Selected quad for the lemma: religion_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
religion_n	king_n	law_n	liberty_n	6,707	5	6.5575	4	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A89494	A soveraigne salve to cure the blind, or, A vindication of the power and priviledges claim'd or executed by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, from the calumny and slanders of men, whose eyes (their conscience being before blinded) ignorance or malice hath hoodwinckt. Wherein the fallacie and falsity of the anti-parliamentary party is discovered, their plots for introducing popery into the church and tyranny into the state are manifested: the pretended fears of danger from seperatists, Brownists, &c. blowne away. And a right way proposed for the advancing the just honour of the King, the due reverence of the clergy, the rights and liberty of the people: and the renewing a golden age. by J. M. Esquire.	Milton, John, 1608-1674, attributed name.	1643 (1643)	Wing M47B; Thomason E99_23; ESTC R18398	38,493	44

A SOVERAIGNE SALVE TO CVRE THE BLIND OR A Vindication of the Power and Priviledges claim'd or executed by the LORDS and COMMONS in PARLIAMENT from the Calumny and Slanders of men whose eyes their Conscience being before blinded ignorance or malice hath hoodwinckt Wherein the fallacie and falsity of the Anti-parliamentary party is discovered their plots for introducing Popery into the CHURCH and Tyranny into the STATE are manifested The pretended fears of danger from Seperatists Brownists c. blowne away And a right way proposed for the advancing the just Honour of the King the due reverence of the Clergy the Rights and Liberty of the people and the renewing a GOLDEN AGE By J. M. Esquire Salus populi est Lex suprema Salus Parliamenti supremum privilegium LONDON Printed by T. P. and M. S. 1643. REader if thou expectest here a polite stile or fluent phrase thou wilt be deceived in thy expectation it is not Rhetorick but reason can satisfie the judgment which this Author intended the former may cozen the conscience and dazle simple men the latter onely can satisfie the Wise and lead to truth A rough Diamond is precious when the best wrought glasse is despicable the painted Oratory which best pleaseth the vulgar ill suits with the well becoming gravity of a Statist The right stating of many questions in the insuing Treatise hath necessitated the dilating of some sentences more then may stand with a pleasing stile yet it is not doubted but the lovers of Truth will find that performed which is promised Farwell SO many excellent Treatises as have been sent abroad to unblind the hoodwinkt world and all clearing this truth That the Parliament is and ought to be supreme Judge might make this seem needlesse but as for a sturdy sore many plaisters are but sufficient so will it not be mis-spent time by the clear demonstrations of truth and right reason to beat down that wall of the too-much-loved-ignorance which hitherto hath kept the divine light of the truth from entring into the dark therfore miserable souls of those deluded ones who with so much earnestnesse lay out their estates expose their families to a thousand miseries nay spend even their dearest bloud to inslave themselves and posterity Love and duty to religion and my countrey now flaming with the fire these men have kindled yet give fuell to yea even pitie to these men hath inforc'd a pen ever before still to expose it selfe to publike censure and if by this poor labour of mine any of these ignorantly erring men may be reduced I have my end as for those who inraged with malice willingly oppose the truth God hath provided her another champion even the sword to vindicate her selfe from the violence of those men on whom the power of reason hath no effect To attain this our end what readier way have we then 1. To discover the falsity of those pretences by which those men are deluded the miseries they bring themselves and posterity into if they yet persist 2. To discover the way to regain our now almost lost liberty and religion 3. To free us from the pretended fears of the invasion of our liberty by the Parliament or of our religion by Brownists Anabaptists and the like And here so many of these men who hitherto through ignorance passion and mistake have been enemies to the Parliament and in them to their religion countrey and themselves I say so many of these as by Gods providence this little Treatise shal com unto are wished out of due care love to the Protestant Religion so desperately undermined by Jesuiticall plots out of love to their poor countrey laws and liberty now at the last gasp as it were either to stand or fall out of pitie to themselves and their posterity designed even to Turkish slavery they would lay aside all prejudicate thoughts and seriously lay to heart the evidences of truth love and labour to defend it wheresoever they find it and in hopes they will do this I will proceed according to the method proposed which was first to discover the deceit of that sophistry by which these truth-haters delude their followers to clear the proceedings of the Parliament from all aspersions of wrong or injustice but because their arts of deceiving are many and it would require too much time to answer particulars therefore I shall endeavour to draw them to some few generals