there was written by one in the King's Interest a Paper called Honesty is the best Policy wherein the Author avers and that upon his own knowledge that that Declaration was contrary to the King 's own sence of things as he inferred from discourses that he had the honour to have personally had with the King at St. Germaines I believe was the Author known no body could justly accuse him for want either of Probity or Love to England After the Answers of these Letters came over the Iacobite Principles was written which contained notions which are plainly hinted at in this â—ast Declaration and before the Publication of this last Declaration came forth the French Conquest neither desireable nor Practicable and now it is evident by this Declaration that the good things asserted in those Pamplets in behalf of the King were not the private Suâ—mises of the Author but founded upon â—ood authorities from St. Germaines and since thâ—s Government has printed in Scotland some Letters that they have either intercepted or made I will venture so far to betray the Secrets of his Majesty as to transcribe some passages out of Letters that have been sent me from the Earl of Melfort and many others have had Letters of the same purport I have mine by me and if the Parliament will obtain a safe conâ—uct for us I will produce them and I don't question but many others of his Majesties Friends wiâ—â— produce such other Letters either written by the King or his command as would abundantly satisfie the Nation that the King is ready to do all things necessaâ—y to secure them from all those dismal Hobgoblins which some through Malice and others through Folly have bug-â—eared us withal The passages I shall transcribe out of my Letters are as follow 3 d. Iuly 1692. I had Yours of the last Month and the only one I have had this considerable time In it I find your objections to the Declaration and find that most of them are Just and what shall be help'd in the next There was not one Topick sent but was made use of and if we have failed it has been the fault of those that have not informed aright what would please and not ouâ—s and as for that draught you sent me I had it at the Sea-side when we were past thinking of Declarations As to our Intentions the King was resolved to Govern by the known Laws of the Kingdom to consult with his Parliament in all things relating to the establishment of Peace and quiet in his Kingdoms to maintain the Liberties and Properties of all his Subjects to protect the Protestant Religion and to obtain Liberty of Conscience for all Dissenters He designed to except none from his mercy excepting those who opposed his Restoration and to Govern so as that he might gain him the Love of his People and make them as fond of him as they had been violent against him and tho' he could not at this distance tell how this was to be attained to yet he was resolved if once upon the place to have persued the true methods of doing it Withal I must tell you that no Declaration was ever published by the King's authority for tho' it was printed it was not to have been dispersed till the King 's Landing and having met with some of his Friends and if they had disliked it even then it had not been Published 11 th Iuly 1692. No man in the world wishes more heartily then my self to see Bounds and Limits fairly cleared betwixt the People and Monarchy of England that so we may not oppose the Prerogative ignorantly nor unknowingly ruâ— into Arbitrary Notions against the Liberty of the Subjects if these Limits were once fixt one who meant well might tread sâ—cure which is now impossible for both Parties pretending to have right and it may be in some things without reason one may design well and yet displease both which could never occur if Prerogative and Property were once clearly defined and stated What all this may end in is hard to foretell and whether ever we shall be so happy to see things cleared on just and equal terms but of this I can assure you it is the King's desire that it should be so Aug. 29 th 1692. I am for large measures and having the Crown established upon the Love and Affections of the Subjects and that in our days we may see the King and People in mutual confidence of one another and all Jealousies and Fears and the grounds of them rooted out that the design of the Court may be the Happiness and Prosperity of the People and the design of the People to encrease the Glory of the Crown and the legal rightful Succession thereof that Liberty and Property might be secured and that Prerogative which justly belongs to the Crown Established for their protection All this might be now were England so happy to lay hâ—ld on the Conjuncture 22d Septem 1692. The French King did not so much as pretend the Forces he sent should have English Pay but his own which looks far from deâ—â—nding great Sums of the Nation and I can assure you he was as frank as any English man whatever for securing the people in the possession of their Religion Liberty and Property Let not England stand in its own way and oppose its own happiness and I 'le answer France shall not meddle nay if it were to meddle betwixt the King and his People it would be to gain the People more of their Will to humour them more not to complement the Crown AND ANY MAN OF GOOD SENCE WILL FIND REASONS OF STATE FOR THEIR SO DOING In another place of the same Letter he says that The King of France when the King was to come last Year to us said all he had to pretend to was to wish the King happy in the possession of his own and that in serving his Friend he had all he aimed at October 6 th 1692. Things shall be established upon the antient English bottom Religion Property and Liberty shall be as in the freest of times no man shall suffer for his Opinion in matters of Religion The King will have a free Parliament with whom he will consult the settling of all these upon the most lasting Foundations and differences once cleared he will govern according to Law he will have no different Interest from that of England and will make it his chief Study to gain the Love of his People and to be more Lord of their Affections then of their Persons he will avoid all Jealousies and the occasion of them and will look upon him as the worst of Traytors who would advise him to do aâ—y thing might give his People any Iealousie or Fear In short govern so as honest English men would have him mind the Interestâ—â—rade and Honour of the Nation and that against all its Rivals This is the Interest of the Nation and will be performed and being meant in the full
first yet the present Conservators of our Liberâ—y have transmitted to after Ages a president for Parliameâ—taâ—ily taking away that Liberty whensoever the caprice of a fearful or foolâ—sh Minister seâ—s up pretences of State for doing it Certainly Paâ—liaments â— begin to â—orget the design of their first Instituâ—â—on begin to forget they wâ—re to assist us against Arbitrary Ministers to secure our Rights and not to sacrifice them I believe had the old Custom oâ— instructing tâ—em been revived few Flectors would have given a power to their Râ—presentativesâ—â—o Imprison their peaceable Neighbours without proof for nothing â— no' â—t can admit of no good excuse yet something more like one might have â—een offered if that Act had been suspended only whilst they could examine the cause of their pannick fear but to repeat it to reiterate such a prostitution of what wiâ—h all due Reverence to that Assembâ—y â—e it spoken tâ—ey have so liâ—tle to do withal unless to secure it by more express Laws is of â—â—â—amous example and I would almost as soon have been oâ—e of the Regicides of King Charles the first as such a murderer such a staâ—er oâ— our â—uâ—dâ—menâ—al Rights Was any of the men that were by vertue I mean by the Villany of that Suspentiâ—n committed ever tryed to this day Nâ—y did the Gâ—vernmeâ—t eâ—er pretend to try any one man for Crimes committed before oâ— during that Suspâ—ntion The Nation remembers how many the Mâ—ssâ—â—gers then locked up how many were then Imprisoned in lâ—athsome Goals how many were sent to the expensive Tower 〈◊〉 a Member of that Parlâ—amâ—nâ— I would not think a private Repentance would obliterate my â—aâ—lt I would print my Recantation of so destructive a Vote I call it dâ—stâ—ucâ—iâ—e because it has given an Inlet to Prerogative that our Forefathers never knew that no King ever once imagined that a Parliament of England would countenance tho' it were but for the least point of time But let us come to the Articles of Limerick does not King William plainly act by that devouring Monster as Doctor Welwood calls it the Dispensing Pâ—â—eâ— Does he not grant them Indulgence for their Religion allow them Arms and a freedom from Oaths and Securiâ—y against prosecutions for â—â—eir Plundering and does not he do all this by his own single authoriâ—y tho' it was contrary to the Laws of the Land the Rights and Privileâ—gâ—s and the very Safety too of the Protestant Subjects of Ireland Did ouâ— Parliament take any notice of the Illegality of this Act nay did they not ratifie it I suppose the Parliament of Ireland was not so cram'd with men in Places nor had the Members of it been so much softned by Pentions as the Members of our House of Commons are for when an Act for confirming those Articles was proposed to them they could find that the first Article of that Treaty if confirmed would make an Established Religion and the sixth would deprive all Protestants of their Actions against the Papists by wâ—om they were plâ—ndered even whilst they lived in Peace with them This you may find in a little Pamphlet called an Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland 1692. Which Pamphlet was put forth by some Members of that Parliament who are very fond of this Government tho' they are willing that the Settlement in Ireland may be Religiously observed and that the Proâ—estant and Brittâ—sh Interest there may be secured as the Prince of Orange worded it and promised in the last paragraph of his own Declaration Did we pay so many