and the protection of officers in the exercise of just authoritie against the hatred of frenitique persons The hipocrisie of the schismaticall partie that professed greate tendernes of conscience and greife to see Children whipp a top on a sunday was ridiculous to al sober men yet theis are the motives to embroyle a state That which he calls the superstitious rigour of his sundayes Chappell is noe other then observation of the order of the Church of England which none but the Bedlam Brownist ever called superstitious His Majest Chappell had nothing in the exercise of Devotion but what the lawes of his Predecessours had appointed and this must be his rigour That which he calls his sundayes Theatre it seemes are recreations vpon sundayes and to that he prophanely and scurrilously adds his Dominicall Jiggs Can a Christian that hath respect to the day make Dominicall the matter of his jest but having abused sacred titles to impious Actions they proceede to scoffe with them He intimates a booke published touching recreations wherein his Majest followed the example of his Royall father and the advice of the most learned Divines Judaisme and ridiculous superstition of the hipocriticall sectaries cheifely occasioned that booke both in the time of his Majest and King James Permission of sunday recreations is more agreeable to the doctrine practice of other Churches then the prohibition the pretended tendernes of conscience in the Sectaries appeares as false as frivolous and these Sectaries that make this imaginary rigour and remissenes a foundation to overthrow a Kingdome allow noe limits to their owne rigour and remissenes taking all libertie to themselves denying any to others Why are theis doughty objections made against his Majest when all know it touches not him particularly if it were considerable but his Father queene Elizabeth in whose times recreations of sundayes were more practised then in the time of his Majest by the way we may take notice of his scornefull appellation of his Father James And for the miscarriages in state wee may expect that as the Actions will be by this Author vnfaithfully related soe they will appeare of as litle weight for a ground to those Calumnies which he frames vpon them His Majest disavowed none of these acts till this Parliament and heere seekes to wipe of the envy of his evill Government vpon his substitutes His Majest allwayes disavowed illegall Acts and whatever other mens rigour or remissenes had contracted And must a King satisfie the curiositie malice of all that cast envy on his Government And was there ever a Parliament wherein lawes were not made to expiate the odium contracted When his Majest seekes to take away the occasions of evill in his substitutes he deserves the love and thankes of his people but it is the practice of Rebells to cast the rigour and remissenes of the substitutes vpon the Government His Majest ought not to beare the evill of other mens Actions and his Government wil be glorious to posteritie as it was happy to them that enjoyed it in despight of envy and this Author and such as seeke to wipe of the guilt of this lewde Rebellion by pretences of evill Government which can noe more justifie their fact then provocation a private Duell sufficiently cleere his Majest of their reproaches by the lightnes of these objections and by offering vulgar envy as a reason to destroy the Kingdome He goes on jeering the Kings promises for reforminge Religion as too late and because popular confusions had overtopt reason therefore he concludes their Justice in working mischeife and breaking all the bonds of faith and Religion The purposes which his Majest had for reforminge Religion could not by him be expressed artificiallie to gaine abatement of that violence vnder which he suffered for they are noe other then what he had often proposed in the beginninge of the Parliament and the workes of the dead King lose not their weight because they declare to the world the vnjust vsurpation of his authoritie All his vndertakings heeretofor declared him to have little or no judgment in that worke of Religion This libellers booke declares him to have little conscience of Religion no wonder if schismatickes are so shamles in the contempt of the greatest judgments that differ from them when they acknowledge the authoritie of no person over them and that which Iconoclastes pronounces-heere of the King he will not sticke to determine of all the world besides that agree not with his sect Sectaries are no lesse insolent and cruell then false and fantastique there being not any like excesse in such as attaine to highest preferments in Church or state by ordinary wayes as in those popular seducers presumption being of more force then truth with vulgar spirits and thence this Champion of shismatickes not only vilifies his Majest judgment in Religion but tells the world That his breeding or course of life could not acquaint him with a thing so spirituall The breeding and course of life of this generation of sectaries is not vnknowne and they seeke to supply with impudence what they want of abilitie It were a fault to mention heere his Majest parts learning and pietie and the Scripture which directs vs to try the spirits hath give vs such markes of the false and lying spirits as wee should be much wanting to ourselves if wee could not judge those men that are proud-boasters despisers of Parents despisers of Dominion Traytours faith-breakers to be such as descerne not the things of the spirit though they pretend to them The Reformation they could expect from him must be some politique forme of an imposed Religion or perpetuall vexation to such as comply not with that forme And let all the Churches that professe the name of Christ through the world be produced and there is none of them but have a forme of Religion which this libeller heere calls politicke and an imposed Religion and the observation of such formes are in all Churches exacted with some penalties and heereby all men may see that wee have not to doe with a confined Rebell that hath only disaffection to the Government of the place where he lives but one that accuses all Churches but his owne Conventicle to have litle ore no judgment in Religion and not acquainted with a thing so spirituall for the ground of this reproach is from his Majest resolution to vse formes in the publique duties of Religion in the Church The like amendment he sayes he promises in state not a step further then his reason and conscience told him was fiâ—t to be destred wishing he had kept with in those bounds and not suffered his owne judgment to have been overborne in some things And this he sayes is to set vp an Arbitrary Government all Brittany to be chained to the conscience judgment and reason of one man as if those guifts were entayled vpon him with his Fortune to be a King Wee know not the Misteries
of this mans Religion otherwise we might demaund of him why the King should goe further then his reason and conscience directed him and why the libeller his Mates should hould it lawfull for them to spurne at al lawes both in Church and state vpon pretence of their reason and conscience against them he cannot deny to have done this they should doe well to shew how the King may goe against his reason conscience Is it intayled vpon him with his Fortune as a King to have lesse priviledge then they must he renounce his owne reason and conscience to the advice of a Parliament And must they controll him and the Parliament Surely the King must give an account to God for the Talents he hath lent him But how can the breaker conclude from the Kings forbearance of Acts wherein he is vnsatisfied in his conscience that is to set vp an Arbitrary Government when as nothing is introduced And why must not all Brittaine be chained to the judgment reason and conscience of the King as well as all Israell Gods owne peculiar people and not only all Brittaine but the whole world are Chained to the reason judgment and conscience of their Rulers be they one or many And the seducers would perswade vs that Brittaine could not be happy vnles it were reduced to its ancyent barbaritie and governed by a multitude of Kings Religions God had promised peculiar assistance to Kings and Commaunds the peoples obedience to them the miseries of the Kingdome many be imputed in a greate part to what his Majest observed that he had suffered his owne judgment to be overborne in some things A Tyrant may make this pretence and it were in vaine for any Parliament to have reason judgment or conscience if it thwarted the Kings will It were much more tollerable for a Tyrant to pretend conscience in governing then for a people to pretend conscience in rebelling and this libeller hath reprehended the peoples levitie and violence so sharpely as he cannot if he pretend reason subject the reason judgment and conscience of the Rulers to the controll of the subjects Because Tyrants may pretend conscience therefore by good logicque no King may vse it and because some Kings may not rightly governe therefore he will have the right judgment in the people which he so much despises and which as it hath been the meanes of the Rebells present power so it hath been in all ages the cause of confusion and miserie to states and Kingdomes The reason judgment and conscience of a Parliament is not therefore in vaine because not infallible it is most probable that a King will follow the best Councell but it cannot be presumed that in Parliaments the greater-part will continue subjects if they may be Kings by saying they wil be and it was the wisedome of our Ancestours that would have no lawes made without the will of their King and they never trusted such as they chose further then to present their desires and offer their Councell vnto him and consent to what should be ordeyned by him with advice of the Lords it were in vaine to have a King if he were not impowred to judge of Councells or if lawes might be obtruded vpon him and the people without him The present Calamities testifie how vnhappily and absurdly a Parliament seekes to Commaund whose office is to Councell and pretend Councell vseles vnles they may deprive him whome they advise of the benifit of Councell taking away his power to vse it To what end doe they Councell if there be none to be Councelled but all to be commaunded That thus these promises made vpon experience of hard sufferings and his most mortified retirements being thorowly sifted containe nothing much different from his former practices His Majest expressions being thorowly sifted containe nothing in them but pious and Princely considerations and from libellers owne mouth all men may see that his Majest practices against which they maliciously exclaime were consonant to Religion and Justice and only opposite to Trayterous and schismaticall licence It was the libellers profession to parrallell his Majest faire spoken words as he calls them to his owne farr different Actions and now his words and deedes being sifted by malice it selfe are not much different the libeller is some what ingenuous to discover his owne vanitie and falshood He leaves it to prudent foresight what fruites in likelyhood his Majest restorement would have produced We have seene already the fruites of the inhumane cruelties exercised vpon him and the continuance and encrease of those abominable impieties that attend such Actions where of the libeller makes a large profession who confidently obtrudes lavish lyes for knowne truths petulant insolence for sober sense maximes of villany for sound Arguments which are the bitter fruites of disobedience and Rebellion To that part of the section which he calls the devout of it and modelled into the forme of a private Psalter he objects nothing but his spleene that it is not to be admired more then the Arch-Bishopps late Breviary and other manualls and handmaides of Devotion and these he calls the lip worke of every Prelaticall leiturgist quilted out of Scripture Phrase with as much ease and as litle neede of Christian diligence or judgment as belongs to the compiling of any ordinary saleable peece of English Divinitie that the shopps value The Authors of leiturgies and helpes to devotion have their memory blessed by the benifit which many devout soules have acknowledged to have received from their labours and the crueltie which bloody Rebells exercised on the person of the late Arch-bishopp and their other barbarismes towards the Prelates to please that kennell by whome they acted their Rebellion hath satisfied the world of the nature of Sectaries of whose bloody disposition many by sheepes-clothing were much deceived Quilting of Scripture Phrase was wont to be the prayse of their long winded Lecturers who vsed it more for sound then sense but it seemes their spirit is changed The libeller will hardly gett credit vnles with those for whose sake he doth not professe to write that is his wise and well principled men the Sectaries if he affirme that there is more neede of Christian diligence in the bold and extempore bablinge of their senseles zealots then the compiling of those Leiturgies and Manualls he mentions And such as have observed the presumption of this rabble in their prayers will beleive they hate diligence as much as they want judgment Why English or saleable should dininish the esteeme of Divinitie is not vnderstood but becaused they are common termes he would have his readers vnderstand that they signifie nothing but common matter and he expects that some will thinke English and saleable Divinitie of no regard though they vnderstand no other But he proceedes such a kinde of Psalmastry or other verball devotion without suteable deedes cannot perswade any of Zeale and righteousnes in the person
giddy wicked Rebellion in the people By what law was the king bound to attend these Lords or what authoritie had they to prepare matter for the Parliament more then any others of the Kingdome Is it not a knowne Treason to endeavour to depose the King and did not the late Parliament professe to abhorre the thought of it And how comes it to passe that these Lords have a power to threaten the King with deposing him What Rebells can be convicted by any law if this Action be not Treason The libeller getts nothing by this example but an evidence against his Masters for these Lords and their assistants had their pardon for that Rebellion And wherein did this Rebellion of these Lords differ from that of Jach straw and other Traytours mentioned by Mr. Sollicitour against the Earle of Strafford His folly in seeking to draw an Argument from the Actions of Rebells to prove a Cryme in the King is ridiculous to any reasonable man and it s not imaginable that the king should be bound to attend any meeting of his Peeres and Councellours which did tend towards a Parliament for by that Rule he must attend in as many places as there are factions noe sober time ever pretended that the king was bound to attend the Parliament which was to be called and dissolved by him and our Ancestours would be esteemed as voyde of reason as loyaltie if their Parliaments were governed by a Tumultuous rabble and the king were oblidged to doe what they would have though the whole kingdome were bleeding to death of those wounds which their impious and inconsiderate violence and fury had inflicted The king sayes the shame was to see the barbarous Rudenes of those Tumulte to demaund any thing And this the libeller beleives was the truest cause of his deserting the Parliament And was it not a just cause for him to desert the Parliament or faction in it when either they could not or would not restrayne that barbarous rudenes The worst and strangest of that any thing they demaunded was but the vnlording of Bishopps and expelling them the house and the reducing of Church discipline to a conformitie with other Protestant Churches And this the libeller would have noe Barbarisme What did the Parliament there if the Tumults may demaund the alteration of the Government of Church or state Can it be presumed that a rowte of Mechannicks could determine what was conformitie to other Protestant Churches The libeller at first remembred Mr. Solicitours discourse against the Earle of Strafford there he might have found that it was Treason to goe about assemble a multitude to alter the Government of Church or state And to seeke the vnlording of Bishopps by force in that manner they did was Treason by the law and we have seene that this desperate rabble whose demaunds the libeller sayes were but the vnlording of Bishopps and the like thinke the murther of the king and destruction of his family noe other then a but. They were demaunded by the Parliament which is vntrue but they were demaunded by a factton who suborned these Tumults to overaw and drive away the greatest part of the members of both houses The King in a most tempestuous season forsooke the helme and steerage of the Common wealth He withdrew himselfe from that storme which the Traytours had raysed against him and admitted not any steerage when all was whirled by tempestuous Tumults The libeller would willingly mince the causes of his Majest departure and therefore he catches hold of the mention of shame to exclude feare from the barbarous rudenes of the Tumults to demaund any thing he would conclude there were only demaunds noe barbarous rudenes and would make the last word to exclude all that went before To be importuned the removing of evill Councellours and other greivances was to him an intollerable oppression To offer violence to him for his protection of faithful Councellours the support of Government in Church and state was intollerable and though the libeller doe commend the violence of the Tumults yet heere he calls it only importunitie and the Kings denyall of the impetuous demaunds of a rabble to change the Government in Church and state denyall and delay of Justice If violence be lawful as he oftē affirmes why doth he mince his defence and soe often fly to these termes of importunitie and petitioning The advice of his Parliament was esteemed a bondage because the the King sayes of them whose agreeing votes were not by any law conclusive to his judgment for sayes the libeller the law ordaines a Parliament to advise him in his greate affaires but if it ordaine also that the single judgment of a King shall outballance all the wisedome of his Parliament it ordaines that which frustrates the end of its owne ordaining There is no doubt but in a Monarchy the dependence of the people is vpon the King the greatenes of whose interest in the prosperitie of the Kingdome is more likely to oblidge him to their preservation then any number of private men can be encleined to and as the law ordained a Parliament to advise him soe it forbidds them to commaund or prescribe him though the Major part of Parliament involve the whole It s against all reason to include the King who is allwayes furnisht by law with his other Councells may see good reason to preferr the Counsell of the smaller number and that law which ordained the Parliament to be called and dissolved by the King had destroyed what it ordained if the King had been bound to consent to all advices given him by the Parliament Such a restraint vpon the King not only makes voyde and vseles those select Councells which by law are continually to advise him but destroyes the Government of Monarchy which the law cannot intend and gives the Parliament the absolute soveraigntie which the people would not live vnder being contrary to their desires and dispositions the trust reposed in such as they elected The Kings judgment may dissent he sayes to the destruction of himselfe and Kingdome And soe doubtles may the judgment of a major part in Parliament and we have found by long experience that Parliaments have produced Acts to the preiudice of the state and corruption of Religion but this libeller holds all meanes frustraneous that beget not Rebellion and as in his affection he preferrs the judgment of the Parliament before the Kings soe any Company or committee of Lords that conspire against him as appeares by his late remembred instance against Rich the 2 And what power he would have in the Parliament over the King he would place in the Tumults his admired Iron flaile over the Parliament and prayes vnto God to send them that they may purge the Parliament and prescribe lawes both to the King and them and therefore he judges that it is vnlawlike that a remedy soe slender should be the vtmost meanes of publique safetie And we are sure that
Parliament requires we must all be slaves a proper inference and vpon this he concludes that petitioning was but forme because he doth not like the Kingly Government It cannot be soe absurd to binde the King to a blinde obedience as to confine the Parliaments reason to the will of one man Much more absurd to bind the King and leave subjects vnconfined That the King did nothing but what was opposite to his professed interest cannot be supposed but in his concessions to the late Parliament and we finde by sad experience that nothing is more ruinous to the Kingdome then a power in the Parliament over the King and they have been soe farr from a power to confine the exorbitancie of Kings that those illegall conventions which acted the Tragedies of some Kings were but the stales to vsurpers and moulded to their will That the King called them young statesmen he imputes to arrogance Doubtles the King might have said much more then what he did that most part of these propounders were young statesmen Is there a man in England that doubts it if he regard either age or experience how they have governed themselves and the Kingdome all men see who from soe greate tranquilitie have turned it into a lamentable combustion and despised the Kingdomes interest both at home and abroade that Phaetons miscarriage was never soe answeared by the practice of any rash and precipitate medlers in affaires of state as these vsurpers and as they drove furiously with Iehu soe they practized his hipocrisie that loved the Kingdome better then the commaunds of God and departed not from the sins of Jeroboam though he pretended Zeale for the Lord and that omen of confusion from such fury and madnes his Majest prayed God to divert but the Libeller is pleased with his owne prognostickes and makes augury a warrant for any villany though the wickednes of his Masters may give just occasion to thinke their vengeance fleepes not He comes now to dictate law and tumbling of his repetitions that the Parliament sit not as subjects but superiours called not by him but by the law And doth not this man know the Parliament sayes all this is false and that they are his subjects and called by his writ Surely this Libeller takes pleasure in outfacing all truth otherwise he would not vse such absurd and palpable falsities and that after himselfe had said the king was trusted with the summoning and dissolving of Parliaments Vnreasonable desires might be vnexpected by the king and denyed Wee may see that Iehues fury and Phaetons rashnes were not ill remembred to these men that held the enforcing of old lawes repairing of injuries moderate desires of reformation soe contemptible that nothing but the rooting vp of the foundation of Government could be a remedie for the kingdome whose greate prosperitie was their greatest greivance and all those good lawes which he commends were vseles and to noe purpose That they which came to the Parliament had no authoritie to redresse greivances but to desire the redresse was acknowledged a truth by the late Parliamēt befor their insolēce was confirmed by the kings concessions That their Fathers made as vast alterations to free themselves from ancient Popery is much mistaken for whoever lookes into the reformation of Religion in England shall finde that it moved from the head and that the Parliament conformed themselves vnto the Counsells taken by the king and made not the alterations the Libeller supposes Alterations were made where corruptions had entred into doctrine or practice but it was very farr from esteeming the primitive Church a time of superstition and plucking vp by the rootes what ever was planted in the first ages of the Church Sectaries are not to be judges of what varies from Scripture their opinions arising from disobedience must needes be full of errour and schisme and his Majest had good reason to preferre the doctrine and practice of the primitive Church before any moderne opinion of reformation and as all the pregnant and solid reasons of the Churches beyound the seas wrought lesse with the faction in Parliament then the Tumults and rabbles soe farr lesse with this Libeller that defends a schisime from them all vnder the divided Conventicles of Independancy and a crew of ignorant and irreligious Hobgoblins that eate the fat of robbery and oppression And he heere pretends the example of all the reformed Churches against Episcopacie and afterwards confesses the Lutherans who are the greater part of a contrary practice The falshood giddines of their oracles are more ridiculous thē ever were the superstitious pilgramages of blinde votaries he that thus reprehends the kings oppositiō to the change of Church Government while he strives for innovation exclaimes against it as a Cryme for he sayes they would vindicate the Government of the Church innovated corrupted he should have shewed from what time it was corrupted The king sayes such as were looked vpon before as factious in the state Schismaticall in the Church demaunded not only tollerations for themselves in their vanitie noveltie and confusion but alsoe an extirpation of that Government whose rights they had a minde to invade And the Libeller askes was this man ever likely to be advised who setts himselfe against his chosen Councellours and censures the Government of other protestant Churches as bad as any Papist Certainly such Councellours were very vnfitt to advise that were soe ill qualified such as the lawe judges offenders are incapable to judge of law that such were these demaunders is evident to al men that know the lawes and Government of England There are noe Protestant Churches that thinke their Government censured if others differ from it in any particular but they will hold it a Schismaticall insolence in any to endeavour to alter a Government well setled vpon pretence to introduce another against the will of the king It imports not any contempt of the kingdome if such as they chose be found either defective or false and to engage the kingdome in all the impieties that men act which are chose by them is as absurd as vainely pretended by the Libeller who will make a faction prevalent by Tumults and sedition to be the kingdome and the king should have had his kingdome in greate contempt if he had taken such a faction for the kingdome He drawes an Argument from the penaltie of being a Christian vnder the heathens and a Protestant vnder Papists And surely had they sought to introduce their Religion with the destruction of the Civill state such a fact would have merited the name of treason but their course was contrary to these Sectaries who sought only to enjoy the libertie of their conscience not to enforce others That our saviour comming to reforme his Church was accused of an intent to invade Caesars right as good a right as ever the Prelate Bishopps had the one being gotten by force the other by spirituall vsurpation Helpes not the Sectaries
vnderstanding of the nature and consequence of the things graunted and as his Majest professed a cleerer information after these Actions had passed him soe he evidently saw that they were more against his subjects good then his owne and that insteede of preventing an Arbitrary power it would have introduced an arbitrary licence and confusion into the Kingdome and such men as preferre the bondage of popular confusion or the licentious insolence of many Lords are eyther inchanted with a witch craft of Rebellion or stupidly benummed with a senseles Lethargy With what Zeale the Libeller reproves the abuse of Scripture when he exclaimes as if it offended his conscience we may perceive by the allusion he makes saying Ireland was as Ephraim the strength of his head meaning the Kings Scotland as Iudah was his law giver but over England as over Edom he meant to cast his shooe Hath this man reverence to Scripture or the Author of it He comes againe to accuse the King for persecuting the consciences of Religious men a knowne vntruth yet soe much beloved by the Libeller as he seemes impatient to misse the repetition of it and with this he joynes his reproving the Kings profession of being an Enemy of those that forced the conscience because he had made a warr and lost all rather then not vphold the Bishopps It is an Argument that he esteemed his conscience that lost all for it But the Libeller sayes they were persecuting Bishopps The King vpholding Bishopps vpholds not persecution or abuse and the Libellers confounding the office ill exercise of it makes knowne his want of Argument The falshood of their Calumnies against the Bishopps is sufficiently manifested to the world that after soe many vehement outcryes they have not proved on such act of persecution done by any one of them not the presons but the office lawe were the persecution in this mans judgment The King obtruded new Ceremonies vpon vs vpon the Scotts a new Liturgie There were noe new Ceremonies obtruded by him in England and this horrid Rebellion to take away the Ceremonies and Government legally established and continually practised vnder the name of innovations detects both the fraude and outrage of their proceedings The new leiturgie offred the Scots by advice of their Bishopps and Clergie was an act befitting the care of a King and noe man will beleive that it was an offence te their consciences who made noe conscience of blood and Rebellion vpon pretence of their conscience which the world sees was an hipocriticall straining at a straw and swallowing a Camell and these tender conscience men have written their tendernes of conscience with the blood of their brethren which will remaine a memoriall of their dissembled sanctitie What hinderance of the search of truth he meanes is not vnderstood vnles he would have the dreames of mad sectaries confirmed by authoritie He would have the penalties of lawes thought persecution of the conscience and sectaries the Judges and sayes if himselfe meaning the King and his learned Churchmen were the obstinate part should Reformation suffer them to sit Lording like the greate whore And are sectaries Libells convictions of Kings and learned Churchmen and the clamours of malefactours a sentence against the Judge Such is the Government that must now rule the world and Reformation must be an Idoll in the hands of a seditious sectarie whereto the people must fall downe and such vnstable multitudes carried about with every winde of doctrine are likely to be those many waters on which the greate whore sits which hath for corruption and crueltie a greate resemblance vnto those false prophetts that now seduce the people These Clergimen were not to bedriven like sheepe but driven out like wolves But they are theeves and wolves that enter into the sheepefold by violence and stealth and the ambition and greedines of these wolves will finde occasion to sucke the blood and devoure the flesh of the sheepe The king sayes that he beleives the Presbiterie though proved to be the only institution of Iesus Christ were not by the sword to be set vp without his consent which is contrary saith the Libeller both to the doctrine and knowne practice of all Protestant Churches if his sword threaten those who of their owne accord imbrace it But then it cannot be sett vp by the sword vnles his sword threaten those that imbrace it And this jugler denies what the king sayes and yet in effect professes it and while he enrages the Tumults to sett vp their Presbiterie with the sword produces Arguments only for defence The reformed Churches professe to follow the ancients in suffering not associate themselves to bloody Sectaries in Rebelling And his next words impert that private men may not contend with Magistrates nor vse force against them Though Christ and his Apostles being to Civill affaires but private men contended not with Magistrates yet when Magistrates themselves and especially Parliament come to know Religion they ought to defend it against any King or Tyrant What is defence to the question in hand of setting vp Religion by the sword without the kings consent May an inferiour Christian Magistrate take Armes against his superiour a Pagan to sett vp Religion Is he not as much a private man as our Saviour and his Apostles where the Civill power hath not given him a right And as a Civill right is not imaginable soe the pretence of a power from Religion is execrable and false which will not permitt an vsurpation vpon the Civill right There may be a King where there is noe Parliament and it is noe more lawfull for an inferiour Migistrate or to Parliament who are but private men in regard of the Prince whose deputies they are to take the sword to sett vp Religion against the King their soveraigne then for any private men and were not the libeller distracted betweene evidence of truth and his owne corrupt inclinations he would not instance in the name of Magistrates and Parliament that but the line before pretended the power of the people to doe the same thing by the doctrine and practice of all Protestant Churches and would make them more publique persons then their Saviour and his Apostles he thinkes his reviling language of Tyrany and bloody Bishopps and the King their pupill are irrefragable Arguments in the judgment of his pubills There is a large difference betweene forcing men by the sword to turne Presbiterians and defending them who willingly are soe But then it is impious to force ment to be soe what those wretches did to the King for not being soe and for not consenting to impose it vpon the kingdome by a law the world knowes and the world is wittnes and they have robbed men of their possessions by the sword to sett vp this new Religion His charging Covetuousnes and ambition to be the events of Episcopacy is schismaticall malice for Episcopacie in the beginning of the Church was attended with povertie and
commō counsel of Presbiters whē these schismes began and when things were soe governed were there not Apostles in the Church and superiour to Presbiters St. Ierome affirmes that Bishopps rather by custome then ordainement of Christ were exalted above Presbiters St Ierome speakes of priviledges given to Bishopps above Presbiters by custome but he affirmes the power of ordination belonging to them and not to Presbiters Though St. Ierome make a difference betwixt the ordainment of Christ and the practice of the Apostles neither he nor any good Christian ever questioned the lawfullnes authoritie of such Custome of the Church in the times of the Apostles and this man that in this very Chapter said the King produced noe Scripture and that antiquitie was not of weight against it now gravely determines that interpretation of St. Ierome in his sense shal be received before intricate◠stuffe tatled out of Timothy and Titus Thus this prophane hipocrite prostitutes Scripture where it contradicts their practises and St. Ierome shal be preferred before Scripture if he seeme to favour their sense and vilified beneath Esops falles if he dissent from them If it be farr beyound Court Element what is said by his Majest it is not above his owne the proper Element of this breaker is prophanes and impudence and heere againe he importunately obtrudes the Kings letter to the Pope which he makes a cheife support of his Trayterous pretences but the authoritie of a gazet out of which he quotes it is too meane to rayse a scandall vpon a Prince in the judgment of any reasonable men and this man well knowes the fraude in publishing that false Copie of the Kings letter which he willfully passes by and the satisfaction which the King gave the Parliament and whole Kingdome vpon his returne out of Spaine the dissolving of those Treaties which occasioned that letter must stopp the mouth of all detractours to offer it as an argument of his Majest inclination to the Roman Religion The Libeller answeares his Majest argument to prove his sufferings out of conscience not Policie because his losses were more considerable then episcopacy with objecting hardning and blindnes being himselfe hardned to oppose all light of truth and shut his eyes against the cleerest demonstrations Where hath more faction and confusion ever been bredd then vnder the imparitie of his owne Monarchicall Government The king pretended not any Government could absolutely shut out faction but we may be sure those factions are most dangerous to all Governments whose principles are destructive to it and these factions were not bredd in the constitution of Monarchy but among the Enemies af it and the envious man sowed his tares while men slept and as he will not stand powling of the reformed Churches to know their numbers soe he wil hand over head affirme that the farr greater part in his Majest three kingdomes desired what they have now done to throw downe Episcopacie which hath as litle weight as truth the reformed Churches are not vilified one by another though each maintaine their severall formes of Government and his Majest is farr from vilifying those Churches but the Libeller vilifies himselfe and them that scoffs at their Arch presbitery classicall and Diocesine Presbitery and their Priest-led herodians blinde guides None but Lutherans retained Bishopps and therein convinces himselfe of his often repeated vntruths that all the reformed Churches rejected Episcopacy for the Novations Montanists having noe other Bishopps then such as were in every village is another of his falsities in adding the word every and it doth not prove that these heretickes had not Bishopps and Presbiters which Christians may have though they live in Caves and deserts and its evident in story those heretickes had Bishopps That the Aerians were condemned for heretickes the Libeler well knowes and the King naming them soe meddles not with their particular heresies and it is too obscure to be seene that the King fastens that opinion touching Bishopps and Presbiters for their heresie Though the Clergie ought to minister the gospell if the people supply them not yet such temutie and contempt quickely becomes a Carkase indeede The Sectaries that place their greatenes in being the ringleaders of faction turne all Religion into a fantasme and knowing they could never by any judicious choise obtaine preferment in the Church professe the dislike of them and seeke their fortunes in seducing the multitude It s easily beleived that wealth may breede vices in the Clergie as well as others but must they therefore be made poore and others rich by the robbery of them the Kings choise of Bishopps will convince the clamours of the Schismatickes and gives just cause to expect the evill consequences the King foretells of their removall That the function of Bishopps and Presbiters was not tyed to place though the exercise of it was by Ecclesiasticall constitution he hath been already told and that it was necessary the Apostolique power for the Government of the Church must descend to Bishopps there being noe others that ever pretended to it How the Church florisht vnder Episcopacie the extent of the Christian Religion over soe greate a part of the world doth sufficiently testifie the corruption of many in that order doth not take away the benifitt of it which acrewed vnto the Church by the labours of others and all ages have recorded persons of greate learning and holines of life in that order He talkes againe of the Kings Coronation oath to give vs such lawes as our selves should chuse when he knoweth that the clause which he pretends to be in that oath imports noe such thing nor was that oath wherein the clause in pretended ever ministred to the King nor diverse other Kings nor ordeined to be soe In likelihood they were neerer amendment that sought a stricter forme of Church discipline then that of Episcopacie But they that sought to remove Episcopacy would have the Church discipline in their owne hands that it might be loose and in likelyhood they would not be strict to themselves his boasting of what the Scotts could worke by power shewes that he regards nothing right but power and soe he can prevayle despises all Justice and conscience Vpon the VXBRIDGE TREATIE THat men may treate like beasts aswell as fight noe way opposes his Majest Aphorisme which affirmes Treaties a retiring from fighting like beasts to agreeing like men Treaties being managed only by the vse of reason fighting by force and his Majest spake of the nature of Treaties not the abuses of men in them and though some fighting may be manlike yet the Act is common to beasts rationall Treaties cannot The Kings march and fight at Brainford the Libeller would make a thirst of warr though in the rigour of Marshall law it might have been excused in a naturall Enemy that makes a trade of warr And may as justly be defended in the King whome that faction which proferred a Treatie to him at Cole-brooke intended to