The first then we have to deal withall is this The soveraigne power claimed by the Lords and Commons in Parliament to provide for the Kingdomes safety is an intrenching on His Majesties just Rights and contrary to the knowne Lawes say those deceivers To answer this and in this the whole bulk of their objections against the Parliament I shall first propose this to your consideration Whether if the King having his royall name and authority abused by those about him or misled by his own passion or mistake do command and act things pernicious and destructive to the people religion liberty and lawes contrary to the end and trust of the first institutors of this Monarchy and to the contract at his coronation and convert the power of the people it self to back and carry on those designes refusing to hearken to the petitions of his people or Remonstrances of the great Councell of the Kingdome if in this case the people be remedilesse consider whether the condition of a free nation be not worse then that of a most miserable slave and whether the framers of this Monarchy have not provided better for the means then for the end it self the peoples welfare which is the end of all government For first being before in a free and happy estate every way it must bring it self into servitude and each man make one another mutually and those he holds dearest and his Countrey it self slaves and must expose his own life that he may take the lives of whosoever refuseth slavery Secondly besides thus each man being one anothers mutually and all their countreys executioners each must be bound to expose all he hath and his life as much as In him lieth to procure or advance the means of damnation of those he holds dearest nay of innumerable others and of himselfe Religion being part of the case Thus whereas it seems sufficient to the constitution of a slave not to have power to dispose of himself or of what he hath in a passive way onely in this case men must be positively active against themselves Thirdly and lastly a whole Nation cannot fly or run away from a condition so miserable and by any other meanes unavoidable as a particular slave may More might be said in this point but what needed thus much were not their Judgements with whom we deale as turbu●ent as the waters they have troubled which sort a possibilitie of delusion that yet may partly hoodwinke them must distinguish from the other part among them whom malice hath made utterly reason and

speake things that seeme to others offensive or to deserve animadversion and yet the house or major part punish it not they by such connivence for these men may be allowed to question still principles that the Parliament would doe dishonorably and yet come short of their malicious intents make it also this way their owne and so not these censors or any els but the Parliament as above appeared is to judge of the Parliament but such censors themselves are to be condemned by the Parliament for thus presuming or assuming to themselves the supreame power to judge besides particular charges and articles against such were to be offered to the House the accusers and witnesses to be produced and forth-comming that if they make not good their charges the parties unjustly molested and accused might have condigne reparations upon them and the House it selfe satisfaction the publique service thus causelesly interrupted and the integritie of the House called in question and the like appertaining to cases of this nature Such charges have been promised long since should suddenly appeare against the accused Members of the Parliament and by them as Justice earnestly required but appeare not all this while not so much as to the people abroad though this were not the right way which they so strive to incense against the Parliament but rather warre in stead of them and seeing so many of the very Members of the Houses of Parliament are their enemies falling off from them unjustly if none such still remaine among them were things appearing unjustifiable there said or done if it might stand with the libertie and power of Parliament not to have libertie of speech it might easily be made appeare in particular to the world and so complaint be made to the Parliament thereof if it were to any end to complaine there of that which hath already passed without punishment But seeing the Parliament hath power the case standing as before hath been shewed to doe in all things as they see cause by good consequence their speeches necessarily preparing discussing agitating concluding what is so to be done cannot be subject to any limitting questioning or accompt abroad nor in reason therefore are to be divulged in that sence this being incompatible with such power But then these haters of our Law-makers and Lawes say Many of both Houses are away and so the acts lesse valid but be the number remaining little yet the acts of the Major part of that number are still good For neither the King that called them away or countenanceth them that desert their stations may ailedge this nor the Members that voluntarily not upon trust in those that remaine or leave obteined abandon their places there and duties are to take the benefit either of their owne wrong whether negligence in such Members or worse perhaps nor of their owne unworthinesse as Cowardise to oppose what they