forme of Law it was indeed committed to the custody of the Earle of Bristoll by him to be delivered to the King of Spaine and Don Charles his Brother or to either of them as soon as the Dispensation should be brought from Rome and this was all the Power which the Eâ—…rle of Bristol had which yet he had no power to execute as it after proved The Loyall hearted English could not distinguish between the Spanish match and Charles his ruine That some of the Loyall hearted English were of that opinion I shall easily grant but they had other Opinions also which did Bias with them especially one opinion that the near Alliancâ—… with that Crown would arme the King with power to suppresse that Fâ—…ction which began then to be dreadfull to him and have since been the ruine of Charles and his whole Posterity But other English hearts there are of no lesse Loyalty and of as great affection to the Royal Family and as great Zealots of the true Protestant Religion here by Law established who think otherwise of it and that the ruine of Prince Charles might by this match have been prevented The Spaniard for the most part found a more steady friend then the wavering French What else there was which might confirme them on the Post-fact in this perswasion I shall reserve unto my selfe But you proceed and tell us after Folio 5. That England ever found the Spaniard a worse Friend then an Enemy For this I thinke you have no reason the amity and correspondence between the Nations having continued firme and most invâ—…olate for many Ages and never broke if not of late but by the English or on their occasions First by the Invasion of Spaiâ—…e by the â—…lack Prince in the time of Don Pedro of Castile and the War carried thither not long after by the Duke of Lancaster nâ—…xt on the breach made with Charles the fift by King Henry the Eighth in pursuance of the injury donâ—… unto him in casting off Queen Katharine that great Emperours Aunt and finally by Queen Elizabeth supporting the revolting Netherlands against Philip the second their naturall and most lawfull Prince If on this last and greatest provocation the Spaniard took up armes against us he had all the reason in the world for his justification Who perâ—…iving upon the whole summe that the slie Spaniard practised to make an after-game of the Palatinate King James was not to be told that now I meane upon the Prince's returne from Spaine there being no such thing as the restoring of the Palatinate to the Prince Elector iâ—… all the Articles of the Treaty which werâ—… sworne between them That was reserveâ—… as an after-game but yet intended to bâ—… played by the Spanish Court to the mosâ—… honour and advantage of the Engliâ—… Nation thereby to gaine the better welcome to the Royall Bride when she camâ—… amongst us For thus I finde it in a Letter from the Earle of Bristol dated thâ—… 28. of October not long after the Prince'â—… coming home For the businesse of the Palatinate as 〈◊〉 will appears by the joynt disppatch which Siâ—… Walter Aston and my selfe wrote of thâ—… 23. of November that we were assured not by the Conde of Olivares onely in this Kings name but severally by all the Councellors that a setled resolution was taken in Councill on the 16. of November that this King should procure his Majesties intire satisfaction and hereof the Cardinall Caâ—…ala and divers other Councellors that profâ—…ssed theâ—…selves particularly affected to the King and Prince's service came to give Sir Walter Aston and my selfe the Pâ—…rabein The Conde of Olivares intreated 〈◊〉 both in this Kings name to assure his Majesty thereof upon our honours and upon our lives if need were And thus much was to have been delivered unto us in writing before we would have passed to the Disposories as will plainly appeare by this above mentioned dispatch of the 23. of November Besides the Princesse had now made this businesse her owne and had therein most earnestly moved the King her Brother written unto the Conde of Olivares and had set her heart upon the making of her selfe gracefull and welcom to the King and Kingdome by overcoâ—…ing this businesse These are the words of Bristol's Letter and these give me no small assurance of the integrity and good meaning of the Court of Spaine as â—…o that particular Which being met and the businesse propounded it was entertained with an unanimous consent and a motion made that an Ambassador should be sent over to negotiate the Treaty I somewhat doubt of your intelligence in this relation the Marriage of the Prince containing such a Branch of the Royall prerogative as King James was not likely to communicate with his Houses of Parliament For when he was Petitioned by both Houses not long before that for the avoiding of some dangers which did seem to threaten the whole Kingdome he would Marry the Prince to a Lady of the Protestant Religion he entertained the motion with no small disdaine and checkt them in his answer for intrenching on his just Prerogative And though King Charles acquainted the two Houses of Parliament with his intent of Marrying the Princesse Mary to the Heire of Orange yet we must look upon him at that time as encumbred with the greatest difficulties that ever any Prince lay under one that had wholly lost himselfe on their Love and Courtesie and therefore was to hold fair with thâ—…m in the greatest matters And yet he did not bend thus low nor communicate the affaire unto them till the Articles of the Marriage were in a manner concluded as appeareth plainly by his Majesties Speech in the House of Lords Fol. 213. But when it was required of him as a Duty not an Act of Grace in the fift of the nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yerke that none of his Children should be Married without their consent though he was then in such a necessitous condition as few Princes ever were reduced to yet would he by no meanes sâ—…sfie their demands therein In the style of the Court he went for Great Britains Solomon It cannot be denied but that he was an Universall Scholar as you tell us afterwards the greatest Scholar without doubt for so great a King that these last Ages of the world have presented to us but that he was Great Britains Solomon that is to say either the wisest Man or the wisest King of the British Nations I am not Courtier enough to defend or say It is true indeed that he much pleased himsâ—…lfe with boasting of his Kings craft as he used to call it but as Imbold a French Captain was wont to say that he could never see where that great wit of the Florentines lay which was so much talked of in the world so I have heard many wise men say that they could never finde what that King-craft was It being no hard matter to prove that in all