to Poperie the Irish Rebells and the peace made with them not out of favour but necessitie to divert the finall destruction of the Protestant partie there The endeavours to be assisted with forraigne forces when soe horrid a Rebellion had taken deepe roote was neither against any former professions nor any rules of Justice and pietie but naming of Papists and forraigne forces were the bugbeares wherewith the faction affrighted the silly people and vnder pretence of revenging the blood of Ireland sought to draw men inclinable to assist the King or vnwilling to fight against him into that imployment that he might be more exposed to their power and they might have the better meanes to weaken him and support their owne Rebellion These Letters have discovered their grosse impostures in representing the King wholy Governed by the Queene or others shewing cleerely that his owne judgment cheifely steered his owne affaires and it s like the faction long since saw their owne rashnes in that Publication and that the world tooke notice that they were soe farr from doubting the Kings affection to Popery that their designe was cheifely to declare his aversenes to it that they might prevent his succours from Princes of that Religion That it was done by them without honour Civilitie no man boubts vnles infected with Schismaticall or Rebellious malice and betweene King and subjects matters can never be 〈◊〉 that condition that his honour and their dutie are trifling and superficall vanities and with whome they are soe we may not wonder at any brutish and inhumane Barbaritie when was there an example of such a Treason against nature and humanitie to divulge the Letters betweene man and wife touching conjugall privacie And honour and Civilitie being taken as he would have it for discretion honestie prudence and plaine truth the publishers of these Letters not only stand guiltie of the breach of those vertues but appeare the venemous and vnnaturall Traytours to mankinde To cover this base Act the Libeller sayes that such courses are familiar with none more then Kings and produces and Example out of Commines relating the discovery of a Latter by Lewes the eleventh written to him from the Dutchesse of Burgundy which he sayes the Historian doth not charge with incivilitie or dishonour And is that the case of publishing Letters that passed betweene man and wife and may subjects doe to their King what Enemies may one to another The Libeller will say yes for he holds noe subordination though the publishers professed the contrary and would not be thought to have abjured their Alleagiance or that they tooke their King for their Enemy but their practices were noe more consistent then the Libellers Arguments The injury offred to the Kings Mother was too well knowne to be a fained suspition or jealosie in him and if they had not been guiltie of that base aspersion they would have acquitted themselves some other way then by the publication and frequent repetition The Libeller appeares to glory more in recitall of it then in the argument which he can draw from pretence of faining a suspition and he that suckes any imputations vpon the King out of those letters must be a Beetle not a Bee and they that from placing constancy to his wife before the mention of Religion and law will spin a webb of determination for the prioritie of affection have more of the spiders venom then the Bees sweetenes They which esteemed their King though one man the breath of their nostrills thought the nation could not be happy without him And the late Parliament whereon the Libeller buildes his faith affirmed in their declarations the happines of the Kingdome did soe mainely depend on his Majest and the Royall branches of that roote as in an ordinary way of providence they would not except it from any other fountaine or streame And are they therefore a nation of Ideots and miserable as he sayes The happines of a nation consists in true Religion pietie Iustice prudence temperance fortitude contempt of avarice and ambition And how shall these be preserved in a nation by the rule of the rabble And bandying the Government with a racket betweene opposite factions but these Rebells with the madd men of Munster will introduce new Ierusalem with the destruction of their Kings and Rulers and the Libeller its like lookes to be a greate saint in this terrestriall Paradise who sayes they in whomesoever these vertues dwell eminently neede not Kings but are the Architects of their owne happines and whether to themselves or others are not lesse then Kings The world hath been well acquainted with these Architects of Treason and shall never want pretenders to those vertues whose practice shewes them the builders of Babell that place their happines in their power and other mens confusion the King appeares eminent in these vertues not only by his constant actions but in his houshold which was admired for itts order amongst strangers above other Courts though by the Libeller traduced as all laudable things are To make reconciliation desperate the Libeller holds reasonable and askes why they should feare it and such as intend not reconciliation with God thinke they have noe neede to be reconciled to men Their fact is not parallell to Chams revealing his fathers nakednes for the King at that time could not be esteemed the father of his Countrey nor had ever merited that Title And might not Cham have said soe to his father aswell as doe what he did But they who acknowledged that Title due to him as the Parliament did and gave it him as their King cannot excuse themselves from a sin parallell to Chams nor from the merit of this curse The Libeller professes aversenes to all reconciliation vpon pretence of Justice to the lives of them that dyed for the freedome of their Countrey and yet he will not professe to want Charitie and why then is it mockery with God for the King to pray that God will judge his cause and that the evill they intended returne on their owne heads that they may be ashamed and covered with their owne confusion as with a cloake the King forgave his Enemies but still prayed vnto God for the vindication of his innocencie by the conviction of those false accusers and this is not to wish them that evill which hinders Charitie but prayer for that favour of God which protects innocencie and that livery of detraction and confusion the Libeller will rather weare then exchange it for the robe of righteousries whose malice to the living not Justice to the dead drawes theis hipocriticall pretences from him Vpon his GOING to the SCOTTS IT was not an excuse but a reall intelligence that the King had of their consultations at London designing mischeife to his person if he came there The junto did not vse to proclaime their Councells neither was it pretended they did and though necessitie Counselled the King to adventure vpon their loyaltie who first begun his
for decision of controversies but it s a sorry inference that Counsellours in his affaires should have power over his person As the Parliaments right is circumscribed by lawes in regarde of the subject soe it cannot be imagined absolute over the King By what the Libeller hath said he might well conclude that kings are oblidged to doe justice but that the people or particular persons may judge their king by any law divine or humane he hath not offred a colour soe barren is he in an Argument which he calls over copious Who should better vnderstand their owne lawes and when they are transgresed then they who are governed by them and whose consent at first made them Certenly he might very wel have answeared himselfe that they which governed by such lawes and whose consent at first made them better vnderstand them and when they are transgressed then they that are governed and it is a course very agreable to these mens confusion that the suiter should teach the judge The Libeller askes who have more right to take knowledge of things done within a free nation then they within themselves And surely they will not be free long from destroying one another where that 's the libertie for there wil be as many Transgressours and as many lawes as there are opinions He goes about to answeare the taking the oath of Alleagiance and supreamacy And to this his answeare is very ready that these oaths were to his person invested with his Authoritie and his Authoritie was by the people given him conditionally vnder law and oath And if his Authoritie had been conditionall their oaths could not be absolute as they are This guift and condition they imagine were engraven in Seths Pillars and they have been long enquiringe for a Cabballisticke Rabbyn to finde out the Characters How the kings hereditary succession is become a conditionall guift must have better evidence then Aphorismes of confusion never law contained either the guift or condition nor was there ever such impudence before theis Traytours that avowed because they swore faith to their kings person invested with his Authoritie they might take away his Authoritie and not breake their oath And it were a prophane oath aswell as vaine that should be voyde at the will of the taker The kings oath added nothing to his right being only an obligation of his conscience noe condition annexed to his right and if he never tooke the oath his subjects obedience is noe whit diminished and a king by inheritance needes not admittance the death of his predecessour puts him in possession this is the knowne law of England The Couquerour tooke on oath at his Crowninge and other times that made noe condition to his Government There is not only reason but absolute necessitie for the avoyding of confusion ruine of mankinde that the subject be bound to the king though the kinge faile in his dutie for the destruction of Government is more sinfull and inconvenient to humane societie then any evill that can come by a kings misgovernment He proceedes to answeare objections touchinge the Covenant wherein we shall not much insist but to detect the shifts of Malefactours to elude the evidence of truth They were accused by the King and his partie to pretend libertie and reformation but to have noe other end then to make themselves greate and to destroy his person and Authoritie for which reason sayes the Libeller they added the third Article to preserve the Kings person and Authoritie in defence of Religion priviledge of Parliament and liberties of the Kingdome And to shew with what ingenuitie he dealt in seeking to avoyde that just accusation the Libeller tells vs that they added that cause for a shew only and they intended not to preserve the Kings person further then it might consist with their opinions touchinge Reformation extirpatinge of Prelacy preservinge liberties of Parliament and Kingdome and in this very clause they called the world to be wittnes with their consciences of their loyaltie and yet made the preservation of their Kings person and Authoritie arbitrary by their owne opinions and while this Libeller would have their Rebellion a defensive warr he forbeares not to tell the world that they resolved the Kings destruction to attaine their ends The sixth Article gives asmuch preservation and defence to all that enter into the league as to him And it seemes more for they have dealt with none of them as with him and he sayes if the Covenant were made absolute without respect to these superiour things it was an vnlawfull vow and not to be kept It is agreed that vnlawfull vowes are not to be made nor kept but it is an vnlawfull vow to destroy the Kinge in order to his supposed ends yet they feare not to vow the destruction of any that oppose them though the honour and innocence of the persons were without the reach of lawes and they will exempt neither callings nor integritie from their lawles Injustice and that appeared by his glosse vpon the fourth Article of the Covenant to bring persons offending to tryall and condigne punishment all that should be found guiltie of such Crymes and delinquencies whereof the King by his letters and proofes afterward was found guiltie in what they thought him at the taking of the Covenant to be over ruled only by evill Counsellours And had not he avowed all that ever his letters conteyned in his former declarations and hath the Libeller forgotten that the imputation of Crymes to evill Counsellours was but a Ceremony and are not his foregoinge words that their ends reformation and extirpatinge Prelacy were to be preferred before the preservation of the Kings person and authoritie This last age hath produced a generation that pretend they doe God service when they scorne all his lawes and Religion and hold forth their execrable villanies to the world as gratefull and well pleasinge sacrifices to God and make ostentations of their perjuries and Blaspheamies as services to him The nullities and vsurpation of those Monster judges that made themselves cut-throates of the King needed not the Kings exceptions to avoyde their illegallitie being soe apparent what the King did or said to of them wil remaine to his honour and the Libellers infamy that glories in the misfortunes of Princes sayinge it was learnt from his graund-mother It s a sad fate to haue his Enemies both accusers parties and Iudges The Libeller sayes what malefactour might not pleade the like if his Crymes have made all men his Enemies But there were hardly ever such malefactours vnles they who tooke vpon them to judge the Kinge He that is an Enemy before judgment cannot be a judge of the Cryme and he that is an Enemy to a Malefactour vncondemned is not fit to condemne him and such as are Enemies to Government and are common destroyers cannot be judges That they of the powder plot might have pleaded the same when their judges knew not their persons nor their
as Rebelled against him might justly have withheld this Authors hand from objecting against their condition for his owne partie must admire his impudence having such evidence of the fact After which attempt seconded by a tedious and bloody warr on his subjects wherein he hath soe farr exceeded those his arbitrary violences in time of peace they who before hated him for his misgovernment nay fought against him with displayed Banners in the field now applaud him extoll him for the wisest and most Religious Prince that lived And let Iconoclastes shew other reason of this change then the evidence of their former mistake Could it be ambitious ends that made men extoll him whome they had offended and that after his imprisonment and murther After the defeate of his forces noe expectation but of oppression vpon all such as expressed a good opinion of him surely he hath abundantly requited his scornefull expression of his late Majest ragged Regiment in the beginning that heere tells vs after all his losses and lowest condition nay after death his very Enemies changed their thoughts of him Repentance is a greate reproach among those Rebells the preaching of that doctrine is worse to them then passive obedience That there were some that hated his Majest may be beleived their tongues and pens set on fire of hell have published it to the world They that hate Christian vertues hate such as have them They that hate the ordinances of God hate such as are appointed to exercise them But it was only in some fiery schismatickes whose pride disguised with profession of humilitie at first appeared in their petulancy against their teachers and at last came to exalt it selfe above all that is called God These men perfectly hated the King that hated all Government and by this measure Iconoclastes would comprehend all such as through credulitie or error a first fell into this misfortune to beare Armes against their King Doubtles they that after this tedious and bloody warr became more affectionate to his Majest descerned not such excesses on his Majest part as this Author supposes for that had not been an Argument for a change It s manifest to all that his Majest Actions in this warr were noe other then such as the necessitie of that condition drawes with it and which the noblest Enemies vse his Enemies cannot produce one Act done by him which themselves did not avow and yet he sayes in the warr he exceeded his Arbitrary violences in time of peace and if wee take the word of Iconoclastes they were not irregular that the necessary Actions of warr did exceede and by the way neither Iconoclastes nor his Masters for their justification have produced one Act of Arbitrary violence against his late Majest though they make outcryes of Tyrany and violence to hide the vglines of their villany By soe strange a Method amongst the madd multitude is a sudden reputation won of wisedome by willfullnes and subtill shifts Of goodnes by multiplying evill Of pietie by endeavouring to roote out true Religion But is it only the multitude he meanes in whome this strange change is that cannot be for the severe proceedings of his Masters against eminent persons for deserting their side their purging the Parliament as they call it this Authors succeeding discourse denote others besides the madd multitude It s a strange Method that the madd multitude should be moved to honour suffering vertue which themselves had persecuted were not the evidences without exception And it s not strange that such as knew not the King but by the sly insinuations of seducers should come to the knowledge of their Errours by his eminent vertues in his sufferings The Method that Iconoclastes calls strange is certainely as strange as the Method he takes to be beleived for will any man give him credit that after such an aversion as he mentions in the people from the King vpon the pretence of his imprudence and vnsoundnes in Religion the people should be drawne to an opinion of his wisedome by willfullnes Of goodnes by multiplying evill Of pietie by endeavouring to roote out true Religion Though the people were deceived in his late Majest yet take them at the worst it they had hated him because they thought him evill they would not be drawne to love him because they found him soe It s not strange that the multitude finding themselves cheated should be ashamed of their errour and among other seducements that cry of rooting out Religion made lowdest noyse in the beginning of this Rebellion and this Author and his fellowes have vndeceived the people for they have rooted out all Religion and left nothing that hath the face of it Did the people expect that all the cry that was made of Religion was to bring in Arrianisme Anabaptisme Socinianisme such sects as they never heard of was this the Religion they intended to fight for It s not strange at all that the mad multitude who were inflamed with the reputation and Authoritie of the Parliament comminge to see that the orders votes other Trumperie with which they were led on were only the contrivance of a factious crew should abhorre them That comminge to see the abolition of Parliaments and scorne of the peoples Power which at first was preached to them over their King they should bewayle their owne miserie that was soe vnhappily brought on them by their owne precipitation The proofes of his late Majest wisedome goodnes and pietie are obvious to the meanest capacitie and the sublimest vnderstandings have made his vertues aswell as his misfortunes their wonder and though wee have lived in an age where prodigies of villany are every day acted this Author is a wonder to wisemen that makes a Method of lying and dissimulation But as the Government of hell is confusion soe are the Arts and Method of the Ministers of that Enemy of mankinde which confound reason and sobrietie and soe as they may contradict truth care not to contradict themselves But it is evident that the cheife of his adherents never loved him never honoured him nor his cause but as they tooke him to sett a face vpon their owne malignant designes nor bemoane his losse at all but the losse of their owne aspiring hopes It s evident the Author sayes it and evident that it is without ground or colour of truth would men that never loved him never honoured him nor his cause not only hazard but loose thier lyues fortunes in defence of him and his cause and that when the best successes they could hope for could not equall the perils they ran If there be either honour or gallantry in any of those that call themselves souldiers Enemies to their King and that Rebeilion hath not vnnaturalized them they would hate such an impudent Parasite that seekes to please them with such impotent Calumines of persons whose worth and honour they have soe often tryed because they were Enemies to his partie What Malignant
preserve the love and welfare of his subjects To this of his Majest he sayes Who doubts it but the same interest common to all Kings was never yet availeable to make them all seeke that which was indeede best for themselves their posteritie But if it be the interest of Kings to preserve the love and welfare of their subjects in vaine doth Iconoclastes from the transgressions of particular persons defame the sacred office of Kings and endeavour to set vp vsurpers whose interest cannot so much oblidge them to the love welfare of the people He sayes all men are oblidged by their interest to honestie and Iustice but that consideration workes litle in private men It seemes by his writing it workes litle in him that so litle regards honestie and Iustice But his interest is not to regard it for the interest of his profitt and esteeme with his Masters cannot be maintained by honestie and Iustice and that interest is more prevalent with him then the interest of a good conscience or heaven it selfe He might well have descerned that his Majest argued from the Humane or Civill interest which men are apt to judge strongest and the breaker impertinently diverts the sense to talke of mens fayling in the exercise of vertue when their temporall interests are the cause of their miscarriage and therefore his Majest reason was strong that since his interest as well as right carried him to the inclination he mentioned it might be more probable to others But the Image breaker admits no reasons not gives any but magisterially layes downe his position that Kings have lesse consideration of honestie Iustice then other men It were an injury to that high calling to offer an answeare to such a barking detractour against the most approved most ancient and most sacred office for the preservation of Humane societie that will deprave that which God hath sanctified and will make those by whome God dispenseth the blessings of peace vnto men the greatest Enemies to God and goodnes He intended to oblidge both friends Enemies and to exceede their desires did they but pretend to any modest and sober sense To this he sayes mistaking the whole busines of a Parliament which meete not to receive from him obligations but Iustice nor he to expect from them their modestie but their grave advice vttered with Freedome in the publique cause This man mistakes the whole busines of a Parliament that would exclude modestie from the advice and libertie from the advised The freedome that the libeller intends is inconsistent with modestie as-well as Monarchy Trayterous dispositions having an Antipathy to morall vertues How often have Parliaments made petitions to their King for graces were they not oblidged when they were graunted But it cannot be expected that such as despise dutie should willingly acknowledge the right of those to whome it belongs and such as vse no modestie will acknowledge no gratitude or obligation If their advice had been grave their behaviour would have been modest and they whose dutie was only to advise had no pretence to Commaund and dictate nor they that were to receive Justice from their King to snatch what they desired and become judges of their owne demaunds Such as wil not be oblidged by lawes nor oaths cannot by benefites favours and such as have robbed a King of his power grow quickely to that height of impudence to deny he had ever any as this Author that is so Brutish to affirme that Kings cannot oblidge their subjects thence it followes that they owe no thankes to God for a good King as they professe to owe him none for his good Government His talke of modestie in their desires of the common welfare argues him not much to have vnder stood what he had to graunt who misconceived so much the nature of what they had to desire His excepting at the talke of modestie shewes how little he vnderstands other modestie or the right or practice of Parliament Is not humilitie a word of larger signification then modestie and yet this breaker will make modestie contrary to the nature of the Parliaments desires and the Kings graunts when humilitie is the common expression of the Parliaments petitions to the King And he might well have said the King vnderstood not what he had to graunt if he had not expected his subjects desires to have a modest and sober sense Can there be desires of the common-welfare that exclude modest sober sense But the truth is the desires of the late faction in the name of Parliament had neither modest nor sober sense and thence the libeller would inferr it vnnecessary and it was very farr from the nature of what they had to desire to demaund their Kings Crowne And for sober sense the expression was too meane and recoiles with as much dishonour vpon himself fo to be a King where sober sense could possible be so wanting in a Parliament And must it be the Kings dishonour if an Assembly of Parliament want sober sense how does that recoile vpon him can he make them otherwise Iconoclastes lately reprehended his mention of heate in Elections and now it s the Kings dishonour if the Parliament want sober sense was there never experience of a Parliament that wanted sober sense or was any man so savage as to hold sober sense too meane for a greate Councell Wee have seene not only sober sense but al Religion reason law Justice wanting in a Parliament being taken for the prevalent partie and Histories record it to have happened more then once Kings have been vnhappy in such Parliaments but the dishonour and infamy rests vpon such Assemblyes and these Apologists are the Trumpetts of their shame not the covers of their nakednes The odium and offences which some mens rigour or remissenes in Church state had contracted vpon his Government he resolved to have expiated with better lawes and regulations To this he sayes the worst misdemneanours of rigour or remissenes he hath taken vpon himselfe as often as the Clergy or any other of his Ministers felt themselves over-burthened with the peoples hatred He instances in the superstitious rigour of his sundayes Chappell remissenes of his sundayes Theatre that reverend statute for Dominicall liggs Maypoles derived from the Example of his Father Iames which testifies that all superstition and remissenes in Religion issued from his authoritie and the generall misearriages in state imputed cheifely to himselfe That the remissenes and rigour of some men may contract odium and offence in the best Governments was never doubted but that this libeller would take occasion from his Majest intention to expiate them with better lawes to cast them on his Majest shewes that this Rebellion arose not from offences in Government but wicked inclinations of ambition Covetuousnes and that amendments were not desired but confusion It was just honourable that the King should take on him the defence of his lawes against Sectaries
Queene with Crymes fot assisting her husband they wil be assured that not feare of Delinquencie but their barbarous crueltie might more alienate her disadvantage Religion Them who accused her he sayes well enough knowne to be the Parliament the King censures for men yet to seeke their Religion whether doctrine discipline or good manners And soe doth the whole world whatever name the Libeller give such men who are well enough knowne to be a Trayterous faction The name of true English Protestants is a meere schismaticall name And why Are there not severall confessions in the Protestant Churches doe they hold one another Schismatickes for that reason How often hath this Libeller named the best reformed Churches is not that as much a name of schisme he is ignorant in the nature of schisme though he be soe well practised in it and its strange he would observe a Schismaticall name from the title of a nation and not from his title of Independencie that produceth as many titles and distinctions as there be Parishes or Parlours The King ascribes rudenes and barbaritie worse then Indian to the English Parliament To the Libellers Parliament he very well may He sayes the King ascribes all vertues to his wife vndervaluing the greate Councell of his Kingdome in comparison of one woman And not only he but all good men abominate that wicked Councell which vsed such rudenes and barbaritie towards her and from hence the Libeller tells vs there are examples of mischeife vnder vxorious Magistrates and Feminine vsurpation And must Magistrates therefore have noe wives or noe affections to them And the examples of feminine vsurpation are more frequent in Republican Tribunes then Monarchs The king sayes her tarrying heere he could not thinke safe among them who were shaking hands with Allegiance to lay faster hold on Religion The Libeller sayes that he taxes them of a dutie rather then a Cryme it being just to obey God rather then man And is periury and the breach of Alleagiance obedience to God and doe men obey God that breake on Commaundement vpon pretence to keepe another The Scripture tells vs he that breakes one Commaundement is guiltie of all but these are they that say they love God and yet hate their brother hate and kill their King Gods vicegerent The libeller sayes it was the fault of their courage that they had not quite shaken of what they slood shaking hands with It s like their conscience and Religion were not the cause they did not but the Libeller was not of their Councell for the time required they should keepe their maske longer He is offended at the Kings prayer that the disloyaltie of his protestant subjects may not be a hindrance to her love of the true Religion and sayes that he never prayes that the dissolutenes of his Court the Scandalls of his Clergie vnsoundnes of his owne judgment Lukewarmenes of his life letter of compliance to the Pope permitting his nuntio heere may not be found farr greater hindrances All these put togeather are farr short of the scandall of the disloyaltie of his subjects The Court dissolutenes is made a common place of scandall not veritie in respect of the application there being not such excesses in his Majest Court that deserved a speciall observation and the restraint of dissolutenes was more observable then the Cryme As to the scandalls of his Clergie though we must beleive that offences wil come yet the scandall of the present disloyaltie was more offensive to those of different Religion then any disorders in Civil conversation and the injustice of the Rebells towards the Clergie hath shewed the vntruth of the scandalls that were cast vpon them though their malice traduced persecuted them their proofes could not convict them of the scandall supposed His Majest owne judgment cannot be overcast by a Rebells malice and his examplary life cannot be stained by a Libellers pen. His letter to the Pope was noe complaince nor could it give offence to protestant or hope to Papist these Rebells that comply with Turkes and infidells least of all thinke it a compliance The Libeller well knowes there was noe nuntio in England and if the King should have denyed the Queene the exercise of her Religion whereto he was bound by the Articles vpon the match he had given greater scandall by breaking the Articles then by permitting her the repaire of persons in matters of her Religion But sayes the Libeller they must not sit still that is not Rebell and see their Religion snatcht away But they have Rebelled to snatch away Religion He sayes It s knowne that her Religion wrought more vpon him then his vpon her and his favouring of Papists and hatred of Puritans made men suspect shee had perverted him Noe doubt suspitions were industriously raysed and carrefully nourisht against the King though they beleived them not that made vse of them The King was not bound to destroy all Papists and could not deny them the protection of a King he had just reason to suspect those bloody Puritans whose inclinations he descerned to that wickednes they have since avowed From his suppositions he ascends to his exclamations What is it that the blindenes of hipocrisie dare not doe It dares pray and thinke to hide that from the eyes of God which it cannot from the open view of men We finde this very frequent in this Author and in this very Period that in contempt of God men charges the King with Crymes he not only knew false but which are soe knowne vnto the whole word and conclude against his owne narrations and others view Vpon his repulse AT HULL and the fate of the HOTHAMS HE makes an introduction that Hull was the Magazine of Armes which the king had bought with money illegally extorted from his subjects He thinkes that if goods be ill gotten its lawfull for him and his Sectaries to rob him that possesses them els to what vse is it mentioned with what money the King bought these Armes But had the king noe meanes to procure Armes but by illegall exaction sure that will conduce litle to the Apollogy of this breaker that Calumniates the King soe much for seeking meanes from his subjects for publique safetie Next he sayes these Armes were bought to be vsed in a causeles and most vnjust Civill warr against Scotland What was the warr in Scotland to Hothams taking of Hull or seizing the Magazine when the warr was ended Rayling will neither make the warr vnjust nor the mention of it heere any way extenuate the vsurpation but shewes the barrennes of his matter by his repeated insignificant falshoods The Queene he sayes was gone to Holland to sett to sale the Crowne Iewells a Cryme heeretofore counted Treasonable in Kings It s like such a Treason as he makes to buy a Magazine of Armes to resist an invader he should have done well to have told when this heeretofore was It s likely they that held it
neither was this which he calls noe meane matter a conference about the Rebellion and this peculiar right which this Libeller accuses the King for parting with not to Papists peculiarly but subjects in generall the accusers of the Earle of Strafford charged him for asserting to the King and that inconsiderable Rent was in their judgment excessive these are the colours of Justice and truth which these Rebells put on their Calumnies They departed not till within two moneths before the Rebellion Rebells ordinarly disgiuse their intentions and therefore such might frequent the Court as the faction in Parliament pretended affection and dutie while they plotted to destroy the King and now the Libeller resorts to his Scotch Author who he sayes declares What should move the King to those close meetings he that beleives Sanders Carries and other Papists in their virulent forgeries against Queene Elizabeth may likely give credit to the Libeller and his friend the Scotchman and take vp infamous Libells for true stories The Libeller flies from hence to one of his common haunts the designe of bringing vp the English and Scotch Army and thinkes it noe repetition which he had soe often obtruded and he inferrs that because the King could not prevayle with them he betakes himselfe to the Irish who had in readines an Army of eight thousand Papists and a Committee heere of the same Religion But what to doe to kill one another If the King sought to make vse of the Irish that rebelled he might more advantagiously have done it then by cutting one anothers throates and had they intended him assistance they would not have consumed themselves against his subjects there and how could he transport that Army from Ireland that was disbanded before ever the Rebellion brake foorth and the Committee departed two moneths before He tells vs from his friend the Scotchman that there were they who thought now was the time to doe service for the Church of Rome against the Puritant Parliament It s very likely there were they who thought the Puritan faction in Parliament had done more to the advantage of the Church of Rome by the embroyling of England then ever had been done since the reformation and they might well thinke it a fit time to attempt any designe against the Kingdome And did not the Libeller thinke that there are among the vulgar such capacities as receive legends and Romanses for true stories he would not soe grossely produce such discourses of five Counties given to the Irish and fower offred to the Scotch And of like stuffe is his mention of the Kings attempt to pervert the Scotch Army from their way homeward and the plot which he hath taken from his Scotch Colleague to remove out of the way such as were most likely to withstand or not further his defignes With this libertie of invention doe theis Traytours seeke to maske their villany That a Commission vnder the greate seale of Scotland commaunded this Rebellion Was taken vp after the pretence of the greate seale of England was detected of falsitie and as this greate seale of Scotland hath asmuch vntruth soe it hath noe more colour there being noe possibilitie for the King to vse that seale not at all in his power to such a Commission The sending of the Ld. Dillon is of the same stampe what the Irish did is easily graunted but the falshoods of this Libeller and his friend the scotchman are no misteries of iniquitie but open and detected cheates one quotes the authoritie of the other as if they were strangers mett by chance and make Libelling their worke to distract the people and yet from these devices the Libeller will conclude that the King cannot be doubted to be Author or instigatour of that Rebellion It had been ridiculous to cite a gazett but a branded stigmaticke infamous If his reason be moved by such Arguments t is the lesse wonder that his language and practice is soe corrupt and he may reckon himselfe among that rabble of the vulgar he soe much despises These Testimonies likelyhoods evidences and apparent Actions which he mentions in the declaration of July 1643. Are of as litle credit as his friend the Scotchman And there is not a more evident conviction of malefactours then their declarations against the king are of the guilt of those that contrived them setting foorth their dutie which the dissembled and condemning their actions which they disavowed It is not credible that the Irish Rebells would be soe farr from humanitie as to slander him being soe well received by him at Oxford If a man had wanted an proofe of the Libellers absurditie he might heere be furnished by himselfe that drawes an Argument from the humanitie of the Irish whose barbaritie and Treacherie is soe greate a part of his accusation against the king They who were received at Oxford vpon offer of submission were very farr from pretence of such a Commission and it may be aswell concluded they had a Commission at Oxford as before because they were there and aswell concluded that they never Rebelled as that they made noe salfe pretences of their Rebellion The king neede not bring proofes against a groundles accusation that containes not any evidence of fact and a single denyall by al lawes is preferred before such a charge and it is as likely that the Rebells in Ireland should pretend his Seale as those in England his authoritie noe man doubts of the invaliditie of a Rebells pretence This Chapter is not without witnes of his good affection to the Rebells which he collects from that the king sayes they were lesse in fault then the Scotts from whome they might alledge to have fetched their imitation making no difference sayes the Libeller betweene men that rose necessarily to defend themselves which noe Protestant Doctrine ever disallowed against them who threatned warr and those who began a voluntary causeles Rebellion If the Irish made warr not to be restrained from their Religion had they not the same cause the same pretence of defending themselves as the other pretended for refusing the Common prayer booke and expelling Bishopps Where lies the odds Is it Protestant Doctrine that they may defend themselves and Papists may not and that Protestants may Rebell for Religion Papists may not That were very much to the credit of Religion but the Libeller will not acknowledge the protestants nor their Doctrine who maintaine it to be vnlawful for subjects to defend themselves against the supreame power though Tyranically abused and there is noe neede to fly to the Parliaments authoritie if subjects may take Armes against their king vpon pretence of defending themselves The Libeller well knowes the just indignation the Protestants abroade have expressed for this scandall the king names not the Scotts but thinkes that their blame must needes be greater whose Actions the Irish had to alledge for their imitation by how much protestant principles are more against Rebellion then those of Papists