men to make War in Ireland and make at last such Conditions Could the Prince of Orange to Reduce one Town when hâ— had all the rest of these three Kingdoms assisting him to Reduce it promisâ— to enervate the Act of Settlement and yet must King Iames when he waâ— in the hands of the Irish when very few others of his Subjects appeared foâ— him when the greatest part of the Protestants in Ireland were actually in Arms against him or combining with his Enemies forever stand confounded because he was prevailed upon contrary to his own Inclinations and by a sort of fatal necessity to Repeal that Act of Settlement I believe if the Doctor will read Great Brittain's Iust Complaint and the Answer to Doctor King's Book he will not have Forehead enough to assert any more as he does page the 36 th that the King was Master and without controul when he passed that Act of Repeal and the King promises to consent to every thing that an English Parliament shall think necessary to reâ—establish that Act now he is really and properâ—y Master of his own Actions and tho' the King has good reason and is obliged in honour to recommend to the Parliament of England those Irish that have followed him to the last yet the rascally Irish as this mannerly Pupill of Titus Oates Doctor Welwâ—od calls them do not appear dearer to King Iames then to the Prince of Orange for King Iames will leave the method of recompensing those that have been Loyal to him to an English Parliament But King William falls out with the Parliament of Ireland because they are not willing those Irish Papists who plundered even while they lived in Peace with them should go unpunished which in plain English shews that King VVilliam to endear himself to the Natiâ—e Irish is willing to give an Instance that he thinks Robbery is no Crime but perhaps he remembred what the Pyrate said to Alexander may think that 〈◊〉 an Irish Popish Rapparee has no more natural conviction of the hainiousness of such a transgression then his Protestant Dutch Highness has shewn to his own Actions I am past Wondering at any thing King William does but Posterity will be astonished that a Parliament of England could ratifie such Articles To proceed to another Head it is notoriously known that several men were Executed by Martial Law before it was Enacted When an Army is no better paid then ours has been either in England Ireland or Flanders to empower a Commander to Shoot a man to Death because he demands the Money he has earned for himself and his Family with his Sweat and with his Blood is a Law that requires great subtilty and argumentation to prove it equal or just but to give this power to imperious and cholerick Officers without examining how many men had been before the settling of it murdered in their rage and to gratifie their own violence I say to enact this Law without such a retrospection and without guarding 〈◊〉 against a too vigorous execution of it for the future is what little becomes an English House of Commons who ought to have a tender regard to the Life of the meanest Subject Let us come to consider of the numerous Parliamentary Pardons bestowed upon Ministers who have falen foul upon our Laws have not the Subjects even the Peers of England been hunted by Proclamations clapt into Prisons for High Treason and refused the
he has broke it with the Episcopal partâ— there when I come to shew in what an admirable in how much a more setled condition Secretary Iohnson has left that Kingdom but at present I wilâ— observe how he has kept it with the Parliament of Scotland as I have heretofore how he has kept it with the People of England It is sufficiently known that those who delivered him the Crown of Scotland took a most parâ—ticular care to make the Redress of Grievances and the assertion of their oâ— Rights the conditions of taking it And the Conditions upon which only theâ— gave that Crown I must allow for the honour of that Nation and 〈◊〉 mitiâ—gation of what they did that had they had a Right to do it they acted like wise and serious men they provided Substantial Securities by their claim of Rights and they ordered those who presented their Crown to secure their Liberties by reading first their Claim of Rights then their Grievances both which went to the bottom of things and then to insist upon the exacting of a Promise from him to govern according to the one and to Redress the other before they administred the Oath unto him by which they designed and evidently implyed his being sworn to the performance which Instructions were punctually observed by those that delivered that Crown but within a very short time after that Crown was given tho' it was upon this promise yet notwithstanding the greatest part of that Parliament which placed the Crown upon his Head humbly petitioned the present King for which priviledge of Petitioning they had provided by their Claim of Rights as well as the Prince of Orange had in his own Declaration declared the slighting and rejecting Petitions delivered by Subjects with respect and submission to be a high strain of Absolute Power I say altho' that Parliament humbly Addressed to the present King for his Assent to some Votes which they had passed for Establishing their â—iâ—erties and which were agreeable to their Antient Laws and Priviledges and pursuant to their Claim of Rights they were scornfully and disdainfully refused and rejected Will you giâ—e me leave to mention some of the Laws of Scotland such as were set down in the Prince of Orange's Declaration to that Kingdom According to the Scotch Declaration the appointing of Judges in an unusual manner and giving them Commissions which were not to continue during Life or good behaviour was highly Illegal yet King William after he got the Crown found he was mistaken in that Paragraph and nominated the whole Bench without subjâ—â—ting them to a Tryal and the approbation of Parliament according as Law and Custom required did not think fit to continue their Commissions during Life or good behaviour and appointed them a Lord Presâ—â—â—nt tho' by express and antient Statutes he was to be Elected by the Bench. By the Prince of Orange's Declaration the Imposing of Bonds without Act of Parliament and the permiting of free quarters to the Souldiers are declared to be high and intollerable Stretches of Government as indeed they are by the municipal Laws of that Kingdom but yet under this Government with greater Confidence and less Compassion then ever Bonds have been in Scotland imposed by authority of Parliament as may appear from their publick Proclamations and many thousands of Souldiers have been maintained upon free quarter for many Months together countenanced and abetted in it by the Government and the Funds for the reimbursing the Country which were appointed by Parliament have been otherwise diverted The Commissionating the Officers of the Army to sit as Judges upon the Lives and Estates of the Subjects and the â—uâ—ing People to death without a Lâ—gal Tryal Iury and Record were complained of in the Dâ—claâ—ation wâ—re thought good reasons for Forefaâ—â—â—ing of King Iames and were provided against upon this last settlement of the Crown and yet both the caution given against them by the sentence of Forefaulture in the Person of King Iames and the future provision made by the Estates prove too weak to restrain this Government from practising the same things for Colonel Hill and Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton were ordered and empowered to puâ— Glencoa and all the Males of his Clan under seventy to death which was partly executed upon them without any Legal Tryal Iury or Record Neither can their former enmity and opposition to the Government furnish any appology for so barbarous a Murder since they had all either actually taken the benefit of the Indemnity then granted and so were pardoned or had Protections in their Pockets which put them under the immediate care and safeguard of the Government Will you give me leave now to put you in mind of a matter that concerns both Kingdoms The frequencies of Parliament for redressing of Grievances the amending strenthening and preserving of the Laws with all freedom of Speech and Debates in them was insisted upon and fundamentally established by the States of both Kingdoms when they Elected their present Majesties to the Throne How well this is observed and made good to both Kingdoms is obvious enough I believe it would puzzle Doctor Welwood to give any considerable Catalogue of Grievances Redressed No it is not for Redressing of Grievances amending or preserving the Laws they are assembled but for giving of Money The craving Necessities of the State the pressing circumstances of the Confederates and Forreign Affairs the early Preparations of the French King anâ— honourable Peace the good of the Protestant Religion and Fears of King Iames are become the cruel and everlasting Topicks the common and ordinary Stale whereby the true intent of Parliaments is baffled and the Money-business quickned and finished The last is now so much the business of Parliaments and the first so little that is is an equal Wager that this Court may come at last to plead Prescription against Parliaments as to any other business but Money Bills Doctor I am afraid you will be put hard to assign many redressed Grievances but I can present you with an account of at least six or seven and twenty Millions that we have paid King William a prodigious Sum for five Years besides the Money that we have in that time lost by his management and the vast Sums he owes Methinks our bounty should have made him keeâ— better touch with us have made him perform his Promises I begin to pitty you Doctor for as I said you must not discount for theâ— things by laying the blame upon the advices of Ministers thereby to easâ— the Prince because every Branch of Law is a Breach of Promise by your own Doctrine if such a poor Animal as I can pick out the sence of what you write Methinks you are a little abashed we have been a long time â—very serious Have you a mind to be merry Doctor and I will by repeating a Jest shew you how in a very few Lines you might have given a more effectual answer to thâ—s Declaration The Story