given one Subsidie confirmed by Parliament and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queens occasions did after adde a Benevolence or Aide of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergie and to be levied by such Synodicall Acts and Constitutions as they digested for that purpose without having any recourse to the Parliament for it which Synodical Acts and Constitutions the Clergie of this present Convocation followed word for word not doubting but they had as good authority to doe it now as the Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time hâ—…d to doe it then and so undoubtedly they had whatsoever either our Author here or any other Enemy of the Churches power can alledge against it Our Author hath now done with the Convocation and leads us on uâ—…to the Warre levied by the Scots who had no sooner made an entrance but the King was first assaulted by a Petition from some Lords of England bearing this inscription To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties most loyall and most obedient Subjects whose names are under-written in behalf of themselfs divers others Concerning this we are to know that a little before the Scots fell into England they published a Pamphlet called the Intentions of the Army in which it was declared That they resolved not to lay down Armes till the Reformed Religion were setled in both Kingdomes upon surer grounds the Causers and Abettors of their present Troubles brought to publick Justice and that Justice to be done in Parliament and for the Causers of their Troubles they reckoned them in generall to be the Papists Prelates and their Adherents but more particularly the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lieutenant of Ireland In Correspondence hereunto comes this Petition subscribed by six Earles one Viscount and four Barons being no other than a superstructure upon that foundation a Descant only on that Plain Song And presently on the back of that another is posted to the same effect from the City of London So that the clouds which gathered behinde Him in the South were more amazement to the King than this Northern Tempest The Petition of the Londoners that we may see how well the businesse was contrived was this that followeth To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties loyall Subjects the Citizens of London Most gracious Soveraign BEing moved by the duty and obedience which by Religion and Lawes your Petitioners owe unto your sacred Majestie they humbly present unto your Princely and pious consideration the severall and pressing grievances following viz I. The great and unusuall impositions upon Merchandize imported and exported II. The urging and levying of Ship-money notwithstanding which both Merchants their goods and ships have been taken and destroyed by Turks and Pyrates III. The multitude of Monopolies Patents and Warrants whereby trade in the City and other parts of this Kingdome is much decayed IV. The sundry Innovations in matters of Religion the Oath and Canons newly imposed by the late Convocation whereby your Petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their Ministerie V. The concourse of Papists and their habitation in London and the Suburbs whereby they have more means and opportunities of plotting and executing their designes against the Religion established VI. The sudden calling and sudden dissolution of Parliaments without addressing of your Subjects grievances VII The imprisonment of divers Citizens for not payment of Ship-money and other impositions and the prosecution of others in the Starre Chamber for non conformity to commands in Patents and Monopolies whereby trade is restrained VIII The great danger your sacred Person is exposed unto in the present Warre and the various fears that have seized upon your Petitioners and their Families by reason thereof Which grievances and feares have occasioned so great a stop and destruction in trade that your Petitioners can neither sell receive nor pay as formerly and tends unto the utter ruine of the Inhabitants of this City the decay of Navigation and Cloathing and other Manufactures of this Kingdome Your Petitioners humbly conceiving the said grievances to be contrary to the Laws of this Kingdome and finding by experience that they are not redressed by the ordinary Courts of Justice doe therefore most humbly beseech your Royall Majestie to cause a Parliament to be summoned with all convenient speed whereby they may be relieved in the Premisses And your Majesties c. The like Petitions there came also from other parts according as the people could be wrought upon to promote the business which makes it the lesse maâ—…vell that Petitions shouâ—…d come thronging in from all parts of the Kingdome as soon as the Parliament was begun craving redresse of the late generall exorbitancies both in Church and State as Fol. 129. we are told by our Author And to deny the Scoâ—…s any thing considering their armed posture was interprered the way to give them all In the Intentions of the Army before mentioned the Scots declared that they would take up nothing of the Countrey people without ready money and when that fâ—…iled