liked not which feare admitting such could be argues still that they that feared were the lesser number though what needed they feare to speake freely a dissenting lesser number being ordinary and sometimes a very few perhaps scarce enough to make a number dissenting openly from the rest of the whole House without any inconvenience It being allowed for any to speake their minds whilst a matter is in agitation before it be settled If they say they goe away that they may not seeme to allow what would passe though they were present then the Major part concurres to what is done by their owne confession els why stay they not to oppose it If they say so many are gone without leave of the Houses as put together would make the Major part supposing this were true either such a Major part went away at once in a body and then it was their fault not to stay for then they being the Major part had prevailed or they went by little and little and then still it was a Major part of the remainder that concurred to what was done els it had not passed and so the acts still good If they fly to say that they who thus deserted the House out of feare did it not as fearing the Parliament but the people granting these men this which is not their due that such had cause to feare the people and that such base feare when as they pretend they were to stand for the King Countrey Lawes Liberties Religion and did not render them utterly unworthy their places it may be answered briefly they that remained and carried matters might feare the King as much or more but their cause was noble and good but these or the like Cavils will no more hoodwinke the people their onely course were to produce some publique act of Parliament that might certifie the world that the King and both houses have long since unanimously concurred to dissolve this Parliament else Sophistry will not carry it against the manifest truth By the premisses or rather by diverse excellent Tractates published by others to the same or the like effect I hope it is even as cleare that the Parliament is and ought to be the supreame Judge in publique matters now in question in England as what it is it hath judged and ordered touching these things by so many publique orders declarations and the like and consequently that reason wills that they be sacred in our esteeme and punctually obeyed and executed and so no need of warre and whosoever goeth against reason and truth goeth against God himselfe who is Prima summa pura ratio and it will concerne him nearely to looke to it whether he be stronger then God goeth against himselfe if he be a man and shall first finde a civill warre in himselfe before he can cause it in his Countrey upon such grounds and for his Majestie he cannot as he is a King but judge that that man thinks dishonourably of him who goeth about to perswade him that that can be for his good that is not for the good of his Kingdome and so sever what is so excellently joyned or that the great Counsell of the Kingdome is not the onely at least the very best and the onely sure and securing way without all doubt for that Prince to follow that intends the publique good and which will ever assuredly concurre with him to that end nor in opposing an arbitrary power which ill men about him for their owne private and wicked ends would induce Doth the Parliament any thing but disenable a Prince or rather those about him from doing ill or more properly from usurping such power which to what end is it in a good Prince which he will or can never reduce to act or use but the false or pretended Mother of the childe who would have it divided whom the wisdome of the King may discerne will whisper there is no thankes or glory to doe good unlesse he might have done evill and so did good freely since free will onely merits I beleeve they hold merits it seemes these malignants fetched not

prevailing upon the King would oppresse it for while they carry on by degrees and mature by little and little such their mysticall and pernicious designes which must be met with betimes in such tender and jealous matters before they advance and grow strong when caution comes too late and opposition out of season doth but exasperate and increase the evill they will cause the King by fit instruments for the purpose to pronounce judge or interpret each such degree or gaining a new and further point still lawfull and not subject to question however dangerous to the people in it self and of worse consequence till the mysterie at last unmask and all be desperate It may be superadded that should the Parliament be more jealous of the Prince then there were reason which yet as I hope hath appeared is not to be imagined of the wisdom and Justice of the Parliament yet it were the farre lesse evill that the Prince being but for the people should somewhat suffer by such the Parliaments jealousie which were but peccare in meliorem securiorem partem then that by the Parliaments too much security and beleeving in the Prince the people or whole kingdome should be endangered or oppressed for whose good they both are ordeined as means for the end Besides that the authority and politique infallibilitie of the Parliament must be by all that love their Countrey not blemished but held sacred and inviolate as supreame The King indeed saith he will defend and maintain