benefit of their Habeas Corpus and this when there was no Information upon Oath as the Law appoints to justifie such a proceedure And have not the Ministers had all this pardon'd by a Parliament Doctor Welwood does make so many Repetitions himself that I hope he will not redicule me if I now and then repeat the same thoughts and set down here that Parliaments heretofore thought fit to punish and not to skreen such Arbitrary Ministers to make the reparation of the Subject more easie more certain but now they take part with the Ministers to oppress the Subject Another Parliamentary Errour under this Government is that our Legislators don't at the beginning of every Sessions read the Prince of Orange's own Declaration for there are in it some things that deserve their Reflections These are the Words of one Paragraph And we for our part will concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and Happiness of the Nation which a Free and Lawful Parliament shall determine Since we have nothing before our Eyes in this our undertaking but the preservation of the Protestant Religion the covering of all men from Persecution for their Consciences and the Securing to the whole Nation the FREE ENJOYMENT of all their Laws Rights and Liberties under a Iust and Legal Government I don't know whether the present Gentlemen that meet at VVestminster take themselves to be a free Parliament but if they do here is a very fair Invitation which is also in other places expressed by declaring that the design of his coming should be to rescue the English Government from the Violencies and Disorders which had overturned the whole Constitution Really if this was true our Civil Fabrick wants a great deal of Reparation and if he was in earnest you are to blame that you don't propose solid Securities against Arbitrary Government and to prevent the possibility of Slavery for the future as the Declaration has it in another place But in troth after all I know not whether the Prince of Orange takes the present for a free Parliament because that I can name his Highness some Bills that they have determined very unanimously to be for the happiness of the Nation to which nevertheless King VVilliam has not thought fit to give his assent no he did not think fit to concur tho' some men absolutely attached to his Interest have honestly according to their Principles told him that a Prince who comes in for the sake and upon the Foot of Reformation can never stand long unless he really perform the business and design of his exaltation He has been so far from concurring that it has been observed that every Session he has taken all our Money but followed none of the Advice either of a Parliament or of such whose avowed Principles make them capable to go in heartily with his Government nay he has rejected one Bill that the whole House of Commons passed Nemine Contradicente Mr. Finch excepted â—nd which was not opposed by any body but my Lord Nottingham in th e â—ouse of Lords He hath been pleased to refuse some â—ther Bills that were notwithstanding all the pains â—e and my Lord Portland took to hinder them Voted â—y a great majority of both Houses Methinks the preâ—ent Parliament should enquire what are his thoughts concerning them since 〈◊〉 seems it is not to them that he refers the accomplishments of the ends of â—is Declaration I believe there are some that sit now in Saint Stephen's Chappel that have thought no King of England no Hereditary King of Engâ—and ought to have a Negative Voice and I wonder that no Person of â—hat perswasion disputes the Title that their Elective King has to it but inâ—tead of this now these men are in Places they can as well as other throw â—ut the Judges Bill as soon as the Prince of Orange lets them know his Will â—nd Pleasure They let him carry Absolute Monarchy to a higher pitch then â—hat in which the imagination of Xenophon placed his Cyrus for Cyrus had â—bout him many great men whom he consulted who were called his Eyes â—nd Ears and who were in a sort the Representatives of his Subjects but â—ur present House of Commons are content that our All-sufficient Monarch should â—o every thing by the advice only of that Stranger that Gaveston his Monâ—â—eur Bentinck who has the reputation of too good a Courtier to expostulate â—is Masters Will. Will you give me leave Dr. to repeat another Paragraph of the Prince â—f Orange's Declaration But to Crown all there are Great and Violent Presumptions inducing us to believe that those evil Counsellours in order to the carrying on of their ill designs and the gaining to themselves the more time for the effecting of them for the encouraging their Complices and for the discouraging of all good Subjects have published that the Queen hath brought forth a Son tho' there have appeared both during the Queen's PRETENDED Bigness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed so many just and visible grounds of suspition that not only WE OUR SELVES but all the good Subjects of those Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born by the Queen And it is notoriously known to all the World that many both doubted of the Queen's bigness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one thing done to satisfie them or to put an end to their doubts Doctor Welwood you must forgive me if I think that it has been at least a great oversight in our Legislators that they have not charged this Crowning Male-administration home upon King Iames. This was a Male-administraâ—ion that was not only to confirm at present but to Crown and perpetuate â—ll the Male-administrations of King Iames's Reign The proof of it would â—ave effectually silenced almost all mankind in the behalf of that King It â—s such an unnatural Male-administration that I should have thought him worse then an Iâ—fidel that had so destroyed the Provisions our Law 〈◊〉 made for his Family for his Daughters I would not only have alloweâ— him insane but a Monster if this had been proved upon him The not proâ—ving this upon King Iames has laid a Foundation for Lancastrian 〈◊〉 on s and for eternal Standing Armies which must remain for a Guard tâ— our Elective Crown Had the Prince of Orange intended to have requiteâ— that most particular Affection and esteem which he says we had formerly testified to him and his dearest Consort the Princess he should not have been willing we should have been left in the dark in this matter Had the Parliament tooâ— any care for our future Security they would have cleared this point Thâ— Prince of Orange was very particularly concerned to clâ—ar it since it was thâ— most Justifiable part of hiâ— Errand hither the Parliament can never have 〈◊〉 better opportunity to be satisfied of the truth of this matter since now they and
so strong as to Canonize him a Martyr and to appoint upon the account of his usage a Day of Humiliaâ—ion and Repentance to all after Ages Nay since the Injury done to him has left still such an impression that many men who have had a Hand in this Revolâ—tion yet remember his Blood shed with Horrour and since however contradictory it was to the Principles of this change the Convention it self caused Ludlow to be sent away with a Proclamation at his heels and farther since multitudes of People in all parts of England attribute almost all our Misfortunes to that Vâ—ngâ—ance wherewith God retaliates the Injustice of his Death I say all this considered can it be doubted that King Charles the First would have been bâ— this change of the Peoples temper re-possessed of his Throne had he had the good luck to have gone into Exile From all these Instances and many more that may be met with in Story I think we may infer that nothing is more certain than that the love which People have to the rightful Descendant and Successor of a Family that has a long time held the Reins of Government and which has been submitted to by them will at last prove too hard for any Fascination with which the People may for a while be inveigled by the arts of an Usurper and his Emissaries together with the Billinsgate of such Scriblers as your self That the King will be Restored I don't at all question The Follies the Faults the Unsuccessfulness and Ingratitude of the Prince of Orange make way for his Restoration Our Injustice and his Right enter a strong Claim for him in the Courts of Providence and our own Consciences His own repentance 〈◊〉 the Male-administrations that were committed during his Reign and the â—ecurities he offâ—rs against such Errours for the fuâ—ure corroborate his Title â—â—d will infallibly dispose all mankind to receive him But afâ—er all I must â—onfess that how much soever I have all along been convinced that he will â—ome home and that the Monarchy of England is Hereditary and conseâ—uently that he is our Rightful and Lawful and only King of all which I â—m absalutely convinced I say as much as I am satisfied of all these particulars yet I should have had leâ—s Heart to serve him had I not been well â—atisfied also that Common Proâ—estancy the Church of England as it is Established by Law and our Civil Rights would be all Safe if impartial Liberty of Coâ—science wâ—ich does not imply sharing Ecclesiastical Preferments but freedom to all sorts of People be their perswasion what it will to worship God according to the â—ictates of their own mind withouâ— any Penalty I saâ— Common Protestancy will be safe if such a Liberty is settled The Church of England may make her self now safe by drawing at present proper Civil Securities within the Walls of our Hâ—use of Commons and tendering them in the first Parliament after the Restoration The same promise of raâ—ifying Laws now made might give us uâ—questionable Securities for our Civil Rights if the present House of Commons would think it their duty to provide any Securities for the Nation But farther if these Gentlemen don't think that their business yet we have another paragraph in the Declaration that will