they would give Bills of Debt for the pâ—…yment of it But finding such good correspondence and such weak resistance after their enâ—…ry into England they did not onely spoil and plunder wheresoever they came but would not hearken to a Cessation of Armes during the time of the Treaty then in agitation unlesse their Army were maintained at the charge of the English And this was readily yeilded to for fear it seems lâ—…t by denying the Scots any thing we should give them all I know indâ—…ed that it is neither safe nor prudent to deny any reasonable request to an armed power arma tâ—…nti omnia dat qui justa negat as the Poet hath it and thus the story of David and Nabal will inform us truly But then it must be such a power which is able to extort by force thaâ—… those which they cannot otherwise procure by favour which whether the Scots were Masters of I do more thâ—…n question Exceedingly cryed up they were both in Court and City as men of most unmatchable valour and so undoubtedly they were till they found resistance their Officers and Commanders magnified both for wiâ—… and courage the Common Soldiers looked on as the Sons of Enoch â—…he English being thought as Grasse-hoppers in comparison of them which notwithstanding the Earl of Strafford then General of the English Army would have given them battaile if the King had been willing to engage and signified by Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbâ—…y that he durst undertake upon the pâ—…rill of his head to send them back faster thâ—…n they came but that he did not hold it concellable as the case then stood It is an old saying a true that the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted nor were the Scots such terrible fellowes as they were reported For when they met with any who knew how to 〈◊〉 with
questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.
Enterprise upon the Dukes default I bâ—…lieve not so For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall and had the subordinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Office yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occasionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King which he may grant to any other as He sees cause for it A thing so obvious in the course of our English stories that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth And the first thing resolved upon was His solemne Initiation into Regality and setting the Crown upon His head As solâ—…mne as the King esteemed it yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it For he not onely censureth it for a vanity though a serious vanity but thinks that Kâ—…ngs are idle in it though idle to some better purpose than in 〈◊〉 and Dances Are not all Christian Kâ—…ngs wiâ—…h whom the Rites of Coronation are accounted sacred much concerned in this and the Scriptures more are not the Ceremonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiquâ—…ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God exempl fiâ—…d in Saul David Solomon but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him and gave him the testimonies and they made him King and anointed him and clapt their hands and said GOD SAVE THE KING Was this a Pageant think we of tâ—…e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour the placing of the Crown upon his head and putting the Scepter into his hands and bowing of the knee before him with this acclamation Haile King of the Jewes will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christian King In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity as our Authour calls it but a grave pious and religious conformity to the Investiture and Coronation of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subjâ—…ct but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Historians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham of whom it is observed that at the Coronation of King Richard the third he cast many a squint eye upon the Crown as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament In order whereunto he tellâ—… us that The Lord Keeper Williams was displaced and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventrie Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced betwixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in 〈◊〉 as Lord Keeper both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching Bâ—…shop Land whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells at the time of his afflâ—…cting in the Coronation whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time though there be many more of this nature to be troubled with I shall crave leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James as he first sent them fiâ—…st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asserted amongst the Articles of Religion established Anno 1615. and accordingly they were This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron setting the cart before the horse as we use to say For certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Confession of the Church of Ireland Anno 1615. as indeed they were could not before that time be sent to the Assembly or Synod at Dort which was not held till three years after Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a superannuating as to call it in his Temporalities though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from substantiall falshoods but even from circumstantiall also in assigning all both things and actions their proper times How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part and shall see more hereof hereafter as occasion serveth Who loved the Bishop if Fame belies her not better than was fit I think our Authour with more prudence might have spared this Note especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof which is so infamousâ—…n â—…n Historian as a learned Gentleman hath well noted that no wise man would build on the credit of it If Fames and Libels should once passe for Hâ—…storicall truths few Kings or Favorites or Ministers of great affairs or indeed who else would goe with honour to their graves or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities Wilson a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex leaves the like stain upon his Lady but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the Bâ—…shop from the guilt thereof by saying that he was Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at And what had he for his authority but Famâ—… and Libels purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine The honour of Ladies in the generall is a tender point not easily repaired if wronged and therefore to be left untouched or most gently handled For which cause possibly S. 