compasse And it s very likely never regarded by those who never guided themselves by other compasse then sea robbers that make prey only their compasse But were not these divided mindes heard of when he spake of Arch presbitery and other subdivisions And these windes he sayes were pretended to be foreseene least he should be taken at his word The King foresaw their intended murther and though he feared it not his word never was to be taken to make himselfe accessory to his Enemies impietie But that controversie he sayes divine lot hath ended Suffering and Martirdome hath been the lot of the righteous but Gods controversie with their persecutors is not thereby ended and the Libeller reckons too soone the end of his controversie that entitles God with such Actions The Kings knowledge is sufficiently evident and he hath distinguished the venerable gray haires of ancient Religion from the old scurfe of superstition and the vertigo of novell prophanes And the wholesome heate of his well governing shewes his judgment in state Phisike and while Emperickes and horse leaches tooke vpon them to amend the body they turned the equall temper of it into the feaverous rage of Tyranizing There neede noe oracle to tell who heated the furnace of this obloquy it is sufficiently confessed and they that endured Nobuchadnezars furnace might have warned this Libeller to have abstained from that allusion for if the oracle of truth God himselfe commaunded the Jewes to be subject to Nebuchadnezar notwithstanding his golden Image and madnes The libeller might see his litle with ill applyed in making the question who deserved to be throwne in Nebuchadnezar or his three Kingdomes And this high conceite of his deserves the fierie furnace that would perswade three Kingdomes they might cast in their King If his greate seale were not sufficient without the Parliament to create Lords his parole must be vnable to create learned and Religious men Surely this man doth not see what he sayes for it is a confessed truth that the kings greate seale without Parliament was sufficient to create Lords and though his judgment could not create men yet by the choise he made men are satisfied he descerned them better then they that would vndertake to point them out The opposition proceeded from heads farr wiser and spiritts of a nobler straine then popular preachers And are not their buffe and sword preachers popular preachers And are those wiser heads and nobler spiritts the Creatours of preachers And hath the tub overturned the pulpitt The Priest led herodians with their blinde guides are in the ditch already These are the constant Testimonies of the Libellers reverence to Scripture and things sacred what 's become now of the advice of the Parliament and three Kingdomes He was very much overseene that would have divided interests such vnknowne windes and heere blowes away his brother Presbiterian for a Priest-led herodian and blinde guide travelling as he thought to sion but moor'd in the Isle of weight And we see that these who began first with the Bishopps will at last have noe Presbiters at all but pretend with the Rebells against Moses that all the congregation is holy and will sayle by the winde of their owne braines without Card or Compasse Factions are not only like Mathematicall Lines allwayes divisible but perpetually dividing The Kingdome of England cannot acknowledge the wisedome of those heads from whome the designe of destroying King and Kingdome proceeded men willfull for mischeife are farr from wise heads nor is insolence or inhumanitie a Testimony of noble spirits Popular preachers now see they were deceived in their owne judgments and abilities to governe aswell as of the goodnes of the lawes they were governed by and the persons to whome they owed subjection and that their planting of disaffection to the Church of England in the people could not attract reverence to them but an attendance vpon vsurpers who made vse of such preaching to improve the peoples disobedience to their lawfull Rulers and they may now see that aversion to the Church is a false measure of sinceritie and that their followers after the shaking of their lawfull governours call them by whose ill principles they were misledd blinde guides and while this Libeller would seeme to be a Christian he not only seekes to make the name a reproach but the miseries thereof a scorne whence comes his allusion of Priest-led herodians but from the passage touching the place of our saviours nativitie enquired of the Priests by herod travelling to sion is not the subjects of common pasquils The Kings letter to the Pope imports nothing to his purpose and all men now see that Religion is not at all in their thoughts and that these repetitions are vulgar scare crowes The innovations alledged by professed schismatickes that innovate at vnquestionably demonstrate their owne confutation His vsing the assistance of some Papists in setling protestantisme was vnseemely and suspicious But the vse of them against such as would vnsetle the Civill Government and destroy the King vnder pretence of vnsetling the Religion established is just and necessary and it inferrs not that the most part of Protestants were against him because an active faction had surprized the strength of the Kingdome and necessitated him to seeke succours where he might have them the King never obtruded setlement of any thing new but defence against violence of what was established and Papists may fight for their King though Traytours pretend to the Protestant Religion for the ground of their quarrell That noe man ever thought that the King had learned that difference of perswasion in Religious matters may fall out where there is the samenes of dutie Alleagiance and subjection And the Libeller askes wherefore then such compulsion to the Puritans and Scotland about conformitie to the Leiturgie Doth the King say that those of different perswasions ought not to be better informed and sought to be gained to a right vnderstanding though there may be the samenes of alleagiance ought he not to seeke the samenes of perswasion in points of difference This is his common logicke and he askes wherefore then noe Bishopp noe King He might have answeared himselfe that there may not be the samenes of opinion touching alleagiance in differences of Religion though there may be and it s now plaine though formerly not beleived that such as would have noe Bishopps would have noe King and had not the samenes of intention though the same dutie and obligation of alleagiance to their King as those of the contrary perswasion and that Episcopacy is agreeable to Monarchy the contrary not but Rebells catch at every shaddow and offer every dreame for a truth and are as light in obtrudinge pretences as resolute to act their villanies either with or without them How diversified sects can be all protestants must be shewed by some doctrines that protestants yet vnderstand not and the medly of Papists and protestants in a religious cause is noe more
surprize him having disposed their forces in such places as must have effected it if he had not speedily prevented it by that onset What he intimates touching Oxford Bristow and scarborrow naming noe particulars he can expect no answeare whoever lookes over the memoriall of passages touching Treaties will finde that the Kings offers were soe large as nothing but desire of peace could have moved him to it and nothing but guiltines and ambition could be the cause of their refusall That the faction in Parliament would have compelled him to part with his honour as a King the Libeller denyes not but askes what honour he had but the peoples guift yet he seekes to defend the Actions of theis villaines as defending themselves and resorts to his common principles that Kings are but the servants of the people who may dispose of their Kings and their honour as they thinke best And by his doctrine the King and people must be the prey of every powerfull Traytour It neede not be repeated that the peoples welfare consists in supporting the rights of their King and that it is their miserie to deprive themselves of him and turne into confusion and slavery to vsurpers And it is Monstrous that a kings highest Court sitting by his regall authoritie should bandie themselves against their soveraigne and like vipers eate out the bowells of their parent fighting against that power which gives them being and by an vnnaturall malice of the members to the head cast the whole body into and incureable consumption This insolence and presumption of the pretended Parliament hath brought the loose rabble and lawles Army to despise the representation which they soe much magnifie and doe that vnto them which they did vnto their king It cannot be doubted that subjects cannot with dutie treate on equal termes with their king and the practice of all times makes it manifest that none but Traytours attempted it and it was a sufficient proofe of the kings desire of peace that he sought a Treatie where a submission was due to him The Kings instructions were to bribe their Commissioners with promise of securitie rewards and places How he proves such instructions he tells vs not but we are sure that the demaunds of their Commissioners were securitie rewards and places for they would have all in their power There were but three heads of the Treatie Ireland Episcopacie and the Militia the first was forestalled by a peace that the King might pretend hu word against the Parliaments Arguments And if there had not been a peace made it was a most detestable Rebellion and blood thirstie crueltie to continue an intestine warr against the King and his people of England vnles a few Tribunes might have the management of that warr in Ireland and exclude the King from any interest in that kingdome and yet this must be a defensive warr on the Rebells part The King bids the Queene be confident he will never quit Episcopacy which informes vs by what patronage it stood And how could that informe you even as well as the Kings telling her that Religion was the sole difference betweene them informes you that the Queene directed him in matters of Religion The sword he resolves sayes the Libeller to clutch as fast as if God with his owne hand had put it into his And there is noe doubt but he had and it was a Rebellious wickednes in that faction which sought to wrest it from him in despite of Gods ordinance and their owne sworne subjection In all these the King had reason honour and conscience on his side and his pretence that the Queene was Regent in all these is farr from credible when causes to the contrary are soe obvious to every vnderstanding The Libeller himselfe professes their intentions to take away the Kings right and would suggest to the world that it was only the Queenes Councell that he would preserve his Crowne Wise men could judge the composure likely to be more miserable then happy But these wise men were taught by their guilt never to thinke themselves secure and to preferre their power before their conscience and the Kingdomes peace The English were called Rebells during the Treatie And why not till the Treatie had made an abolition of their offence for did they forbeare any of their reproachfull termes or Rebellious actions against the king and his partie during the Treatie The Irish were called good and Catholique subjects And that some of them might be though the Libeller cannot produce the instance of it The Parliament was called a Parliament for fashions sake and in the Counsell bookes enrolled noe Parliament That it was no Parliament all knowing men agree and the enrolling of their opinions that held it noe Parliament was noe injury to the Treatie and the Kings appellation of them a Parliament because they would not be treated with otherwise gives them noe right nor shutts vp him from that opinion of their condition which was true and reall Christians treate with the Turke by those appellations he will be called by though they doe not acknowledge them belonging to him It was a divellish fraude that the King in his owne esteeme had been absolved from performance as having treated with Rebells and noe Parliament and they insteede of an expected happines brought vnder the hatchett Who now doth not fee that force and guilt were the continuers of this horrid Rebellion and blood and that these Traytours perferred their private securitie before publique peace But whence is this collection of a divellish fraude by a divellish interpreter If the King thought not the appellation due to them which he gave them doth it follow that he must esteeme himselfe absolved of performance of his promises therefore These are dreames from divellish infusions not reasonable suppositions the titles of treating parties having noe influence vpon the performance of the things promised and they of the other side might have said they were absolved from performance because they treated with the Kings Commissioners vnder other Titles then they had or were knowne by but they would perswade the people that they cannot be safe vnlesse the master Rebells rule May not that bratt superstition be justly laid to their charge that impose for the Scepter of Christs Kingdome a yesterdayes invention of congregationall consistories and make it Religion and truth of God to roote out Prelates of the Church of God For the meritt of the Treaties and where the blame lay of their breach the world hath long since full satisfaction and that the Rebells came but vnwillingly to Treaties and with reserves allwayes to breake it of never mittigating the rigour of any proposition in the least degree and though the Libeller and others spitt Sulphur and cast foorth their cloudes of lying and slander yet the evidence of the facts dissolve and consume their venome and confidence and the meanest capacitie descernes the falshood and crueltie of their proceedings both in warr and Treaties Vpon the
VARIOUS EVENTS Of the warr IT is noe new or vnwonted thing for bad men to claime as much part in God as his best Servants And all men looke vpon the Rebells in England as the vnparalleld prodigies of this hipocrisy their claimes vnto Gods service and favour the vsurpation of those appellations that belong to the Godly their ostentations of fastings prayers and thankesgivings and severe censures of the persons and manners of others are a sufficient demonstration of this presumption of men hardned in wickednes and resolved to prosecute ambitious disignes He is yet to learne what good vse the King made of these various events neither will he acknowledge though he see the vse of insolence crueltie which the Rebells have made of their successes against him Those numbers which the King grew to from small beginnings came not out of love but fled to be protected from the feare of reformation A jolly conceite what feare of reformation was there or appeares yet It was necessary dutie to oppose Rebells and confusion and that was then knowne vnto the silliest people but such as were poysened by the contagious doctrines of Rebellious Sectaries Such a snow ball might easily gather through those cold and darke provinces of ignorance and lewdenesse And can he thinke that any Provinces are soe ignorant and lewde as these sinkes and Kenells whence the Rebells raked the rabble of rascallitie which they armed against the king The libeller could not be ignorant of what al his partie acknowledge the greate disproportion in qualitie both for place and education that was in the Kings partie above their owne The Libeller would have Gods long suffering sometimes to harden and be the beginning of a severer punishment But he over lookes that sensible obduration which successes have brought vpon the Rebells and as they are a severe punishment vpon the nation soe we may conceive by their wickednes that their prosperitie bindes them over to greater judgment He would convince the King of breaking lawes and that he had not the sword by law not soe much as to vnsheath against a forraigne Enemy And by soe palpable an vntruth it being knowne vnto the whole world that Leagues and warrs with forraigne nations were made by the King alone we may conclude he hath quitted shame is resolved to sticke to his false assertions and tottering Arguments though never soe contrary to his owne Judgment knowledge heere againe he repeates his jaded discourse of a free nation body of Parliament and sword in a single hand so often spurred vp and downe since the beginning of his booke The libeller if the would have vsed Arguments should have expressed wherein his pretences differ from other Rebells for all pretend Tyrany in their Rulers fighting for libertie but he will have fighting lawful to make a new Republique and to take the sword to destroy the old insteede of making the King guiltie of the breach of lawes justifies the Rebelliō because lawes were executed Whatever he objects for a reason of Rebellion against a King is as possible to any other Government for are al Republiques of one Religion may the subjects of different Religion from what is established in any state Rebel say it is vnreasonable that rulers must be obeyed when they wil not conforme to the opinions of a sect so severall opinions must decide their Religion by the sword If such Rebells die Martirs we have been much deceived of malefactours and noe Traytours will want a saint-shipp This opinion of his touching the holines of Rebellion he sayes is not the opinion but full beleife of farr holyer and wiser men then Parasiticke preachers For holy and wise men the Libeller seemes to be litle acquainted with and vnles they be the scandall of preachers and basest of Parasites none can be soe vile to maintaine such odious assertions It s well knowne the Crim catching sermonizers to these Rebells have confidence enough to speake what they know not men hired to act a false part will blush at nothing and therefore though never King was established by Parliament nor could be because they depended on him and were called by him though Parliaments never acted in law Civill oaths nor Religion but by the Kings assent and the oath which he calls the Kings and hath soe often mentioned was never establisht by Parliament yet against all evidence this libeller his Mates will affirme that nothing was thought to be established which that house declares to be abolished It s like he meanes the house of Commons which never till these blacke times pretended a power to give an oath much lesse make a law and such as make these vast vntruths outgoe Parasiticke preachers and all knights of the Post that are yet discovered It were absurd to give the Parliament a legistative power and vpbraide them for transgressing old Establishment Whoever thought them to have a legislative power Is not the King the Legislatour and they his Counsell and is it not absurd to give the Legislative power to them that are to advise the Legislatour and when the two houses desire the King that it may be made a law by the King with their consent is it not absurd that one house should say all the Legislative power is in them But there neede noe proofe of their transgressing old establishments when they confesse it It s like the Rebells thinke their heaven heere and they doe not much value the losse of the other and noe man is troubled with his censure to whome Charitie and truth are alike despicable The Libeller that scoffes at the seeking of heaven in forma pauperis shewes his value of heaven and seekes none but that which is to be found in forma proditoris He thinkes to take of the horror of their death that dyed in willfull perjury and Rebellion against the king by raving against the kings partie who he sayes died most frequently with oaths and other damning words in their mouths And is soe impotent to hope that the Calumnies of a perjured wretch will finde creditt for were he not distempered by hellish delusion or sottishly drunken he would not soe stupidly affirme that it was notorious that they who were hottest in his cause the most part of them were men oftner drunke then by their good will sober it being a knowne truth that men of most eminent sobrietie were hottest in the kings cause theis traytours never forbare any wickednes by their will but for their ends The king neede not a discovery to the state of their consciences more then by their Actions that fought against him and he might justly beleive they had never the better of him in their owne consciences where they were more affraid to encounter those many reasons from law alleagiance and Christian grounds then in a desperate bravery to sight And is it to presume more then a Pope to say this But he that will not sticke at open
falsification will not sticke to slander thoughts and offer conjectures for convertions such as were most zealous in his Majest cause had a sobrietie vnblemishable by a Traytours malice and were not only free from druken distemper but brutish insolence and brazen impudence which the Rebells rather affect then repent of And is there not a just cause that the consciences of many should grow suspitious and corrected by the pretentions of the misnamed Parliament now proved false and vnintended What 's become of their making a glorious King lawes of the land priviledges of Parliament Doth not every man see they are all in the dirt among the Libellers Ceremonies But they never pretended to establish his Throne without our Libertie and Religion nor Religion without the word of God nor to judge of lawes by their being established but to establish them by their being Good and necessary They never pretended that his throne was inconsistent with libertie or Religion nor to judge of lawes otherwise then by being established But who must be the Dictatours the Parliament which is crumbled into a close Committee and state Counsell or any rabble that shall say this or that law is not good and therefore to be repealed though established he ought to have concluded that they never pretended priviledge of Parliament further then the subterranean junto or the Tumults should judge necessary To pray and not to governe is for a Monke not a King But is prayer inconsistent with Government Those men will accuse the King for being a Christian and have as litle love to prayer as obedience a monke will better governe then such a man pray who is constant to malice falshood and this man that sayes to governe by Parliament justifies his Rebellion to take away Kinglie Government His legislative Parliament and oppressed lawes cannot be admitted where other answeare is wanting but the Libeller hath long since thrust the force of them out of doores by his many prevarications confining them all in the Cabinet of his owne braine which must determine whether they be good and necessary He is constant to Iohn of Leidens principles that must take away other mens goods for doubt of ill vsing them and because the King sayes he feared the temptation of an absolute Conquest therefore it was pious and friendly in the Parliament to resist him Their pietie and friendshipp were much alike and the Libellers Riligion might come in for a share It s very probable that this warr had never been if the Act for continuance of the Parliament had not been consented to by the King and that Act might stopp the mouth of any reasonable man from saying there was such a power in the two houses as the Libeller dreames of that desired that Act from the King and it was never heard in our story that ever Parliaments made warr against Kings as Tyrants or otherwise for how could they make awarr that neither could nor ever did pretēd to sit longer then their King pleased the immodestie ingratitude of the present Rebells have farr exceeded the worst Examples He is obstinate to his principles and feares to attribute any thing to the Kings concessions or denyall and had he graunted lesse in all probabilitie himselfe and the Kingdome had suffred lesse It cannot be doubted but the Libeller will invert whatever the King sayes and it is a greate adventure that he sayes the sins of their lives not seldome fought against them and wee have greate cause to beleive their prosperitie did noe lesse that continue hardned in soe execrable a cause The King sayes he desires not any man should be further subject to him then all of vs should be subject to God And this Mountebanke holds this a sacriledge worse then Bishopps lands for he sayes he desires asmuch subjection as is due to God and so desires noe lesse then to be a god And is subjection to Princes in the Lord subjection to them as God And doth the King desire otherwise that would have them noe otherwise obey him then that they might obey God renouncing all obedience that consists not with obeying God but sale worke must be slight and the Libeller would not exceede his hire The Rebells desiring the Kings acquittall of them for the blood of the warr confirmes their guilt not their innocence Though God impute not to any man the blood shedd in a just cause in respect of the ground and reason of doing it yet there may be temptations vnto naturall infirmitie in acting a just cause and the King was not without a sense of such danger therefore the Libeller wretchedly beggs an argument of his guilt from his prayer not to have blood imputed to him Vpon the REFORMATION Of the Times NOveltie and perturbation are justly condemned not only by Christians but morall men and it is a noveltie taken vp only by Sectaries that would confine all Religion to their owne frensy and reject the vniversall consent of all times and places and not only boasting of the truth of their owne delusions but obtruding them vpon the world threatning fire and sword to gainsayers and yet they will pretend the example of our Saviours publishing his gospell and pretend like reason for their fanaticke conceites as for his divine revelations and miraculous Testimonies and because reformation may be necessary therefore they conclude it must be as often as these that are carried about with every winde of doctrine shall thinke fitt they would reduce Christianitie to a cloud without water tossed to fro with the breath of private opinion The first reformers in the time of Pope Adrian pretended not a reformation of the vniversall Church and a rejection of whatever was received by the primitive as those men now neither did they presume to enforce others to their perswasion and though noveltie and perturbation were objected to them yet they still deprecated that guilt and it is a most vnchristian and prophane disposition to desregard lawes established and Religion setled vpon presumption of private opinions and these of men neither learned discreete nor honest There is greate difference betweene a clamour and an vndeniable truth and we may not thinke that popular compliance dissolution of all order and Government in the Church schisme vndecencies confusions sacrilegious invasions contempt of the Clergy and their Leiturgie and diminution of Princes are lesse odious because Papists objected them or that any pretended reformation introduced by these detestable practices can be acted or approved by Christians All men are wittnes that the present Sectaries are guiltie of all these The former reformers did not give occasion for such aspersions that desired only the libertie of their owne consciences from the practice and beleife of errours newly enjoyned and anciently rejected in the Church or els followed the orderly reformations which Princes and states authorised in their owne Dominiōs but these new reformers obtrude their dictates vpon all the world and will dispose of all Kingdomes with
the Divill as in their donation Let it be produced what good hath been done by synods since the reformation It s like not the good he meanes to authorise all manner of Lewde sects and Lunaticke opinions But synods are customary and have their set times in all the reformed Churches and if there be fraude and packing in synods as he sayes whence come Parliaments that are of like constitution to be free Is there a priviledge of Parliament to change nature and that the members cannot be guiltie of fraude faction and Treason There is not only fraude and packing by insinuations conspiracies and corruptions of the vulgar but violence and confusion to Church and state by tumultuary reformations and what is this doctrine of rejecting synods but the justifying of all licentious violence and Lewde Rebellion to introduce mens private opinions The pulling downe of Church windowes and Crosses which were but Civill not Religious markes defacing the Monuments and inscriptions of the dead mentioned by the King are the effects of a popular and deceitefull reformation in the account of all true protestants That Protestants were accused by Papists as these are charged by the King will not parallell guilt nor hide the present Actions of these Traytours from view and detestation The Libeller doth very preposterously produce the Example of Iob whose sinceritie was accused to God as a protection for the hipocrisie of Sectaries while himselfe acts the part of him that accused Job to God and omits not the traducing of all proofes of pietie Religion and Justice in the late King But the infirmities of best men and scandalls of hipocrites in times of reforming can lay noe just blemissi vpon the integritie of others nor purpose of reformation Noe man sayes it did but if the Reformation it selfe be a noveltie pretending not the consent of any times but their owne opinions of places of Scripture different from all others if that which is offred in the name of reformation be in it selfe confusion and scandalous imputing Antichristianisme to all the Churches of God that were before them and that the way of introducing it be with presumption blood and Rebellion we cannot thinke that any promoters of such an vnchristian deformitie can have any integritie or Religion and they are not blemished with the Crymes of others but their owne They that have no publique place nor authoritie to reforme the Church cannot be excused of presumption if they meddle with it and such busy bodies are moved with Carnall selfe seeking and private ambition not sense of dutie If any thing grew worse and worse in the Church of England it was the encrease of Sectaries who would cover their hipocrisie with censure of superiours and lawes These Reformers pretend to reforme lawes not corruptions for though they talke of the time of the Kings Raigne they pretend to reforme nothing that was particularly worse in his time then before and he might aswell have asked why Queene Elizabeth in her fortie yeares raigne had not reformed as peevishly talke that his Majest should not reforme in twentie yeares when it was held strange that the Schismatickes should be soe distempered to pretend a necessity of reformatiō there being greater neede of strengthning what was established It is a Diabolicall Method to change the order of the Church by destruction of the Civill state just reformation never opposes lawfull authoritie in setting vp a Governmēt over others Though Christians might reforme themselves they allwayes judged it an abomination to impose their Religion vpō the state they lived in Private reformations are of Christian right but publique are the prerogative of supreame power and though Princes ought to serve God in the first place the people are not to destroy Princes in the first place they may worshipp God though they be persecuted they cannot truly if they take the sword to subdue them that are in authoritie and they feare not God that feare not their King our feare of God bindes vs to vse noe violence against our King nor vpon others our Alleagiance to our King being a part of our dutie to God and as the Apostle convinces those that hate their brother not to love God soe in vaine doe they pretend to feare God that offer violence to their King Can a Christian breake all the lawes of the second table vpon pretence of keeping the first And did not he that Commaunded to have noe other Gods but him commaund the honour of Father Mother May a private Christian robb and kill because persons are not of his Religion The scripture sajes he that is guiltie of the breach of one commaundement is guiltie of all and though Christians may not obey Commaunds contrary to the commaund of God they may not vse violence force but these are the Pharisees that teach men by making a vow vpon pretence of Gods service to disobey Parents which our Saviour soe much condemnes Christs Kingdome is spiritual in the hearts of the faithful not in a papall consistory nor a congregationall pullpitt they were best Christians that obeyed not wicked commaunds but detested by all Christians that vsed violence against their Pagan Governours and the reformed Churches may see what Communion can be had with those that professe those best Christians that were least subject to their King The King of Spaine may professe to have his Kingdome from Christ whatever his Religion be he hath a just Civill right which none ever doubted to acknowledge but these hell bred Sectaries that allow noe right but what is founded on their will his repetition of the Letter to the Pope vpon this occasiō shewes he is vnder a famine of reason that makes the Kings constācy to the doctrine of the Church of England to proceede from his letter to the Pope calling it enmitie to the true Church are any soe madd to thinke that the Pope was pleased with the doctrine of the Church of England Did the Libeller thinke there were a God would he write soe willfully against his owne vnderstanding that the King engaged himselfe to hazard life Estate for the Roman Religion he would then thinke that God were neere him writt downe those words which he will one day require an account of The King prayed against his hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings whose prayer is thou who must give truth for hipocrisie suffer vs not to be miserably deluded by Pharisaicall washings Poeticall licence will not wash away willfull slander and malicious falsification but this man makes hipocrisie and Pharisaicall washings his cheife study and hates the prayers of others for his conversion from such wickednes Vpon his LETTERS taken and DIVULGED THE Publication of the Kings Letters had quite contrary effects to these which the publishers intended and insteede of discovering matter to their advantage cast shame on their false aspersions whereby they sought to withdraw the affections of his people from him they sett foorth both his judgment and affections opposite
the King must not name without reverence and their seditious tongues more Zealous against schisme then Simony or pluralities might in likelyhood have done mischeife betweene theis Brethren but it was prevented and in despight of the Parliament and these old warriours and Zealous Ministers the new modell seize the King their Captive and this is the law Religion Reformation Libertie and Parliament which the king withstood and the man after all his law determines that irregular motions may be necessary on earth sometimes aswell as in heaven Greate worthyes by disobeying law oft times have saved the Commonwealth and the law afterward approved that vnblameable exorbitancie But wherefore hath he all this time made breach of lawes soe hainous it had been ingenuous in him to have distinguished betweene the blameable and vnblameable exorbitancy then he would not have found Coate Conduct-money and the rest of his particulars rise soe high as the vnblameable exorbitancies he now magnifies But though Divine lawes could not regulate the mans motions as they doe Celestiall bodyes yet the obstinacy in his evil courses makes him goe retrograde and fight for law and against law for Parliament and against Parliament and trust and Elections in Parliament are become scarecrowes to fright Children not Conquerours Though the Presbiterian be supplanted he shall finde a better portion then vncircumcised Prelates It s like the Jewish brethren seeke to bring into bondage such as receive not their Antichristian Markes and professe the beleife of revived heresies eating the sacrifices of the dead The story could not certifie the King that there was division of tongues or hands in the builders of Ierusalem but it told him that they which built had the Kings Commission and God may in mercy to the nation remove theis bloody brethren that will destroy Jerusalem rather then quit their Tyrany over it We may very well see the judgment of God vpon the nation in this bloody warr and though it begun with the house of God we may expect that such men will not escape that have been the firebrands of this dissention and wrought soe greate misery vpon the nation and though the Moabites Ammonites and Edomites gloried in the Jewes Captivitie as theis Rebells in the Conquest and Captivitie of their King and Sanballat and Tobiah and these other Enemies of the Church despised the weakenes of the Jewes in rebuilding the wall of Jerusalem and in scorne said that a fox going on it would overthrow it speaking with the same insolencie as the Libeller now vses yet they may be assured that God will remember his Church and the Enemies thereof as he did Edom in the day of Jerusalem The Libeller is a good witnes against himselfe saying to counterfeite the hand of God is the boldest of all forgeries and he who without warrant but his owne fantastique surmise takes vpon him perpetually to vnfold the secret and vnsearchable misterie of high providence it likely for the most part to mistake and slander them and approaches to the madnes of those reprobate thoughts that would wrest the sword of Iustice out of Gods owne hand and apply it more justly in his conceite and himselfe makes the application that vsurpes the hand of God in the successes and victories of Rebells to the approbation of their impietie and avow the wresting of the sword of Justice out of the hand of Gods vicegerent to imploy it more justly in their owne conceite and dares stander the misteries of high providence by binding them to their owne fantastique surmises What could he have spoken more appositely to his owne condemnation All men that behold the dealings of the Army with that mocke Parliament doe judge a very greate proportion in that retalliation of the injuries they had offred the King they that would lay hands on the Militia are brought vnder the Dominion of those forces which themselves had raysed for that vsurpation and heere againe the Libeller would finde somewhat to succour his feeble conceites of the beginning of the warr from the Kings confession which sayes noe man is soe blinde as not to fee herein the hand of divine Iustice they that by Tumults first occasioned the raysing of Armes must now be Chastened with their owne Army for new Tumults And what now is the Libellers extraction from hence that because Tumults were the first occasion of raysing Armes by consequence he himselfe raysed them first against these Tumults It s a cripled cause that stands on such crutches Though Tumults might be the first occasion yet this was not the whole occasion for these Tumults were seconded by seizing the forts and Navy raysing an Army by those that raysed the Tumults and their guilt in raysing Tumults sought protection from a formed Army and this Method of divine Justice sober men observe with reverence while irrationall and obstinate Traytours attribute nothing but their owne successes to the hād of God in favour which is in wrath to themselves and others These were new Tumults for which the Citie was chastened and cannot be referred to another farr fetcht cause soe many yeares before But the Cittie that raysed Tumults for the Parliament many yeares before is now punisht for Tumults for that same pretended Parliament by that Army raysed out of them and is it not evident heere that the first inventers of mischeife are scourged with the whipps themselves had prepared for others The fact of Manlius defending the Capitoll against the Gaules and afterward throwne headlong from the Capitoll for sedition might restraine the Libellers wicked application of their murdering the King at the gate of whitehall to the merit of his actions done there but the Cittie suffred by an Action which they had done for them who now punish them for it and they that did a wickednes with applause are punisht for it by those that applauded it the Actions of Manlius were opposite one to another heere the same It was a mercy they had a victorious Army soe neere to fly to But it was a judgment that Tumults which they had vsed to drive away the King should drive away them and the Libellers Logickes serves him to as litle purpose as his historie He would have that the latter were reall Tumults the first but pretended and why will he beleive the Parliament for the first and not for the latter And why doth he call them those few of both houses that withdrew from the first tumults and those many from the latter when it is most apparent that they which withdrew at first were three times the number of them that forsoake at last It is not the place but the end and cause that makes a Parliament And then all they that say they have a good cause and a good end are a Parliament and what neede is there then of a writ or Elections And Tumults are as good as Parliaments and the end and the cause make them Tumults and noe Tumults Parliament and noe Parliament and