if it is not our own fault effectually secure us and I think we need not be afraid of a Revolutionary Parliament under a Popish King In the paragraph I mean the King promises with all speed to call together our Representative Body and therein to inform himself whâ—t are our united Interests and Inclination and with their concurrence to redress all our Grievances and to give all those Securities of which we shall stand in need And in another place he particularly promises they shall chain up your devâ—â—ing Monster explain and limit the Dispensing Power and most effectually secure the Church of England more effectually than that Promise you recite page the twenty ninth could be supposed to secure it before this Dispensing Power was either circumscâ—iâ—ed or defined and before the Power of the Judges to interperet away our Laws was provided against We have not only his Promises the King 's being Sixty and his Son not Six our advantages against him by reason of the King 's being of a Religion that is not popular amongst us but also our own Tenures and tempers and his experience that English men nay that the generality of the Members of the Church of England will not live up to all the stretches of Prerogative and Passive Obedience to proâ—ect us against future Iâ—regularities It will not be the King's fault if any umbrage for Jealousies is left in relation either to Religion Liberty or Property It is not He sees it is not his Interest to leave any and therefore ever since he first heard of the Prince of Orange's intended design of conâ—â—â— and likewise what Jealousies whether well or ill grounded his Peoâ— have had he has been always willing to condescend to ample Securitiâ—â— and in this last Declaration he very plainly invites us to secure our selves 〈◊〉 the future encourages us for the future to Word our Acts of Parliament mâ—â—â— cautiously What Despotick Doctrines may be found in our English Statâ—â— Books And when the Duke of Queensborough one of King William's pâ—â—sent Privy Counsellours was Commissioners in Scoâ—land was not that foâ— of speaking Absolute Power without reserve introduced into their Laws 〈◊〉 was the King the safer for these extravagâ—nt Complements of these Parâ—â—â—ments Did these Flatteries of those Houses subjugate the minds of 〈◊〉 People of these Kingdoms I am glad to see by the wording of the King Declaration that hiâ— Majesty is sensible that soothing exprâ—ssions giveâ— real Power don't establish the Interest of the Câ—own I said some tiâ—â— since that I wouâ—d make no Apology for the Male-administrations of Kiâ—â— Iames's Reign but yet if we would Saddle the righâ— Horsâ—s I think Parlâ—â—ments and Pulpits come in for their share of reproof as well even as tâ—â— King's Ministers and I am sure are more blameable by our Constitutioâ— than the Kâ—ng For was not that Parliament of Scotland more faulty â—oâ— introducing such a luscious Expression into the Laws of their Country thaâ— King Iames or his Minister for using the very Words of an Act of Paâ—liament in the Declaration of Indulgence that was sent â—hitheâ— As I saiâ— in another case Extravagant Acts of Parliament never have the validity 〈◊〉 Laws but yet they may mislead Kings It is happy for Kings when the keep exactly to the Fundamental Constitutions of their respective Kingdoms but sure they are pardonable if not excusable when Representatiâ—â— Bodies tempt them inâ—o Errours unless by sâ—me Declaration of their own they seem to have a thorow knowledge of the Constitution Indeed thâ— Prince of Orange seemed in his Declaration to uâ—derstand our Constitutioâ— so well that he understood even the Chicaneriâ— of our Beautifâ—ux and fâ—â— this
A Reply to the Answer Doctor Welwood has made to King Iames's Declaration which Declaration was dated at St. Germaines April 17th S. N. 1693. and Published also in the Paris Gazett Iune 20th 1693. Aetas parentum pejor avis tulit Nos nequiores Horat. People endure Oppression with more Patience from an Usurper then one ascending through a long Succession as esteeming it more Natural and no less then they look'd for or as acknowledging to have deserved it for not seeing when they were well Osborne's Advice to his Son Second Part. The PREFACE I am so far from triumphing over our Misfortunes that I call God to witness England can receive none that do not sensibly wound me but the Wise Man in the Scripture advising us To consider in the day of Adversity I think it not unseasonable at this time to recollect the present State of our Affairs and under a few short Heads expose the Calamitous Condition of our Country to the view and the consideration of all disinterested and honest People Some of those things I shall offer here have been already mentioned in Print and others in private Conversation amongst such whose Judgments tho' in some particulars differed from mine yet who I have the Charity to believe are guided by Principles of Integrity and in the pursuit of the ends they drive at prefer the publick Good before any private Advantage of their own But tho I have sometimes discoursed to the same purpose with men in Place and Power and such too as have the reputation of good Sence yet what I have delivered with all the Sincerity man is capable of has generally met with the Fortune incident to such meagre Doctrines as won't make the Pot boyl and I have been listened to as Sermons are more for decency than application I have therefore restrained my self hitherto from publishing my thoughts so freely unwilling to oppose the rapid Tydes of Passion and Interest which for these last five Years have born down all before them and overflowing the defences of Law and Reason have brought a deluge of Miseries upon tâ—is distracted Nation But now that the Fulness of time is at hand and our Ruin almost quite accomplish't I think I am obliged to contain my self no longer within Table talk but to do my Country all the Service I am capable of from the Shade I live in by endeavouring to dispel those Miâ—ts of Prejudice from before their Eyes and demonstrating thaâ— a Duâ—ch Government that never was founded in any Religion has been much more destructive to us then a Popish one could have been tho' seasoned with too mâ—ch For I don 't in the least doubt but that most of those who were the chief Incendiaries in the Late Revolution and who scattered the Fears and Jealousies of Popery most would now acknowledge if they duâ—st speak out that all the Provocations of the last Râ—ign were in themselves as Impotent as Unjust and that it was impossible for so inconsiderable a Party to contrive any Mischiefs that required such violent Remedies as were preâ—cribed For whoever heard that a Country govern'd by Laws was enslaved by a Prince whom his Subjects had entertained inveterate apprehensions of even before his accession to the Crown or would not laugh at the pretence of five or six thousand Papists endangering our Religion and Property when there was a Million of Protestants keepers of the Liberties of England It was therefore a vain Phantome to imagine that a King whose Subjects were suspitious and watchful over could surprise us with any material Innovatiâ—ns in Religion or undermine the Fundamentals of our Government for as no man can be dangerously betrayed but by a Friend so no Government can be subverted but by a Magistrate in whom a Trust and Confidence is reposed agreeable to which is a Maxim of our modern Polititians That the English Liberties were never so much endangered as under vertuous Princes the meaning of which is that our People charmed with an Opinion of their Justice have been too unwarily apt to submit to such extensions of the Prerogative that by the abuse of evil Successors have become Presidents for a too exorbitant exercise of their Power This consequence is much worse because nearer at hand if the Prince be vertuous only in the giddy conceit of the Populace deluded by the fallacies of artificial men for such an one carries the secret Venom about him and is impatient of opportunities to profit himself upon the dupes of his own Reign And this is just our case for by starting at a Shadow we have embraced the very Substance that we feared in deposing a Lawful home-born Monarch who could not nor had a thought to hurt us and exalting with a popular but blind Zeal a little Forreign Prince who has imbibed by his Education a dislike for English men and has so modell'd his Affairs as if the King truckled to the Statholder and inâ—ended these three Kingdoms should be Provinces subservient to the Seven from whence he comes This may be deduced from every Act since the first Scene of this so fatal and expensive Reign but it not being the subject of this place to launch into a thorow Comentary I will only hint at what is freshest in our Memories and put you in mind of the late admirable Caution in the Conduct of our Fleets and Army Was it from his Love to England that he broke his Promise to the King of Spain to send a Squadron of men of War into the Mediteranean which was to be there before the beginning of last Spring to act in Conjunction with the Spanish Admiral in case the French attempted any thing in Naples or in Catalonia Was it from his love to our Merchants that he detained our Ships that had been a Year loaden at Spithead and might safely have ventured last November out without a Convoy But were kept in under an Embargo because the Dutch were not ready and and neither Sir G. Rook nor they permitted to sail until our Holland Friends were pleased to joyn them at such a time that it was true a Convoy became necessary but such a Convoy as ought not to have been less than the whole Naâ—al strength of England By this breach of Word with an Ally his Catholick Majesty owed the safety of his whole Fleet at Naples only to the Storm that dissipated Mr. d' Estrees Squadron but by it has since actually lost Roze and by his tender care of our Smirna Fleet in keeping them safe so long in Harbour and hugging them as Monkeys do their young ones to death our Turkey Trade nay and the whole Exchange of London were all at once upon the utmost precipice and brink of ruin I cannot but admire the Courage of our Sanguine Citizens that still bears up against so many repeated Losses for tho' the richest of their Tuâ—ky Ships were sunk at Gibâ—altar and Malaga and those that escaped have lost a whole years Trade and