〈◊〉 adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling are either utterly broken or not easily mended And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour and one that never did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen So that we may affirme of her as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife Potentiam
ejus nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis that no body ever found her power but either in lessening his deserved punishments or adding some respects to him for his well-deservings Nor seemed the question in the sense of many which was the Traytour but which was the most That is to say whether the Duke of Buckingham or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour though it appeareth not for any thing which our Authour tells us that any treason was proved against either of them For had the Duke proved his Charge of Treason against the Earle he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke the Commons needed not have troubled themselves with a new Impeachment containing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour and some miscarriages which at another time and in another man would have been connived at Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle whether out of Partiality or want of Information he affords us nothing I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers without any further prosecution than the Narrative onely It was then charged upon the Earle 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forwardnesse the Prince at his arrivall there found it nothing so there being little done in relation to it 2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same a free toleration and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain the said Earle of Bristol cunningly falsly and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion to change his Religion and used many dangerous and subtile insinuations to that effect 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe he used these words unto the Prince That the State of England did never any great thing but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate which was That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter but must be bred up in the Emperours Court the said Earle delivered his opinion That he thought it unreasonable And when the danger was presented in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion which must needs follow thereupon the said Earle answered That without some great action the peace of Christendome would never be had Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe which was to â—…ender each oâ—…her suspected in matter of Loyalty Religion though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot Many good men as our Authour calls them being passing jocund at the contest But it was resolved by the Judges that by their Restraint i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Eliot no reason being given to the House for it the whole House was Arrested The Judges were wise men and would not strive against the stream as the saying is for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute precedents to the contrary there are many in the times foregoing of which I shall instance in two onely and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Elizabeth The first is this Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Suppliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command and charged the Councell to call the parties before them Sir Thomas Henage being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell sent for them and after speech with them commanded them to foâ—…ar the Parliament and not to go out of their severall lodgings After they were called before the Lord Treasurer the Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the matter were sent to the Fleet as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster who is to be my second instance moved against the hard courses of the Bâ—…shops Ordinaries and other Ecclesiâ—…sticall Judges in their Courts used towards sundry learned and godly Ministers and Preachers and spake against subseription and oathes and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes which comming to the Queens knowledge and Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke then Speaker of the House of Commons being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered the said Mr. Morrice as I have been credibly informed was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes but howsoever sure I am that he was committed unto Prison for the said Attempt And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsellours which were then Members of the House that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what shâ—… doth of her Royall Authority That the causes for which they were restrained may be high and dangerous That Her Majesty lâ—…h no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into such mattâ—…rs Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their behaâ—…f And thus we see that no fewer than five Members that is to say Wentworth Welch Bromely Stevens and Mâ—…rrice â—…ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy or any Declâ—…ration of the Judges that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment So
