Tedious Cruel and Destructive War that has been known for many Ages in Christendom if we consider the Universalness of its Extent with the Duration of it and wherein his Thoughts could be entertain'd with nothing but Toilsom and Fatiguing Marches and Countermarches between Opposite Armies some to Execute others to Frustrate Designes and others barely to subsist at the Cost and Charges of the Poor Husbandmen and of a Miserable Countrey For what else makes up the Subject of such Histories can contain little besides the unwelcom account of the Effusion of but too much Christian Blood in Cruel Battles Bloody Sieges and Barbarous Bombarding Burning and Destroying of Towns and Villages some to satisfie and others to withstand the Ambition of Princes I have thought I could do no less than bring those Accounts to that happy Period we find in the present Blessings of a General Peace especially when for this very reason the History of the last Campagne must yet be the most acceptable that has been given to the Publick concerning the late War I must Confess nevertheless that little can be said in this Relation to the Advantage of the Allies for the most that could have been expected during the last Campagne from them considering how much they were over power'd of the French by the separate Peace of Savoy and Italy had been to have stood effectually upon their Defence which I believe could yet have been done if the Germans had taken the Field as early upon the Rhine as we did in Flanders or that the Spanish Government were capable of any manner of Vigour to have provided by times for the Defence of Barcelona the only place they had to look after in Catalonia by which they could have baulk'd at once the whole designes of the French for the Campagne on that side However this very thing includes more Real Glory than all the Triumphs and Victories our Great Monarch could have reap'd in the Bloody Fields of War besides the great Happiness it is attended with for all his People that at the End of it we can see the most Formidable Power of Christendom a Power that for many years had resisted the Confederate Attempts of most of the Princes and States of Europe a Power that seem'd to have tir'd the Allies more than it self by a long and expensive War a Power that with all these Advantages design'd no less than our Kings Ruin with that of our Religion Lawes and Liberties oblig'd to seek Peace with us and yield to his Majesty the just and quiet possession of the Crown 's he wears to the great Comfort and Happiness of His People under his Easie and Auspicious Government which with the security of all that can be dear to a Nation must promise us all the Blessings that can be expected from Peace abroad and a great and flourishing Trade at home And that even all the advantages which this great and formidable power has had over the Allies in the Course of the last Campagne have only serv'd as a means to procure it a quicker and more speedy accommodation with them instead of prolonging a then unsuccessful War on their side This is what I am now to Relate and which must give much more Satisfaction to the Honest Reader than if I were to speak of Battles won and other Warlike Triumph's and Victory 's and therefore a Subject which without any farther preface I shall enter immediately upon The Campagne of 1696. had produc'd nothing extraordinary besides the extraordinary though not new proceedings of the Court of Savoy in making an underhand Treaty with France separate from the Allies expresly contrary to the Tenour of the Offensive and Defensive Alliance the Duke had enter'd in with them besides other Obligations he had to them And though the Conditions offer'd him by the French were very Advantagious yet it has so evidently appear'd since in the whole Course of Affairs that France wanted Peace all its Successes during the last Campagne having been made use of to no other purpose than to oblige the Allies to this very thing that we need not doubt but the Duke of Savoy would at least have had as good Terms in a general Treaty and the Allies certainly much better when France by the diversion of the War of Italy would have been frustrated of those Successes it has had in Catalonia and Flanders which have inabled it in a manner to give the Law in the General Treaty of Ryswick But 't is not the first time the Court of Savoy has made use of such Politicks we shall find the same Management in the War about the Succession of Mantua and the putting of Pignerol in the hands of the French contrary to the Treaty of Quierasque which place has now been rescued out of their hands by the very same Methods when as the event has shew'd it 't is plain enough he could have had the same Condition by sticking to the Obligations of the Offensive and Defensive Alliance and leaving things to the fair and just Issue of a General Treaty And yet notwithstanding this separate Treaty 't is the Opinion of several people that France would not have been much the better for it but certainly Savoy much the worse if the Emperour and King of Spain had continued the War in Italy as it seems to have been