law in force allowed and there is a great deale of difference betweene heretickes dying for errours against vniversall truths and Martirs dying for vniversally received truths The legislative Parliament and law of Coronation and obstinacie of one man his soe often chewed Rhetorique will not aide him to overcome so apparent truth and noe Parliament could have been soe ridiculous and contemptible a thing as they which abuse the name have now made it spurning it too and fro like a footeball at the will of the multitude and noe men are more markes for slaves then such as are destined to such a vassallage vnder such Masters Noe tolleration can please schismatickes that is bounded with any lawes and vnles they have a libertie to treade downe all law and Religion they account it not freedome and such tolleration which other Churches account themselves happy in these Sectaries account despicable that will have it not beneath the honour of a Parliament and free nation to receive a Schismaticall pretended Religion devised by a junto of Mechannickes His suspitions of palliation are of the same stuffe with his positions and we may well thinke vpon his owne grounds that the Kings advice to his Son to be tender of the people was sincere whose destruction would be his vndoing Which might justly move a Prince to that tendernes Powerfull Rebells are noe lesse infamous then greate and these who place the hopes of immortall prayse in the excesse of villanies only erect the Monuments of their impieties the higher that they may be seene by posteritie though they avoyded for the present the heigth of Hamans Gallowes and we may not thinke such men looke to be remembred in mercy with God who shewed none to men They thinke with Cain their sin greater then can be forgiven Although the King Exhort his Son not to study revenge yet they beleive that he or at least they about him intend not to follow that exhortation and that he sayes was seene lately at the Hague It s like he intends the killing of Doristans their Rebell Agent Is that an Argument of studying revenge after Reconciliation that a profest villaine was staine in the heate of indignation comming in Triumph with the blood of the Murthred King as his Trophey The Libeller would willingly perswade the multitude that it concernes them asmuch as thâ—â—e impious projectours of Rebellion to feare such revenge and therefore they may not repent but like himselfe maintaine Treason to be the better cause and to returne to loyaltie were ficklenes and instabilitie He cannot endure the Government by Bishopps for he sayes it is away to subdue the consciences of vulgar men to slavish doctrine The doctrine he meanes is order an obedience and he would have a compendious way to schisme and Rebellion and that 's the grudge which Traytours have at this Government and their profest quarrell He will not admit that Parliaments can have freedome if the King may deny any thing which a Major part propounds as if they had noe freedome vnles the prevailing partie were absolute Lords and yet their freedome is preserved though the Army picke out a few to be the Parliament and send packing the rest and this is the foundation of the English freedome as he would have it and that this Conventicle must have the name of Parliament and not of a faction The conclusion that the Libeller would have is that the Parliament should consist of a few Trayterous designers to whose voyce the rest must be only an Eecho and the found of a Parliament must be noe other then a bagpipe yeilding only such noates as the breath and stopps of the prime Masters allow it We have seene those tapistry Parliaments which he mentions which stay and remove at the pleasure of those Masters of the houshould And should not the King have a power to stopp the extravagant motions of these impetuous Commaunders which blasted all such whose wisedome and gravitie offred wholesome Counsells for publique safetie and ordered their mutes and noughts to signifie their pleasure The Kingdome would be sure of miserie as often as they see a Parliament and the people see they must seeke their preservation in vnitie which is Resident in the head not in those broken fractions the subject of division and such as seeke vents and ouletts from the supreame Government are the whirle windes of misery and confusion but Traytours would have lawes as easily broken as the spiders webb And this Parliament to which the King must be subject himselfe will allow noe more freedome then to sit in the noose of their Military generall which when he pleases to draw to geather with one twitch not only with his negative but positive Command shall throtile the whole nation to the wish of Caligula in one necke and this the Kings negative was farr from and if the Libeller stitch togeather all the quibbles of pasquills satirs they will agree vnto his Rebell Masters but lose their propertie by his application to lawfull Government Where they have placed the Militia the Kingdome now feele who vnderstood not the word when they were at first hoodminckt by it to seeke they knew not what The deliverance which these men boast of is the deprivation of just Government and the substitution of lawles will and the people see that they are foe farr from a deliverance that they are delivered over to a languishing miserie vnder the sharpest servitude and they now finde their Idolizing a Parliament hath drawne them from their loyaltie to him whome God had set over them and cast them vnder the hard bondage of these Masters and like them which rejected the sonns of Gideon and tooke the sonne of his servant to raigne over them they feele a fire of division kindled among them to devoure one another This Libeller allowes not any thoughts of revenge in his Majest now living for the murder of his father and yet reproacheth him for making peace with the Irish and not seeking their totall extirpation and the peace with them he calls a sordid dishonourable and irreligious seeking of his Crowne But the man is vnwilling he should have any waÌ„yes at al and would perswade his Sectaries for none els will beleive him that the King may not make peace with a Rebell submitting to oppose a Rebell persevering That the Presbiter Scott which woes the King now living is put of proceedes from his termes not from his qualitië Should not the people of England seeke the restitution of their King and legall Government whereof they have been cheated with the adulterate ostentations of libertie and redresse of greivances they would appeare arrant beasts that cryed out and below'd by the instinct of their drivers fighting like brutes till they ran into the pinfold where they are reserved for servitude and slaughter by those Masters who allured them with foode to put the yoake on their neckes The Libeller dislikes the kings conclusion that Religion to God and loyaltie to
them Though Armyes have been defeated a good cause can never and though he would have his Trayterous faction beleive them that followed the king a defeated partie yet it seemes by his jealosie him selfe doth not Tyrants cannot sleepe while lawfull heires survive and the guilt of their consciences and vsurped power make their Enemies as terrible after they have lost Armyes as before When Rebells prevaile they declaime against Treason and in contempt of God and their consciences reproach such with their Crymes that most oppose them in their first Actions they made vse of the Kings name and authoritie their declarations cannot be retracted wherein they profest to be for King and Parliament that they fought not against the king but his evil councell The Cryme of fighting against the king was a Treason so knowne that shame as well as feare would have lessened their partie had they not made vse of the kings name pretended his authoritie and vnles they thinke that their assertions of apparent vntruths will have the same power over the reasons of men as their Armes have gotten over their persons they would not patch vp discourses with such incongruities objecting that the kings partie vsed his name and authoritie which vndoudtedly they had and which those men professe to destroy and which had been vseles to any had it not been the acknowledged power of the kingdome and a confessed Cryme to oppose it and which those Traytours would never have pretended had not the evidence of its right been so apparent nor have destroyed after so much vse of it had they not exceeded all former Traytours as farr as he did his Predecessours of whom the spirit of God saies there was none like him that sold himselfe to worke wickednes It s the drift of the Rebell partie to confirme and continue their power by the same Arts they have gained it deny justice to the memory of his Majest as before obedience to his Government Those whose power hath been gottē by the peoples credulitie would willingly deprive them of reason whereby they might see their errour which is the cause that the Rebells having misted many into the present mischeyfe by Calumnies of insufficiencie in his Majest and disaffection to the established Religion account any proofe published to the contrary the plot of a faction against their Rebell Common-wealth and although their often accesses to him and debates with him during his restraint and the observation of his devotion gave such proofe of both as diverse of their followers were vndeceived both in him and the cause they had prosecuted yet this they would have an effect of faction any relation of his Maj afflictions a designe His Maj actions neede no defence the Rebells impious actions against him are incapable of any this Author hath some reason to coniecture that all mention of the sufferings of his late Maj tends to the ruine of the Rebell power True narrations of the horrid Actions of Traytours though they recount the greatenes glory of theyr triumphs sting them with an expectation of vengeance destruction of their power There are a great number that since they have seene that booke thinke it had been agreat losse to the world if it had perished yet they are farr from designe by it and if it were published with any designe it was an innocent one to publish what a murthered King had left written of himselfe for the reason of his Actions and cleering of mistakes The designe is now the third time to corrupt the people to the dishonour of the present Government retarde a generall peace so needeful to this afflicted nation They cannot say any were corrupted that followed their King vnles the lawes their legall oaths and Scripture it selfe corrupted them for theis were the guides they followed and the Rebells may rest assured that if there were not these bonds vpon the loyall English humane Treatises though never so excellent would little move them to the losse of life and fortunes For the dishonour of that which he calls the present Government themselves have written enough though the King and his partie were silent Their power was gotten by often repeated propositions protestations of affection and loyaltie to his late Majest which they never meant to performe many false pretences to the people to defend the King and estabilshed lawes and Religion breach of oaths murther of the King and of theis nothing can be denyed by themselves and there is nothing can be said of any to dishonour beyound swearing and fore swearing Treason and Murther And can they thinke their peace is retarded by the Kings partie when themselves have so often sworne by the name af God in hipocrisie to deceive made Religion the Maske of sacriledge and murther and pretend pittie to the afflicted nation while they afflict it continue the same wickednes where by they brought the miserie vpon it They may be sure though they destroy the King and his partie God will raise them Enemies they thinke not of and prepare destroyers they feare not It s a Good deede he sajes to the living by remembring men of the truth of what they know to he misaffirmed to keepe them from entring into warr But it is wickednes to oppose truth and offer that to be beleived by men which they know to be false If this Author would remember men only of truth he would finde no adversary and if his partie would act accordingly there would be no neede of a new warr for then they would restore King and lawes but this Author by falsifying of Actions att corrupting of principles endeavours to draw men into a state of Rebellion against God and their King and make the warr endles the people helpeles and his pretended Charitie is more odious then the Hipocrites Almes this respecting only selfe glory that of this Author a snare to destroy others As to moment of soliditie he sayes in the booke it selfe stuft with nought els but the Common grounds of Tyranny and Poperie suguered a little over or any neede of answearing in respect of stayed and well principled men I take it on me as a worke assigned rather then by me chosen or affected He would have it thought there was no moment of soliditie because he hath none in this Iconoclastes stuft full of the common grounds of Rebellion confusion which are only of Moment to the support of vsurpation the measure of his well principeld men to whome a rayling libell is more convincing then a Logicall Argument That the booke is stuft with nought els but grounds of Tyrany and Popery when the most part of his exceptions comprehended not those heads is an Hiperbole vnbefitting any but such as had sacrificed shame and conscience to a wicked cause If the publishing of his Majest booke as he sajes conteyning nothing but grounds of Tyrany and Popery were a designe of his partie surely it must concurre with the Authors ends for
and saint him to befoole the people the lattine Motto which they vnderstand not leaves him as it were a politique contriver The lattine being taken in the right sense what roome had there been for this curious observation And if they which set foorth his Majest booke had been curiously or stupidly negligent the Author had detracted nothing from his Majest It is not the picture but the crueltie exercised vpon him that made him a Martir and these miscreants are enraged to see their owne Actions in picture which they shamed not to commit in the face the world The picture is farr short of the measure of his Majest pietie and sufferings and wee may expect hard measure vpon the booke when a picture in the front cannot escape the Image breaker This Author its likely wrote from them that vnderstood not lattine that seekes to make the front and lattine in the end so different when the front hath a picture in the posture of prayer and the lattine in the end is applied to the efficacy of prayer If he had expected to worke on such as vnderstood lattine he would not have obtruded such an insignificant observation of misconstrued lattine Doth the commendatious of a mans devotions shew him a politique contriver They that published his Majest booke are heerein free from that negligent curiositie the Author would have seene by contriving a sense which himselfe will not affirme to be theirs which vsed the words but his owne by a libertie of choice where are different senses to be made but the Author shewes himselfe an vnpolitique contriver of detraction when he inserts the detection of it in the relation Quaint Emblems and devices begg'd from the old Pageantry of some twelf nights entertainment at white hall will doe but ill to make a saint or Martir The Traytours are loath to see the Emblems of their owne inhumane crueltie and how insteed of harmeles Pageantry they erected the Theatre of their Barbarous villanie at white hall The wickednes of those that Martired his Majest may be shadowed by Emblems but neither art nor wit can fully expresse it Bloody Massacres are the Pageantry of Tyrants and the scritches of Martirs their Musique If the people resolve to take him sainted at the rate of such a Cannonizing I shall he sayes suspect their Calender more then the Gregorian He is very Kinde that will suspect their Calender no more then the Gregorian for that Calender which hath nothing peculiar or notable but the new account of the yeare is received by a greate part of the world for the truest and if the Author have no greater aversion from the Calender he supposes he is likely very neere the beleife of it it seemes he had a minde to make a conceite from the word Calender therefore produceth the Gregorian Calender of computation insteed of the Calender of saints The Authors Pageantry playing with a picture is not the way to vncannoinze a saint The peoples opinion of his Majest sanctitie is not wrought by a picture and if they have any esteeme of such representations of his sufferings their just passion condemnes this Authors malitious detractions The Memoriall of the just shal be blessed in despight of the malice and scorne of men God lookes on their sufferings puts all their teares into his bottle and their death is right deare in his sight And if we looke vpon the eminencie of the Sufferer the pride and crueltie of the persecutors the true causes on the part of the sufferer or the pretended causes of suffering on the part of the persecutors we shall finde few Parallells in Calenders among saints to that of his late Majest and its memorable in his story that his persecutors their expressions so much resemble the cursed Jewes that crucified our blessed saviour This man would make his Majest after death a politique contriver the Jewes our blessed saviour adeceiver This Author pretends a plot to worke by this booke published after his Majest death that revenge which he could not obteine in his life the cursed Jewes pretended the beleife of our saviours resurrection of greater danger then his Miracles in his life time Such as preserve the Memory of the sufferings of holy men in Calenders have Zeale for their warrant and it was an ancient practice in the Church of God and such as deride that Custome to cast reproach vpon the persons they have persecuted will have their memories rott as they have their faces hardned and their consciences seared We may see what answeare this Author intends to his Majest booke that makes such observations vpon the Claspe frontispice Is it the way to confute a booke to revile the printer Iconoclastes hath an indignation at any holy meditations in his Majest booke and tells men there is danger of a Designe and to keepe men from reading it gives Caveatts against the outside In one thing he must commend his opennesse who gave the Title to this booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the Kings Image by the shrine he dresses out for him certeinly would have the people come and worshipp Was man made to be worshipt because the Scripture tells vs he was created in the Image of god And is this author so greate a stranger to the expressions of such as writ the lives Actions of woorthy persons who terme some men patternes or Images of Kings Captaines Judges and the like and when his Majest booke conteyned such Kingly meditations was it improperly named Icon-basilice Such sorry Jests shew more will then witt to speake some what and the confidence of his slanders are the same with his conceites that binds this trivial scoffe with a certenly For which reason this answeare is intitled Iconoclastes the famous surname of many Greeke Emperours who in their zeale to the commaund of god after long tradition of Idolatrie in the Church tooke courage brake al supperstitious Images to peices And the end of this answeare is to breake all good Emperours aswell as Kings to peices and the Author made an improper choice of the famous surname of good Emperours that reproaches their calling and justifies the violence done them for that very worthy Act of theirs in breaking superstitious Images for if the people may judge their Kings for their Actions in Church or State how will this Author exempt the good Emperour Leo from the Justice of the peoples violence against him for breaking downe of Images for he must confesse their power to vse violence if he will erect a Tribunall in the people over their Kings as he doth over his owne Poets have fancied transformations and men turned into Beasts noe age hath produced more Monsters in opinion touching Religion and moralitie then this of ours that glory in their defacing of the Image of God in man by Creation and in Kings and governours by institution and if every man may vse violence against his King vpon his owne authoritie and the murther
private ends and ambition At first noe man lesse beloved noe man more generally condemned then was the King from the time that it became his Custome to breake Parliaments at home and cyther willfully or weakely betray protestants abroade to the beginninge of those combustions He would prove the people inconstant who doubts it there hath been proofe enough of it in their wretched levitie tossed to and fro by these Rebells Bene facere male audire Regium est will not be denyed by Iconoclastes to be a knowne truth and that it is the common lot of good Princes to be misreported That his late Majest suffered by the privy whispes of ambitious seducers to the credulous vulgar is easily graunted but it was their ingratitude not his merit and the Authors lesse beloved and more generally condemned is a supposition voyde of truth as the Act it selfe was voyde of dutie the causes he would have to be his Custome in breaking Parliaments and betraying Protestants Let vs examine what ground there was for this aversion from the King vpon either of theis There were in the time of King James men that made ill vse of Parliaments and insteede of amending what was amisse strived to make the people beleive things were out of order which they felt not and to create discontents at the Government This caused the breach of some Parliaments in that Kings time his late Majest finding the people possest with great jealosies of his match with spaine greate desires to breake the peace with that nation in order to the recovery of the Palatinate became the instrument of setling a right vnderstandinge betweene the King and his Parliament in the 21. th Yeare of his Raigne Then was the Treatie of the match and peace broken the session of Parliament concluded to the greate joy of the people and with their greate professions of affection to his late Majest for soe happy a worke King James was noe sooner dead and his late Majest by the Councell of the Parliament engaged in a dangerous warr but the seditious contrivers that had pretended such Zeale for the regaininge of the Palatinate cast about how they might ruine his Majest by that vndertaking and in his first Parliament without respect to their owne promises his Majest merit from them in procuringe their desires or the publique necesisities ingratefully withdrew their assistance from him and spread abroade rumours against his Government and when he called a Parliament the private annimosities personall thirst of revenge in some men were entertained in the house of Commons to exclude the consideration of the pressing necessities of his Majest affaires and forreigne agents had their fingers with these leaders in Parliament to divert all supplies from his Majest that both Protestants and all other his allies might be disappointed and which by that meanes was effected It s well knowne with what industrie difficultie his Majest in the middest of his necessities advanct releife to the Protestants and if they were betrayed the Treason must lie on the Parliaments credulitie to those vnderminers that forsooke their King in the prosecution of that worke To betray Protestants theis Traytours know signifies much to the people therefore they make it a reproach to their King against the knowne evidence of the fact and all sense and though they hipocritically pretend affection to the Protestant Religion the world knowes they doe not asmuch as give it a toleration for the Protestants doe not account Iohn of Leidon and the mad men of Munsters Protestants there is noe Religion but theirs now current in England This Author sees the cleerenes of the proofe against their malitious allegations of betraying Protestants and therefore descends a little in his termes and sayes either wilfully or weakely Could he betray them by impotencie of force or Councell that a new found Treason that the minde intends not but it s too much respect to such an absurd Calumnie to give it an answeare He goes on all men inveighed against him all men except Court vassalls opposed him and his Tyranicall proceedings Inveighinge against the King was vnknowne in England before such Monsters as this Author were hatcht by Rebellion and made their words accord with their Actions when their lying and hipocrisie could noe longer serve turne Before this time malecontents muttered their censures of Government and people that beleived them thought it their sin and shame to inveigh against their King Though discontents were nourisht among many few or none were soe impudent to inveigh There is noe Courtier whose observance to his Prince or his flatterie of him can binde him to like vassallage as he is that serves Rebells by false and impudent detractions of Rulers Noe slave soe base as he that wil be hired to murther the fame and honour of others There are some Courtiers among his new Masters whose falshood to their true Master and base observance of the Traytours to him entitles them to the worst of vassallage This Author goes an ill way to prove Tyranicall proceedings when he sayes they were soe opposed It s strange a Tyrant should suffer himselfe to be opposed and how were those Tyranicall proceedings opposed he will say by disputes in Courts of Justice was this Tyrany to admit contestations in ordinary Courts There was never time wherein there were not questions of right betweene King and subject is it Tyrany in a Prince to be a partie in a Proces And doth this Author hold malicious reports and rumours notes of disgrace vpon King or any other Magistrate good Princes lives confute detractours and though the people for a time may be deluded they will come to know a good King in his losse Rebellious humours are an Epidemicall pestilence whose violence cannot continue This full Parliament was at first vnanimous in their dislike and protestation against his evill Government This hath not the least colour of truth and as there was never time wherien somethinge was not to be amended soe in the beginninge of this Parliament there were things of that nature but not such as laid Cryme vpon his Majest Government nor did the Parliament judge soe but all corruptions of Courts Errours of Councell ill successes of Actions are charged by this Author as his Majest ill Government and every judgment of Parliament in a particular case made a protestation against it This Author cannot but know that the most vnamimous protestation that ever the Parliament made was to defend the Kings person honour and Estate and they that made this protestation could not be vnanimous in protesting against his evill Government nor in destroying both him and it They protested to defend the lawes of the land one of which they declared to be that the King could doe noe wrong and that if they should say his late Majest did they should speake against the law the affection of their owne hearts Can this Author finde any roome heere for an vnanimous protestation of the
Bell the Dragon But he gives a reason why the King would speake sense for he thought sayes he Freedome to high a word for them and moderation toe meane for himselfe and he concludes this was not the way to prevent misvnderstanding It s sure this man tooke the way to make misvnderstandings that would have Freedome applyed to the people what ever the subject be that is spoken of and its like he would be well pleased that they had Freedome from law prosperitie loyaltie and obedience which might be as well spoken as the sense he hath framed to prevent mis-vnderstandings He sayes the King still feared passion and prejudice in other men not in himselfe and doubted not by the weight of his owne reason to counterpoise any faction it being so easie for him and so frequent to call his obstinacie reason and other mens reason faction He had greate reason to feare passion and prejudice in others which he had so often tryed and which they that then feared not have since found true and the concessions the King purposed and performed might make him confident to counterpoyse any faction but the libeller will have it beleived that he which graunted more then any of his Predecessours was obstinate and they that demaunded what former Parliaments thought vnreasonable and impious had reason But the King was deceived that had to doe with Monsters not reasonable men We in the meane while must beleive that wisedome and all reason came to him by Title with his Crowne Passion prejudice and faction to others by being subjects Kings have advantages above others for wisedome and reason they are assisted with diverse Councells and in publique affaires reason must be presumed in Kings and faction feared in subjects nature being averse to submit and interests and partialities incident to all greate Assemblyes and the detraction from the wisedome of Rulers in the Rebells foundation and a sure signe of corrupt intentions He was sorry to heare with what popular heate elections were carryed in many places To these words of the Kings he sayes sorry rather that Court letter and intimations prevailed no more to divert or to deterre the people from their free election of those men whome they thought best affected to Religion their Countryes libertie both at that time in danger to be lost They were in danger to be lost by a Trayterous conspiracie with an invading enemy but no other danger imaginable to any There was never lesse cause to complaine of Court letters and intimations nor ever greater mistakes of persons chosen the Countryes affections to Religion and libertie making way for the insinuations of Hypocriticall seducers and had the Countryes knowne the dispositions of the men they chose as their Actions have since discovered they would not have trusted them with their Religion and libertie which they have betrayed This Image breaker declaimes against the violence levitie of the people and heere calumniates his Majest for observing the popular heate whereby elections were carryed in some places it being a most knowne truth that popular heate is as frequent vpon such occasions as any other witnes the long annimosities between families and the greate contentions that arise from such Elections Among the many clamours in the late Parliament where malice was as busie as this Author is now to finde out Court letters to divert or deterre the people from free Elections there was not one instance produced of such letters or intimations How wickedly industrious many were to blow abroade jealosie suspition of the danger of Religion libertie how causelessely the people in many places were drawne into passion by vaine surmises is too well knowne and it is too late for the Image breaker to seeke to reduce the people into those misopinions which they have detected by too deare bought experience for they well see that there was no way so certaine to endanger Religion and libertie as they were seduced into vpon pretence to preserve them And such men they were as by the Kingdome were sent to advise him not sent to be Cavilled at because elected or to be entertained by him with an vndervalue and misprision of their temper judgment or affection Though such as were elected were not sent by the Kingdome but by the respective places one not intermedding with another yet if Iconoclastes had not been more forward to expresse his impotencie then warry in producing reason he would not have spokeÌ„ of being Cavilled at whereof he had not montioned the least colour and if he hold the persons of men elected so sacred the King faultie for not esteeming them as he ought what is the reason that he defends the Tumults that reproacht and assaulted them What is the reason he professes so much honour to those Masters that plucked them out of the house kicked them into prisons Kings send for their subjects to advise with them and Iconoclastes might finde by the Elections of members of the lower house that they were sent to doe consent to such things as should be ordained with the common Councell of the Kingdome and therefore mistakes their directions that sayes they were sent to advise him with what childish levitie doth he insult on his soveraigne for vndervaluing of the temper judgment or affection of persons chosen as if their Elections reâ—ned their natures sublimated their tempers as this mans Rebellion hath inflamed and besotted him In vaine was a Parliament thought fittest by the knowne lawes of our nation to advise and regulate vnruly Kings if they insteede of hearkning to advice should be permitted to turne it of and refuse it by vilifying and traducing their advisers or by accusing of a popular heate those that lawfully elected them If a Parliament were thought fittest by the knowne lawes of our Kingdome to regulate vnruly King it was certainly in vaine for such Kings as stories report mostirregular were least regulated by Parliaments but on the contrary the Parliaments concurd to their desires and in such extravagant Actions as were the greatest blemishes of their Government Iconoclastes doth well to make a supposition of knowne lawes for he knowes not any that thought his supposition true for the knowne lawes will not suppose an vnruly King and therefore cannot thinke of a way to regulate what they will not suppose but were it supposed that a Parliament were the fittest way toregulate vnruly Kings doth it follow that there wil be no heate in elections nor noe misadvice in persons elected Must the King take all for truth and reason that any of these advisers will tell him Or is a Major part of them so infallible as the whole Kingdome must stand or perish by the advantage of a few voyces perhaps one onely But this breaker hath broken out into this vnnaturall heate vpon the alone mention of heate in Elections a matter not only of possibilitie but knowne truth His owne his Childrens interest oblidged him to seeke
But such as make Psalmastrie a word of contempt relish not the Zeale of the sweete singer of Israell and their deedes are odious to all good men that seeke matter of reproach vpon the devotions of others and make their malitious surmises positive truths The instances of Tyrants counterfeiting Religion are frequent and that hipocrisie is inseperable from Tyrants by vsurpation such as this libellers Masters whose want of right seekes protection from dissembled vertue but this seldome happens to Kings by just Title whose power wants not that support His comparing his late Majest to knowne vsurpers that confirmed their Crownes gained by robbery and kept with falshood blood shewes his odious shamelessnes in the dissimititude whoever observes the prophane assumption of the Titles of pietie by these Monsters their hipocriticall professions to maske their wicked ends shall finde that Andronicus Comnenus and our English Rich. 3. Came short of them not only in counterfeiting Religion and conscience but in falshood and crueltie Insteede of shake speares scene of Rich. 3. The libeller may take the Parliaments declaration of the 29. May where their words are The providing for the publique peace and prosperitie of his Majest and all his Realmes we protest in the presence of the all-seeing Deitie to have been and still to be the only end of all our Councells endeavours wherein wee have resolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private aimes personall respects or passions whatsoever and againe in their petition of the second of June they tell him that they have nothing in their thoughts and desires more pretious and of higher esteeme next to the honour and immediate service of God then the just and faithfull performance of their dutie to his Majest and the libeller will not finde in historie or poet words of a deeper hipocrisie in the mouth of a villaine nor more contradicted by their Actions That which he adds from his Testimony out of shakespeare of the imagined vehemence of Rich. the 3. In his dissembled professions holds noe proportion with theis hipocrisies really acted not fancyed by a poet and this libeller hath learnt to act a part out of shakespeare and with Rich. 3. accusing loyaltie and innocency for high Crymes and crying out against their wickednes that sought to restore the disposessed heires of the Crowne to their right and amplifying their offence as the highest against God and man and wherein comes the libeller short of his patterne in this scene He sayes heerein the worst of Kings professing Christianisme have by farr exceeded him and he gives his reason for that the King hath as it were vnhallowed and vnchristned by borrowing to a Christian vse prayers offred to a heathen God And doth saint Paul exceede the worst of Kings professing Christianisme by borrowing to a Christian vse the words of an heathen Philosopher and poet did he thereby vnhallow and vnchristen Scripture His meaning is as followes afterward that the King vsed a prayer taken out of S. Philip Sydnies Arcadia After the first Edition of his Majest booke the Printers finding the greate vent of them in the following Editions Printed prayers and other things in the Kings name not belonging to the booke Among these prayers there is a prayer taken out of the Arcadia That prayer is neither made by a heathen woman nor to a heathen God but is composed by the Author a Christian without reference to any heathen Deitie and the Author is not thought to vnchristen prayer by it the libeller himselfe saying the booke in its kinde is full of worth and wit but as his outcry hath noe cause from the matter so heere is no evidence of the fact that his Majest made vse of that prayer or popt into the Bishopps hands as a relique of his exercise though he might warrantably have vsed it and professed it But he goes on to shew what he can say vpon this occasion Who would have imagined so little feare in him of the true alseeing Deitie so litle reverence of the holy Ghost whose office is to dictate and presens our Christian prayers so litle care of truth in his last words or honour to himselfe or to his friends or sense of his afflictions or of that sad hower which was vpon him as immediately before his death to pop into the hand of that grave Bishopps who attended him as a speciall relique of his saintly exercises a prayer stolne c. All men that have observed this Authors practice hitherto rest assured that he hath so litle feare or reverence of the all seeing Deitie so litle care of truth or honour as he stickes not to charge his Majest with facts neverdone and innocent Actions with transcendent guilt If his Majest had vsed the prayer or delivered it as he imagines no man of Christian sobrietie could charge the fact with Cryme what one word or sentence is there in that prayer which a Christian may not vse but the Image breaker hath a greate quarrel to al formes of prayer and by the reason he produces that the office of the holy Ghost is to dictate and present our Christian prayers all set prayers want reverence to the holy Ghost so tender is he of the best reformed Churchs of whome he so often makes a propertie And whence concludes he no care of truth in his last words when the King never spake of it He aggravates this fact by the person of the grave Bishopp who had been a Prelaticall leiturgist had it not been to paint a slander The laughter which he conceives is caused by the thought of this that he which acted so Tragically should have such a ridiculous exit might rather strike horrour in the libeller for his malitious opposition to truth that will so contrary to his owne knowledge charge him to act tragically that had governed so mildly and to have a ridiculous exit that left the world with so greate pietie and such vniversall greife of the people for his sufferings but desperate wretches laugh at the wickednes they act His Majest friends have had good experience that his Enemies who have spared no paines to traduce him would not for beare any occasion of detraction His Majest enduring afflictions with admired patience his fuffering death with Christian fortitude his vertuous life holy Martyrdome cannot be blasted by an Atheists scorne nor a Rebells malice His conclusion in the begging of the question that it is cleere the King was not induced but constrained to call the last Parliament which by his owne shewing is apparently false for if there had been such a constraint the Lords in vaine petitioned and all the necessities that he hath supposed may concurr with the Kings inclination to call a Parliament and if necessitie had constrained him to call a Parliament what should hinder but he might avouch in the eares of God that he did it with an vpright intention to his glory and his peoples good If necessitie of his peoples
