〈◊〉 Devotion fit for mighty minds c. It s utmost force like Powder is unknown And though weak Kings excess of praise may fear 〈◊〉 when 't is here like Powder dangerous grown Heavens vault receives what would the Palcae tear Indeed all Astragen appear'd to me the better Scheme of Religion But it is unnecessary here to recapitulate all one by one what I have in the former Discourse taken notice cf. I shall only add what gave if not the greattest yea the last impulse to my writing I had observed in his first Book P 57 that he had said Some pert and pragmatical Divines had filled the world with a Buzze and Noise of the Divine Spirit which seemed to me so horribly irreverent as if he had taken similitude from the Hum and Buz of the Humble Bee in the Rehearsal In the same Book I have before mentioned that most unsafe passage of our Saviour being not only in an hot fit of zeal but in a seeming fury and transport 〈◊〉 Passion And striving to unhook 〈◊〉 hence P. 152. of his Second Book Swallows it deeper saying Our blessed Saviour did in that action take upon him the Person and Priviledge of a Jewish Zealot Take upon him the Person that is Personam inâ—… And what part did he play Of a Jewish Zealot The Second Person of the Trinity may I repeat these things without offence to take upon him the Person of a Jewish Zealot that is of a notorious Rogue and Cut Throat This seemed to proceed from too slight an Apprehension and Knowledge of the Duty we owe to our Saviour And last of all in this Preface as before quoted he saith the Nonconformist Preachers do spend most of their Pulpit-sweat in making a noise about Communion with God So that there is not one Person of the Trinity that he hath not done despight to and lest he should have distinct Communion with the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost for which he mocks his Answerer he hath spoken evil distinctly of the Father distinctly of the Son and distinctly of the Holy Ghost That only remain'd behind wherein our Author might surpass the Character given to Aretine a famous man of his Faculty Qui giace ill Aretino Chi de tutti mal disse 〈◊〉 d' Adido Ma di questo si sensa perche no'l conobbe Here lies Aretine Who spoke evil of all except God only But of this he begs excuse because he did not know him And now I have done And I shall think my self largely recompensed for this trouble if any one that hath been formerly of another mind shall learn by this Example that it is not impossible to be merry and angry as long time as I have been Writing without profaning and violating those things 〈◊〉 are and ought to be most sacred FINIS