their Interest especially at a time when there were Overtures of a General Peace The most that France could have done in such a Case would have been the taking of Valence whereas the Spaniards would have had the whole Winter before them in putting the Milane's in a posture of Defence in getting Forces from the Empire and increasing their own Troops by the help of England and Holland who t is to be presum'd would have given the same assistance upon the account of Milan as they had done before to the Duke of Savoy By this means Italy would have had a greater share in the Burden of the War and whatever Success the French could have propos'd to themselves the Campagne following on this side yet 't is evident that Spain would have had this advantage by it that it would have sav'd Barcelona and warded that great blow it has receiv'd at home and the Allies would have been able by the diversion of Italy to have acted offensively both upon the Rbine and Flanders These were the visible Consequences of a War in Italy and therefore because the Emperor and King of Spain agreed to the Peace on that side contrary to their Interest and that of the Allyes in General several persons begun to suspect the Popish Princes as if they had a design to leave the Protestants in the Lurch and the Bigots of the Church of Rome fed themselves with hopes of a Religious War in which they thought of nothing less than the Extirpation of what they are pleas'd to call Heresie But the Emperour and King of Spain could not be impos'd upon by this pretext of
Campagnes and Voyages Battles and Sieges with the Olive-branch of a Happy and Honourable Peace in his Hand and the Lord-Mayor and Citizens of London had made it their particular Request to receive His Majesty publickly to express thereby their Affection Duty and Gratitude upon such an Occasion in a manner suitable to the Wealth and Grandeur of that Famous and Renowned City in the Particulars of which Magnificent Reception 't is not my Business to enter at present as belonging properly to the History of England I shall only add that His Majesty receiv'd afterwards Congratulatory Addresses from all Parts of his Dominions for his safe Return after having Happily terminated a most Obstinate and Expensive War carried on for so many Years by our late Enemies chiefly and on purpose to bereave him of a Throne he fills with so much Fame and Renown and to deprive us of his most Just and Equitable Government and of what has a necessary Dependence upon it all that can be Dear and Precious to a People our Religion Laws Priviledges and Liberties These are Exploits which require the utmost Gratitude of all True Patriots and Lovers of their Religion and Country which can do no less than express it self in hearty Prayers to the King of Kings that he would Bless His Majesty with a Long Happy and Prosperous Reign over us as a Just Reward of so many Glorious Atchievements for our Safety and Preservation All this while the French were not yet ready to Evacuate any of the Places they were oblig'd to restore to the King of Spain by the late Treaty of Ryswick being first by vertue of it to carry away all their own Artillery Ammunitions Provisions and Stores and leave behind them the Artillery and quantity of Stores they found in these places at the taking of them 'T is true the Evacuating of these Towns requir'd some time upon this account but 't is very probable that the French delay'd the fulfilling of this Article purposely till they saw what Success the Treaty they had Sign'd on the 22th of October with the Empire should have at Ratisbone where 't was likely to meet with a considerable Opposition from the Protestant Princes in the Ratification for if the Treaty instead of being Ratified there had been declar'd Illegal and Derogatory to the Treaty of Westphalia and to the Articles provided therein in behalf of the Protestant Religion it would not have been very convenient for the French King's Affairs that Luxembourg and other places to be restor'd by the Treaty of the Tenth of September should be in the King of Spain's hands The Plenipotentiaries of the Protestant Princes having refus'd to Sign the Treaty between the Empire and France on the 22th of October had still some Conferences with those of France to find a temper for the fourth Article so as they might Sign joyntly with the rest of the Empire but they were all to no purpose England and Holland had bor'n the Burden of a long and very Expensive War and their Trade and Commerce the very Springs of all their Wealth had been considerably impaird and therefore were not able to meddle at present in that Affair and vindicate the Interest of the Protestant Religion in Germany against these Incroachments upon it so contrary to the Westphalian Treaty so that the Protestant Princes wanting Power for this Reason to maintain and carry on their Opposition against the Treaty lately concluded between the Empire and France the Ratification was Sign'd in the Imperial Dyet at Ratisbone without any Alteration to the Fourth Article by which the Popish Religion is to continue in several Towns and Places of