preservation or welfare cause him to call a Parliament may he not vse these words Whence would the Image breaker have it a cause of trembling more then any thing spoken in the presence of God The permitting mans wickednes is no approbation of it nor a token of his hatred to those that are afflicted by it There are some whome God hath given over to delusion and of that the libeller appeares to have a greate measure who not only beleives lies but is the Author of them making the names of Religion and conscience and the feare of God baites to deceive and venom to reproach Vpon the EARLE Of STRAFFORDS DEATH THis chapter he sayes is a penitent confession of the King and the strangest if it be well weighed that ever was auricular for he repents heere of giving his consent though most vnwillingly to the most seasonable and solemne peice of Iustice that had been done of many yeares in the land But his sole conscience thought the contrary Impieties that were strange heeretofore are common with this libeller and it is vnheard of that repentance of an act conceiveded sinfull by the athour was reproached by and before this Atheist he never weighed neither repentance nor confession if he had he would never have thought it strange that his Majest should confesse that he sinned in following a multitude to doe evill and if the murther of the Earle of strafford had been Justice is it strange that such as had acted in it without sufficient satisfaction to their conscienc should confesse their sin in concurring to such an Action Was it not an injustice that was done vnwillingly and ought it not to be repented of If his Majest sole conscience thought the contrary was it not sin in him to consent to the fact and is it without experience that a single man in an Assembly hath judged the right and the rest proceeded in the wrong but he applies himselfe to readers whose affections and capacities are proportioned to his expressions and therefore his Majest confession is the strangest that ever was auricular He would have them beleive that his Majest discourse in this Chapter was popish auricular confession els his Jnigly of auricular had no congruitie with a written confession For the merit of that which he calls solemne peice of Justice no age had produced such a solemne and formall piece of villany which is by so much more odious as it had the figures of law and Justice And thus was the welfare the safetie and within a litle the vnannimous demaund of three populous nations to have attended still on the Singularitie of one mans opinionated conscience if men had allwayes been so tame and spiritles and had not vnexpectedly found the grace to vnderstand that if his conscience were so narroa and peculiar to it selfe it in as not fit his authoritie should be so ample and vinversall over others for certainly a private conscience sortes not with a publique calling The welfare and safetie of these three populous Kingdomes had been probably preserved if they had attended on his Maj conscience and what hath been the consequence of that spirit and grace which he sayes they found and was indeede the infusion of impious inclinations into many by the spirit of errour disobedience but the most desperate I anguishing miserie danger that ever lay vpon the Kingdome And these graceles miscreants sport at the nam af grace prophane the profession of it He would be vnderstood a litle modest in adding with in a litle to vnannimous but being weighed his impudence wil appeare litle lesse in this then former passages If the three Kingdomes be considered in comparison to that small number that vnderstood the case of the Earle of Strafford it was a very litle part of the Kingdomes that made the demaund be mentions if he would advantage his cause by the cryes of those that were stirred vp by the Seditious Seducers to cry Justice their giddy wilfullnes aswel as ignorance lewdenes wil add litle to the weight though it encreas the number of these demaunders But this man thinkes conscience vnfitt for a King therefore would not have so narrow a conscience have so large an authority for he sayes a private conscience sorts not with publique calling declares that person rather meant by nature for a private fortune The must profest Atheists loose debauches never avowed a greater scorne of Christianitie neither is there an Author extant that hath adventured so farr vpon the reasons of men as to complaine vpon a King for Tyrany and errours in Religion with the same breath charging him with vnfitnes to be a King for want of a wide conscience These mē are true to their principles to make vehement professions of Religion though they hate it and in the middest of their prophane fasts presumptuous thankes giving they jeere at al Religion conscience professe to the world that a publique conscience ought not to be narrow nor sticke at any thing as their conscience is so is their practice they that made no conscienc of their loyalty mak no conscienc of exercising their power He whose conscience thinkes it sin to putt to death a Capitall offender will as oft thinke it meritorious to kill a right cous person If his Majest had thought the Earle of Strafford a Capital offender he had made no conscience of his death and this libeller vainely supposes conscience of sin to put to death a Capital offender which cannot consist with a conscience so informed neither doth an erroneous conscience in sparing blood as oft thinke it meritorious to kill vndeservedly though it be nothing to the present purpose for he can fasten neither vpon his Majest conscience of sparing a Capitall offender or killing a righteous person But in this whereof he repents That the sin of signing the Bill of straffords execution he would not have mattor to trouble the Kings conscience and his reasons are That all men looked vpon him as one of the most impetuous instruments to advance any illegall designe The Earle of strafford was a man that the Seditious disturbers of the state hated and feared and sought vnder hand to rayse the malevolence of others against him If any men have so farr lost reason as to measure the Ministers of Kings by the libells of Traytours they are likely to take the best men for most guiltie and if a King should sacrifice his faithfull Servants because they are not looked vpon with a good eye by the multitude he may not expect to be served by men of fidelitie or merit and we have seene how the peoples lookes have been won and lost That he had rul'd Ireland some part of England in an Arbitrary manner The word Arbitrary in the beginning of the late Parliament was vsed to scare the people and made to signifie greate affrightments to them but that bugbeare is now growne rediculous to children for
disrelish those his prime qualities and makes the execration of such wickednes to be strange infatuation and hardnes of heart and so calls the Kings vnwilling and forced consent to an act he judged evill the tasting of a just deede and his repentance for it he calls spattring at it The Devills are tormented with the repentance of others and their Agents blasphemously deride it and its doubtfull whether the pittie or detestation ought to be greater to wards such desperate persons that call the consent to an execrable murder tasting of one good deede and the resolution against the like spattring at it no doubt this man spatters at conscience direlishes all repentance nothing being so naturall to him as the opposition to pietie That wo is denounced to the Scribes and Pharisees for straining at a gnat and swallowing a Cammell We scarcely finde so greate a Cammel swallowed by the Scribes and Pharisees as many that are greedily devoured by this libeller His prophane and malitious scornes and reproaches of repentance in this very section and magnifying an execrable Murther are Cammells in the Jugdment of true Christians though it seeme not so to that sense which is wholy reprobate the straining at gnats and swallowing Cammels was never more apparent in any sect of men then this libeller and his crew and if the ruine of three Kingdomes be soe big bulky as he confesses and would falsely have to be the deedes of his late Majest and that a wo belongs to them what may this libeller his Complices expect that have strained at formes and Ceremonies swallowed downe not only periuries and Murthers the defence of odious sins and the reproaching of Christian duties but have vndoubtedly brought this ruine vpon his Majest three Kingdomes He followes his common place of reproaching his Majest conscience and sayes if it were come to that vnnaturall discrafie to digest poyson it was not for his Parliament and Kingdomes to feede with him any longer This Chapter the libeller hath composed for a satyre against conscience to make it more a bhord by his crew of Caniballs with whome non can feede but blood thirstie savages Could he name a greater discrasie then what he commends that confines conscience to shed blood exludes it from sparing These Traytours had made falshood and disobedience unnaturall to them and thereby they caused such as sought to preserve themselves from that pestilence to avoyde them those venemous persons according to their malitious qualitie sought to infect with their disposition or destroy by their rage all that came neere them or restrained their Company That the King would perswade vs that the Parliament escaped not some touches of remorse for putting Strafford to death in forbidding it to be a President for the future but he sayes in faire construction that act implyed rather a desire to pacifie the Kings minde not imagining that this after Act should be retorted on them whether it were made a President or not no more then the want of a President for this It s some what strange that the Image breaker finding his rigour only to rayle would medle with this Argument but it seemes he apprehended the hope of a fallacie in the word after would insinuate that this Act was made after the murther which was made to authorise it and in a faire construction it hath not the least shadow of a desire to pacifie the King for it did not diminish any of their power or purposes that contrived that Act but only to exclude this fact from ordinary Justice which in a faire construction implyes that it was not law but will and power whereby they proceeded The truth was themselves saw that by the consequence of that fact of theirs all mens lives and fortunes were exposed to danger and ruine and no Magistrate or officer but might be drawne within the compasse of Treason by the Rules they had held with the Earle of Strafford all they that were present at the debates of that busnies know well that their proper feares caused that provision in the Act and though themselves were not bound to Presidents they were affraid that others would follow their Presidents as in truth they ought if this President had been according to law He would not have that this Act argued in the Parliament their least repenting when it argued so litle in the King who accused the six members for the same Crymes which he would not thinke treasonable in the Earle The accusation of those six members was of other and higher Crymes besides some of those objected to the Earle of Strafford and vpon better grounds and if it had been only those it shewes apparently that they that would not proceede vpon that accusation repented of what they had done against the Earle of Strafford or had no conscience at all but were only guided by corrupt respects of person and interest and his Majest might try what they would doe against persons evidently guiltie of that which they had judged so high a Cryme in another For the discovery of their former false proceedings that the King held nothing Treason but against himselfe He hath been already told was the judgment of the accusers of the Earle of Strafford and he might have knowne it to be so farr from a Tyranicall principle as he calls it that it is the rule of law and Government for have not his Masters changed the stile of proceedings against offenders which the law formerly vsed in regard of their change of Government and devised one according to their new modell It s possible they that devised that clause in the Act did not expect it would be retorted vpon them they were blinded with their fury and precipitation But the Image breaker might have observed that a greater evidence of their injustice could not have been provided He that is so shamelesse to insinuate the Kings instigation to that clause in the Act for the death of the Earle Strafford which were a madnes in any man to suppose may aswell pretend it for his death The six members must stand condemned if he acquit them for the contrary of what he affirmes is constantly true And it were folly to aske him why he should conclude the six members guiltles that never were tryed when they were accused of such facts as he himselfe sayes were Treason in others for he will certainly say it though he thinke it not He concludes against the Kings conscience in saying that he bare that touch of conscience with greater regret then any other in regard of the proditory aide he supposes sent to Rochell and Religion abroade and a Prodigalitie of shedding blood at home as he phrases it There cannot be a greater evidence of the Kings innocence and the Rebels lewdenes then their absurd accusations of him who after their barbarous reproaches and crueltie make his greatest Cryme the resistance of their Rebellion and the misfortune of an expedition in favour of Rochell and
Religion No man is so senseles to beleive that Rochell could have defended it selfe without other aide then their owne if the King had not intended their releife he needed not have vndertaken such chrageable and dangerous expeditions whence can any reasonable man collect that the Kings assistance to them could beproditory when they were not their by hindred to vse their vtmost endeavours besides the English succours and heereby wee may see how miserably the people of England have been misled by hipocriticall Traytours who while they made profession of conscience and Religion acted the greatest villanies against Religion and conscience that the worst of Atheists ever attempted and shame not at such assertions of falshood as common States blush to be detected of The reason he sayes is worth the notinge why the King would have notice taken of so much tendernes which is he hoped it trould be some evidence before God and man to all posteritie that he was farr from bearing that vast loade and guilt of blood laid vpon him by others which hath he sayes the likenes of a subtill dissimulation When the Prophet David humbled himselfe and put on sackcloth even that was turned to his reproach and his Majest teares and afflictions of soule are no lesse reproaches by theis vipers then the greatest sins that could be repented of Cursed shimi will call David a man of blood and his repentance for the murther of one man with bitternes of soule shal be counted a dissimulation rather then the wretch will allow it any evidence that he was innocent of that blood he would lay to his charge This was not the first time his Majest charged himselfe with that innocent blood the Rebells published his Cabinet wherein they found it and he might well hope that God would cleere his innocence as the light as his righteousnes as the noone day Prayers may be made for mercy to a mans name and a penitent may piously hope God will make his repentance evident to men and his sorrowes for one sin and evidence he was not guiltie of many of the same Kinde His Majest hopes not that his expressions heere wil be evidence but that his regretts which were Knowne not only to God but men could be evidence how farr he was from the guilt of what his Enemies charged him with and to declare a hope of the benifit of repentance is no more like a dissimulation then repentance is like a justification If his Majest had shed the blood of thousands whome he counted Rebells as this Author mentions he could not suffer regretts of conscience though he had a sorrow of heart his vnderstanding being satisfied of the Justice and necessitie of the fact But those horrid Traytours that imbrewed themselves in the blood of that innocent King were hardned against the sparing of multitudes and would secure their consciences by reproaching his Majest repentance and transferring the blood of warr vpon him which their Rebellion and crueltie had spilt This libeller in this very page within few lines told vs that strafford was by him put to death vnwillingly and presently concludes thus by dipping voluntarily the tipp of his finger in the blood of strafford whereof all men cleere him he thinkes to escape that sea of blood wherein his owne guilt hath plunged him And may not a mans owne conscience strike him for that which all men cleere him of but that himselfe hath related to be otherwise in this case where so many concurred in Judgment against the death of the Earle of Strafford and when so many have made confession of their owne vnhappines in the consent to that Action and so few at present that doe not abhorre it and thinke it a greate cause of Gods displeasure against the nation it is farr from truth that all men cleere him The Libeller holds a single murther but dipping the tip of the finger in blood gives just cause to conclude that his conscience is not toucht with shedding a sea of blood Al men must confesse it a cause of greater regret of have his hand in the blood of one man against the perswasion of his conscience then erroneously to enter into a warr where many are distroyed vpon the opinion of Justice but the knowne Justice of his Majest cause layes the blood of this warr at the Rebells doores whose malice and Treason not ignorance or errour drew vpon them the guilt of that blood of Strafford those thousands which the warr hath devoured If the King had never published his repentance for the blood of Strafford all knowing men would have judged he had cause to doe it and if he had never gone about to purge himselfe of that blood which the warr had shed all men would have cleered him of it Vpon his going to the HOUSE OF COMMONS COncerning his vnexcusable and hostile march from the Court to the house of Commons there needs not much be said There neede litle to be said for his Majest defence in going to the house of Commons who had so high a provocation to make an hostile March and tooke the way of so milde and peaceable a comming to it but this Authors impudence in calling it vnexcusable after the many violences and hostile Marches of his Masters vnto that house and their taking out and driving away the members will never be excused How shameles is this man to call his Majest going to the house of Commons with an ordinary guard without Pike or Muskett an hostile March after the March of a compleate Army led by his Rebell Masters against that house But he vrges for proofe that his Majest confesses it to be an Act which most men cryed shame vpon which his Majest sayes not at all but that his Enemies loaded it with obloquy indifferent men grew jealous of fearefull and many of his friends resented as a motion rising rather from passion then reason The cryes of his Enemies prove nothing but their owne passion partialitie and the jealosies of men are oftner resolved into their owne mistakes then the truth of Actions The opinion of his Majest friends condemned not the Action as injurious though they might thinke it passionate and if this Author could set aside the malice and corruption of his heart he might justly learne from his Majest cleerenes in stating his owne Actions with observing all the Circumstances of them that make to his disadvantage to forbeare these fayned discourses of every Action he writes of That in one of his answeares to both houses he made profession that he was convinced that it was a plaine breach of the priviledge it was greater satisfaction then ever King gave his houses of Parliament and it must have been an inexcusable disloyaltie in them to presse him after such a profession and make it matter of complaint T is true his Majest denyed any intention to breake their Priviledges in that Act. But no man yet could assigne a reason to exclude the King
King sayes They forbore not rude deportments contemptuous words and Actions to himselfe and his Court. And to this the libeller sayes It was not wonder having heard what treacherous hostilitie he had designed against the Citie and his whole Kingdome that they forbore to handle him as people in their rage have handled Tyrants heere to fore for lesse offences The supplicating and petitioning people may vse rude deportments contemptuous words and actions To what purpose hath he minced his Tumults into supplicating petitioning people when he defends their highest violence The King design'd Treacherous hostilitie against the Cittie and Kingdome The last thoughts that madd men had before their destraction run most in their fancie in the time of their frensie and these Traytours having lost all reason inculate still those ridiculous fraudes wherewith at first they seduced the people The designes of Treacherous hostilitie was one of the Ceremonies which its now time to give over Who but an Idiot can beleive that the King can have Treacherous designes against his Kingdome whereof shal he be King whome shall he have to execate hostilitie against his owne Kingdome but these dreames of the blowing vp of Thames and tales of winde mills and fiery Dragons are over and it s become the peoples sorrow and shame to looke backe vpon the cheates whereby they were deluded He cannot name any Tyrant ill handled by tumults vpon such pretences as he makes the most wicked Tyrant was not soe guiltie as that people which exercised their rage vpon him yet the libeller determines that the tumults fury is as justifiable as the Parliaments order for he ascribes noe more to the one then the other They were not a short ague but a feirce quotidian feaver And the libeller sayes he may best say it who most felt it He will rather boast of the greatenes of their villany then reprove the impietie of it and therefore he sports himselfe with the injuries of it after his appellations of mildnes and supplicating people and extolls the highest of their violence as a feirce quotidian feaver and he is soe Lunatique that out of his malice to the King he calls them milde out of his insolence confesses them violent and deadly The King would perswade vs that men scared themselves others without cause And al men are now satisfied of the truth of it the fraudes being soe apparent and confessed by this breaker Wise feare and suspition would finde weapons And we have found by experience that Rebells by suggesting vaine feares and suspitions have gotten weapons and armed the people to their owne destruction Vpon the Kings repeating the mischeifes done by the tumults that they first petitioned then protected dictate next and lastly overaw the Parliament They removed obstructions they purged the houses cast out rotten members He sayes if there were a man of Iron such as Talus by our poet spencer is fain'd to be the Page of Iustice who with his Iron flaile could doe all this and expedititiously without those deceitefull formes and Circumstances of law worse then Ceremonies in Religion I say God send it done whether by one Talus or by a thousand Religion lawes are lesse then Ceremonies in this Authors account and when Pages follow not nor acknowledge Masters Justice wil be ill waited on such cut-throates are not the Pages of Justice but the furies of hell and theis this libeller prayes to God for what will not such call Justice to satisfie their ambition and crueltie Poets are short in their fancies of what the English Rebells have acted Their Gyants were Pigmyes to theise Monsters and their Hidra too few heads too litle venom for the service of these Enemies of mankinde What a silly propertie does this libeller make Parliament and lawes that subjects them to Tumults and how barbarous are their proceedings that made endeavour to subvert fundamentall lawes a Capitall Cryme and heere he commends the fact calls them deceitefull formes and Circumstances of law Might he not better have said they would make good their villanies by the sword then prevaricate and say and vnsay and pretend Religion and yet pray God to send Tumults and Confusions to breake all lawes in order to their designes The King sayes they subdued the men of conscience in Parliament backed and abetted all seditious schismaticall proposalls against Government Ecclesiasticall and Civill To this he sayes That it was not the Kings grace but this Iron flaile the people that drove the Bishopps out of their Baronies Cathedralls Lords house Coopes surplisses papisticall innovations threw downe high Commission starr chamber gave vs a trienniall Parliament and what we most desired And is not this brave Is it a credit to a Church to be thus reformed Is this the Christian Religion to glory in oppression robery and Rebellion There is noe doubt but many things graunted by his Majest in the late Parliament were Acts of grace in respect of his compliance with importunitie in hope thereby to preserve the people from a Civill warr not in respect of the nature of the things graunted The libeller might have remembred that the King never consented to drive the Bishopps out of their Baronies or Cathedralls and his Trienniall Parliament which he soe much commends is repealed by his new Masters for the people must not looke for the execution of any such law And this Iron slaile the rashnes and crueltie of a disordered multitude hath thresht and broken the bones sinewes of the people and made them know the difference betweene a golden Scepter and an Iron flaile In revenge whereof he sayes he now soe bitterly inveighs against them And how can the libeller thinke it bitter when their Actions which he confesses exceede in impietie the greatest Crymes that ever were inveighed against And if we could wonder at any thing we might wonder at his mention of Schismaticall proposalls consented to by the King when he wel knowes noe one thing by him mentioned of Cathedralls or Ceremonies was consented to by the King noe lesse strange is it that the other particulars are by him recited as intended by the King to be the Seditious proposalls though all of them are not free from that name when as there were soe many seditious and Trayterous proposalls besides these That these Tumults played the hastie midwives and would not stay the ripening but went streight to ripping vp and forcibly cut out abortive votes to this he opposes that the Parliament complained not and therefore those confluxes were not by them thought Tumultous And were they not thought Tumultuous by such as they had expelled and driven away from the Parliament And did he but in his last words call them an Iron flaile and recount the wonders which they wrought and now would not allow them to be Tumults We may besure the seditious faction in Parliament stirred them vp and such as differed in judgment or affection from them were enforced
he hath made of the kings single judgment for the Lords house may not have a negative in his judgment notwithstanding their number But why is it offred the king if he may not reject it and whence hath it been that so many Bils have been rejected in al ages without any complaint When Kings come soe low as to fall vpon Philosophy which before he neither valued nor vnderstood is a signe they are then put to their last trump If the king had not valued nor vnderstood Philosophy he could not have made soe pertinent vse of it and if the Libeller had vnderstood Philosophy or valued truth he would have given better signes of it Could not his Majest discourse of his reason and will but it must be out of the way or above his abilities But why is this a signe that kings are then put to their trump why the vse of Philosophy more then other learning Though kings come low Rebells will come to seeke corners to hide themselves He shewes not how Philosophy breakes the necke of their cause or how he hath made advantage of Philosophy against the king but we finde how his elaborate contradictions have broken the necke of his owne cause through out all his discourses The king sayes he cannot thinke the Majest of the Crowne of England to be bound by any Coronation oath in a blinde and brutish formalitie to consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require And sayes the Libeller What Tyrant could presume to say more And the law it selfe Religion and reason never said lesse It cannot but be yeilded that the oath which bindes him to performance of his trust ought in reason to containe the summe of what his cheife trust and office is But what if it doe not is there an argument to be drawne from what the oath ought to be but is not The oath may containe the generall dutie of Justice right but it neither did nor could comprehend all the wayes of effecting it The libeller sayes that the Kings negative voyce is not contained in that oath But that oath oblidges him to governe by just lawes which comprehends a negative to all vnjust lawes and can it impose an obligation vpon the king of doing Justice and not give him a libertie of judging what is just or vnjust The Libeller sayes that his oath requires only his assent to those lawes which the people have already chosen or shall chuse there is noe such word in that oath and his mention of the Lattine and old English of that oath are of another sense that the libeller was conscious of therefore he sayes All reason admits that the people should not loose vnder a new king what freedome they had before but their freedome consists not in an exemption from soveraigne power It is the custome of Rebels to contradict corrupt al lawes vpō pretence of their private reason allow no reason but what concludes against just authoritie he wel knew there was not that double sense he assignes but we wil make his sens the kings oath if the peoples choise be referred to the time past it implies not that their choise was or ought to be a law though they had a choise in the laws made as stil they have they could not loose what they never had the Parliament which at first mētioned the kings oath acknowledged that as they did not determine the questiō how far foorth the king is oblidged to follow the judgmēt of his parliament so as to conclude that a new law might be mad without his consent so they acknowledge that the contrary may be truly inferred out of al they had said That if the King deny what the Parliament hath chosen he makes himselfe superiour to his whole Kingdome And who doubts but he is doe not they which take the oath of supreamacie acknowledge it The libeller sayes the generall maximes of Policie gainsay it The general maximes of Rebellion doe but Policy cannot It is impossible in Policy that he to whome every soule must be subject should not be superiour to them all Our owne standing lawes gainsay it as hath been cited in Remonstrances that the King hath two superiours the law and his Court of Parliament The merit of those remonstrances are neere the rate of this libell though as yet they never mentioned such standing lawes if there had been such standing lawes the Author would have found them enrolled but that he doth not how absurdly such a pretence is obtruded whē the superiotie of persōs places is in quesstiō to name the superiority of law which holds comparisō with sciences not with persōs that the Parliament should be above the king who is the head of the Parliament without whom a Parliament hath no being is as Monstrous to reasō as law it is impossible that the law cā say that the king hath no superiour but God say that the Parliament is his superiour the king might wel say that this was blinde brutish formalitie and no part of the law his oath or dutie but such brutish formalities Rebells vse to blinde the people The King and Peeres represent only themselves the Commons are the whole Kingdome Which is as apparently false as that the Common Councell of London are the whole kingdome the commons in Parliament have no power from the people to doe any thing without the king Lords Infinite mischiefes may grow while our safetie shall depend vpon the over weening reason of one man And we finde by experience that desperate ruine inevitably followes when our safetie depends vpon the agreement of a multitude It is the nature of sectaries to be wise in their owne conceite and thence come arrogance and contempt of Government it is a principall in their schisme to improve this naturall insolence and contemne all Estates and abilities of men dissenting from them though his Majest were of most eminent natural endowments this libeller cals him a man neither by nature nor nurture wise Which shewes he vnderstood not wisedome in others nor was sensible of his owne folly soe apparent to all his readers That a King should want breeding to make him wise is strange in the libellers owne judgment and that the experience breeding of the King was eminently extraordinary the world well knowes He calls the Kings negative his will the Parliaments demaunds advice May not their demaunds be willfull and his negative advised The nature and nurture of this libeller is disobedience and therefore will have the Kings wisedome to be will the Rebells rashnes wisedome and it is impossible that men who have sucked in such principles should ever be obedient to any Government studying only how they may disaffect subjects to it He sayes the Kings errour was imperious and force was vsed not to dispell errour out of his head but to drive it from of our neckes These Rebells sought to be imperious
twists thornes and snares for himselfe by his shameles Calumnies seeking to make the assassination of a gracious king his owne demeritts A Crowne of gold is not due to him who cannot first weare a Crowne of lead not only for the weight of that greate office but for the compliance with them who are to Councell him A leaden Crowne may well expresse stupiditie and basenes and the Crowne of gold better agrees with sound Councell which is compared to apples of gold in picture of silver then lead which shewes only that imbast flexiblenes to the various and oft contrary Dictates of any faction and is only a weight of punishment not of office which the gold represents but Traytours cannot endure a Crowne of gold vpon the head of their king they will only allow him a Crowne of thornes or lead The libeller taxes the king for want of modestie in imputing want of reason and neglect of the publique rather to the faction then to himselfe because the faction was the Parliament And he must be a man voyde of all modestie that doth not judge such Actions as the king complayned of to proceede from want of reason negbect of the publique interest of parties partialities of private will and passion The sectaries were wont to deprecate all accusations of irreverence to their King and complaine that they were wronged but the question is now changed contempt of the King is their greate vertue The libeller throughout this whole discourse rejects the consideration of the Kings conscience heereto these words of the Kings I know noe resolutions more worthy a Christian King then to preferre his conscience before his Kingdomes sayes the sentence is faire in seeming but fallacious for the conscience may be ill edified And because it may be soe is it fallacious that conscience must be preferred before Kingdomes These hipocrites that pretend to Rebel for their conscience accuse the king for refusing to passe a law in regard of the contrary perswasion of his conscience and it must be an ill edified conscience in him to forbeare an act a rightly informed conscience in them that commit an act so bloody scandalous to the whole world so dangerous to the soules of many that were drawne headlong into that sin the Kings conscience cannot be preserved without his negative voyce and therefore he might justly assert it to be his right by law when the libeller can perswade men that Parliaments are infallible and free from faction that Rebells are best judges of what is for the Kingdomes good he may hope to be beleived that the king denyed that which law his oath and office bid him graunt And all men see that vnder the name of the advice of Parliament Rebels have introduced their owne wils for lawes Vpon the QUEENES DEPARTURE WHat concernes it vs heere to heare a husband divulge his houshold privacies extolling to others the vertues of his wife an infirmitie not seldome incident to those who have least cause Just Testimony to vertue is never an infirmitie but necessary from the husband where conjugall affection hath derived the hatred of his Enemies to his wife If the divulging of houshold privacies concerned him not it is his lewdenes to take occasions of derision base language from it Treasons to the minde are as pestilence to the body that turnes all diseases into its owne malignant humour for this Libeller cannot forbeare despite to the King for speaking that which he saith doth not concerne others nor to the Queene for being named How good a wife shee was to himselfe how bad a subject is not much disputed And to whome was shee a subject to the Rebells Those that acknowledge themselves subjects to the King wil have the Queene esteemed a bad subject for her Zeale to his State and safetie these evill spiritts that possesse the Rebells perswade men that it is a fault to be bad subjects and yet will allow none to be subjects but the King his wife and children It neede be made noe wonder though shee left a Protestant Kingdome with as litle honour as her mother left a Popish This mention of her mother shewer the extension of a Trayterous malice that spares noe relations nor conditions though vnconcerned Those that compelled the Queenes departure did more contribute to the dishonour of a Protestant Kingdome the Protestant Religion whereof they take the name without the truth then the greatest Enemy to the Protestant Religion could have effected what the case of her mother was wee enquire not but the world sees that theis injuries to her Majest exceeded example Rebells injustice fixes noe dishonour but on themselves The king sayes this is the first example of any Protestant subjects that have taken vp Armes against their King a Protestant The Libeller sayes it can be to Protestants noe dishonour when it shal be heard that he first leavied warr on them and to the interest of Papists more then of Protestants But then it is dishonour if he first leavied not warr vpon them And all that reade his booke must conclude that they first leavyed warr vpon him what els doth he meane by defending the Tumults seizing the forts and Militia raysing an Army vpbraiding the king with feares to hazard such a scuffle But were it otherwise the Protestants have disclaimed his Trayterous pretence of taking Armes against the King vnder colour of Religion or otherwise hold it dishonour to their Religion that such Rebellious principles should be charged vpon them and nothing could be more for the interest of Papists then that Protestants should maintaine and practice that doctrine of Rebellion The world is satisfied how disloyally the King was prosecuted by Armes and had it been otherwise subjects ought to petition not returne violence and in all the excuses that these Traytours have vsed they never mention any offer of satisfaction to the King or desire to lay downe his Armes but require his submission and giving vp his rights or otherwise they would take it by force The precedence of the Scotts warr will not take of the dishonour He sayes It s a groundles and dissembled feare that shee that was for many yeares averse to her husbands Religion should be now the more alienated can the Libeller deny but that the aversion of any may be encreast and confirmed by the wickednes of the persons of the contrary Religion how groundles then and shameles is his exception If the feare of her delinquencie and Iustice demaunded on her was any cause of her alienating the more to have gained her by indirect meanes had been no advantage to Religion As the King observed that this was the first example of Protestant subjects that tooke Armes against their king soe this of charging the Queene with Delinquencie was the first example in that kinde that trayterous impudence had produced when it shal be heard that a compaine of such vile persons charge the