That they were made of purpose by the said Archbishop and Divines to deliver and declare their opinions concerning the sense of the nine and thirty Articles in those particulars For though those Articles might and did deliver their opinions in the points disputed yet were they but opinions still and the opinions of private and particular men are no publick Doctrines Therefore to set this matter right I will first lay down the true occasion of the making of these Articles Secondly of what authority they were when made and agreed upon And thirdly what might move King James to recommend them first to the Church of Ireland and after to the Assembly at Dort and not as our Authour tells us by a strain Hysteron Proteron to the Assembly at Dort first and to Ireland afterwards And fiâ—…st for the occasion of these Articlâ—…s we may please to know that the first Reformers of this Church look neither on the Lutheran or Calvinian Doctrines as their Rule and Guide but held themselves unto the constant current of approved antiquity To which the Melancthonian way bâ—…ing thought most consonant was followed not onely by Bishop Hooper in his Treatise on the Ten Commandements and by Bishop Latimer in some pass ges of his Sermons but also by the Compilers of the Book of Articles and the Book of Homilies the publick Monuments of this Church in points of Doctrine But the Calvinian way having found some entrance there arose a difference in the judgments of particular men touching these Debates the matter being controverted pro and con by some of the Confessors in prison in Qu. Maryes dayes After whose death many of our exiled Divines returning from Geneva Basil and such other places where Calvins Dictates were received as Celestiall Oracles brought with him his Opinions in the points of Predestination Grace and Perâ—…everance which they dispersed and scattered over all the Church by whose authority and the diligence of the Presbyterian party then busie in advancing their holy Discipline it came to be universally received for the onely true and Orthodox Doctrine and was so publickly maintained in the Schools of Cambridge Insomuch that when Peter Baro a Frenchman Professour for the Lady Magaret in that University revived the Melancthonian way in his publick Lectures and by his Arguments and great Learning had drawn many others to the same perswasions complaint was made thereof by Dr. Whitakers Dr. Willet Mr. Chatterton Mr. Perkins and certain others to the Ld. Archbishop of Canterbury Dr. Whitgift desiring his assistance to suppresse that Fâ—…ction which was like to grow by this means in that University On which complaint the said Archbishop calling to him to Lambeth Doctor Richard Flecher then Bishop of London and Doctor Richard Vaughan then Elect of Bangor did then and there with the advice oâ—… Dr. Whitakers Dr. Tindall and some other Divines most of them Parties to the suit agree on these nine Articles which our Author peaks of to be sent to Cambridge for the â—…termining and compâ—…g of the present Controversies And this was done â—…pon the 26th of November Anno 1595. and being so done and sent accordingly to Cambridge Dr. Baro found himself so discouraged and discountenanced that at the end of his first three years he relinquished his Professourship and retired not long after into France leaving the University in no small disorder for want of such an able Instructor to resort unto We are to know also that amongst others of Baro his followers there was one Mr. ster Barret who in a Sermon preached in St. Maryes Church not onely defended Baro his Doctrine but used some offensive words against Calvin Beza and some others of the Reformators for which he was convented before the Heads of the University amongst which Doctor James Montague then Master of Sydney Coll. and a great stickler in this quarrell was of great authority and by them May the 5th next following was enjoynd to recant and a set form of Recantation was prescribed unto him which though he read publickly in the Church yet the contentions and disputes grew greater and greater till the coming down of the nine Articles from Lambeth hastened with greater earnestnesse upon this occasion Secondly these Articles being thus made and agreed upon we are next to see of what authority they were in the Church of England and how long they continued in authority in the Schools of Cambridge concerning which we are to know that the making of these Articles being made knowne to Queen ELIZABETH by William Lord Burly Lord Treasurer of England and Chancellour of that University who neither liked the Tenets nor the manner of proceeding in them she was most passionately offended that any such innovation should be made in the publick Doctrine of this Church and once resolved to have them all aâ—…ted of a Praemunire But afterwards upon the interposition of some friends the reverent esteem She had of that excellent Prelate the Lord Archbishop whom She used to call Her black Husband She let fall Her anger and having favourably admitted his excuse therein She commanded him speedily to recall and suppresse those Articles which was done with so much care and diligence that for a while a Copie of them was not to be found in all that University though afterwards by little and little they peeped forth again And having crept forth once again it was moved by Dr. Reynolds in the Conference at Hampton Court Aâ—… 1603. That the nine Assortions Orthodoxall as he termed them concluâ—…ed upon at Lambeth might be inserted into the Booke of Articlâ—…s that is to say of the Church of England The King was told who never had heard before of those nine Assertions that by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity My Lords Grace assemblâ—…d some Diâ—…ines of especiall note to set down their opinions which they drew into nine assertions and so sent them to the University for the appeasing of those quarrels Which being told His Majesty answered That when such Questions arise among Scholars the quietest proceeding were to determine them in the University and not to stuffe the Book with all conclusions Theologicall Conf. p 24. 