the Palatinate according as it was Establish'd by the French King whilst in his Possession where before the War were none but Protestant Churches to the great Oppression of the Protestants and the Violation of the Treaty of Munster in their behalf and France has gain'd this Advantage over the Empire as to Sow the Seeds of such Divisions in this Treaty between the Protestant and Popish States as may in time be very Fatal to Germany and increase very much the Greatness and Power of the Most-Christian Kings which for several Years last past has been found so Prejudicial to the Peace and Quiet of Europe The Treaty between France and the Empire being Ratified within the Term prefix'd in the Articles it was thereupon exchang'd at Ryswick the beginning of December and the French having secur'd this Point restor'd immediately after the Towns of Mons At h Charleroy and Courtray in the Low-Countries and Barcelona Gironne Roses and Belver in Catalonia to the Spaniards but they did not quit the Dutchy of Luxembourg till the Month of January following when la Roche and Arlon little Fortresses upon the Frontier towards the Pays de Liege were deliver'd up to Spanish Garrisons on the 17th and the 19th they took Possession of the Town of Luxembourg whereof the Count d'Autel General of the Palatine Troops had been appointed Governour by the King of Spain through the Queen's Interest being the Elector Palatine's Sister By this time all or most of His Majesty's National Forces Horse and Foot had left Flanders and were pass'd the Seas and got over into England Scotland or Ireland except six Scots Regiments of Foot which the States have taken into their Pay and Service being those of Lauder Murray Walter Collier Ferguson Strathnaver and George Hamilton and the three French Battallions of Refugies of la Meloniere Belcastel and Marton My Lord Gallway's Horse and the Marquis de Mirmont's Dragoons which are still kept in His Majesty's Service in Flanders And the French were then working to demolish the Works on the Rhine and elsewhere which are to be Raz'd by the Treaty and to evacuate those which they are to restore to the Empire but as yet have not perform'd it however we need not doubt but they will and News are daily expected of their having begun with Philipsbourg and deliver'd it up to an Imperial Garrison but these Affairs do not come directly within the compass of this History and therefore I need not speak any more about them lest that should swell this Account to too great a Bulk which is long enough already and longer than I would have made it if it could have been done conveniently without omitting some Material Passages I have no more to add but some few short Reflexions upon the Peace lately agreed upon at Ryswick which brings this History to a most happy Period and to it s wish'd for Conclusion the Negociations whereof have been carried on with more Calmness Tranquility and Expedition than any General Treaty we can read of before notwithstanding several Occasions which have offer'd themselves seasonably enough to take hold of them thereby to disturb or prolong this great Work We have seen the King of Sweden Charles the Eleventh who by his Mediation had so wisely manag'd Affairs as to bring the Plenipotentiaries of the
following yet the King was resolv'd not to come to the Hague till the Imperialists and the French had made an end of the Treaty depending between them and therefore still kept at Loo and Diercn where Prince Vaudemont remain'd after the Elector's going back for Brussels and His Majesty named here his Excellency the Earl of Portland for his Ambassadour Extraordinary to go to the Court of France The 22th of October being the Term allow'd in the Separate Article of the 10th of September the Peace was Sign'd between the Empire and France according to the Project given by the French Ambassadours and the Memorial of the 21th of August and by it the French quitted to the Empire all Brisgow and Alsatia on the Right side of the Rhine with the Towns of Brisach and Fribourg the Fort of Kehl opposite to Strasbourg and the Town of Philipsbourg all on the same side of the Rhine together with the Territories belonging to the Electorate of Treves and the Palatinate on the left side of the Rhine and oblig'd themselves farther to demolish all the Forts they had upon that River on the right side of it and moreover Montroyal and Traerbach upon the Moselle after which they were to be restor'd to the Elector of Treves together with the Town of Treves in the Condition it was then They likewise ingag'd to restore the Dutchy of Lorrain and Barre in the Condition wherein Charles the Fourth enjoy'd it in the Year 1670 only they reserv'd to themselves the Town of Saar-Lonis with a district of half a League about it and the Town and Provostship of Longwy upon the Frontier of Lorrain towards Luxembourg for which Towns the French promis'd to give an Equivalent of the same Extent and Value in one of the three Bishopricks as it should be agreed upon between Commissioners appointed by the French King and the Duke of Lorrain for that purpose and farther to give back