Sunderlâ—nd was coming as the phrase is into play again I thought it a merryment and raillery both upon this King and him for who could think that he who was the Author of all the unanswerable 〈◊〉 methods of King Iames's Reign should be encâ—uraged and employed in this it being such a piece of Discretion as if a Sick man should send for the same Mountebanck to cure him that had kiâ—led his Father but a week before But this it seems is not more strange then true yet by this we may beâ—old the steddiness of this worthy Monarch of our Isle to the Princiâ—les by which he came and the Professions he then made since that only man whom he excepted against in his Declaration and who now stands excepted from Indemnity by Act of Parliament who for many years received a considerable Pension from the King of France and who in the space of six Months altered his Religion twice This very man in contempt of common Decency to say no more is coming in to be the Support and Pillar of our Church and State What Effects this will have upon the minds of men we must expect to see and wait the operations of hiâ— Councils but in the mean time we heartily congratulate this able Polititian with King William for an old Sayings sake That things must be worse before they will grow better I have liâ—tle more to add but apply my self to the people of England and hope that they will now awake out of the Lethargick Fit in which they have lain so long that they will make use of the few moments that are given them to manage their last Stake and that they will think it high time to grow weary of the scandalous and destructive War and labouring in vain to fill a Sieve When we consider the vast Treasure that has been given and mispent and that all the Returns we have are Beggary and disgrace we ought to be ashamed that we have deviated so long from the known Maxims of our Government which consists in Trade and keeping as even as the times will bear the Ballance of our Neighbouring States and not in runing blindly into a foolish and unprovoked War upon the Continent to please the humour of one man and to preserve a Barriar for the Dâ—tch I am amazed to hear men talk of the approaching Sessions of Parliament as if the War were now but just begun or that a Tax had not as in King Iames's days been Levied in all this Reign It is pitty our Ancestors had not provided effectually against corruption in our Parliaments which would have rendred them what they were designed the best form of Government in the world for we never had so much cause as now to lament the miscarriage of Sir William Coventry's and the late Self-denying Bill Without refleâ—â—ing with any Conscience upon the monstâ—oâ—s Sumâ— which have imâ—â—verisht us already theâ— threaten us with a General Excise and another Tax which must complâ—at a modest reckoning of six Millions for the next Campagnâ— How can Country Gentlemen or any who depend nâ—t on the Court subsist Tenants must throw up their Leases and Landlords quit their Houses and all the ready Cash our nâ—merouâ— Allies have left us mâ—st be engross't at last by those whose Sâ—â—maâ—hs never rise agâ—inst a Cloâ—â—ting that Lists them in the Pay of secret Service There is no man has a greater honour for Parliaments thâ—n I but they must excuse me from thinking any thing so very Sacred that I see so liable to be debaucht besides we know by our Histories and Records that several of them have been wholly repealed and many most irreverently nicknamed That Parliament that will give away all we have is as much a Tyrant as a Kâ—ng that will force it and therefore it not being imaginable that the Electors who are their Principals have delegated a power to them for their own undoing since they grow so extravagant I hope the collected Body of the Nation wâ—ll vindicate it self and by an universal Remonstrance rescind their Acts or disobey them It was extreamly well answered by a most ingeâ—ious and a learned Writer of our own to those who said that Councils could not err tho' private Persons may That at first sight it is a merry Speech as if a man should say that every single Souldier indeed may run away but a whole Army cannot especially having Hanniball for their Captain I must beg leave to think at least as ill of this our Civil Council as he did of an Ecclesiastical one for I suppose that no man will deny to me but that Sir Robert Howard and many more are capable not only of erring but of Acting something with a Câ—urser name either in the Pallace-Yard or in the Strand and therefore since I am sure the Walls of St. Stephen's Chappel have not the vertue of inspiring any more Probity then Infallibility into the minds of those who are equally prepossest against them both I will be so bold as to pronounce there never was a more Erring Council then our ownâ— at present which â—o carry the allusion a little farther has neither Hanniball nor Pope at the Head on 't but a false Anti-King himself chosen as they are called in direct opposition to the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom From what has been said I conceive that all intelligent and unbyassed People must conclude that our Safety and our Restoration to Peace to Trade and Plenty lies in our Return to our Duty and Allegiance to our Lawful King who has in his Declaration offered us those very Terms which we demand and think Essential to our Government They who promote a diffidence and distrust of his performance do but persue the Imposture they set out with to this Revolution and continue those Arts by which they have enriched themselves with the Ruins of the Innocent and laborious Farmers of the Country But I will prosecute this no farther here and hope all honest men will approve of these short â—nimadversions which I have laid down at least that they won't be ill received by such from one who neither hâ—s nor ever will have any thing else to do with so depraved a Generation as now governs The REPLY THe new Secretary having always had the reputation of good Sence and a very smart Elocution his Licencing Doctor Welwood's Answer to the Declaration of King Iames made everâ—body read it aâ— soon as it appeared but all that know the Secretary conclude he never took the pains to read it himself or he would so far have consulâ—ed his own credit as to have denyed his Pasport to so frivolous and so Scurrilâ—us a Pamphlet 〈◊〉 so remarkably both that it would be still as much neglected by me as it has been despised by others had I not at present more then ordinary leiâ—ure for it is stuffâ—d with such ignorant Assertions such weak and quibling Sophiâ—try it so plainly prevaricates from the Genuine and clear Sence of the
King's Words and it rails so very courâ—ly that it can scarce imâ—ose upon the most unlettered men and tho' I have resolved to give it a Reply since it would be a tedious drudgery to follow the Author from page to page I shall chuse to reduce under Heads what is most material in that authorized â—ibel and after I have handled them at large I will more briefly take notice of what they don't comprise that deserves any Answer First The Doctor makes much use of the Declaration that was last Year published in King Iames's Name Secondly He flourishes with the male-administrations during his Majesties abode amongst us Thirdly He tells us no King is to be trusted who has once broke his Word And Lastly He acquaints us after all the pains he has taken to Answer it that he knows not whether it is King Iames's Declaration or no. As for the Declaration that was printed last year besides that I can assure you Doctor I never yet saw it Signed with the King 's own Hand I can also assure you that it was as much misliked by many almost all of the King's Friends as it can be exposed by his Enemies If you won't take my Word for this be pleased to peruse the Letters Mr. Secretary Iohnson ordered to be printed in Scotland and in one of those charged upon Nevill Payneâ— you will find I am in the right If I would take the Liberty you make use of I might falsify and utterly deny that ever King Iames so much as saw it but I think my self obliged in Honour and Conscience to deal ingeniously in every thing I publish to the World and with all Doctor I tâ—ink the faithful relation of matter of fact which I shall now make will vindicate both the King and the â—ober part of those in his Interest from those drâ—adful Iâ—putaâ—ions wherewith upon the account of that Declaration you are pleased to charge them The matter of Fact then is thus King Iames designing last Year to come over sent to several of his Friends to give him an account of what they thoâ—ght pâ—â—pâ—r for him to do and how he ought to express his Intentions in a Declaration that he might thereby make his reaccession more easie but thinking it proper to keep his coming over as much and as long a secret as he could he so very darkly intimated for what Reasons he desired his Friends to consider of such a draught that the most solid and considerate of them did not believe there was any necessity to hâ—sten over their Notions but some who are not so well able to give materials for things of that nature yet were very glad the King had been pleased to ask their Opinions were more forward so that the King not having heard from others upon whose Judgmenâ—s he could have depended was forced to order a Declaration to be drawn up according to the accounts that these men had sent but thoâ— he had been so long from England which might excuse his mistakes he was himself so little satisfied with that Declaration that he ordered him who had the custody of all the Printed Copies that were at La Hogue not to give out one there and he sent express Commands with the draught that he sent over to be printed hâ—re that not one of them should be dispersed amongst