John Hotham at that time was the ground worke of the succeeding evills and the same men that denyed justice at his Maj desire tooke reveng of the same insolencie afterward Hull was not the Kings owne towne but the Kingdomes And how became they a Towne have they not all their liberties and graunts from the King He might have said that Townes vnder a popular Government were the peoples but in a Kingdome it is a fantasticall dreame the lawes deny a possibilitie of any such propertie having placed the soveraigntie of the Kingdome in the King such a conclusion of right is inconsistent with a kingdome The Armes he sayes were publique Armes bought with publique money or not his owne If the king have money from the publique may they take it away againe to what end then doe they give him subsidies if the money be stil their owne and they may take away what is bought with it Had they been his owne as much as the private house and Armes of any man are his owne the law permitts not to vse them in away not private but suspitious to the Commonwealth If vulgar suspition may checke publique imployment he may not looke long to vse any thing And is it a cryme in the kinge to vse his private wealth in a publique warr No doubt but his Majest propertie is as much as any private mans els his kingly office had little honour or strength and he is not accountable for the vse which he makes of his Estate either private or publique and there was noe feare of the vse that the king would make but from Traytours that would prevent his defence The King by his overtalking seemes to doubt of beleife touching his patience at Hull He expected not nor valued the beleife of Traytours but such as soberly consider what he sayes will not judge him over talking but modestly expressing his owne temper which endured soe high a provocation The king sayes he could not but observe how God not long after pleaded and avenged his cause The Libeller sayes most men and commonly the worst are apt to interpret the judgments of God to the justifying of their owne cause It s possible the worst men may doe soe but we see it very frequent with the best The Prophet David often taken notice of Gods dealing with his Enemies wicked men The Libeller might hence observe his Masters the worst of men that interpret and expound the Judgments of God and the event of providence to the justifing of their Rebellion how often hath he in this Libell taken vp that Argument and in this very Chapter makes an observation of Gods Judgment vpon the King from their murther of him before his owne Pallace gate And how frequent are their successes produced as profes of the goodnes of their cause but this Majest observation is not grounded vpon the event but the evident Cryme of Hotham which all men held Treason but such as would allow nothing to be Treason against the King Although we know not the reasons of Gods proceedings who often leaves good men to suffer and wicked men prosper yet when we see the prime instrument of a wicked designe perish by the hands of those whome he served in his vnlawfull enterprize we may justly take notice of the proportion betweene the sin and the punishment His comparing Sauls conjecture of an advantage God had sent him in Davids being at Keilah hath noe resemblance to the taking away of Hothams life Saul being not only deceived in the advantage but conscious of Gods disfavour Hotham was safe and successefull while he continued true to the Parliament But the guilt of his conscience made him vnquiet If God had purposed such an end for his opposition to the King he would not have deferred to puinsh him till of an Enemy he was made the Kings friend nor have made his repentance the occasion of his ruine These presumptuous Rebells dare sit in judgment vpon Gods wayes and prescribe a rule for his proceedings It s true because judgment is not executed speedily the hearts of the children of men are set vpon evill the Libeller judges that if the judgments of God be not apparent in his time that is foorth with they are none at all God brought his judgment vpon the son of Ahab and not vpon himselfe because he humbled himselfe and God punisht the sins of David vpon his posteritie though he forgave him and we may conceive the judgment of God vpon a wicked Act not the repentance of it though it come after in time Strafford Duke of Buckingham was an active assistant to Rich the 3 in his vsurpation and after revolting from him perisht by that power he had raysed which all men looke on as a judgment vpon his first compliance with that Tyrant and the fate of Hotham and that Duke hold greate proportion in regard of their Actions and sufferings Glorious deedes done to ambitious ends finde a reward sutable And that the Libeller might justly apply vnto Sr. Iohn Hotham who made popular applause the end of his Treason and perisht by popular fury Mē may heere take notice what thākes he had from the king for revolting to his cause Repenting Traytours may have mercy but they deserve not thankes though his punishment may be remitted the infamy of his Act will survive Because God judges not by humane fancie therefore sayes he such events as are obvious to every fancie are most like to be erroneous And then such Acts of providence as make men say surely there is a God that judgeth the earth are most likely to be mistaken Although Common fancies are likely to be deceived it is a sorry inference from thence that what is obvious to every fancie weake and wise should be more likely to be erroneous The king soe farr pittied Hotham as he thought he at first acted more against the light of his conscience then many other men in the same cause To this the Libeller sayes They who act against conscience are least of all to be pittied either at the Barr of humane or divine Iustice Desperate sinners as most miserable are most to be pittied in Christian Charitie though justice proceede more severely against them pitties are part of justice the Libeller is acquainted only with the operations of malice not of pittie whereof his whole discourse shewes him destitute otherwise the kings pittie could not argue him destitute of the Common grounds of nature as the Libeller inferrs and shewes that he esteemes the common grounds of nature Acts of Tyrany and insulation vpon others ruine hatred and scorne being all the Charitie that Sectaries practise He sayes the king jerkes at some mens reforming to modells of Religion and that they thinke all is gold of pietie that doth but glister with a shew of zeale To this sayes the Libeller The pietie of his Prelacie modell glistered more vpon the posts and pillars which their Zeale and fervencie guilded over then
imbroyle others How well he performes the first period of his booke not to descant on the kings misfortunes his readers may heere see that makes the kings misfortune his reproach and a ground of their wicked confidence to Rebell against him but that such men are readiest to imbroyle others is not soe certaine but vndoubted they are not readiest to imbroyle themselves and noe valour nor experience whereof his Majest is wel knowne to have had a greate measure can stopp a slandrous tongue The mischeifes brought vpon his Majest kingdomes sprung from such persons as sought their advantage by such broyles which all men see the King could never expect The King sayes he had a soule invincible And the Libeller sayes what prayse is that the vnteachable man hath a soule to all reason invincible And is an invincible courage noe prayse He seekes to shew his witt by applying invincible to vnteachable when as if he had cited the Kings next words as he ought he had lost his jest for the King sayes he had a soule invincible through Gods grace enabling him but he breaketh sentences and truth least he should breake for want of matter That the King labours to have it thought that his fearing God more then man was the ground of his sufferings The Libeller sayes he pretended to feare God more then the Parliament who never vrged him to doe otherwise And did they not vrge him to doe otherwise when they vrged him to doe that which was against his conscience But there neede not more be spoken of this for the Libeller calls that a narrow conscience which will not follow a multitude against its owne perswasion He shewes his levitie beyound that Creature he calls the vulgar who now affirmes the King was drawne by his Courtiers and Bishopps and yet in the beginning of his booke he sayes that the discourses and preachings of Courtiers and Prelates against the Parliament was but a Copy taken from his owne words and Actions that all remissenes in Religion issued originally from his owne authoritie all miscarriages in state may be imputed to noe other person cheifely then to himselfe He goes on to compare the words of Saul that he had performed the Commaundement of God to the Kings mention of his fearing God the kings vpholding the Prelates against the advice of the Parliament example of al reformations is not much vnlike if not much worse noe neerer like then this Authors writings to modestie loyaltie Is the advice of the Parliament and the example of all reformations equall to the expresse Commaund of God The examples of all Reformations himselfe tells afterward are not concurrent in the matter he mentions and if they were soe are all points of reformation equally necessary and of the same obligation with the commaund of God and was the Reformation of the Church of England noe reformation Why then doth he say all Reformation And is not the Church of England equall if not superiour to any part of the world that hath reformed But we see what account these hipocrites make of the Example of all Reformation that have set vp schismaticall confusions of Religion in contempt of all Reformation His Majest did noe more in vpholding the Prelates then what the example of the most primitive times Godly Emperours holy martyrs instructed him in which noe Reformation ever contradicted and he had no reason to hearken to the advice of such as then called themselves a Parliament who had broken and the lawes and priviledges of Parliament expelled the members and were governed by Tumults a company of Bedlam Sectaries against de doctrine and practice of the vinversall Church The practice of Saul in persecuting David wel sutes with the course of these Rebells but they have gone beyound him in malice and disobedience in the matter both of David and alsoe the Amalekites he brake the Commaundement of God in sparing Amaleke these traytours presumptuously breake the Commaund of God in destroying their King Church And this man exceedes Sauls presumption that makes the preservation of an order continued in the Church in all ages as bad or worse then the sin of Saul He sayes acts of grace are proud vnselfe knowing words in the mouth of any King who affects not to be a God Certainly this Libellers words shew him not only in affection but in Act a proud vnselfe knowing man Are there noe Acts of favour noe Acts of mercy in Kings but all of necessitie but enough hath been said to these brainesicke dreames Never King was lesse in danger of violence from his subjects till he vnsheathed his sword nay long after when he had spilt the blood of thousands they had still his person in a foolish veneratiō Should a Christian cal that which God Commaunded David practised foolish veneration but they whose wisedome is Rebellion hold Divine wisedome foolishnes And was he in so litle danger from those that held that veneration foolish were there none that held soe when they affronted him and threatned him every day To what end should multitudes come about his Pallace and cry Justice when they sought murder What would they have done if he had denyed their demaunds shall we beleive they intended noe violence or shall wee beleive that they who had seised the forts and navy and vsurpt the Government would have used noe violence to his person when they had him if he plyed not with them It s true many were not wholy vnshamed at the first but the malice and ambition of others was sufficiently confirmed and the multitude easily falls by Example The King complaines that Civill warr must be the fruites of his seventeene yeares raigning with such a measure of Iustice peace plentie and Religion as all nations either admired or envyed The Libeller sayes for Iustice let the Councell table starr Chamber and high Commission speake the prayse of it Wee may be assured that malefactours will never prayse Court of justice we know Sectaries and seducers hated the high Commission and seditious Libellers the starr chamber conspiratours incendiaries the councells of Kings and there were noe Acts past in these places of such exception as the measure of justice which he enjoyed was not admired or envyed by all nations His mention of abolishing Parliaments detracts not from the measure of justice peace plentie and Religion we have found what injustice hath succeeded The displacing of honest Iudges he hath misplaced to detract from the justice of his Majest Government and as the placing of judges was in his Majest choise soe he might take notice whether their places might not be better supplyed by others and the change of two judges for that 's the number in seventeene yeares is beneath an exception his rayling declamation against corrupt Government being only in generall deserves not an answeare and the knowne prosperitie peace and plentie of the Kingdome are a sufficient confutation of such imaginary oppressions He sayes what
the resistance that is made against it and the endeavour to suppresse it Was ever a cause soe barren of excuse that had nothing but it s owne guilt for defence But he hath found out a scotchman not vnacquainted he sayes with the affaires who affirmes that there hath been more Christian blood shed by the Commission approbation and connivance of King Charles and his Father Iames in the latter end of their Raigne then in the ten Roman Persecutions And is not this a doughtie authoritie what could he say more to prove himselfe a false varlett Whoever saw or heard of this shedding of Christian blood is it possible that soe much blood should be shed and noe man know it but this Scotchman Was all the world soe negligent to take notice of it and did the Scotchman and this Author thinke that the blood of the late warr made vp this number they may then expect vengeance vpon themselves and their bloody crew for it either heere or heereafter They value such as suffred in the ten persecutions at the same rate they doe their King and their conscience and if they though persecution odious why doe they exercise a persecution vppon Christians as cruell as these persecuting Emperours He sayes not to speake of those many whippings and other corporall inflictions wherewith his Raigne alsoe before this warr was not vnbloody And is a Raigne bloody by inflicting death vpon robbers and murtherers or whipping and the Pillory vpon Cheates Infamous Libellers and seditious disturbers of Government but of these latter the number was very small not exceeding fower in seventeene yeares and these merited the punishment they had an higher had not exceeded their crymes Is the execution of law a bloody Raigne he findes none that suffred banishment nor any that died in prison but such as were restrained by ordinary Justice He cannot pretend an arbitrary power in any of this that the King infested the true Church is noe other language then what good Princes allwayes received from Sectaries who accuse allwayes for their restraint infesting the true Church but all men now see they are the malignant Compamy that infest the true Church the seducers of simple soules But he hath a proofe of blood above exception where no blood was drawne and that is the six members whome all men judged to have escaped no lesse then Capitall danger Doubtles they had merited Capitall punishment in the judgment of all knowing men That a just King may be offended for the escape of malefactours is easily beleived but that saying the birds are flowne argues much trouble is a secret to all men and a proverbe as often applyed in jest as earnest The libeller sayes that if some vulter in the mountaines could have spake he could not have vttered fitter words at the losse of his prey The excesses in blood and crueltie of theis Rebells cannot be expressed to the full by the savage nature of any Creature The grinning of doggs howling of wolves and hissing of Serpents are not more hideous to nature then the petulence of vile persons against kings are abominable to Religion and pietie Because Nero was vnwilling to sett his hand to the execution of a Common Malefactour and wishing he had not knowne letters he would prove the King prosecuting Traytours to have noe greate aversation to blood but it strongly proves a bloody conspiracie when the contrivers are held innocent and the King made the offender for seeking just punishment and the Triumphs of such as protected those persons and their impudent braving the King at his very doores argued their haste to the shedding of that blood which since hath covered the Land Touching the cause of the warr the King sayes It was not my withdrawing from whitehall for noe account in reason could be given of those Tumults where an orderly guard was graunted The libeller sayes that if it be a most certaine truth that the Parliament could never obtaine any guard fit to be confided in then some account of these pretended Tumults may in reason be given But if they be not only pretended but apparently Tumults there can be noe account given of them at least the libeller vndertakes it not and that they could not obtaine a guard fit to be confided in is false for they had a guard and Commaunder of their owne nomination though not the Earle of Essex The King askes whome did he protect against the Iustice of Parliament The Libeller sayes he endeavoured to rescue Strafford that was from their injustice if he had done soe But sayes the Libeller he endeavoured it though with the destruction of them and the Cittie commaunding admittance of new souldiers into the Tower And is it a necessary consequent that the admittance of new souldiers into the Tower were to the destruction of Parliament and Citie But did not such as like blood hounds wolves hunted the Earle of Strafford that they might not loose their prey and the sweetenes of their revenge in drinking his blood stirr vp the Tumults to the destruction of King Parliament and Kingdome What can be disputed with such a King in whose mouth opinion the Parliament it selfe was never but a faction and their Iustice noe Iustice but the Dictates and overswaying insolence of Tumults and rabbles The Parliament was never a faction in the Kings mouth but it is in every mans mouth that the Parliament hath been overswayed by a faction and a faction have called themselves the Parliament And how can the Libeller define a Parliament but he must acknowledge that those whome the King calls a faction were noe Parliament and that their Actions were noe Justice but the Dictates and overswaying insolence of Tumults and rabbles himselfe prooves it by the commendation he gives the Tumults for effecting these Acts which he now calls the Justice of the Parliament noe wise man could thinke such a rabble fit to Judge of Delinquents or that such men who fled from their fury were thereby culpable of the Crymes objected and the fairest Tryall would sooner have condemned to death these Tumultuous accusers then the parties accused But who can talke with such a man as this breaker that reputes Monarchy Tyrany order in the Church an imposed Religion and lawes worse then Ceremonies in Religion He compares the avoyding of his madd Iudicature to Catilnies flight and excepting to the Roman Senate and Cesars injecting scrupulous demurrs against the Decres of the senate vpon Lentulus and Cethegus But did either of them object that the power of Tumults overswayed the senate or that the senate wanted freedome and had oppressed the members of its If Catiline had set vp a senate as Caesar did afterward and these Rebells have in England oppressed the legal Government the exceptions had been very just but exceptions against particular senatours for private animosities cannot derogate from the judgment of the whole being free That such reasons were vrged for Strafford was never heard
of the Earle of Strafford and heere reprehends the allusion to himselfe but they wil be the sun and set the would on fire He askes wherefore we should not hope to be governed more happily without a King when all our miserie hath been by a King or by our necessary vindication and defence against him He may not well hope to be governed happily by those that have gotten power by wicked Arts. An vnjust power wil seeke to support it selfe by the same meanes it was raysed It cannot be hoped that they will governe happily that seeke the oppression of the greatest part of the people and that can secure their private fortunes what ever become of the Kingdome They cannott hope for Gods blessing which only can make happy vpon the many wilfull perjuries hipocrisies cruelties which they vsed to vsurpe this Government and the persecution and murther of their lawfull soveraigne and they that pretēded miserie they knew not for a ground to change their Government will finde it by their folly and madnes He sayes the King would be thought enforced to perjury by having graunted the Militia by which his oath bound him to protect the people The Libeller askes if he can be perjured in graunting that why doth he refuse for no other cause the abolishing of Episcopacie The Libeller himselfe hath exprest other causes of his refusall to abolish Episcopacie but why may not one be perjured in both being equally bound by his oath If the Libeller have a sense in this it s very misticall vnles he meane that a man neede not feare many perjuries that committed one The protection of Delinquents was no part of his oath but of the innocent and that he ought to doe against popular fury and any vsurpt authoritie vnder what name soever That he was to protect by such hands as the Parliament should advise him was noe part of his oath and he could poorely protect that must expect such hands as others should allow him that were an oath to as litle vse as the power it supposed He may not hold a violent and incommunicable sword over vs vnder the shew of protection And must there not be a sword of protection because it may be turned to violence this is Rebells Logicke that would have no Judges because they may be corrupt these that terrifie the people with the dangers of violence vnder lawfull Governours vse power most Tyranically but wherefore incommunicable he thinkes it a thundering word to startle the people like Arbitrary Government and fundamentall lawes Is the sword of the supreame power communicable if it be in many hands what if they fight one with another which is the sword then to protect the people and how will they fight for their Liberties The King sayes that his yeilding the Militia was from the love of publique peace and assurance of Gods protection The Libeller askes wherefore this assurance of Gods protection came not till the Militia was wrung out of his hands Whence can he conclude that it came not till then But the wringing of the Militia out of his hands shewes how impudently these men pretend right or truth for their Actions must a man give vp his strength when it is demaunded because he hath an assurance of Gods protection and because he sees some reason to part with it as the king did for love of publique peace must he not therefore have an assurance of Gods protection his holding it fast was his dutie and the wringing it from him hath open injustice both in the Act and intention And the Libellers prophanes in jeering at the kings saying that God was able abundantly to compensate him as he did to Iob whatever honour power or libertie Chaldeans sabeans or the Devill himselfe deprived him of saying Iob vsed noe Militia nor Magazine at Hull Is not vnlike the Apostates scoffing at the Christians patience and suffering The King sayes Although they take all from him yet can they not obstruct his way to heaven The libeller sayes t is noe handsome occasion to tell vs whither he was going And hath it been an vnhandsome occasion in the saints of God to take occasion from their afflictions to declare their resolutions But these are his common censures He sayes private prayers in publique aske something of whome they aske not But prayers vpon a publique occasion lose not their reward for being publique Vpon the NINETEENE PROPOSITIONS THE King vses plausibilitie of large and indefinite words to defend himselfe at such distance as may hinder the eye of Common Iudgment from all distinct view and examination of his reasoning It is the Libellers labour to keepe his reasoning from Common view and therefore seekes to divert the readers by Chimericall suppositions and invectives against Monarchy and repeated common places of misgovernment Vpon examination the Kings plaine and distinct reasoning will appeare convincing to every right judgment The Libeller sayes The king shewes not how it can happen that the peace of a people should be inconsistent with the conscience and honour of a King And doth this man hold that the King ought to sacrifise Religion Justice and pietie for the peace of his people Shall he destroy innocent men and persecute Christians to procure peace Or are these things consistent with honour conscience and may not such things be desired by a wicked people in order to peace And therefore the Libeller vainely presses that nothing is more agreeable to the conscience and honour of a King then to preserve his subjects in peace And is there any thing more contrary to the conscience dutie of subjects then to procure a Civill warr by demaunding concessions of their King which in honour and conscience he cannot grannt which being graunted would be noe ground for a lasting peace though it avoyded a present warr The Libeller askes which of the propositions were obtruded on him with the point of the sword till he with the point of the sword thrust from him both propositions and propounders A strange question in this Libeller that hath soe often obtruded the feares and terrours raysed in the King by the Tumults and Iron flaile seizing of the Magazins and not leaving him a sword that had a point to thrust but this Theame is too much soyled by soe often repetition and yet he proceedes to talke of merciles obtrusions which for almost twentie yeares the King had been forcing vpon tender consciences by all sorts of persecutions And these tender consciences he will allow to be preferred before the peace of the Kingdome Truly these are not large and indefinite words but apparent absurdities to the eye of every Common judgment that the pretended conscience of every hipocriticall sectarie must be preferred to the peace of a Kingdome and the King must be allowed none but lose life and Kingdome or prostitute his conscience The Libellers examination of the Kings booke it seemes was noe other then of his owne writings that huddles vp
permitt that he should suffer soe much vpon a pretence of conscience It was the just judgment of God that he who was soe cruell and remorseles to other mens consciences should have a conscience soe cruell to himselfe And were not they that were soe cruell to his conscience condemned by their owne being heerein the instruments of hell to afflict the consciences of others but these miscreants can sport themselves with their owne sins and others sufferings Hath he made asmuch as a pretence of the Kings crueltie to any mans innocencie The Libeller recites that the King said he thought fit to deny some things in honour Policie though he could approve them which is not at al said by the King but that some things which a King might approve yet in honour Policie might be denyed at some time to some men And who doubts it can there be a want of such considerations in a King Good Princes thought it their happines to be allwayes graunting How could that be if it be true which he sayes they had nothing to graunt But good subjects never demaunded that which should make their King vnable to graunt any more He remembers himselfe now that good things were to be graunted for the things sake indifferent things for the peoples sake and he hath made it his continued Theame that the King could graunt nothing in favour but all was necessary in Justice and it is apparent that the kings large concessions invited these ingratefull Rebells to make those shameles demaunds which themselves knew noe king in honour Policie and Justice could graunt Vndoubtedly his Coronation oath bindes him to a generall and implicite consent to whatever the Parliament desired And then vndoubtedly the king must be in worse condition then any subject for noe man but he is bound to such a blinde obedience and it is a strange blindenes in this man to offer such a thing to be beleived which himselfe holds incredible for he sayes the Kings oath cannot binde him against necessary reformation And can it then binde him to make wicked lawes which must be reformed Is the Parliament infallible may they not make ill lawes What is the reason that the Libeller and his Sectaries would not give obedience to Acts of Parliament vpon pretence of conscience ought the king to consent to such lawes as the subjects ought not to obey The King ought not to vie wisedome with the Parliament and why then doe the Libeller and his Sectaries vie wisedome with all former Parliaments Any of the Parliament may as farr excell him in the guift of wisedome as he them in place and dignitie But it s very vnlike and neere to impossible especially if we looke to the experience of all times and it is often found that a King is wiser then all his Councell And though the libeller say sure it was not he meaning the King as wise men as any of his Councell or Parliament thought it was he never good subjects contended with their King for that comparison The king sayes that that were as if Sampson should have consented to put out his eyes that the Philistins might with more safetie mocke and abuse him And this sayes the Libeller out of an vnwise or pretended feare of scorne for yeilding to his Parliament he gives cause of suspition that he made a scorne of his Regall oath Could any man suspect that his Regall oath bound him to such a dispicable slavery that a king should be in greater bondage to his Parliament then any vassall to a Lord a king might justly scorne such an oath that would make him scorned by all when he had taken it but the Libeller had noe better answeare and therefore retreates to his Common refuge of insignificant repetition The King sayes to exclude him-from all power of denyall seemes an arrogance The Libeller adds in the Parliament he meanes and askes what in him then to deny against the Parliament It is no arrogance to deny in him that is asked but arrogance in him that askes to receive noe denyall The king sayes its least of all becomminge those that make their addresses in a humble and loyall way of petitioning who by that confesse their inferioritie which oblidgeth them to rest if not satisfied yet quieted with such an answeare as the will and reason of the superiour thinkes fitt to give To this the Libeller sayes petitioning in better English is noe more then requesting or requiring And is it not good English to call our prayers pititions and is it better English to say wee require when we pray and is requesting and requiring the same in good English Is the petitioning of his new Masters requesting or requiring Men require not favours only but their due and that not only from superiours but equalls and inferiours It s the first time that such requiring of favours was heard of and a sorry inference that because men require of equalls they may of superiours and that there is noe difference betweene superioritie of Government and superioritie in fortune or Title It was called petitio consulatus when the noblest Romans went about and begged that dignitie of the meanest plebeians naming them man by man But might not those to whome they went deny their petition Could they require their election as due and was their begging requiring He would willingly make badd English out of good Lattyn though good Lattin may be noe good manners from a subject to his king and it is absurd in Government for any to pray that ought to commaund the Libeller seemes distracted that would have petitioning requiring and prove it by the signification it hath of begging They petitioned not because all of them were inferiour but because he was superiour to any of them But why then doe they petition in their politique Capacitie as a Parliament He tells vs at last it was for fashions sake more then dutie But why then did they professe it to be their dutie He tells vs the Misteries of their Religion their professions and promises are Ceremonies their submissions for fashion this is the doctrine of cut throates By plaine law cited before the Parliament is his superiour And why had he not brought in petitio principy as well as petitio consulatus vsing it soe often and that in good English is begging the question Doubtles he thinkes that some beleive it is plaine law because he saith soe but such as reade his booke finde he vnderstands not law nor reason and will not speake the truth he vnderstands It were a mad law that would subject reason to supcrioritie of place And doth not himselfe say it that the Parliament is superiour and therefore the kings reason must be subject to it and is not he mad or senseles He returnes againe to his invective against Monarchy and one mans will and soe its only the kings Cryme that he was a Monarch and if the King be not bound in a blinde obedience to all that the
wickednes whose righteousnes in other matters hath been least observed And these are noe Pharisees that traduce the opposers of their sacriledge for want of righteousnes in other matters this is their new righteousnes that allowes none holy but their owne gang and nothing vnholy that they practise and therefore they will not see the Kings vertues least they be driven to confesse their owne wicked Actions against him Vpon the REBELLION IN IRELAND IT Could not possibly be soe secrett from whence it sprung as the contriver supposed And if he knew the contrivers perhaps he might know whether they supposed it would be secrett for they that pretended to be the principall contrivers avowed it openly It cannot be imaginable that the Irish guided by soe many subtill and Italian heads should soe farr have lost the vse of reason and Common sense as not supported by other strength then their owne to begin a warr soe desperate against England and Scotland And truly it may seeme that they who thought themselves wiser then Italian heads had lost reason Common sense who letting lose or rather cutting asunder the Reynes of Government which held in that kingdome to a people naturally disaffected to those vnto whome they were subject invited them to that Rebellion first in a popular fury cutting of the Ld. Lieutenant to gratifie them then leaving the Kingdome without a successour and preparing the way to a Civill warr in England stirring vp jealosies against the King and weakning his Authoritie and composing Apologies for Rebellion which would serve the Iris he pretences aswell as the diferences in England their designes and those Italian heads saw as much advantage from our broyles as want of aide from other nations who were busied to the vtmost in their owne most necessary concernements And therefore the libeller vainely inferrs authoritie for assistance promised from England vnles it were from the faction in the houses there being noe visible strength then in any other there neede not nor could be any private assurance vnto the Irish Rebells from any other but that faction and it is most apparent that they neglected all meanes to remedie that mischeife busying themselves wholy in laying the ground worke of the Rebellion in England which they held their most necessary concernment this was ground enough for Italian heads to stirr vp that Rebellion The libeller proceedes vpon his suppositions as if they were graunted truths he would insinnate an equivocation in what the King sayes That the sea of blood is enough to drowne any man ineternall both infamy and miserie whome God shall finde the malitious Author or instigatour of that effusion Because he sayes the Rebells themselves wil not confesse that any blood was shed by them maliciously but for the Catholique cause or Common libertie Therein they differ not from the Libeller and his English Rebells for they wil not confesse any of the blood they shed to be maliciously but for Religion and Common libertie and thence the Libeller learnes his skill to cast suspitions vpon the plainest expressions of others he well descerned that the King vsed the word malicious for aggravation not restriction his observation was captious when he read in the following Period that the King affirmes nothing could be more abhorred of him being soe full of sin against God disloyaltie to himselfe and destructive to his subjects and calls God to wittnes that as he could with truth wash his hands in innocencie as to any guilt in that Rebellion soe he might wash them in his teares as to the sadd apprehension he had to see it spredd so far make such waste And the Libeller himselfe after soe impertinent and malitious an insinuation confesses he denies it both heere and elswhere But he sayes there is in it no such wide disagreemēt from the scope of his former Counsells we are sure there could not be agreement with the scope of his former Counsells It was agreeable to the Counsells of Rebells to defame the King with this aspersion it is not strange that vntruths may be affirmed in three Kingdomes in reguard of the contrivers that soe industriously spred them But let vs heare his reasons or reports It s most certaine that the King was ever friendly to the Irish Papists And its certaine that what he sayes is falfe but what 's that to their Rebellion against himselfe or destroying his Kingdome But his certaintie is that the King in his third yeare against the plaine advice of Parliament like a kinde of Pope sold them many indulgences for money And was he a kinde of Pope to take their penalties of them which the law enacted for their recusancy was that Pope like That the King might not receive the penalties which the law gave him or take compositions where the whole could not be had was never against the advice of Parliament but this is a very long stride from his third yeare to the beginning of the Rebellion but how does he hang this togeather The advancing the Popish partie he sayes but instances in noe particular nor for negotiating vnderhand by Priests which were as impertinent to an inference of the Kings friend-ship or causing the Rebellion as the vse of such persons by Ministers of State though of different Religion He engaged the Irish Papists in a warr against the Scotch protestants there was never popish engagement against the Scotts for the King if in the kings Army raysed in that kingdome there were Papists it was without the engagement of their partie but their engagement by alleagiance to their King and whence doth it follow that because the King raysed an Army in Ireland he must therefore rayse the Rebellion in Ireland and as it s well knowne that the keeping vp of that Army would probably have prevented the Rebellion of Ireland that it was disbanded long before that Rebelliō brake foorth so they which complained so much of that Army and importuned to have it disbanded thereby prepared the way to their owne Rebellion as groundlesse and cruell as that of the Irish The summer before that dismall October a Committee of active Papists all since in the head of the Rebelliō yet Sr. Hardresse waller was one of them were in greate favour at whitehall and admitted to private consultations of the King and Queene Then all Companies of Traytours are Committees from the example of the late Parliament But he was loath to say they were a Committee as they were from the lower house of Parliament in Ireland which kept correspondence with the faction of the English Parliament and made addresses to them and were encouraged by them in their proceedings with the King and their comming over was wholy to serve the designe of the faction in England But noe meane matters were the subject of these conferences for he gave away his peculiar right to more then five Irish Counties for an inconsiderable Rent But it was not his right of soveraigntie