the Dutchy of Deux-Ponts to the King of Sweden the County of Mont-belliard to the Dukes of Wirtemberg with all the Mannors and Feudships belonging to the said Family in the Dutchy of Burgundy and Franche-Comte the Towns and Bishopricks of Wormes and Spire the first to the Grand Master of the Teutonick Order and the latter to the Archbishop of Treves And the Elector Palatine re-entering in the Possession of all his Territories and Revenues on both sides of the Rhine by this Treaty according as they were restor'd at the Peace of Westphalia the Emperour and the French King were nam'd to be Arbitrators of the Dutchess of Orleans's Pretensions in which if they did not agree that then the Pope should decide that Matter according to the Laws and Constitutions of the Empire and in the mean while that the Elector Palatine should allow the Dutchess of Orleans a Yearly Pension of 200000 Livers French Money Lastly The French promis'd to deliver up the Town and Castle of Dinant to the Elector of Cologne as Bishop of Liege in the Condition they were at the taking of them before the Treaty of Nimeguen And in Consideration of the Equivalent given by the French the Emperour and Empire consented that Strasbourg should be dismembred for ever from the Empire and annex'd to the Most Christian King's Dominions with a Sovereign Property and Jurisdiction over it that the Bridge of Philipsbourg should be broke down and the Fort which covers it on the left side of the Rhine demolish'd that the new Town of Brisach on the same side of the Rhine should be dismantled and that hereafter the Rhine should be the common Barriere in Alsatia between France and the Empire so that France should have no Forts upon the Rhine nor right side of it nor the Empire upon the left And as a common Article that this Treaty should be Ratified by the Empire and the French King within six Weeks after But there was a Clause in the Fourth Article whereby the Roman Catholick Religion was to be maintain'd in all the Places restor'd by the French in the Condition and State it was at the Signing of it which created very hot Contestations between the Protestant and Bopish Deputies of the Empire as being expresly contrary to the Treaty of Westphalia this made all the Protestant Deputies and the Mediatour himself as Deputy for the Dutchy of Deux-Ronts in the King of Sweden's Name refuse to Sign it as Derogatory to the Treaty of Westphalia except the Deputies of the House of Wirtemberg and of the Imperial Town of Franckfort There was not the least mention made of this Clause in the General Project given in by the French nor in their new Memorial of the 20th of August but England and Holland having Sign'd before without the Empire or rather the 10th of September seeming to have been laps'd on purpose to bring this about the French and Popish Members of the Empire took hold of such an Opportunity to gain Ground upon the Protestants in Germany The Treaty being Sign'd between the Empire and France and consequently a General Peace establish'd among all the Parties concern'd the King came then to the Hague on the 29th attended by the Prince of Vaudemont where his Princess came to wait upon His Majesty to Complement him upon the Peace and take her leave before her parting for Italy with the Prince her Husband who were lodg'd together in the Oud Hoff one of the King's Palaces at the Hague All the Plenipotentiary Ambassadours and Forreign Ministers went to Complement the King upon his Arrival and the Conclusion of the Peace and among them the three French Plenipotentiaries came there the next day in a Body by the French King's order and had an Audience in Form as his Ambassadours Extraordinary to make the first Complement to His Majesty The Fourth of November being the King's Birth day was kept at the Hague with a great deal of Solemnity the Court was throng'd Nov. with Forreign Ministers upon this occasion and the French Plenipotentiaries especially made their Complement to His Majesty upon his Birth-day and in the Evening a Magnificent Ball was given by the Prince and Princess of Vaudemont at the Oud Hoff. After this the King waited only for a fair Wind to bring him over to England and went some few days after to Oranje-Polder to imbark but the Wind coming about contrary His Majesty went back to the Hague At last the Wind coming fair the King imbark'd at Oranje Polder the 13th in the Morning and happily arriv'd at Margate on Sunday the 14th of November between Ten and Eleven in the Morning and went to lay that Night at Canterbury The 15th His Majesty came to Greenwich in order to make his Publick Entry the next day in the City of London where His Majesty was then receiv'd with all the Solemnity and Magnificence that Loyalty and Affection accompanied with an Universal Joy could be capable of to see His Majesty return Safe to his Kingdom after so many Fatigues and Dangers so many