40. 41. So that these nine Assertions being first pressed at Cambridge by the command of Qu. Elizabeth and afterwards esteemed unfitting to be inserted into the Book of Articles by the finall judgement of King James there is no reason in the world why any man should be traduced of Arminianisme or looked on as an enemy of the true Religion here by Law established for not conforming his opinions to their no-authority It is not the meeting of a few Bâ—…shops and Divines in the Hall at Lambeth but the body of the whole Clergy lawfully assembled in Convocation whâ—…ch hath authority in determining Controversies in Faith and to require conformity to such determinations and concâ—…usions as are there agreed on When the nine Articles of Lambeth shall be so confirmed our
Authour may declare them for the Doctrine of the Church of England and traduce all men for Arminians which subscribe not to them Thirdly in the last place we are to see what moved King James to recommend these Articles to the Church of Ireland and afterwards to the Assembly at Dort And herein we must understand that Dr. James Montague at that Kings first entrance on this Crown was made Dean of the Chappell which place he held not onely when he was Bishop of Wells but of Winchester also who being a great stickler in the quarrels at Cambridge and a great master in the art of Insinuation had cunningly fashioned King James unto these opinions to which the Kings education in the Kirk of Scotland had before inclined him So that it was no very hard matter for him having an Archbishop also of his own perswasions to make use of the Kings authority for recommending those nine Articles to the Church of Ireland which he found would not be admitted in the Church of England Besides the Irish Nation at that time were most tenâ—…ciously addicted to the Eâ—…rours and corâ—…uptions of the Church of Rome and therefore must be bended to the other extreme before they could be strait and Orthoâ—…ox in these points of Doctrine which reason might work much upon the spirit of that King who used in all his Government as a piece of King-crafâ—… to ballance one extreme by the other countenancing the Papist against the Puritanâ—… and the Puritane sometimes against the Papist that betwixt both the true Religion and the Professours of it might be kâ—…pt in saâ—…ety On what accompt these nine Articles were commended to the Assembly at Dort we have shewed before and upon what accompt they were abolished in the Church of Ireland we shalâ—… see hereafter In the mean time our Author telleth us that By the prevalency of the Bishops of London and Westminster the Orthodox party were depressed the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity A man would think our Author were Chairman at the least in a Committee for Religion for he not onely takes upon him to declare who are Orthodox in point of Faith and what is truth and not truth in matter of controversie but censureth two great Bishops both of them Counsellors of State for depressing both This savoureth more of the party than of the Historian whom it might better have become to have told us onely that a Controversie being raised in matters of a Scholasticall nature those Bishops favoured the one party more than they did the other and not have layd it down so majesterially that they disfavoured the Orthodox party and deprest the truth or that the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity A very heavy Charge which hath no truth in it For I am very confident that neither of these Bishops did ever draw any man within the danger of punishment in relation only to their Tenets in the present Controversies if they managed them with that prudence and moderation which became men studiously affected to the Gospel of Peace or were not otherwise guilty of creating disturbances in the Church or ruptures in the body of the Common-wealth On which occasions if they came within the danger of 〈◊〉 censures or fell into the power of the High Commission it was no reason that their Tenets in the other points were they as true as truth it selfe should give them any impunity or free them from the punishment which they had deserved But it hath been the constant artifice of the Churches Enemies not to ascribâ—… the punishment of Factions and scismaticall persons to the proper cause but to their orthodoxie in Religion and zeal against Popish superstitions that so they might increase the number of Saints and Confessours against the next coming out of the Book of Martyrs But Arminianisme being as some say but a bridge to Popery we will pâ—…sse with our Authour over that Bridge to the hazard which was feared from Rome and that he telleth us came two waies First By the uncontrouled preaching of severall points tending and warping that way by Montague Goodman Cozens and others And here againe I thinke out Authour is mistaken For neither Montague nor Cozens were questioned for preaching any thing which warped toward Popery but the one of them for writing the Book called Appello Caesarem the other for publishing a Body of Devotions according to the Hours of Prayer in neither of which an equall and judicious Reader will finde any Popery unlesse it be such part-boyled Popery as our Authour speaks of whereof more anon And as for Goodman our Authour might have called him Bishop Goodman though now he be but Goodman Bishop as he calls himselfe though he preached something once which might warp toward Popery yet he did not preach it uncontrouled being not onely questioned for it but sentenced to a Recantation before the King He