us till he was actually Landed and had advised with his Friends upon the place what was fit for him to resolve and particularly whether that Declaration was agreeable to the sence of these Kingdoms and he had designed to have brought with him a Press and Printers that if his Friends disapproved of that Declaration he might put forth another and wholly suppress that Had he come over he would have been before his Landing convinced that it was not agreeable for just about that time the French Fleet was beaten and which was before the King could have come hither there arrived at La Hogue Declarations drawn in Form with universal Mercy and such as did engage the King to give us â—ull Securities both for our Reliâ—ion and for our Liberties and there were sent likewise by the Penners of those Declarations more severe Animadversions upon that Declaration which was indeed printed by but published both on this and the other side contrary to the King 's express Order then any that were here authorized by my Lord Nottingham's Imprimatur The King indeed ordered that Declaration to be drawn but neither was the King nor the Penner of it to blame that they were not furnished with more suitable â—otions since they sent for Instructions Nor can I so much blame those Persons tâ—at sent those materials because that altho' their thoughts hâ—d not been conversant with things of that soâ—t yet men must have vast degrees of Modesty in their oâ—n â—empers who would not â—eâ—â—mpted to wade out of their dâ—pth by such a Complement as the King justly enough thought was then even necessary for his Affaiâ—s to make them Nor were those others who upon Captain Sâ—ow's Landing immediately â—ate themselves to collect the sâ—nce of the Naâ—ion uâ—paâ—â—onably to blame that they did not upon first noâ—ice transmit their Scâ—emes â—or the more solid men are the more diffident they will be of themselves especially where tâ—e Advice is to be propâ—rtioned to such a variâ—ty of Seâ—ts and Interests as are upon this Island â—ince the extream goodnâ—ss of the King has pâ—rdoned their having been too dilaâ—ory which they must and do acknowledge as a fault it is hoped their follow Subjects will not too severely censure such who would hazard their Lives and Fortunes for the good of England That they would risk even the good opinion of the King I think may be made evident by an account of 〈◊〉 that were sent from hence They not only wrote very frankly against that Declaration but upon their seeiâ—gâ—iâ— they also probed the inclinations of the King and his then sole Secretary there the Earl of Melfort and that by exacting their fence of many particulars which are not proper to be mentioned in this Paper but fitter to be referr'd to the debates of a Parliament and the Answers they had were so satisfactory tâ—at they were thereby encouraged to pursue their duty with all imaginable and renewed diligence Some of those things inâ—illed uâ—on by them have been published in â—ormer Pamphlets by the advice of the King's friends here and since that you have had some of them published in the King 's own Declaration When these Pamphlets came out you thought the good things they mentioned were but the Wishes of the Writers and not the Inclinations either of the King or his Party â—ut now you see by his own Declaration that they were agreeable to the King 's own Sentiments and the advice of his Friends Those things were not then said without Book When the first Declaration first came out and before there were returns to those Letters which were sent against it
extent comprehends Liberty Property and Religion In the same Letter ' â—is said Parliaments shall be free so free that the Court shall not brâ—guâ— so the People may rest assured of a free Parliament and 〈◊〉 inclinations to compose all Differences and heal all Breaches in Church and State October 24 th 1692. I assure you that I fall most naturally in with such measures measures that if embraced would secure the Church of England entirely give reasonable ease to all Dissenters secure fully Liberty and Property and make every English man happy in the free and full possession of his Birthright sâ—cure Elections to Parliaments against tricks and frauds and do all things for the People which they with Iustice can expect December 12 th 1692. A Letter of that date speaking of our House of Commons here says that by restoring the King they might have Conduiâ—ns to secure all that ever they were afraid of they 〈…〉 â—â—ace be free from Taxes have Trade and all sorts of Plenty and may shew themselves the true Ballance of Europe since on that occasion there is no reasonable Peace the French King would not subscribe to You see I have sate down some passages out of the Earl of Melfort's Letters to my self which I believe give another Idea of the King than we have been generally possessed with There are in the same Letters many particulars in which as I said it would not be decent to anticipate the debates of an House of Commons tho' they are such as infinitly confirm me that the King was then and is now ready to make it next to impossible that the boundaries of our Rights should be again broken down There are many other Iacobites that are as Zealous as I can be for the good of their Country and who have by them very explanatory Accounts which may well justifie the King 's saying That he has been and still is willing to condescend to such things as are most likely to give the fullest Satisfaction and clearest prospect of the greatest Security to all ranks and degrees of his People And we may be satisfied the King will continue in that temper since every thing has been laâ—ely so faâ—thfully and impartially laid before him by an excellent Person who I believe Dr. you suppose to be the continuer of this last Declaration 〈◊〉 for whose parts you your self say you have a just esteem I mean the Earl of MIDDLETON who I esteem as much for his parts as Doctor Welwood or any body else can and yet more for his Integrity then for his Parâ—s I don 't at all doubt but that â—his last Declaâ—ation was grouâ—dâ—d upon the true relation that that noble Earl gave of the State and Interests of theâ—e Kingdoms but I am sure he will think it no disreputation to him no dimunition of his Merit to say that he found in â—he King a pâ—eparation to close with every thing he laid beâ—ore him as his own Interest the Interest of his Royal Issue and â—hese his affliâ—â—â—â— Kingdoms Since I have mentioned the Earl of Middleton I think my self obliged in thâ—s place to do him a piece of Justice I had the honour to be with him several times when that Declaration whiâ—h is so much exclaimed against first came abroad and I positively aver that I know no one man in England thought it worse calculated for the Service of his Master and our Interest then he did and I perceived him to have those wise those honest and honourable resentments upon that and many other occasions that I must loose all sence of Virtue and English Liberty before I cease acknowledging that he is a true Patriot as well as a most faithful and able Minister I shall neither trouble my self nor the Reader with remarks upon the foregoing Letters but leave them to speak for themselves after I have said that they were written with that careless freedom of Style which men make use of when they have no manner of design that their Letters should be made publick This I say to obviate the 〈◊〉 of shallow and superficial Criticks who always and in every thing expect Essays of Rhetorick which iâ— not the language of business whilst it passes through private hands I think I have said enough to the first topick You may if you please occasionally refer to the Letters themselves but I will now hasten to consider Male-administrations I will not go about to extenuate much less to justifie any ill thing done in the Reign of the King I was not concerned in any one of those ill things when he was here I always called a Spade a Spade I censured and spoke against those ill things then and I never excuse them now and yet if the Law-Boâ—ks of England are to be credited let our Government be as much an Original Contract as you will they are not to be charged upon the King nor is he to be punished for them and for our future Security we have the Age of the King and the Infancy of his Son besides both which he has been taught in the School of Affliction never more to be so seduced by his Ministers that the Nation will not bear such measures and farther the concessions of this Declaration and all the promises of it are not only big with Provisions but also are a Royal wayâ— of owning that he was formerly misled And what ever were the faults of the last Reign there are several Reasons for which a man would think that the authorized Writers for this Government should not so eternally recite them First was not the Prince of Orange himself so well informed that by the Laâ—s and Constitution of England the King of it is unaccâ—uâ—table can do no Wrong can be answerabâ—e for no Male-administration that al â—o ' in his own Declaration nothing was left unsaid that Malice could think of and whereâ—n every thing was aâ—gravated with all the Spightful Câ—lours that a fruitful invention and Libellous Pen câ—uld give them yet even in that he levelled no accusation agaiâ—st the King but against his evil Câ—unsâ—llors Again tho' the reâ—son of that Maxim is to preserve the Head of the Government safe â—hâ—st tâ—e Peoples safety coâ—sists in having Justice and Râ—paration upon the Ministers have those â—inisters neverthelesâ— been fâ—und out Have any of those who were in your hands been punished Oâ— have they not rather been employed It was a sign that Ie ffâ—ries was naturally pusillanimâ—us that he despaired of remâ—ining Câ—ancâ—lâ—â—uâ— when he saw that Pâ—otestant Merciful Major General Kirk so well with our Reformer Had he lived till now in despite of Tâ—unton Dean he as well as Sir Iohn Trevor had had his Place I am serious Doctor and that you may not believe what I say to be chimerical I will bring you acquainted with some of those men that are now in Play Will you give me leave to introduce you to that good old Treasurer the Earl of D -- by If you please we