and the Allies are fallen very short of their Expectations in the last War France propos'd to it self at least to have chang'd the Twenty Years Truce into a perpetual Treaty in pursuance of the repeated Instances made by the French Ambassadour at the Dyet of Ratisbone for that purpose and nothing in the World could have prevented not only this but even the Ruin of the Protestant Religion every where and with it the Truckling of the Empire the Spanish and United Netherlands to the Power of France save the Happy Wonderful and Sudden Revolution in England when in all Humane Probability His Majesty's Expedition with so considerable a Body of the States Forces in that Kingdom must have created such Civil Wars as would have been rather Subservient to carry on the great Designs of France instead of hindering them which I think is a sufficient Argument to convince any Man unless he is byass'd by his Passions Prejudices and Interest that it was the doing of that over-ruling Providence who as the Psalmist tells us * Psal 33. Maketh the Devices of the People to be of none effect and casteth out the Counsels of Princes As for the Allies they had sufficiently felt the Effects of that Great Power which the French had come to by the Treaty of Nimeguen and whilst the Court of England was ingag'd in the Interests of France that turn'd the Scale so much that there could be no resistance for them But that powerful Kingdom having been so happily and suddenly drawn out of the Interests of France or rather deliver'd out of its Power by the late Revolution in the Government and brought over by it to the side of the Allies in whose Cause the Religion Laws Priviledges and Liberties of that Kingdom were so nearly concern'd as the Liberties of Europe were reciprocally involv'd in the Destiny of that Nation so the Allies conceiv'd very great Hopes thereupon of reducing France to much lower Conditions than the Treaty of Nimeguen and of hindering it hereafter from disturbing so often the Peace and Quiet of Christendom But several Accidents have stop'd the Progress of the Allies Affairs thus far the first has been the War of Ireland which hinder'd England from bending the Force of its Arms against France at the beginning to imploy them for the three first Campagnes to recover a Kingdom which so undoubtedly belongs to it and in which it was certainly the Interest of the French to maintain the War as long as possibly they could not to mention the persidious Malice of a Party of Men and unnatural Patriots we have at Home which has weaken'd our Efforts very much and clogg'd the Progress of our Affairs so as to make them often drive heavy The second has been the Over-sight of the Imperial Court in not making a Peace with the Grand Seignior after the Siege of Belgrade as the Turks so earnestly sollicited it at that time And the third The Obstinacy of the Turks so prejudicial at last to their true Interest in carrying on so unsuccessful a War in Hungary when by the necessity of the Emperour's Affairs whilst ingag'd in a War against France they could have made a very Advantageous Peace for themselves which they ought to have done chiefly when they found that notwithstanding the great Diversion they expected from the French upon the Rhine the Imperialists could give them an intire Rout at Salankement and take in the Campagnes following Guyla and Great-Waradin from them for which ill Policy they find at present but too much reason to repent when they see themselves left in the Lurch and to deal with a Powerful Confederacy which now that there is a General Peace in Christendom can bend all its Forces against a weaken'd and drooping Empire The first of these Obstacles being at length happily surmounted by the Reduction of Ireland France contriv'd an Invasion in the Year 1692. to make us look to our own defence at home instead of increasing the strength of the Allies abroad by which though it miscarried in the main yet it gain'd the Town of Namur And the defeat of Landen in 1693 having shew'd the necessity there was for England and the States to augment considerably their Land Forces the Scale begun to turn the Campagne following and the weight of England appear'd very considerable in the Ballance chiefly in the Campagne of 1695 by the Glorious Recovery of Namur which if it be true that France offer'd to treat upon the Foot of Nimeguen before upon the Issue of the Campagne of 1694 sufficiently justified the Conduct of the Allies in the rejecting of it when the French lost Cazal in Italy at the same time And there is a great deal of reason to think that the carrying of the War by the Allies thereafter would have been attended with many other Glorious Advantages and very Fatal to the French had it not been for the Duke of Savoy's deserting of the Common Interest in the Campagne of 1696 and what was may be in some measure the Cause of it the Money difficulties which happen'd in England at that time and oblig'd us to Reform our Coin which had been Clipp'd and Debas'd almost to nothing so that it could bear no Price abroad but must have hinder'd our Armies at last from Subsisting in Flander's and drawn the loss of the Spanish Netherlands after it without a speedy Remedy And as we could not carry on the War nor indeed our Trade without Reforming our Coin so France expected we should be reduc'd to such Extremities