telleth us of some others but he names them not and till he names them he saies nothing which requires an Answer So that the first fear which flowed from Rome being ebbed again we next proceed unto the second which came saith he from The audacious obtruding of divers superstitious ceremonies by the Prelates as erecting of fixed Altars the dapping and cringing towards them and the standing up at Gloria Patri Our Authour is more out in this than in that before for I am confident that no Bishop in the times he speaks of did either command the erecting of fixed Altars or the bowing or cringing towards them nor have I heard by any credible report that any such fixed Altars were erected as he chargeth on them So that I might here end this observation without farther trouble But because the placing of the Communion Table Altar-wise did carry some resemblance to the Altars used in the Church of Rome and that some such thing was done in some Churches much about this time I shall here shew upon what reasons it was done and how farre they that did it might be justified in it The Reader therefore is to know that by the late neglect of decency and good order in most Parish Churches of this Land the Communion Table had been very much profaned by sitting on it scribling and casting hats upon it in Sermon-time at other times by passing the Parish accompts and disputing businesses of like nature to the great scandall and dishonour of our Religion For remedy and redresse whereof it seemed good unto some Bishops and other Ordinaries out of a pious zeal to the Churches honour and for the more reverent administration of the holy Sacrament to gâ—…ve way that the Commun on Table might be removed from the body of the Chancel where of late it stood and placed at the East end thereof all along the wall in the same place and posture as the Altars had been scituated in the former times For which permission I doubt not but
attended it was at last forgotten If this suffice not I shâ—…ll borrow our Authors help for a further answer who telleth us of Archbishop Abbot fol. 127. That his extraordinary remissnesse in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in the point of Coremony seemed to resolve those legall determinations to their first Principle of Indifferency and led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation then which nothing in the world could be said more truly I have said nothing of the Antient and Generall usage of those severall Ceremonies because the Question is not now of the Antient usage but whether and how farre they were to be used or not used in the Church of England according to such Rubricks Lawes and Ganons which remain in force Nor shall I adde more at the present than that I think our Authour hath not rightly timed the businesses in dispute between us the placing of the Communion Table Aâ—…tarwise bowing or cringing toward it and standing at the Gloria Patri not being so generally in use at the time of this Parliament as to give any scruple or offence to the greatest Zealots or if they were they could not honestly be fathered on Archbishop Laud as countenanced or brought in by him in the time of his government of which more hereafter our Authour now draws toward an end and telleth uâ—… finally But thâ—…se were but part-boyled Popery or Popery obliquâ—… So then the Ceremonies above-mentioned how Primitive soever they were must be damned for Popery though it be onely part boyled and oblique Popery as our Authour calls it and with that brand or by the name of English Popish Ceremonies as the Scotish Presbyterians term them the rest as well as these may be also blemished but let them call them what they will we see now by a most wofull and lamentable experience that the taking away of these part boyled Poperies these English Popish Ceremonies or whatsoever eâ—…se the malignity of any men shall please to call them the substance of Religion hath been much impaired and by this breaking down of the Pale of the Vineyard not onely the little Foxes have torn off her elusters but the wilde Bores have struck at her very root I have no more to addâ—… now but a witty and smart Epigram made on this or the like occasion and is this that followeth A learned Pâ—…late of this Land Thinking to make Religion stand With equall poize on either side A mixture of them thus he try'd An Ounce of Protestant he singleth And then a Dram of Papist mingleth With a Scruple of the Puritane And boyled them all in his brain-pan But when he thought it would digest The scruple troubled all the rest The greatest danger was from Popery direct And from this the danger appeared very great c. And here I thought I should have heard that some points of direct and down right Popery had been obtruded by the Bâ—…shop and Prelaticall Clergy but on the contrary I finde all silent in that case and good reason for it Whence then appeared so great a danger not from the introducing of Popish Doctrinâ—…s but increase of Papists and that not onely in some Counties of England but in the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland also with those of Scotland and Ireland I forbear to meddle though the Committee for Religion having an Apostolical care of all the Churches did take them also into their consideration marvailing onely by the way how our Brethren of the Kirke who stood so high upon the termes of their Independencie could brook that their affaires should be so much looked into by an English Parliament But where our Author telleth us that in some Counties of England the Papists were multiplied to some thousands of Families more than there were in Queen Elizabeths time there may be very good reason given for that for since the death of Quâ—…en Elizabeth the Holy-dayes had been made dayes of common labour and yet all sports prohibited on the Sunday also the Common-prayer-Book either quite neglected or so slubbered over that there was no face of Regular Devotion to be