is worth your hearing I have been told of a Witty Wagg of King William's own party who when he saw this Declaration at first looked a liltle solmn and cryed out Pox take it this may do mischief but after he had recollected himself he said Now I think of it it will signifie little for King William has taken the best way to make this and all Declarations of no effect for there is no body can name any one Paragraph of his own that he has kept to so that the Nation I hope will never mind Declarations more It was a severe Jest upon the Prince of Orange because the best Friends he has must own it a true one nor can King William plead ignorance in excuse of what he does since the Prince of Orange could so nicely and so Libellously anatomize in his own Declaration every breach of our Laws made in King Iames's Reign and also since the doctrines of this Revolution and Doctor Welwood's Libell make the King of this Kingdom the author of all that is done it Good Doctor what shall we do Shall we ever trust to the Promis of one that has broke his Word with us before Shall we trust a man that has broke Promises that were backed with the Religious Sanction of an Oath Come Doctor be good naâ—ured Advise the World to be good natured to be forgiving and forgetting or King William's Government will be in a dangerous condition But let us not entertain our selves any longer with such dismal Prospects Let us make to the last Head I perceive Doctor tho' not only the Hawkers have carryed Six penny-worth forty pages of youâ— Works through all the City but the Government has industriously spread them through all the Villages of the Country with as much diligence as the Ordinaries do the Fâ—â—st-Prayers yet you Sir are not satisfied that it is King Iames's Declaration Really Doctor I am forty that a man of your Fiâ—ure and Talents ventured to spend so much of your time upon an uncertainty but that you may not too much repent of your labour I will asure you Doctor that I have seen this Declaration Signed with King Iames's own Hand which I will Swear to as much as I will to any Similitude of Hands and belief may serve in this case tho' I think it no evidence in Criminal Causes notwithstanding its being used as such at some Tryals since the Reversal of Sydney's Attainder in which Reversal to do them Justice the Convention was in the Right But to proceed I don't desire the World should take my Word for this matter I believe there are many Members of the House of Commons know his hand as well as I and if they will become Security for my Person on this occasion too I will produce it either to the House or to any Member of it whose Honour I can trust Upon my word Doctor it is in Town Signed with his own hand if I may trust my own Eyes and I will assure you too Doctor as I said â— never saw the King's hand to that former Declaration which you are soâ— very willing should pass for an authentick one Where have you lived Doctor of late You used to be a man of good Intelligence I wonder you have not heard that this last Declaration was in the French Gazette which the other Declaration would questionless have been too had it been more then an unfinished undetermined Scrole If you will be pleased to enquire the French Gazette of Iune the 20 th 1693. I believe you need not put your self to any farther trouble about the reallity of this being King Iames's Declaration but if you are still in doubt there is an Astrologer who is a Prisoner in the Fleet and who was formerly of another Profession to whom you may apply and if he is a Master in his Art he will easily by casting a Figure find that this Declaration has passed the Great Seal at St. Germaines as well as the approbation of many of his Majesties Friends here The Gentleman who studies the Stars can spell his own Name out of this little hint but altho' he fawned upon King Iames in his Prosperity and has been a busie little stickler against him since his Misfortunes and has had a mind to have a flirt at this Declaration yet I pitty the hardships that Gentleman has brought upon himself and wish at last he would mind his own proper Function and not trouble himself any more with Politicks which God and Nature never designed for his Province He will know I ken but I will not expose him who is more miserable already then I wish him were it in my power to make him otherwayes I have said all I think necessary to the general Heads and now shall proceed to those things that have not fallen under them In looking over page the 6 th I perceive Doctor you have a wonderful good opinion of the Face of Affairs in Scotland therefore if you please I will compare Notes with you My Correspondents Doctor assure me that your Country-men are less affected then they were to the present Government which they say appears by the general obstinacy against taking the Oathes the Episcopal Party generally and some of the Presbyterian Ministers themselves refusing and those that have taken the Oaths even amongst the Presbyterian Clergy have taken them with such a Reservation and Explication as plainly shews that they have King William in suspition and that they don't desire to place a Dictatorial Power in the Prince of Orange I think I had best send the explanation it self We do take the Oath of Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary in so far as they defend our Religion and our Liberties according to the Claim of Right and their Coronation Oaths I suppose you have heard of Mr. Windram Professor in Divinity at Glascoe Mr. Iohn Ballendine and Mr. Thomas Linnin These men repeated these Words in the name of themselves and the Kirk of Scotland and they demanded and would not be satisfied till they had got Instruments from the Clerk of the Commission who was empowered to adminster the Oaths unto them that upon these terms only they had Sworn the Oaths and Signed the Assurances Now I have repeated their Explanation methinks even these men have not bound themselves Hand and Foot The Claim of Rights the Coronation Oath have been may again be broken by King William and Queen Mary and then the Kirk of Scotland is at Liberty to step out of the way of their Allegiance and by what has been done to King Iames such Sallies as those are brought into president There are prodigious numbers both of Noblemen and Gentlemen who were living Peaceably and willing enough to live peaceably under the protection of this Government some of whom are Imprisoned others Fined in a Years Revenue of their Estates besides many that are Banished and all this meerly for refusing to take the Oaths at all and it is
Tryers who must be satisfied of their Gifts and I suppose too according to the usual form of Tryers they must be satisfied they have not too good a Benefice for an Episcopal Clergy-man But I beg pardon for this Note of my own and will go on to tell you that all that have Benefices not submiting to these Conditions are to be deprived and that all others who have none are to be banished if they exercise tho' in private Houses their Ministry so that now there are no remains of Toleration in Scotland The Idolatrous Church of England is so little admitted there that all remains of an Episcopal Party will be rooted out if Iohnston's Ministry and this Government can stand Let us procâ—ed to another Head Because you are a Stranger give me leave to inform you Doctor that so much does not signifie only in our Language and then give me leave to consider part of the eighth and ninth Pages Good Doctor did not the Prince of Orange charge the King with a suppoâ—uious Prince of Wales and his partizans with a French League the Murther of his Brother and the Earl of Essex Did these things contribute towards the King's misfortunes Are they true Or were they false I believe you must allow that nothing contributed so much to the King's Misfortunes and our Miseries as these malitious Calumnies Were they his Friends or his Enemies that set them about I will not name Saint Iones's Grad-Irons nor the Irish Massacree and all the other Stories wherewith the Mobâ— were carried headlong to Perdition Besides this a man without aggravation might say that when the Prince of Orange had Bribed some to put the King upon illâ—m asures he Briâ—ed others even to give a worse turn to them abroad than they as bad as they were deserved and to six Intentions to them which the King never so much as dreamt of You can't but be sensible an ill tâ—ing may be aggravated by Billinsgate flights because Doctor your own Talent lies that way Page the fourteâ—nth you charge King Iames with endeavouring both before and after his Accession to the Crown to advance the exorbitant greatness of France and you say that this is a truth so generally known in Europe that even the Popish Princes lay it at his door with the heaviest Execrations These are heavy Charges but you are pleased to let the proving of them alone and I protest Doctor you are the only man in the world upon whose bare Word I would have believed things of this importance However from these discoveries of yours you infer that the present War is for the defence of our Country our Religion and our Liberties The Protestant Religion and English Liberty are so dear to me that I must consider them first I did never hear that our Religion and our Country were attacked by France I thought we declared War first against France Well! but you will tell us that our Religion and Liberty are concerned in the defence of Flanders as well as in that of our own Country because if Pâ—pish Flanders is lost it is impossible for either our Religion or Liberty to subsist I answer First that Flanders was not attacked until after this Revolution and so the danger of Flanders did not draw us into this War And then Secondly with submission if we had kept out of this War and from the expence of a Land Army in Flanders our Trade would have flourished and our Navy with the fifth part of that Expence we have been at might have been so