in the doing of it as might have put a People together by the Ears that is not us'd to want which would have made it worth its while to continue a War in which it would once more have had a fair Chance to subdue the League and Compass its great Designes by the Ruine of England This may be reckon'd the true Cause both of the inaction and weakness of the Allies for the two last Campagnes and of the continuing of the War then by the French King But though our Money difficulty's occasion'd in a great measure this prolonging of the War by the French yet our overcoming of them so happily and in so little a time which demonstrated the vast and unexpected Wealth of a Nation they reckon'd altogether impoverish'd and which was represented as such by our Domestick Enemies has made amends for it in opening the Eyes of our late Enemies and letting them see that the Continuation of the War would Ruin France before it could Beggar England which has contributed very much to facilitate and bring about that Universal Peace which Christendom now Enjoys And though the Allies have fallen short of their Expectations in the War and that France still continues in the main upon the Foot of the Treaty of Nimeguen yet England having so successfully rcover'd its Liberties and maintain'd and vindicated the Liberties of all Europe at the same time it is thereby in a Condition to ballance
Affairs enough to keep France quiet and to make it observe the Terms of the last Treaty unless it would run the Risk of an Alliance which hereafter would be more fatal to it than ever My last Reflexion shall be about the Advantages which England has gain'd by the present Peace As for the King he has rais'd an Eternal Monument of Fame and Glory to himself by it in bringing of a War in which he had already gain'd an Endless Renown in exposing his Person so freely to all the Dangers and Fatigues of it every Campagne to so happy a Period in spight of all the difficulties which seem'd rather to intail it upon himself and his Dominions in steering all along so justly and nicely among all the different Parties Nations Religions and Interests that made up the Body of the Allies as to bring them to joyn and Center together in effecting his Peaceable and quiet Settlement upon the Throne of these Realms even notwithstanding too many ill Successes in the Course of the War both for his and their Affairs and by this Union among the Chief Powers of the League so strictly carried on and so happily manag'd of which the French themselves when Enemies gave the * Father la Rue his Funeral Oration upon the Marechal of Luxembourg Applause to our Great Prince to compass an Honourable Peace for his Allies as well as for himself But the Glory of Kings does not alwayes make the Happiness of Subjects this would not amount to so much for us if the welfare of England was not joyn'd with it and here it is that we must take a view of the Advantages which England reaps at present by that Peace it owes to the Wisdom and Valour of our Good and Gracious as well as Great Sovereign in which case it would be enough to say that England has gain'd its cause by it and compass'd the great and noble design it did chiefly aim at in the War of recovering under His Majesty's Government its Rights Priviledges and Liberties which had been so notoriously violated before and of securing thereby the Protestant Religion not onely amongst us but in the rest of Christendom which was then in so manifest and apparent a danger by the violent Irruptions of a Popish Government so as for the future we might intail both our Religion and Liberties to Posterity upon a surer and more solid Foundation then they could have when in the reach of Tyranny and Arbitrary Power But over and above which indeed is but a necessary consequence of the former England is again re instated in its prerogative of holding the Ballance of Europe and keeping a due aequilibrium among the contending Powers of Christendom as it is its true interest for Popery nor Arbitrary Power can hardly be introduc'd amongst us but by a pernicious Adherence or rather Servility to one side or t'other to render it formidable thereby to the rest of the World by this means to compass such Tyrannical designs under the shelter of it and I think we have had but too much experience already to vouch for the Truth of this Assertion And as England has so gloriously recover'd itself and is reinstated in the Umpireship of the Affairs of Europe by gaining of our Cause in the happy Conclusion of a War in which we were so necessarily ingag'd so consequently is it in our Power to make the present Peace Solid Lasting and Durable for neither side will think it their advantage to be troublesome whilst a powerful Umpire is resolv'd to maintain the Ballance of Affairs Whilst England is in this Condition it is in its true Posture and as it should be but in order to keep and maintain our selves in it these two things seem to be absolutely necessary The first is a Careful regard to the State of Affairs abroad not to look upon them with an indifferency because we are in an Island happily divided from the