the Laws Liberties properties of Subjects just priviledges of Parliament but even in saying this he seems to violate them if the thereby assume the supreame Judgement of them to himself which as already partly hath appeared and further hereafter may do cannot be Admit this Trojan horse into your walls allow this all of them may easily resolve into nothing Consider well what Judgement hath been made of the Laws the libertie the property of the Subject before this Parliament whilest a future Parliament was doubted and feared and therefore kept off as long as these Malignants could but their fear and hate shews what we ought ardently to desire and love whilest so many Monopolies Loane Conduct Coat Ship-money and the like grievances were brought upon us our persons not going Scotfree as consisting well and compatible with our laws liberties properties and adjudged lawfull which yet what did they or ere long going on at least would they have wanted of making them all meerly at discretion pleasure and will the meer names of such things remaining and used indeed as Trophees of their Conquest and monuments of our quondam felicity and at leasure to be lamented folly and eternall shame The danger of our Religion is not forgotten because not ranked in mention with the rest it shall have a better place by it self as a Queen sitting alone The Judgement made of priviledges of Parliament during this Parliament seem to have come little short of the Judgements made of our liberties properties c. and if it be duely weighed First that they will have the King to be judge of them then what Judgement hath been lately made both in fact and in words or Declarations of them a man meanly penetrant will find them resolved by the positions of these Malignants into next to nothing and all this while the Parliament was and is in vigour vindicates and asserts them and likely to call these men to account what will they make of them should they through the authority and reputation of this Parliament which is the essence of it peirce at once the heart of all future for a Parliament not free were no Parliament and if the King be allowed judge of priviledges of Parliament where any new case happens which may touch the very essence of it if it be any thing else then the priviledges will it not come to this that the Judges he appoints or rather such instruments as the Malignants about him please to set over us shall upon the matter judge the Parliament which is to Judge their Judges making it and the Laws what they please and to restrain the power and freedome of it as of the Laws as they think fit whereupon would follow even the same inconveniences which were before mentioned supposing the King the supreame Judge of the Laws namely that the Parliament should be disenabled to defend the people or indeed it self if incroached on or oppressed upon the same reasons in that place expressed But it seems more rationall that since the Parliament is to be Judge of the Laws as is above shewed nay even may make them at least in some cases it may judge as well of its own priviledges neither appears it in the Kings power to make them what he pleases save onely thus if he doth not exorbitate nor innovate any thing against them neither can the Parliament desire any alteration of them in any point betwixt it and the King concerning them But in case of extraordinarie emergents of never-before-heard of attempts on his part whither by any verball declaration or by fact whereby the priviledges authority or very being for it may trouble a good School-man to distinguish clearly betwixt these three it self of the Parliament is indangered it is reason that the priviledges now become any thing that the Parliament judges fit for the conservation of it self For the maine end and intent of the first ancient ordinary and usuall priviledges of Parliament being to enable and qualifie it for the due attending defending or advancing the publique good for which purpose they were judged sufficient by the first Institutors not suspecting such new invasions or attempts on them or on Parliaments as since have happened in more corrupted times but thinking them rather secure as part of the Laws or customes which Kings are bound to keep inviolate why should not the same end and intent which ever remains in equall force immortall and immovable work and move as well to the instituting even of new ones if new causes happen and without such new ones the Parliament shall remain disenabled to procure the publique good for which it was ordained and if the Parliament may in extraordinarie times as now make new Ordinances for the conservation of the people it may make if need require new Ordinances or Priviledges which are but the private Laws of or concerning the Parliament for its own conservation without which they cannot defend or conserve the people and in vain had it power to make new Ordinances upon new occasions for the publique good if it have no inherent power to make new priviledges or ordinances upon new emergent dangers to save it self Posse naturally and necessarily presupposing Esse as grounded on it Qui dat finem dat necessaria ad finem the priviledges being to defend and maintain the Parliament as the Laws the people and as Salus populi is lex suprema as before so it may as well be said Salus Parliamenti supremum