increased as would have secured our Religion and Liberty from all the Power of France and of the whole World too But farther supposing I should grant that we must be yet more watchful over Flanders are we nevertheless bound to ruin our selves for its defence Is not this to submit at present to a mischief the avoiding of which for the future is the only reasonable and National motive why we should take any care at all of those Provinces But Doctor how does it appear that King Iames has labour'd for the Granduer of France If you know any thing of a French League produce it My Lord Sunderland's Letter Liâ—ens'd in 89. denys his knowledge of it and I think his Evidence may be taken upon this Head The Duke oâ— York's labouring to obtain those Peaces of Aixe La Chapell and Nimegheâ— which were so advantagious for the Confâ—derates are no very good proofs of your assertion King Iames's threatning the King of France when his Army was hovering about the Mase and his sending the French King word when he offered to fall down upon Holland to divert is In asion that brought about this Revolution that if he Invaded Holland he would send his Quota for thâ—ir deâ—ence according to the Treaty of Nâ—meghen is a strong contradiction to what you say and upon the whole I am so far from beiâ—g of your mind that I believe the majority of the Consederates will ascribe the present Granduer of France rather to the Prince of Oâ—anâ—e's want of conduct Government and Oeconomie in their common Affairs tâ—an to any endeavours of King Iames either before or since his accession to the Crown If a man had nothing else to do one might since you insist upon the Security of our Religion by this War make pretty work with that Article of the Confederacy whereby the Prince of Orange engages himself to maintain the Vsurpaâ—ion of the â—opâ— against the Franchises of the Gaâ—can Church and with the â—eclâ—raâ—ion Monsiâ—ur Sâ—hombâ—rg put forth in Dauphin this time twelve Mâ—nth And in answer to what you say of the King 's laying his Crown at the Feet of the Pope which you your self Doctor can't but know it a maliâ—ious anâ— groundless Calumny a man might expose your Master for having so often â—aâ—pered with the Court of Rome for having had so great Friendships with many Popes for being in a direct Confederacy with one nay for having as it were fought under his Banner when he came to be our Deliverer With these things a man might divert the Reader but I don't love to take all advantages of rallying nor to aggravate upon all occasions and I know Correspondencies may be held with a Pope as a secular Prince If you will consider this short Paragraph it may help you to an answer to many Excursions that you make Page the 23 d. you are pleased to 〈◊〉 King Iames for want of gratitude I believe few Princes ever shewed a greater disposition to it He lost his Crowns because he would not shift his Hands after he had put out his Liberty of Conscience neither could he be perswaded to suspect those who had formerly shewed themselves hiâ— Friends tho' in many of them appeared a peevish opposition to Liberty of Conscience it self I never pretended to like the Methods that were then taken to introduce Liberty of Conscience but the thing it self was both wise and Christian and many of those with
submitted to the scrutiny of the Books and challenge the men that are now in the Navy and Admiralâ—y Offices as to the truth of every thing he asserts that King Iames proceeded â—uiâ—aâ—ly to it No Prince was ever more careful to encrease and encourage Trade which he understands better than any Prince in Euâ—ope None more diligent to appoint Convoys or the Security of it and none ever took juster measures in order to those â—nds None ever was more indefatigable in the encreasing of the Navy Royal None ever more industrious in filling the Magazines with Naval and Mâ—litary Stores But above all by his project of Liberty of Conscience our Trade Wealâ—h and People and consequently our Shipping would have been encreased to the envy and terrour of all our Neighbours It was an early discâ—very of those designs and measures of his which would have pâ—oved so fatal to their Common-Wealth that induced the Dâ—tch to forward the Prince's undertaking and did I think the Prince of Oâ—ange had any reâ—ard to any thing besides his own unmeaning Will could I believe he was touched with any love of his Native Soil I should believe that love upon thesâ— Considerations made him also the rather attempt the Revolution he effected I can more easily believe he did it upon that account then upon any of those Motives which were plausibly expressed in some parts of his Declaration Upon the whole those Hopes of King Iames might have been accomplished if â—hey had not been frustrated by the restiness of some the giddiness of others and the artful Treachery of too many with whom he trusted his most inward thoughts They might have been accomplished if the implacable aversion of some men to his Person of others to the Family of the Stuarts joyned with the Flatteries first of the pretended Church of England men and then of Fanaticks had not made him uncertain which way to turn and so given an easier oppertunity to his corrupted Ministers to betray him into such Councils as brought forth this Revolution Which Revolution has fatally diverted the application of our Councils Strength and Treasure into a Channel which will never turn to anaccount and into a sort of War wherein our Trade and Shipping are neglected whereby certain and inevitable Ruin is overtaking us unless we suddainly come to an end of it And notwithstanding Doctor what you say page 13 th time will inform all true English men and lovers of their Country that they ought for the sake oâ— it to set their Hands and Hearts to the Accomplishing the King's Restoration as the only means to secure to us lasting Peace and Happiâ—ess our Religion and our Liberties nor will all the bantering Stuff wherewith you declaim page 19 th and 20 th frighten us from 〈◊〉 Restoring him I have dwelt a little too long upon this Head but before I conclude I must go as far back as Page the third wherein you challenge all the Kinâ—'s Declaratiâ—n-makers to give but one single Instance from History that ever a People who nom a just and recent sence of an invasion made by a limitâ—d Monarch upon their Laws and Funâ—amental Constitution had thereupon withdrawn their Allegiance from him and conterr'd it upon another did ever afterwards willingly and tamely submâ—t to his Government again By this bold Challenge Doctor I find you have not read much History for such instances so frequently occur in the Records of all Countries that I will undertake that if you will be at the pains to search you may find for one instance where a Monarch was excluded for ever six instances where a limited Monarch dethroned by his People for Male-administrations has by the same People either himself been called back if alive or his Children if he was dead neither does the last any thing alter the case for since all these viâ—lent Hurricanes of State occasioned by popular Reformations require it may be sometime to wear oâ—â— the present Fit in that interval the expellâ—d Prince maâ— dye but if the People come again so far to themselves aâ— to restore the Children by the same Revolution of their Inclinations they would unquestionably have done the same thing to the Father if he had been alive But to produce some Instances I shall omit many that might be given from the Emperouâ—s and Princes of Germany the Antient Kings of Macedon and the several Kingdoms of Greece all which were limited Soveraignties I will not menâ—ion Feâ—dinand of Naples Charles the fourth Leuis the fourth and Charles the seventh of France nor will I speak of Sueno and Christopher the second of Denmark or Alphonso the third of Castile I will not insist upon Lasius King of Poland any more then upon those Revolutions that were not long since in Flanders Brabant c. where those People transfâ—rr'd their Allegiance to the Duke of Alanson and being so many distinct and limited Principalities make so many several Instances I say I will noâ— must upon any of these Examples tho' they are all pretty apposite and are still upon the Records of Time as you phrase it unlâ—ss you Doctor have lately razed them But to come to your own Country were not Reuther Donald Bâ—nâ— and Atherick Kings of Scotland expâ—lled by their People for their Irregularities Did not their People transfer their Allegiance to others And were not they afterwards restored by the same People the two first in their own Persons and the last in his Posterity Will you look over what we have done in England Does not Iohn Milion in his History of it tell you that Ethelred when he was expelled and the Allegiance of his People transfered was sent to by his People who declared they preferred none before their own lawful Soveraign if he would promise to Goâ—ern better than he had done I set down the Words of the Historian and if you will look into him you will find his People repâ—ssessed Ethelred upon promise to do so In the same Historian you may find no lâ—ss than two others of the same Name that were expelled and râ—called in Person by their People I will conclude this Head with the Restoration of King Charles the Second was not King Câ—aâ—les the First not only deposed but put to Death by his Subjects and that upon the Allegation of more numerous Crimes and some of them more hainous too than those charged upon King Iames Was not his Son Charles the Second after his Father's Death expelled the Kingdom and the Allegiance of the People of England transferred first to many and then to a single Person under the Name of Pâ—otector tho' in effect a King And yeâ— was not the very same despised calumniated and abjuâ—ed Charles Stuart as they then called him afterwards peaceably and willingly called home by the uniâ—ed desires of the People of England Had the Father King Charles the First been then aâ—ive would not he as cerâ—ainâ—y have been calleâ— home since the revulse of the People was