rest of the World which frees us from a great many of its Commotions and Disturbances but whenever this point of the Umpireship in which our own Safety as well as Glory is so nearly concern'd lies at Stake then to ingage heartily and freely for the Liberty of Europe for otherwise we must at length become a Prey our selves or be involv'd in a War at last which will then cost us more Millions than in taking things at the beginning it would have cost us Hundred Thousands of Pounds for the Truth of which I need but appeal to the vast Expences of the late War The Second is Peace and Unity among our selves for besides that this Umpireship of the Affairs of Christendom wholly depends upon it which will always shelter us from Enemies abroad at the same time that it makes us great in the World it is the onely bottom that the present Government and with it our Religion Priviledges and Liberties can stand upon for their Fate is at present inseparable and I may boldly venture to say that as Affairs are now in Europe if our unhappy Divisions should work to that height as to produce a Change which God forbid no Revolution can happen in England from the present Government but for Popery and Tyranny without a very great Miracle to prevent it which is a Risk no wise Protestant can expose the Common Interest of all that call themselves Reformed to And therefore whatever Designes too many people amongst us may directly propose to themselves in carrying off of Factions and Divisions to work a Change of Affairs either in Church or State to their own Advantage of what side soever they may be yet in effect they onely work for their own Destruction and must of Course be involv'd in the Ruines of that very Fabrick which they endeavour to pull down and thus open the only remaining Inlet to Popery and Slavery And I pray God that all that call themselves Protestants may lay these things seriously to their Hearts that so our own Divisions may not one day effect what all the Power of France prompted and incouraged by the Treacherous and base Contrivances of an Unnatural Party of Men at home has not been able to perform and to this End may the God of Peace guide our judgements in all things and endow our Hearts with a healing Christian Charity among our selves which is the onely Bond of Peace so that though we cannot bring Matters to an exact Uniformity of Sentiments in Matters of Religion yet thereby we may at least be hinder'd from biting and devouring one another which cannot end otherwise but in a Common Ruin and united in the Methods of a mutual defence as we have at present more than over an Unity of Interest against the Common Adversary FINIS Books printed for Matthew Wotton at the Three Daggers in Fleet-street Numb 7. Shewing the Usefulness of Humane-Learning in Matters of Religion Numb 8. Shewing the Necessity of such a Christian Discipline as is Consistent with Civil Power in Opposition to the Extreams on both sides Books printed for John Newton at the Three Pigeons in Fleet-street THE Honourable Hugh Hare Esq has Charge at the General Quarter-Sessions of the Peace for the County of Surrey held at Darking The Second Edition Corrected Dr. Falle's Account of the Isle of Jersey with a new Map dedicated to the King His Three Sermons on several Occasions Sir Francis Bacon's Essays A Discourse of Natural and Revealed Religion in several Essays Or The Light of Nature a Guide to Divine Truth By Mr. Tim. Nurse The Anatomy of the Earth By Thomas Robinson Rector of Baâ—by in Cumberland
Religion they knew very well that if England and Holland had been left ingag'd in a War with the French King all the advantages he would have had by it would onely have made more firm and lasting Fetters for themselves and 't is therefore probable that the Emperour and King of Spain joyn'd in this Peace of Italy at the Popes most earnest Sollicitations who though his Mediation signified little on the other side of the Alpes yet was very desirous of seeing Peace at his own doors and us'd consequently all his Industry and Interest to bring it about And if such were the vain and groundless hopes of the Popish Bigots abroad our Jacobites were no less elevated at home upon this separate Treaty of Savoy and the consequent Treaty for the Peace of Italy they could imagine no less than that the French King would force every one of the Allies in the Continent of Europe one after another to make up an accommodation and thus that nothing would remain for him but to deal with England and bend all his Forces upon it for the reestablishment of the late King But they both have been very much deceiv'd in the event which does now convince the World that the French King aim'd particularly at coming by this means the sooner to a General Peace with all the Allyes and to have so much the better Terms for himself And indeed at that very time that these things were Transacting in Italy so much to the prejudice of the General Interest of the Allyes the French King had an Agent in Holland to make overtures of a General Peace and the Duke of Savoy made use of this very pretext to excuse the Treaty he had made