such as inferre good affection to the Irish from such premises will easily make vaine or malitious rumours strong proofes The King sayes he hath the greatest share of dishonour and losse by what is committed The Libeller as before makes this noe Argument because every one that offends God or his neighbour hath the greatest share of losse and dishonour in the end and have they not worldly ends in offending God and if these ends were not sought by them they would not offend God He pretended before that this was a politique contrivance of the King and now he would have it an act without designe Doth he thinke that the malitious reports of him and his Scotchman are of weight to make a man suspected of an act directly tending to his owne vndoing and would the King instigate the Irish Rebellion for his owne ends to have the assistance of the Irish which by such engagement could not assist him Though presumptions are noe convincing proofes yet they are more credible then suspitions or reports It is a strong Argument for the peoples confidence in their King more then in other men because his interest lies cheifely in the common welfare of his subjects and it is hard to beleive that a King will knowingly doe any thing against that interest and to his owne losse and dishonour and whenever any have offended in that kinde the proofe of it hath been more apparent then the authoritie of rumours and Libells but heere the act it selfe cannot have any possibilitie of concurrence to the Kings ends It too notoriously appeares in another section which he Mangles but shall heere have it whole The King sayes t is thought by many wise men that the preposterous rigour and vnreasonable severitie which some men carryed before them in England was not the least incentive that kindled and blew vp into those horrid flames the sparkes of discontent which wanted not predisposed fewell for Rebellion in Ireland The Libeller sayes that these some men are the Parliament And if the Rebells had feed an Advocate he could hardly have dazled better Truly the Libellers too notoriously doth not amount to a dazling of any eyes from descerning his vaine confidence Does any thing heerein excuse a Rebellion that speakes only of what succeded it And if the kings censure of the proceedings of such as managed the busines against the Rebells shew an affection to the Rebells then certainely most Princes that have had warrs in Ireland were very guiltie of that affection that vsed like censures but what the king sayes heere was spoken in Parliament by diverse members who disadvised the preposterous severitie that was propounded and afterward proceeded in and it will rest an indelible blemish of a rash and vnadvised Councell in those men that in the beginning of a Rebellion would put a whole nation into despaire and feare of extirpation That their wonted oppressions as they conceived should rather have made them against the King then the Parliament is easily beleived for it s knowne to all the world they did rise against the king vpon pretence of regaining their nationall liberties from the English oppression as they called it and since the Libeller seeth soe apparent an Argument of their rising against the king its blinde madnes to suspect their rising for the king The Parliament then pretended to act for the king and that the Rebellion was against him not themselves but the man deserts his Arguments and falls to his old common place and will suspect the king because he vsed the Prelaticall Religion and to force it vpon others made Episcopall Ceremoniall and common prayer booke warrs Such men as made warrs and raysed Rebellion to take away the order of Bishopps Ceremonies and booke of Common prayer established by lawes in the Raignes of best Princes with the advice of the most eminent confessours and Martyrs of the age wherein they lived conformable to the Scripture and purest times of the Church declare to the whole world that they have neither shame truth nor Religion and are justly stigmatized for making not only Episcopall Ceremoniall and common prayer booke warrs but Antichristian and Diabolicall Rebellion That the Papists knew these warrs were their warrs may easily be beleived for they must needes apprehend advantage from the Rebellion But it s well knowne that the Papists are more jealous of Episcopacie Ceremonies and booke of common prayer as they stand reformed in the Church of England then of the Directory Extemporall devotions independent or Presbiterall platformes that have noe foundation in the Scripture or the doctrine or practice of the ancient Church but what is this to the preposterous rigour and vncharitable fury that he would justifie Does he meane that the extirpation of the Irish was the sole way to suppresse open Idolatry and is this what we may doe Evangecally to be their Reformers Is blood massacre Evangelicall reformation is kill and reforme the same thinge As that rigour observed by his Majest was altogeather vnpolitique soe if it were intended in order to Religion it was most abominable such Massacres being the designes of irreligious persecutours not Evangelicall Reformers who though they feare not their adversaries yet will not give them cause of scandall nor desperation and such as make destruction their Reformation shew they feare men whome they seeke to kill not God whome presumptuously and hipocritically they pretend to serve His instance of King James is as impertinent as scurrilous that after the powder plot King Iames durst never doe other then equivoiate and collegue with the Pope bis adherents Doth this viper beleive the Pope or his adherents had any such thoughts Was the writing against the the Pope a Colloguinge The many invectives of Popish writers against him signifie the plaine contrary besides the lawes made by him against Popish recusants shew that the Author was in one of his lunatique transes when he dreamt of that heckticke trembling The retarding and delayes of releife to Ireland against that Rebellion were soe apparently discovered to proceede from the faction in Parliament that there rests not the least colour to charge it vpon the King They converted the subjects money and other preparations for the releife of Ireland to the raysing of the Rebellion in England and they hindred the going over of a new governour into that kingdome because they would vse his helpe to their designes at home They were diffident to trust the King with an army and therefore refused his offer to goe in person against the Rebells It seemes they had litle compassion on that people that preferred their jealosies before their pittie it is a plaine Treason and encouragement to that Rebellion to pretend distrust of their King and shewes they sought their owne personall securitie before the remedie of that Rebellion the safetie of the kingdome His Majest might justly finde fault with those who threatned all extreamitie to the Rebells and they that exclude all mercy
to every single person where multitudes are involved and such as followed Absolom with a simple heart shew neither humanitie nor Christianitie when Fathers Brothers Wives and Children were destroyed by such an occasion neither is Magistracie and warr vnder the gospell giuded by such passions but by the rules of Christian pittie and such as give themselves the licence of vniversall Massacres will not abstaine from embruing their hands in the blood of their Fathers Brothers Wives and Children sparing neither ancient nor suckling King nor Priest defacing all Monuments of Christianitie and turning Religion into the discourses of their hirelings and all devotion into squint eyes and disfigured faces and erect an Empire in themselves with the slaughter of all that submitt not to them The repetition of making the warr by the King in England is his Catholicon against all exceptions and Gewgawes of the Crowne and Copes and surplisses and such trinketts he thinkes are names to sublimate his braine sicke Sectaries into their frenetique fitt and make them cry out greate are the Calves of their vnknowne Religion whither they contemne the wisedome of God vnder the law his mercy vnder the gospel and will rather wade through the blood of their Country then endure power in the King or decencie in the Church There is greate difference betweene the instances of the destruction of the sichemites and the disciples calling for fire from heaven against the Citie that denyed lodging and this of a nation by just warr execution to slay whole famelies of them who had staine whole families before But where lies the odds there was asmuch threatned to the Irish as was done to the sichemites Though there were a difference betweene the sins of some there was noe difference betweene the innocence of many and there is noe difference betweene them that will destroy promiscuously without mercy where all are not guiltie in the one case and the other But why doth not the Libeller state his case right and insteede of families sett downe the whole nation as the truth was Did he shrinke at the expression of the truth at large and name families to diminish the guilt That which was done against the Benjamites was by Gods revealed will in that particular Case and yet there was a remnant reserved of them that escaped the present stroake of the warr and they returned againe to their possessions The Libeller sayes he speakes not this that such measure should be meated to all the Irish or as remembring that the Parliament ever soe decreed But if they did soe then this shall serve for their justification for to what end els is it that he offers excuses To shew that this homily meaning it seemes the Kings discourse hath more of craft and affectation then sound doctrine But either it is sound doctrine or else the Libeller must justifie the contrary to which he sayes that which he speakes is not intended and that which he hath brought shewes that the homily he intends is found Doctrine and his intended opposition signifies nothing but his owne corruption The King would have some punished which he sayes were of least vse and must of necessitie have been sacrifised to his reputation And can he thinke that the king caused the Rebellion and yet would punish any for his reputation might they not then produce it and how then could he sacrifise them to his reputation which would be more wounded by the punishing of one then the sparing of all The king sayes some were to be pretected vpon their submission from the fury of those who would soone drowne them if they refused to swim downe the popular streame with them The Libeller sayes that fury is applyed to the Parliament If such were their condition it s not misapplyed The Libeller sayes he remembers not they had soe decreed if not how could it be applyed to them And wherefore doth he except to the soundnes of the doctrine if it concerned them not Those who would not swim downe the streame are Papists Prelates and their faction He meanes not English Prelates for they have not yet been charged with the Irish Rebellion and if he meane the Romish Prelates it were superfluous having named Papists before and why doth he say that he speakes not that such measure should be meated to all the Irish when he would have the king esteemed a favourer of the Jrish Rebellion if he protected any Irish Papists vpon their submission For he sayes by this who sees not that he and the Irish Rebells had but one aime And whoever thinkes he sees it by this hath neither sight nor reason and there is nothing to be seene in the Libellers inference but excessive impudence and falshood The King sayes some kinde of zeale is not seldome more greedy to kill the Beare for his skin then for any harme he hath done This the Libeller renders our zeale and would inferre from thence that the Parliamentis more bloody in the prosecution of their Iustice then the Rebells in their crueltie And by what construction can he make that good may there not be by ends in a judge yet his sentence not soe bloody as a malefactours Cryme he that charges a Magistrate with a wrong end in giving a Just sentence doth not diminish the Cryme of the malefactour Can any rationall soule conclude vpon the Kings dislike of irregular proceedings against the Irish that he excused their Cryme This is chaffe to cast in the eyes of his bleerde Sectaries for none else are soe purblinde and there neede noe dispute that the King perfectly hated the Irish Rebellion justly censured the proceeding in that vnseasonable threatning of destruction The instance of the beares skin was made by a member of the lower house at the time when they debated that busines and yet they then thought it noe favour to the Irish nor censure of their owne proceedings The cessation which the King made was in favour of the Irish and without the advice of Parliament to whome he had committed the managing of that warr The King plainely descerned that the designe of the faction in Parliament in managing the Irish warrs was only to draw money from the people vnder that pretence to subdue England and destroy him by taking away al assistance from him and thence proceedes their Calumnie vpon the cessation and their willfull neglect and diversion of succours amidst the reiterated Cryes of the protestants in that Kingdome the importunitie of the Lords Justices and the visible growth of the Enemy shewes the advantage they made of that Rebellion the King was bound in Justice and honour to preserve that Kingdome and in Christian pittie to releive his distressed subjects which he could not doe without resuminge the managing of that warr which had been soe Treacherously miscarried by those he trusted as he made that cessation by the advice intreatie of his protestant subjects there soe they were sufficient wittnesses of the
persecution but the libeller will make Martirdome their ambition and wants their Covetuousnes He will have that English Episcopacie hath markes of schisme whether we looke at Apostolicke times or reformed Churches if he had shewed wherein it had deserved an answeare but we see what Apostolicke times he meanes that will not allow any Church of the world from the time of the Apostles til the present age because the Church of England is not vniversall therefore all Sectaries may pretend themselves the Church For the authoritie of Scripture he needed not take paines to prove it The Church of England claimes not power over other Churches but to correct Schismatickes within her selfe The exposition of Scripture may not be received from arrogant Sectaries against the judgment of the vniversall Church the King might very well reject such reasons as they which offered them had soe lately before disavowed and pretended themselves scandalized with the imputation of such opinions The greatest number of these pretended Reformers professed detestation of the opinion of lawfullnes in taking Armes against their Prince of the opinion of the vnlawfullnes of Episcopacy booke of Common prayer and Ceremonies and who now would dispute with such men maintaining these renounced opinions with such bloody vehemencie It is not for the King to defend the Church otherwise then the Church would be defended And what is the Church in the libellers sense nothing but the crew of John of Leydons saints and must the King follow them against the Church these are the Divill 's factours to sett vp an Idoll Religion These deceivers talke of the power of the keyes in whose power holy things are as if the keyes that Christ gave to his Disciples are transmitted to this distempered crew that pretend a power of their owne giving Their Blasphemous pretence of enthusiasmes hath been the wonder and scorne of wise men and that 's the spirit which must not be fettered with a negative voyce But may it not be fettered by the Parliaments negative voyce and why is it more fettered by the kings then theirs That which he calls Tyranicall and presumptuous in the king wich the same breath justifies in the Parliament and yet complaines of Tyrany vpon the conscience Such consciences are senseles of Tyrany aswell as of sin having given themselves vp to the Empire of hell The kings negative voyce could impose nothing yet these desperate hipocrites say they were compelled to implore the aide of Parliament to remove it from their consciences And if the ground of their warr were to take away his negative voyce their pretence of defensive force appeares noe other then violence and persecution which they soe hipocritically complaine of such tender consciences as feele not falshoods and Rebellion must be mercilesse destroyers of Religion and Government as these have proved The King had cause to seeke aide against Rebellion and oppression but that 's noe warrant for Traytours to linke themselves by conspiracies to performe it and the King might justly wonder at their confident boasting of Gods assistance as if they had the certaintie of some Revelation and flying to the Scotts succours while they were soe furnisht with provisions for warr And now after all the Libellers rayling at Episcopacie Copes surplisses he will not permitt Arch Presbiterie Classicall Provinciall and diocesine Presbitery claiming Lordly power and superintendencie to be imposed vpon them Heere 's Babell confounded and they that were linkt in disloyaltie must part for Presbitery and independencie and will not see the evill spiritt that first combined them in Rebellion and now divides them to fight one against another A Determination by the best divines in Christendome in a full and free synod is he sayes an improbable way and every true Church hath wherewithall from heaven to be compleate and perfect within it selfe And why doth he tell vs that no Church denominated by a particular name bindes our faith or obedience and hath any Romanist affirmed more for their infallibilitie then he ascribes to every one of his Parlours and wherefore is English protestant a Schismaticall name as he affirmes and that the whole nation is not to be thought soe raw as to neede the helpe of other nations But what is the whole nation to every conventicle are theis seperaists the whole nation And why would he bind the Kinge to other reformed Churches If the primitive Christians had been of his opinion Generall Councells had been of litle vse the Disciples at Antioch needed not have sent to Jerusalem for advice in a question But these men thus shuffle and pretend the sufficiencie of a nation intend only the perfection of their Parlour congregations and allow noe sufficiencie in Church or nation that submits not to their insolent prescriptions He sayes the King accuses pietie with want of loyaltie because he sayes in vaine doe men hope to builde their pietie on the ruines of loyaltie The King rightly determines that pietie is but pretended where loyaltie is despised as such doe that thinke it safe to renounce all fidelitie to their lawfull King and his family and depend on the faith of perjured villaines vpon pretence of pietie as he perswades the Scotts to doe Vpon the COVENANT HE seemes desirous to be short in this Argument being a point which he is loath to touch till he see the successe of some attempts and he would not willingly be out of hope of the Scotts nor venture to displease them by his glosses To the mention of the Bishopps possession heere since the first plantation of Christianitie in this Island and vniversall prescription since the Apostles till this last centurie he sayes But what availes the most primitive antiquitie against the plaine sense of Scripture which if the last Centurie have best followed it ought in our esteeme to be the first But where is the plaine sense of Scripture against antiquitie It s very plaine that these Sectaries noe more esteeme the present century then the ancient nor more the scripture then either of them but take a libertie to vent their owne fanaticall and arrogant fancies for Scripture and reject all ordinary meanes vpon pretence of a lying spiritt His Majest meant not to oppose antiquitie to Scripture but where the practice of antiquitie is consonant to Scripture It s impious to reject the Communion of the first age All helpes of interpretation are fetters to the proud Schismatickes and this Libeller that so lately obtruded the Example of the reformed Churches in the case of Epicopacie quickely scornes the Classicall Provinciall and diocesine Presbiterie and the last Century hath only seene the ascent of these Locusts and he only likes that part of the last Century wherein they crept soorth and they would willingly have the credit to be a part of other Churches though they are in truth Enemies to them all We may with farr better reason beleive the interpretations and practice of the primitive Church then any moderne
Reformers and there were never any but those Sectaries soe shamelesse to deny the Authoritie of antiquitie or charge it in this particular with an aberration from Scripture and many learned men living vnder Presbitery acknowledge the dignitie of Bishopps above Presbiters in the times of the Apostles The Libeller likes any limitations in the Covenant dangerous to the king soe much of the Covenant as concernes the casting out of Bishopps but he will sweare and forsweare comformitie to the Church of Scotland or any other That this Covevant had former practice vnles in the french League cannot be shewne The Libeller would have the Israelites entring a new into a Covenant with Asa their King to be a new Covenant when it was only a renewing of their promise of obedience to God noe Articles of their owne devising and as that was with the King soe he hath found one without a King for the Jewes after the captivitee tooke solemne oath to walke in the Commaundements of God without consent demaunded of that King who was then their Master and they had the Authoritie of that King But did they take an oath to vse violence against that King if he consented not to them or was the Covenent to walke in Gods Commaundements a new Covenant This is like their pulpitt proofes That Protestant Churches have made Leagues or Covenant against their King Or imposed their confessions with Civill penalties vpon refusers without their Prince is a notorious slander for the protestation it was confined to established law the Covenant to destroy law and what was established by it the protestation to defend the Doctrine the Covenant to destroy the Government which is comprehended in the Doctrine and this the Libeller holds needes noe reconcitement There is noe doubt but the Examples of Asa and Esra were approved by Scripture but they are farr from the Examples of the present Covenant and if the Libeller approve the taking of the Covenant how doth he satisfie himselfe in the breach of it he hath found out away for he may aswell breake that as his oath to his King and obligation to former lawes which he sayes are Conditionall and that condition to be expounded by every man at his pleasure He proceedes to shew the strength of the Covenant and yet he will keepe it one way and his brethren of another name and sect another way If he Covenant oblidge to contrary courses it cannot be a Rule of Reformation and as it clashes with former oaths to God and the king rightly vnderstood soe the clashing of these that devised it shewes that the spiritt of peace was not desired by the contrivers of that Covenant That the Kings booke is replenished with Popish Arguments must be spoken in a Corner not publiquely with any modestie for the Protestants throughout the world know the contrary and will disavow this Covenanting power to be a part of their Religion The salvoes cautions and reservations vsed in taking the Covenant were the arts of the deceitefull composers and it s well knowne it was an artifice vsed to perswade men to take it that they might vse the libertie of their owne sense and the Libeller willing to say some thing in detraction of the King vpon every occasion as if it were a sin to vse truth and ingenuitie transposes words of the Kings which were vsed in reproofe to additions of his owne as if the King approved these shuffling cautions who he well knowes detested both the Covenant and them and shewed the inniquitie of these deceites and we have seene that these Cautions have made Covenanter and anticovenanter Presbiterian and independent Rebell The Libeller likes well the povertie of the Ministers of the gospell And although the primitive povertie of Churchmen was very glorious yet the Christian Laitie were never soe sordid to thinke a liberall patrimony vnfit for them and Religion hath litle power where the Clergie are trencher chaplaines to gluttons feasts These men that judge povertie a curse to themselves hold it Christs legacie to the Ministers If there were any legacie povertie was to all Christians aswell as Clergie but we see that notwithstanding these professions their Levites now hold more pluralities without remorse then ever were knowne and shame not to contradict their former declamations but it is the calamitie of the Church that greedy doggs devoure her patrimony and barking detractours traduce her Clergie Vpon the many JEALOSIES c. TO wipe of Iealosies and scandalls the best way had been by cleere actions or till Actions could be cleered by evident reasons Cleere Actions nor evident reasons will stopp the mouth of malicious slanderers nor abate the industrie of conspiratours in raising jealosies But these which his Majest complained of were tempered only to vulgar capacitie and were long since hist at by all knowing men who saw apparently they were not the opinions of the devisers but artifices of deceite and the progresse of this Rebellion hath cleered al mistakes and taken away al credit from these fopperies It is very late for the Libeller to call to his aide the petitions and addresses composed by the faction in Parliament when himselfe accuses them for want of wisedome and integritie and whoever reades these addresses will easily finde not only cause to suspect the truth of what they say but plaine proofe of falshood and hipocrisie That the whole Parliament conspired against the King he never said and the author well knowes that it was a potent faction only to whome the King imputes this injurie though their being elected to that place is no exemption from a possibilitie of errour Cryme and we have seene it beyound doubt that this faction conspired to blow vp the peoples affections towards him and batter downe their loyaltie by the Engnies of fowle aspersions and have acted what the powder plot intended The King offers not to purge himselfe by any other Arguments then such whose proofe is visible to all the world and the silliest people see how they were cheated by factious Artists The Kings Arguments are not only demonstrable to the best but obvious to common vnderstandings and it cannot be expected that such as are resolute in wicked courses will aske forgivenes or have it The world knowes the King when he wrote this expected the Rebells crueltie but feared it not and there was not cause to vse insinuations which were not to be divulged till his death Tyrants and vsurpers are forced to flatter but it s a wicked slander to charge him with flatterie that is feareles of crueltie This Libeller prophanely descants on Scripture as he doth apparently vpon the Kings misfortunes for vpon the Kings saying that he could willingly be the Ionah for restoring his peoples tranquillitie if he did not foresee that by the divided interests of their and his Enemies as by contrary windes the storme of their miseries would rather be encreased then allayed The Libeller sayes these mindes were never heard of in the
disproportioninge of Religions then the mixing of those diversified sects which are noe more protestants then Papists Maskes and disguises were the foreprophesied garments of Sectaries and it is a sure signe that their errours are willfull not weake sparing noe falshoods whereby they may get power and confating their pretences by their practice They heretofore professed greate opposition to Papists for doctrines of Rebellion now they preach the same doctrines are angry that there are papists that disclaime them The ancient Christians held it a Religious cause to defend their King Countrey were mixed with Pagans in that cause and soe of late the protestants of France and they held it vnchristian to forsake that Religious cause vnder pretence of Religion and those pretences taken from Religion the letter to the Pope and evill Councellours are apparent to be nothing but vulgar cheates to enforce the King to consent to the Rebells demaunds and wrest his scepter from him The sharpe afflictions of the Kingdome shew they were not inveterate diseases of Government but a suddaine pestilence and such as can beleive that the Tyrany of the present Masters are the lawes of Parliament deserve to be governed by a whip not by a scepter The Libellers reproofe of the peoples levitie prayse of popularitie are inconsistēt and his argument of reproach from dissenting to what the Parliament advised and his charging the Parliament for want of wisedome and integritie turne all his arguments to his owne shame and shew that it is not right but Rebellion he pleades for and that he esteemes neither Civill nor Philosophicall libertie which are confined to Government but confusion and licence without limitts If this Libeller would be subject to a Magistrate and in the lames as he professes why doth he Rebell against the Magistrate and the lawes and why doth he pretend the Parliaments Authoritie if he may breake that authoritie As indeede he doth alow that noe obligations of Government can hold him and by the same rule he pretends injury to be restrained in one thing he may in every thing and these Rebells like Lucifer vsurpe above all spheares Though men ought not to speake evill of diginties which are just yet nothing hinders to speake evill of those who in their dignities doe evill as oft as it is the truth Thē the Scripture vnnecessarily forbad to speake evil of dignities for we may not speake vntruth of any person if the Scripture meant noe more then not to slander in commaunding not to speake evill of the Ruler of the people St. Paul needelessely retracted his words of the high Priest If shewes how neere the spiritt of Lucifer these men are that pretend a right to practice whatever our Saviour or such as were inspired of God forbad vpon pretence of actions done by power extraordinary and yet there is no example of this speaking evill of dignities as the Libeller imagines nor of publique reproaches Though Kings were reproved it was by such as had particular directions from God not by every wandring levite and they did not defame them to others And as his Maj we beleive was heard of God in mercy so he might without injury to the Prerogative of Christ pray to be made the head stone of the conrer according to that subordination which he held vnder God and Christ in ruling his people Vpon the ORDINANCE against the booke of COMMON PRAYER INnovations are generally more dangerous then old errours by how much peace is more desireable then broyles and combustions We have noe warrant to beleive such a condition in the Church of God that should allwayes be reforminge nor that the Christian Church had never lawfull Pastours nor any thing practised according to Christs institution till the present Sectaries revealed it to the world We have found by experience that there is noe dotage equall to that men have vpon their owne opinions nor any greater errours nor mischeifes more dangerous then such which are introduced by pragmaticall Reformers who would conforme the world to their fancies and innovation is oftner obtruded vnder the name of reformation then reformation is censured and opposed vnder the name of innovation The King sayes not that the removing of the Leiturgie was a thing plausible to the people as he falsely relates but sayes that after popular contempts offred to the booke and those that vsed it it must be crucified by an ordinance His Majest likens not the rejection of the booke to the crucifying of our Saviour but the carriage of the rejecters to the cursed Jewes who crucified our Saviour and these men that rejected the booke shewed as litle reverence to him that was to be prayed to by the formes in that booke as to the booke it selfe King Edw. 6. confesses to the Cornish Rebells it was noe other then the old masse booke done into English some few words expung'd which is very false though al that is in the old masse booke is not therefore to be rejected and these men may aswell make an Argument they may not pray at all because the Masse booke prescribed prayer aswell as reject formes of Devotion because they were in the masse booke It was the Carnall feare of divines and Politicians that modelled the Leiturgie noe further of from the old masse least they should incense the people This hath been the conceite of Schismaticall Politicians though the lightnes of it be very apparent for it cannot be thought that the people would be more incensed by an alteration of the prayer then an alteration of the language and the taking away of the externall superstitions was more likely to incense the people as it did then any alteration of the Leiturgie and it had been very easie to have made any alteration in the Matter when the language was changed and in the time of Queene Elizabeth when no such feare could be pretended the demaunds of the schismatickes for abolishing the leiturgie were held frivolous and seditious The Libeller sayes good desires rightly conceived in the heart wholesome words will follow of themselves But wholesome words will beget good desires and how publique prayer in the congregation can be vsed vnles a leiturgie be admitted noe true Christian can finde a way That the prescription of a Leiturgie was not imposed nor practised by the first founders of the Church is an apparent falshood The Lords prayer and the prescriptions of the Apostles to make prayers for all men for Kings al in authoritie that we might leade a quiet life in all godlines and honestie and the many leiturgies yet extant convince all but willfull gainsayers and it had been in vaine for the Apostle to commaund the people to obey such as had the oversight of them if they had noe authoritie to prescribe things lawfull and honest and this Libeller that hath been florishing with authoritie of the reformed Churches heere condemnes them all who none excepted vse Leiturgies Without whose meaning the first founders of the
the Libeller sayes concerning Gods graces is nothing to the question touching the vse of Leiturgies vnlesse he would have that in the publique congregation every person should have his prayer a part and bring that disorder which the Scripture forbidds Voluntary prayers are lesse subject to formall and superficiall tempers then set formes for in those hee who prayeth must consult first with his heart which in all likelihood may stirre vp his affections But he doth most commonly consult with his braine both for matter what is most pleasing and what most proper in expression and it is incident vnto most to fall into an affectation of their owne conceptions and abilities in these voluntary prayers rather then true devotion Affections grow lasy in set prayer and come not vp easily at the call of words But much more easily then in the labour for words and matter and those words are most emptie of devotion and prayer which are the ostentation of the presenters abilities who is apt to seeke satisfaction in contemplation of his owne parts and his fervour is greater in looking on himselfe then God Ostentation and formalitie may taint the best duties And why not then the best institutions and if vnpremeditated babling may be restrained without forbidding the spirit of God which is in his sense his extemporary prayer why may not lasines and formalitie be reprehended in such as vse the publique leiturgie without forbidding the vse of it but it is as himselfe sayes the Custome of hipocrites to take advantage at the least abuse of Good things that vnder that covert they may remove the goodnes of those things rather then the abuse Constancie attributed to the vse of set formes he calls the constancie of the Cuckoe to be allwayes vsing the same Leiturgie And what then are his best reformed Churches this shewes him one of those chattring birds that Abraham drave from his sacrifise and this wretch trembles not to compare the sett formes appointed by God himselfe in the Scripture to the Cuckoe and the vse of the Scripture is the constancy of the Cuckoe The booke for aught we know was composed by men neither learned nor godly But they are vngodly that without knowledge will suppose them neither learned nor Godly but was the Martirdome of many of them noe proofe of their Godlines And are there noe workes that prove the learning of those Composers doth this man thinke vpon the credit of the protestant Religion Noe doubt the spiritt helpes our infirmities but we have noe promise that the spiritt shall enable every Christian to compose prayers for the whole congregation neither doth the Libeller beleive that all his Ministers of the new Religion are soe endowed if he doe he hath few associates It is Gods promise that where two or three gathered togeather in his name shall agree to aske any thing it shal be graunted And how can they agree without a prescript forme is the agreement that all must follow the desires of one That there was a Leiturgie in the Church of the Jewes hath not been denyed by any learned man its apparent by the Titles of many of Davids Psalmes that they were vsed by the singers in the ordinary service of the Church That Christians vsed the Lords prayer and other sett formes cannot be denyed and the Libeller is much deceived in his computation of the time when Leiturgies begun for the Church never wanted them and we have seene by experience that true pietie followed the vse of Leiturgies disobedience and prophanes the rejection of them such as have rejected them have proved not only Truants but Apostates to all sanctitie What is said of Leiturgie is said of Directorie and soe farewell Presbiterian We finde that none make such presumptuous claime to Ministeriall guifts as ignorant and braineles persons that have noe Title by calling or endowment The King had noe reason to object that the Common prayer booke was rejected because it prayed soe oft for him for large and laborious prayers were made for him in the pullpits But it s well knowne that the Sectaries were neither large nor laborious in such prayers and it s justly doubted not sincere when they vsed them but would have men heare their hipocriticall formalitie not God to graunt what they seemed to pray for and all men can witnes what prayers were made for him in pulpits after the leiturgie was rejected al the largenes and labour appearing in their prayers was to reproach his person and procure him dishonour and miserie The King in his prayers presumes Leiturgies to be lawfull What should hinder praying that the Church and he might never want them And what sayes the Libeller could be worse prayed extempore he might have answeared himselfe that Prayer to want them was to call for Desolation vpon the Church Of the Differences in point of CHURCH GOVERNMENT THe Libeller sayes the Author in this Chapter discovers more of misterie and combination betweene Tyrany and false Religion then from any other hand would have been credible T is strange that soe obvious a truth should be incredible from any hand Was not Jeroboams new Religion the foundation of a Tyrany and have not all vsurpers in the Civill state pretended some false Religion Was not Mahometts wicked imposture and Tyraniall vsurpation bredd togeather and have not the present Tyrants introduced a false Religion to support their power Hath not schisme been joyned with the Rebellion We may have learnt both from sacred story and times of reformation that the Kings of this world have ever hated and instinctively feared the Church of God It s manifest Sectaries hate King and Church malefactours will complaine that Judges hate them for their vertues We finde in the ancient Church that Kings were the greate protectours and reformers of the Church and its strange that the Libeller if he had looked backe at all had not seene David Solomon Hezechiah Josiah and others The Kings of Israell politiquely opposed the true Church for feare the people should returne to the house of David and if we looke vpon Pagan Kings we finde Cyrus and Artaxerxes helping the establishment of the true Church This Libeller hath discovered a greate Misterie of Rebellion that having made such outcryes of Tyrany against his late Maj heere tells vs the Tyrany was Monarchy they would not be subject to the Kings of this world to such impostors is England now subject that kill Kings and make Tyrants and this blaspheamer stickes not to charge the Church of God and the Doctrines thereof with opposition to Civill Government and to commaund the destruction of Kings Because the doctrine seemes to favour Libertie and equalitie And are there not Republiques that oppose the true Religion True Religion presseth obedience falshood and imposture allwayes hold foorth licence to the people Is there through all the booke of God one word in favour of this Rebell libertie and equallitie And did not God plant his Church at first
in an apparent inequallitie and subjection both in the state Civill Ecclesiasticall And this broode of Sectaries have heeretofore complained that the doctrines were traduced as opposite to Monarchy And neither Libertie nor equallitie is sought for to the people but to betray them to the power of these deceivers who are growne to that impudence to pretend doctrines of confusion and Rebellion to be the true Religion The Church as ancient prophesies foretold should dissolve all their power Dominion Few sects professing Christ have appeared more Turkish then these present of England they fancie an earthly Kingdome for the Church as Mahomett his Paradise and then that themselves are the true Church and shall have Dominion ever all and avow their intention to destroy all Kings and whoever submitt not to them But certenly Kings vnderstood not any such prophesies nor feared such pretenders who make prophesies to agree with their owne wicked Actions and ambitions desires His first instance is in Pharaohs oppressing of the Israelites And doth he beleive that Pharaoh knew their doctrines or prophesies the man might have learnt more from the Text that being strangers they might over power him and thence grew his persecution not from the libellers imaginary doctrine He makes a strange leape that passes by all stories els and would prove his position by his owne authoritie and expects that his libell against the King shall make good his position that Kings ever feared and hated the true Church a strong way of disputing to prove that kings hated and feared the true Church because the King did soe and to prove the King did soe because kings did soe this is a stout Champion There neede no answeare to his bawling of the kings suspition of men most Religioâ—s for time hath tryed that they were Rebellious and wicked Traytours vnder the Masque of Religion He could not vse violence as Pharaoh did and therefore chuses a more misticall way of Antichristian fraude and like Balak to hire against a nation of Prophetts other esteemed Prophetts and to meare out the Church by a false Ecclasiasticall Policie The Summe is to supresse Sectaries and prevent Traytours is this Ecclesiasticall Policie but where is this Misterie of Kings hating the true Church is there noe true Church of God where there is Government And what proportion hath this supposition of his to the kings proceedings Did he erect Bishopps or was there any Religion established or publiquely profest which he opposed but only false and hipocriticall factionists which outwardly professing the established Religion sought for gaine and pride secretly to draw disciples after them to the disturbance subversion of the Church There needes not any thing be said to his rayling his corruption being apparent by objecting it to the calling of Bishopps and hates it for the remedy against schisme which the Church had by them The King bestowed livings according to the law and the Policie was not his but the ancient constitution of the Church and this Monster that reproaches the retaining any thing in Leiturgie or Government practised by the ancient Church is not ashamed to charge the king with breach of Canons and the ancient practice of the Church in conferring Ecclesiasticall dignities and the peoples right in Elections was never pretended in England and justly and anciently forbidden in the Church neither doe any Canons in force support that pretence That influence which the king sayes is necessarie for the Prince to have vpon Churchmen noe man that beleives the Scripture will thinke vnfitt but how can the Libeller make good that the many Emperours and Kings that imbraced the Christian Religion hated and feared it for soe they must by his grounds And how can he conclude from Pagans hatred to Religion that it was only from their kings when as the stories are soe plentifull in setting downe the madd rage of the multitude the truth is seditious innovatours know that their hopes and strength lie to seduce the silly people and that it is the interest of governours to prevent their lewde endeavours and thence proceede their declamations against Rulers and their proclamations of Libertie and that which they cal the Bishopps Tyrany is only their office to take away schisme and schisme is the way to Rebellion The Libellers judgment touching callings founded on Scripture reformation or graces of the Bishopps and others is of the same authoritie as the determinations of Traytours touching loyaltie and heretickes touching sound doctrine and his end never agrees with his beginning but in rayling and incongruitie for but now he made it the Kings Policie to hire the Bishopps now it is the Bishopps Policie to worke that perswasion in the King of noe Bishopp noe King the man well knowes that noe Bishopp noe king was the perswasion of King James who found it true by his owne experience without the helpe of Bishopps and vet soe sottish doth this Libeller presume his readers that makes the dependence which Bishopps have only of the king the cause of such perswasions yet in their owne subtill sense they were of another minde how theÌ„ could their dependence be a cause of their perswasion or was their sense subtill and grossely mistaken Thus those blattering devills that in the beginning of the Parliament charged the Bishopps to be Antimonarchicall thereby to conceale their malice against the king now make it their Cryme to favour Monarchy He hath found a very strong proofe as he would have it out of the Historie of the Councell of Trent that Bishopps are most potent when Princes are weakest that argues not their dependence vpon Princes nor that aversion to Bishopps is not aversion to Princes it was spoken of Bishopps depending on the Pope not on Princes and such Clergy men as have their dependence on Pope or people wil never wish that the king should be potent to master their dependencie From this the King sett himselfe to the removall of those men whose doctrine he feared would be the vndoing of Monarchy And needed he the Councells of Bishopps to provide for his safetie against such men And is that the evill interest of Tyrany and Episcopacie to prevent the designes of Traytours Who were Traytours if they were not that would vndoe Monarchy The doctrine and designes of the schismatickes are heereby apparent to be against Monarchy and yet the prevention of such conspiracies is the Tyrany and the corrupt Councells of Bishopps which the hipocrites cry out on Noe temporall law could touch the innocencie of their lives And had they innocency that plotted the vndoing of Monarchy vnder which they lived and could not the law touch it Their disobedience to lawes was a Cryme inconsistent with innocence and must necessarily be punished by the lawes they disobey and that which he calls persecution of their consciences and laying scandalls before them was only the requiring of their obedience to Acts of Parliament whose authoritie he soe frequently cryes vp and the
frequent vse of places of Scripture in their prayers the markes of their devotion neede not be remembred and now the vse of places of Scripture must be hipocrisie in the King His devotions must be persecuted as well as his Estate and person and the Libeller had wanted one principle brand of infamy if he had omitted those censures of the kings pietie vpon pretence of the practice of hipocrites and wicked men and he will accuse the Godly because wicked men have dissembled sett parallell the cleerest devotions of the saints of God to the expressions of the most desperate and execreable sinners he will prove the King short of true repentance which is a subject vndiscernable by a man of resolved impenitency God only knowes the truth of the heart and such as turne Charitie into cursing are as farr from a right vnderstanding of others vprightnes as conscious of their owne hipocrisy He produces vpon the Kings imitation and vse of Davids Psalmes the sayings of Cain Esau Pharaoh Balaam Saul Ahab Iehoram Iudas and Simon Magus That we may not doubt but the same malice raignes in this rayler that appeared in these hipocrites and he might have found that this course which he takes in slandring the king was as frequent in former persecuters as good words in the mouths of hipocrites the Rebells against Moses charged him with vsurpation and imposture saying will thou putt out the eyes of these men Davids Enemies cryed fy on thee we saw it with our eyes Job was charged to drinke downe iniquitie like water John the Baptist to have a Divell and our blessed saviour to be a glutton and a wine bibber Vertue nor abilitie never wanted detraction a just esteeme of one or other may not be expected from men that have neither for if they had eyther they would not sett themselves against both he deales as the Pharisees to watch the words of our Saviour to gett a word for their accusation of him and soe the Libeller to cover the shame of his wicked cause catches at the Kings words to putt of the guilt of their Rebellion and makes it Gods disposing to that purpose that the King sayes lett thy anger I beseech thee be against me and my Fathers house as for these sheepe what have they done And by this sayes he acquitts the Parliament and people and takes the sin on himselfe as David did Noe doubt he tooke on him his owne sins for which God brought on him his affliction but doth he thereby justifie his bloody persequuters though he were punisht by a Rebellion doth he acquitt the Rebells Doth he meane wolves whō he names sheepe The King expresses his Fatherly pitty to his innocent subjects and the Libeller his emptines of defence in assuming soe impertinent an inference as if David could not acknowledge Gods Justice in the Rebellion of Absolom without the acknowledgment of his wicked Sons righteousnes nor the King vse Davids confession of Gods Justice vpon occasion of the present punishment of the people by the sword and his proofe is suteable to his collection for he sayes in the next line he accuses the Church it selfe for the Churches Enemy The next line is let my suffrings satiate the malice of mine and the Churches Enemies sure the man would have his independent brethren the only true Church that are the Enemies of it their victories are by Miracle and what then are the Turkes which were greater and more strange then theirs And let any man compare the boastings of the Rebells with the Enemies of Gods Church in all times and there will appeare the greatest likenes that hath been observed in men driven by Diabolicall instinct thence proceedes the Libellers distemper that having within soe few lines before sought to hide their Rebellion cannot retaine the motives of it and those he expresses to be libertie of schismes the abolition of Bishepps establisht lawes Kingly power and leiturgy the oppressing of loyaltie getting all force into the Rebells hands and to withstand them heerein is Tyrany He resembles their sacriledge to Davids eating the shewbread and Ezechiahs taking the gold and silver out of the Temple But did David make a warr to destroy the Priests that he might eate the shewbread or Hezechiah seeke to destroy the Temple that he might take away the silver and gold And the primitive Church sold their sacred vtensills to preserve their Priests Bishopps not sought to take them away that they might convert the sacred vtensills to their private avarice and the Bishopps sold those sacred vtensills neither Princes nor people durst lay their hands on them The Libeller will not endure any glory to be given to God but by the medly Sectaries nor any restitution of the King to his cheife Cittie but with the spilling of his blood and those that were faithfull to him In the beginning of Christianitie men had to doe with Pagans who opposed Religion directly and in this age wee have to doe with men that would betray it to Pagans by obtruding such doctrines and practice for Christian which may make it odious to morall heathens who could only heeretofore question the truth of our beleife but may by theis new reformers take occasion to accuse our Religion of impietie for these wretches represent it contrary to all the principles of Common honestie The Rebells cannot beleive a pardon they-know their demeritts soe execrable and therefore he will suppose the King would finde meanes to punish though he promised pardon They know the falshood of their owne hearts and thence is their suspition This libeller is not to be disputed with vpon principles of Religion that receives noe Maximes but of Rebellion and Tyrany God graunts not allwayes deliverance to his Servants from temporall evills though they pray for them and this prophane Libeller concludes their prayers to be fained because not graunted his words are fitt for detestation and therefore to be observed by al that they may abhorre the blacke misteries of this sect for he sayes God having cut him of without graunting any of those mercyes it followes that his resolutions were as fained as his vowes frustrate What Turke Jew or devill could say more against suffring Christians Vpon the ARMIES surprisall of the KING at HOLMBY THe lowde noyse that the Libeller hath made hitherto of the greate obstinacy of the King in not hearkning to the advice of Parliament is ended and the Parliament become a Councell of scribes and Pharisees and they had been elder Brothers long enough and it was now time that the younger should have his turne and the new modell must dictate to the doting Parliament and there must not be a prevalence in the house of Commons to discard those men of invincible valour without their due reward and though they may murder the King having taken away his sword they may not thinke to deale soe with them that have the sword in their hands The virulence of some false Ministers which
an Assembly at the beare garden is as good as the house of Commons he hath found the event to salve all for they returned soone to their places that fled from these latter Tumults and that is the finall decision of all controversie The King brings in an inconvenient and obnoxious Comparision of vengeance as the Mice and Ratts overtooke a german Bishopp And the inconvenience is that the Libeller will from the name of Bishopp wish the same evill to all Bishopps that befell that evill Bishopp Is the comparision obnoxious because he is impertinent in following his owne shaddow and cursing those that are innocent Is it obnoxious that the King supporting the order of Bishopps should produce the Example of an evill Bishopp followed by divine vengeance Is not the Libellers mentioning the seditious tongues of his false preachers more obnoxious then the naming of the German Bishopp And is it not as easy to wish the Ratts and mice had pursued theis false and seditious preachers till they had driven them out of the land as the Bishopps Sorrow and pittie in an overmastred Enemy are looked vpon as the ashes of his revenge burnt out vpon it selfe An over mastred Enemy may be more then Conquerour and may have cause and affection to pittie the victor and they most neede pittie that least feele the want The Triumphs of Rebells are vnnaturall Prodigies and the dances of devills The pittie of innocent Martirs which they expressed for proud persecutours was lookt on as the Kings by these villaines and the wicked Jewes despised our saviours bidding them not weepe for him but for themselves and for their Children Although the Libeller soe lately justified chastning of the Parliament yet he will have it an injury in the King to perswade men against the Parliament and soe he ties the end and the cause to what he pleases and as long as he can bring noe better evidence then the successe of vsurpation he washes not of any guilt from himselfe nor his rowte The just prayses of an Enemy are esteemed honourable knowne truths cannot proceede from Craft being soe obvious to all and it were neerer to madnes then reason to suppose that there were not among those which acted against the king such as knew not what they did and had as greate ignorance as the Libeller impudence that censures the Charitie of a prayer for such persons Intitled to the PRINCE OF VVALES THe Libeller vndertakes to shew that although the King had been reinstalled to his desire or his sonne admitted should observe all his fathers precepts yet that would be soe farr from conducing to our happines that it would inevitably throw vs backe againe into all our past and fulfilled miseries There is noe doubt but Traytours will tell the people soe and that there is noe happines but vnder their vsurpation and though they engage them in endles warrs which the rebelling against just right must produce yet they perswade the people that the condition of warr and blood is more eligible then those blessings of peace the Kingdome enjoyed vnder all their Princes By our happines he intends doubtles his Rebell partie whose happines is to raigne and Tyranize over the people and that cannot continue with reinstalling the King But the people of England expect not any end of their miserie but by restoring the just rights of their lawfull King and they now descerne that the successe of a wicked cause was a judgment of God vpon the nation whose vnthankefullnes for their long prosperitie had justly provoked his wrath He goes on to his proofes that the king beares wittnes in his owne words that the corrupt education of his youth was not vntruly charged vpon him or his Sonne and that he gathers from these words of the Kings Court delights are prone either to roote vp all true vertue and honour or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them without any reall fruites tending to the publique good And is it a proofe that because Court delights are prone to produce such fruites therefore all that live in Princes Courts must necessarily have a corrupt education might not this Libeller have cleerely observed that his Majest was free from such a corrupt education that had soe cleere a sight of the ill consequences of Court delights Though there be these pleasures at the Court it is not the education of Princes whose youth is seasoned by instruction against the corruption of these baites There are dangers to mens manners from abundance and high places and thence the Libeller would inferr that there must neither be wealth nor power but in the hands of his Pharisaicall Sectaries who never complaine of such corruption The desperate hipocrisie of these traytours is laid opē by their owne words and Actions and the Libeller from the Kings caution to his Sonne by the example of Rehoboam frames an expression as if the King affirmed it to be his owne case with such faithlesse dealing he addresses himselfe to his heedeles readers and tells all that he sayes is the Kings confession There are doubtles men that can relate the Kings life will but that neede not in opposition to the slanders of Rebells whose cause is supported by the lewdenes of detraction The long peace of the Kings Raigne in the midst of warrs round about vs shewes he was not idle in performance of the Kingly office and the warr and miserie that since brake out was the effect of greate prosperitie which as it corrupts the Court of Princes soe the mindes of the people and makes way for the designes of seditious Traytours we had been sure to have heard slander enough vpon the Kings personall behaviour if he had been obnoxious to any suspition or tainted with Court delights The best Governments are subject to repinings and the greate prosperietie of Solomons Raigne when silver for the plentie was not esteemed drew after it popular Complaints of heavy burdens and whatever Rehoboam threatned Jeroboam really performed the madnes of the people finding all wayes their murmurings repayed with greater sufferings The disobedience and contempt of just authoritie and of those principles of Government and Religion which the King teaches his Son have been the occasion of al our miseries there being nothing like miserie or suffring before this horrid Rebellion And now the Libeller will have the breeding op of his Majest now living in the rugged and boysterous licence of vndisciplined Camps and garrisons noe better then the effeminacies of the Court and yet he will perswade vs that Rebells nursed vp in that boysterous and vnnaturall disobedience are fittest instruments of our happines Those principles which the King had learnt in his education and which endured the Tryall of a fierie adversitie are received for sound by all such as have not renounced reverence to Religion Those principles which the prosecution of a bloody Rebellion and the continuall exercise of rapine falshood oppression have fixed in
the hearts of Rebells must necessarily make the words of the wise the wayes of the inst matter only of contempt and derision and such as have once broken the bounds of modestie thinke it dishonour to have shame and repentance and will advance their confusions insteede of order their Blasphemies for zeale their sacriledge for reformation their Tyrany for law and all the hell they feare is the losse of their vsurped power and the restoring of just right and their jealosies of loosing their owne greatenes provokes them still to an increase of their lewdenes making truth and right the object of their spite and persecution These debaucht Rebells proclaime that there is noe good but Rebellion noe worke of God but submission to it and repentance for opposing it If the Church of England be Antipapall how comes it to bo a schisme And why hath the libeller so continually made vp his discourses with inclinations to Popery Independencie knowes noe schisme for if it allow every meeting its libertie where is the schisme It s a Rule that noe Scripture nor ancient Creede bindes our faith to any Church denominated by a particular name But he rejects what was received by the vniversall Church What doth that contradict the Kings advice to his Son of his esteeme of the Church of England if he beleive as he did vpon good ground that it was agreeable in doctrine to the word of God It is apparent that these Sectaries are seperated from all Churches of the world and that Government which they call Catholique had neither precept nor practice in any Church being newly crept out of hell to persecute the Church Noe man was ever bid to be subject to the Church of Cornith Rome or Asia but to the Church without addition And why doth he deny to be subject to the Church without addition was there never Church before this day heere we have the builders of Babell none vnderstand what another sayes were not those that lived in those Churches of Corinth Rome Asia commaunded to be subject to the Governours of those Churches Is it not the Apostles Commaund to obey those that have the oversight of them and may every man despise their new independent congregations seeke for a Church without addition and where then will he finde him We may imagine what manner of state such Church reformers will erect and what it is they call reformation that looke vpon all Churches as schismes because not rent into as many parts as particular persons These schismatickes pretend the Church of England allmost growne Popish and yet nothing altered from the first reformation while they disguise their meaning by pretending popery to gett the vulgar vnawares to favour their dissembled zeale they demaund to have the Reformation vnestablished And the restraint of their Rebellion is Pharaohs prohibition to the Israelites that sought leave tosacrifise to God It was a greate testimony of the Kings zeale to the Church of God that he forewarned his Sonne to suppresse errours schismes his owne experience having taught him that these doggs and evill workers are the greatest evills to Church and state and these destroyers that are the reproaches of Religion the Scabbs and biles to be Church allow noe protestant Churches to be communicated with that are not tainted with the same putrifaction that hath corrupted them For the Civill state the kings precepts tend to the preservation of Civill libertie and it was farr from our Fathers to thinke that any humane lawes were immutable but further that lawes should be altered at the will of a mutable multitude and that their King should be excluded from the judgment of the reasons for a change He falls from the question touchinge repeale of lawes and talkes of saving the Kingdome we may better trust the King with saving the Kingdome then any number of men we can picke out whose private fortunes may be saved though the kingdome be lost The Turkes Iawes and Moores enjoy vnder the Turkish Government what their industrie and labour have made their owne If that be true the Libeller is much out of the way to thinke it a reproach to Civill Government to compare it to the Turkes what Civill libertie doth the freest nation claime more and what doe these Masters of the new Republique pretend to allow more Doe they not plainely tell the people they ought to have noe more then they will give them Thus he will defend the Turke Jew and Moore rather then be an Englishman There is noe doubt but the libertie of the subject depends on the Regall power in the first place There is noe libertie without Government and where the Government is regall the subject must maintaine it or be a Traytour and give vp his libertie for a prey to ravenous vsurpers That the King suffred it to be preached in his owne hearing that the subject had noe propertie of his goods but all was the Kings right Is a mainfest vntruth yet they which make advantage of such inventions practise what they reproach for doth not that thing they call a Parliament consisting of a few contemptible persons professe that all the goods of the subjects are at their disposing By the lawes of England noe act can be a law without the king though both houses propounded it and in that negative voyce of the kings the people reposed their libertie which they would not wholly intrust to a Major part of one or both houses The power of the whole nation is vertually in the Parliament But there is noe vertue in it without the king And is it vertually in such a part of the Parliament as either the Army or the Tumults shall picke out The Libeller hath borne wittnes for the kings Martirdome though he intended the contrary and while he names the Rebells war in their owne defence cannot avoyde to tell the world the Rebellion was to take away the Kings negative voyce and establish lawes at their owne will Every man will beare wittnes that it is Martirdome to die rather then burne incense to Idolls or Devills and he that refuses to introduce schisme and disorder into the Church and committ sacrilegious pillage of Church goods and is persecuted to death for his refusall is noe lesse a Martir then he that suffers for denying an Idolatrous worshipp and this is not to die for Religion because establisht but that establishment which we ought to preserve and all the painting dawbing of these Artisans of Rebellion will not deface that Martirdome which their owne wicked hands have testified There are no reformed Churches that have abolisht the Decalogue so long a king that dies by a wicked Rebellion for not consenting to Trayterours demaunds is judged a Martir by the best reformed Churches but he does not looke before he leape that brings in the Romish Priests executed for that which had been established for he might have knowne they were executed by lawes in force and for doing what noe
the King cannot be parted without the sinne infelicitie of a people And sayes its contrary to the teaching of Christ that noe man can serve two Masters These are fit Judges of our dutie to God or man and fit reformers of Church and state that will have the service of a Master or obedience to a father the serving of another Master then God and the spirit of God speaking by St. Peter feare God and honour the King must contradict the teaching of Christ such Church makers doe we now live with Such as served heathen Masters may not leave their service though they serve not their heathen Gods at their Commaund and if they did desert their earthly Masters for that reason they did not serve their Master in heaven who will be served by their subjection to their earthly Masters but he that will serve himselfe cannot serve God and that selfe service is the whole worke of these Rebells who pretend to put God in the first place that they may leave him noe place and such as desert their King vpon pretence of Gods service desert God to serve themselves and they will only enjoy their power and wealth and ease for Gods sake but suffer for him they will not that kinde of testimony to the truth of Religion they account among the corruptions of the first ages of the Church and they have found a more accurate and pleasant way to serve God Intitled MEDITATIONS VPON DEATH BEcause the King affordes time to inveigh bitterly against that murder but in the Libellers language Iustice done on him it will be as he sayes needefull to say something in defence of those proceedings Doubtles all that witt or impudence can offer in defence of Barbarisme is farr short of a colourable excuse He is courting of apocripha and makes a Prologue out of Esdras and Josephus Authors in his judgment not lesse beleived then any vnder sacred brings forth the story of the three wise questions and zorobabells determination for women and truth Quorsum haec Though he be not asked nor in a nation that gives such rewards to wisedome his Masters have not that bountie to restore the King that he may fitt next him their gratitude being of the same Stampe with their loyaltie he shall pronounce his sentence somewhat different that eyther truth and Iustice are all one or els that Iustice by his office is to put forth more strength in the affaires of mankinde To what purpose doth he soe solemnely produce this peice of Apocripha and pronounce his sentence different Iustice is a vertue of the minde and putts forth noe more strength in the affaires of mankinde then truth but he talkes of justice and truth as if they were members of the house of Commons The sensuall appetite of some is too strong for their vnderstanding and thence proceeded the conclusions for the strength of wine and women In others the vnderstanding and reason are stronger and there truth is strongest but we may be assured that in this Libeller and his Masters ambition crueltie and falshood are strongest and thence their Actions are an oppression and defiance of truth and Iustice and they are growne soe absurd as from the Titles of strength given to vertues and passions this triflinge Libeller would haue them non resident and to act without a subject If Zorobabell had made truth a fantastical person as this man strives to have justice vnderstood he had surely lost his reward as well as the opinion of his wisedome This man would have Iustice vnderstood as shee is painted in a peice of Tapistry Iustice had a sword putt into her hand to vse against all violence oppression in the earth By whome was this sword putt into her hand Doe theis Traytours beleive that their magnifying of Iustice makes any man looke on their Barbarous Actions with lesse detestation or that justice is any part of their end or Actions Justice teaches Rulers how to vse the sword put into their hands but is armelesse against any violence and oppression without the power of the Ruler If the Magistrate doe injustice there is noe justice committed to others against him The wise man by the spirit of God tells vs that he beheld wrong and injustice and the cryes of the oppressed and there was noe deliverer and where then was the Libellers justice was not violence there stronger then justice Though divine justice cannot be avoyded humane justice often fayles and cannot reach the offender Shee is most truly who accepts no person and exempts none from the severitie of her stroake Though by the Rules of justice there is no accepting nor exempting of persons yet the Magistrate to whome alone the Rule belongs is confined to persons and places justice forbidding all vsurpation and striking is oppression where lawfull power gives not the sword Shee never suffers injury to prevayle but when falshood first prevailes over truth and that is a kinde of justice done on them who are soe deluded And is not falshood an injury why should justice suffer falshood to prevayle more then other injuries and why should deluded and deceived persons be deprived of Justice And is it Justice to suffer deceived persons to be injured This man sees the horrid Injustices acted by his Masters and that must be a kinde of justice because in his sense vpon deceived men Though wicked Kings and Tyrants counterfeite the sword yet shee communicates not her power to any but such as are just or at least will doe Iustice Doth justice communicate her power to every just man or that will doe justice and are they not Tyrants that take the sword which is not given them by the Libellers owne judgment He would needes make justice a Goddesse and Poeticall fancies realities and Bellona must leade an Army without a Generall Kings have their power from God and God gives the sword ye even to wicked Kings and because the power is given them for justice it is called the sword of justice though they vse it oft-times to Injustice and though there are soe many instances of wicked Rulers who yet had their power from God yet this impudent Blaspheamour sayes It were extreame partialitie Injustice the flat denyal overthrow of her slefe to put her owne Authenticke sword into the hand of an vnjust and wicked man or soe farr to accept and exalt one mortall person above his equalls that he alone shall have the punishment of all other men transgressinge not receive like punishment from men when he himselfe shal be found the highest Transgressour He beleives not the Scripture tellinge vs Gods advancement of diverse Kings above their equalls to that condition of impunitie And must it not necessarily follow from his principles that God is vnjust and partiall in soe doinge And if all men be not punisht equally in this life for the same offences Can there be a greater Blaspheamy Were it not the height of Injustice if the governed should
guilt till tryall and conviction is a supposition like himselfe but the powder plot is outdone by theis miscreants that have destroyed king and Parliament and that which the powder plotters were ashamed to owne these villaines recount to their honour like these Giants represented by Poetts that made warr against heaven and thence this Libeller dares scoffe at the accusation of their Injustice with this lewde Blasphemy that at the resurrection it may be aswell pleaded that the saints when they shall judge the world are both Enemies judges parties and accusers Such are the thoughts of those wicked Atheists touching God and his saints and it is not at all strange that such prophane persons exercise their cursed speaking against Kings and all in Authoritie that spare not God himselfe and it is a small thing with them to vilifie those whome God hath anointed because God by his Prophetts complained against the evills of some Kings these men take on them to destroy all by that Authoritie and say the earth hath long groaned vnder burdens of their disorder Injustice and irreligion God gives Testimonies to Kings in Scripture that they were his Servants that he would by them restore and preserve his Church declared it the greatest earthly favour to sett such as he loved on the kingly Throne bestowed his owne Titles on them and yet this Libeller referrs his readers to Scripture for proofe of Rebellion against kings and would perswade the reformed Churches he is their Advocate in saying To binde their Kings in Chaines and their nobles linkes of Iron is an honour belonging to the saints Such blasphemous expositers of Scripture are these Reformers God gave that honour to the Israelites to binde the kings of the Amorites their Enemies in Chaines and their nobles in linkes of Iron Theis darlings of the Devill wil be the only saints make it their honour to destroy the powers that God hath ordeyned and there must be neither kings nor Nobles but theis evill spiritts whome noe Irons nor Chaines will restraine and perjury robbery murder and Rebellion are the honour of theise saints The building of Babell was not Nimrods worke whome by asserted vntruth he calls the first king that worke was a popular vndertakinge because the people would erect a Republique of confusion not trust God to protect them and the Libeller could not have fallen vpon an instance more like his present madnes for as those builders faind confusion in pretending to prevent it soe there Rebells pretend to preserve the Kingdome by turninge it into popular confusion and therefore those saints must destroy Babell especially that spirituall Babell and first overcome those European Kings which receive their power not from God but from the Beast Doth he meane the Beast with many heads It is his principall Argument that Kings receive their power from the people and if soe then are they this beast What Kings of Europe receive their Kingdomes from his Beast But there Sectaries are drunken with their owne prophanes pride and have a strong delusion to beleive the lies of their owne invention Those Kings are counted noe better then his ten hornes Noe better but by what proofe are they the same by such frenetique dreames as he produces They shall hate the whore and yet the saints must destroy them and shall burne her with fire and yet be overcome first themselves But they shall at last joyne their Armyes with the Beast after they have destroyed the whore And this is the Babilonish Creede a bundle of contradictions to carry their Giddy followers into attempts as wicked as their conceites are irrationall We see the grounds of their cause an hellish impulsion against Government and hatred of Kings there having not been imposters of equall impudence since Mahomett that professe a Religion to destroy all Kings and those Blasphemies that were abhorred in former Sectaries and Entheusiasts are the Creed of those miscreants T is true there be a sort of moody hott brain'd and allwayes vnedified consciences apt to engage their leaders past retirement and then vpon a sudden qualme and Swimminge of their conscience to betray them basely in the middest of what was cheifely vndertaken for their sakes Seducers cannot thinke to be vndiscovered forever but such as are not resolute villaines have a moody conscience in this mans judgment the tender conscience is become moody and hott brain'd and certenly such were many in this Rebellion or it could never have proceeded soe farr Let such men never meete with any faithfull Parliament to hazard for them And let never Parliament thinke to be better rewarded that follow a faction to betray their King then to be subject to those base multitudes whome they suborned to attempts against their loyaltie and become slaves He findes others in whose consciences gaine hath sprung a sudden leake and these are they that cry out of the Covenant broken Thus the builders of Babell are scattered while they make conscience and Religion their propertie and in the meane time nothing is more the subject of their scorne And if God were mocked in pretending the Covenant in Scotland and Vlster he was much more in England by crying out the King Religion lawes and libertie and the Libeller might have found such men whose prosperitie was sinne that Triumpht in the afflictions of him whome they persecuted and said tush God hath forsaken him let vs smite him that he rise noe more The sinne of Ahas that transgressed more in the tyme of his affliction hath noe resemblance to a vertuous Prince afflicted by Traytours whose crueltie encreased while they oppressed him and exceeded the inhumanitie of the cursed Moabites that burnt the bones of the King of Edom into lime The Kings Charatie in forgivinge his Enemies will finde a right construction with all true Christians but malice and detraction of all Acts of pittie cannot meete with lesse then detestation in all men any way quallified with Religion or reason Hipocrites Almes are not more odious then hipocrites censures the crueltie of Hipocrites will receive a greater condemnation then their Almes Prayers for Gods Compassion are not to share victory with Gods Compassion But such as strive to slander mens prayers to God are as malicious to Gods victory as the devotions of those that pray vnto him Such as reade this impudent Libell may rightly call it the Rebells Image conteyninge precepts and positions of violence against Government confusion of States doctrines of falshood and hipocrisie prayses of insolence and crueltie prophaninge of Gods name and word scoffes at things sacred dissolution of all bonds morall Civill and Religious of all orders and degrees among men And it must be hatred to God and a Diabolicall impulsion that drives on such persons to fill vp the measure of their wickednes FINIS PAge 25. Line 6. Reade not after needed Pag. 25. L. 27. Sollecisme for Sollesisme Pag. 25. L. 30. that for then Pag. 31. L. 19. for insteede of from Pag. 33. L. 10. in before their Pag. 34. L. 1. Basilice for Aclastos Pag. 40. L. 11. from after lawful Pag. 44. L. 12. Conventions for contentions Pag. 58. L. 3. supercilious for supersilious Pag. 63. L. 8. vses be before vsed Pag. 67. L. 25. notions for motions Pag. 67. L. 26. administred for administrated Pag. 69. L. 43. by for the. Pag. 72. L. 30. is for in Pag. 81. L. 17. and 19. Psalmistry for Psalmastry Pag. 83. L. 23. is for in Pag. 84. L. 25. Iingle for Inigly Pag. 87. L. 25. it is for is it Pag. 88. L. 18. few for fer Pag. 90. L. 8. aspersion of the before most Pag. 91. L. 2. occasion for reason Pag. 94. L. 9. connaturall for vnnaturall Pag. 94. L. 13. refrained for restrained Pag. 94. L. 20. vigour for rigour Pag. 95. L. 43. Cheates for Stages Pag. 111. L. 21. like for the. Pag. 111. L. 22. vapours for raignes Pag. 123. L. 9. prevent for present Pag. 137. L. 19. he for wee Pag. 147. L. 31. cause before had Pag. 149. L. 35. Stafford for Strafford Pag. 150. L. 15. noe before part Pag. 153. L. 11. we for he Pag. 156. L. 37. screeching for streching Pag. 156. L. 37. Batts for Catts Pag. 156. L. 39. we for who Pag. 159. L. 12. possession for oppression Pag. 160. L. 10. not before strange Pag. 164. L. 5. place for peace Pag. 172. L. 38. long for strong Pag. 173. L. 38. if for is Pag. 179. L. 25. peace for place Pag. 182. L. 2. principij for principy Pag. 184. L. 36. Saviour for Saviours Pag. 184. L. 37. noe for one Pag. 185. L. 25. date for dale Pag. 186. L. 8. incestuous Pag. 194. L. 38. while they for whether Pag. 197. L. 36. a junto Pag. 208. L. 28. miseries for misteries Pag. 208. L. 30. now for not Pag. 213. L. 26. quilting for questing Pag. 214. L. 9. infirme for assured Pag. 220. L. 28. preach for reproach Pag. 220. L. 44. subordination for subordinate Pag. 221. L. 24. after poisoned reade Silvester the whole Church Pag. 224. L. 19. dele him Pag. 228. L. 32. crum for crim Pag. 229. L. 34. convictions for convertions Pag. 230. L. 15. is for a Kinge insteed of by Parliament Pag. 236. L. 14. expect for except Pag. 262. L. 15. Fleta for Cleta