apart with France in his Letter to the Elector of Brandenbourgh he was jealous or rather pretended to be so of the States having receiv'd an Agent from France to treat with them and therefore he thought that he might very well treat for himself Monsieur de Callieres as we have said it in our precedent History had come to Holland with a passe from the States at the very opening of the Campagne and resided privately at Delft the whole Summer to negotiate Affairs with some of the States Ministers in order to come to a General Treaty this occasion'd so many Journeys which Monsieur Dyckvelt made between Holland and the Camp in Brabant to give an account to the King and receive His Majesty's instructions But whether the uncertain state of the King of Spain's Health who had a most dangerous fit of sickness the latter end of the Summer made the French delay and spin away time in their Offers or that the Imperialists and Spaniards were unwilling to hear of reducing things no farther than the Treaty of Nimeguen the King of Swedens Mediation was not accepted in due Form by the French King and the Congress of the Allies at the Hague till the Campagne was over or rather till the beginning of the Winter upon which the Baron de Lillienroot the Swedish Minister at the Hague receiv'd full powers from Stockholme to manage the Mediatour's part in the Congress that should be held for the concluding of a General Peace between France and the Allies Things being brought thus far towards a Treaty the several Princes concern'd begun to appoint Ambassadors and Plenipotentiaries for it of which I shall onely mention the Principal On the Emperours side were nam'd the Count de Caunitz his Ambassadour and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague Count Straatman and the Baron de Zeilern On his Majesty of Great Britains the Earl of Pembrook my Lord Viscount Villiers now E. of Jersey His Majesty's Ambassador to the States and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague and Sir Jos Williamson to whom was joyn'd afterwards in Commission as third Plenipotentiary Ambassador my L. Lexinton His Majesties Ambassador at Vienna as 't were provisionally for during the whole Congress he did not leave the Imperial Court. On the French Kings behalf were nam'd M. de Harlay Boneuil Monsieur de Courtin who not being able to attend upon this great imployment by reason of his great age and a blindness that seiz'd him immediately after his Nomination Count de Crecy Verjus was appointed in his stead as second and the third Monsieur de Calliere before hand in Holland as his Most Christian Majesty's Agent to make the Overtures of a Treaty On the behalf of Spain were nam'd Don Barnardo de Quiros the King of Spain's Ambassadour to the States General and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague and the Count de Tirimont to whom the Elector of Bavaria joyn'd the Baron de Preylmeyer to take care of his own particular Interest For the States General were nam'd Messieurs Boreel Dyckvelt and Van Haren all these had the Character of Ambassadours Extraordinary and Plenipotentiaries as well as the Mediatour The rest I shall leave to those who write particularly the Account of the Negotiations of this Peace to account for After the accepting the Mediation of Sweden and the naming of Plenipotentiary Ambassadours by the Chief Powers concern'd Monsieur de Callieres who hitherto had kept up very privately in Holland and mostly at Delft took upon him the publick Character of the French Kings Minister and had very frequent Conferences with the Ministers of the States in the presence of the Mediatour or particularly among themselves to settle the Preliminaries in order to come to a place of Treaty Monsieur d'Avaux the French Ambassadour at Stockholm had made several offers to the Court of Sweden in order to open the way to a General Treaty by the Mediation of that Crown not onely during the Campagne of 1696. but also in the Winter 1694. which the Allies pretended to have been more advantagious than those given by Monsieur de Callieres at the Hague This created some contest about settling the Preliminaries and therefore retarded that Business for some time however the French Court having insisted upon Monsieur de Callieres offers as the onely authentick ones the Preliminaries were at last agreed upon and sign'd by the Mediatour in presence of Monsieur de Callieres and Messieurs Boreel and Dyckvelt the 31th of January old Style of which this was the Substance Monsieur de Callieres having communicated his full power from the French King for this purpose to the Mediatour did declare in the French King his Masters Name that in order to a General Treaty of Peace his Most Christian Majesty Consented and Agreed 1. That the Treaties of Westphalia and Nimoguen should be the Basis and Foundation of the Treaty to be made with the Allies 2. To Restore to the Empire the Town of Strasbourg in the Condition it was when taken by his Majesty 3. To Restore to the King of Spain the Town of Luxembourgh in the state 't is now in 4. The Towns of Mons and Charloroy as they are at present