found amongst us the Churches in most places kept so slovenly and the behaviour of the people so irreverent in them that it is no mervail that men desirous to worship God in the beauty of holinesse should be induced to joynâ—… themselves to such societies of men as seemed to have more in them of a Christian Church The King having thus dissolved the Parliament c. That is to say after so many indignities and provocations as were given unto him by the disorder tumultuous carriage of some of the Members which our Author very handsomely and ingenuously hath described at large it was the opinion of most men as our Author telleth us Fol. 132. that the dissolution of this Parâ—…lament was the end of all And certainly there was very good reason why it might be thought so the King never having good successe in any of his Parliaments since his first coming to the Crown and withall having an examplâ—… before his eyes of the like discontinuance of assembling the three Estates in the Realme of France by the King then Reigning and that upon farre lesse provocations then were given King Charles For whereas in an Assembly of three Estates Anno 1614. the third Estate which represents our House of Commons entrenched too busily upon the liberties of the Clergy and some preheminencies and exemptions which the Nobility enjoyed by the favour of some former Kings it gave the King so great offence that he resolved first to dissolve them and never after to be troubled with the like Impertinencies Nor was there since that time any such Assembly nor like to be hereafter in the times ensuing those Kings growing weary of that yoake which that great Representation did indeavour to impose upon them But because he would not cut off all communication betwixr himselfe and his people he ordained another kind of meeting in the place thereof which he called La Assembli des natables that is to say the Assembly of some principall persons composed of some selected persons out of every Order or Estate of his own nomination whereunto should be added some Counsellor out of every Court of Parliament of which there are eight in all in France throughout that Kingdome which being fewer in number would not breed such a confusion as the generall Assembly of the States had done before and be withall more pliant and conformable to the Kings desires and yet their Acts to be no lesse obliging to all sorts of people then the others were Such an Assembly as this but that the Clergy had no vote in it was that which was called here by my Lord Protector immediately after the dissolving of the late long Parliament who possibly had his hint from this Institution And this
King James that suspition was the sicknesse and disease of a Tyrant which laid him open to all the subtill practises of malitious cunning and it was a maxime of King Charles that it was better to be deceived then to distrust which proved a plaine and 〈◊〉 way unto those calamities which afterwards were brought upon him as may be plainly seen by the course of this History But the entertainment most of all august and Royal was that of the Earl of Newcastle at Welbâ—…ck which was estimated to stand the Earl in at least six thousand pounds I have shewed our Author some mistakes already in his Temporalities as he calls them and now I shall shew him one or two besides his misplacing of the battaile of Tisfique spoken of before in his Localities also to give him a fine word of his owne complection That the Earl of Newcastle entertained the King at Welbâ—…k in his passage towards Scotland is a truth unquestioned But the magnificent entertainment so much talked of which cost the Earl the summe of six thousand pounds as our Author telleth us was neither made in the time or place which are herein mentioned that in the time of the Kings going toward Scotland or returning thence Anno 1633 but on the last of July in the yeare next following nor was it made at Welbeck but at Boalsover Castle in Derby shire about five miles thence nor for the entertainment of the King onely but of the King and Queen and their severall Courts The like mistake in matter of Locality that I may not trouble my selfe with it at another time occurreth Fol. 129. where he telleth us thâ—… both their Majesties with their train of Court Granâ—…s and Gentlemen Revellers were solemnly invited to a most sumptuous banquet at Guildhall where that â—…lendent shew was iterated and re-exhibited whereas indeed the entertainment which the City gave at that time to the King was at the house of Alderman Freeman then Lord Major scituâ—…e in Cornhill nâ—… the Royall Exchange and the entertainment which the King gave unto the City by shewing them that glorious Maske was at the Merchant Taylers Hall in Thredneedle-street on the backside of the Lord Majors House an open passage being made from the one to the other which as it was the first Act of Popularity which the King did in all his Râ—…ign so it begâ—… a high degree of affection towards him in the hearts of the Citizens though it proved only like a Widows joy as the saying is as soon lost as founâ—… Soon after the Coronation followed an Assembly of Parliament c. In this Parlmany Acts were passed one for sâ—…ling a câ—…rtain maintenance on the Scotish Clergy who being robbed of their Tithes by the Lords and Gentry in the beginning of the Reformation were kept to arbitrary Stipends which rendred them obnoxious to the power of the great ones on whose bounty they depended to remedy this K. James endevour'd a seâ—…led maintâ—…nance on them after He came to the English Crown but effâ—…cted by the great care and industry of K. Charles and confirmed this Parliament How these ungratefull men did requite Him afterwards our Author will inform us in the course of his History This done he hastened home that is unto the Embraces of his deare consort where he ended his progresse July the 20. The Queen was then at Greenwich when the King came to her and to which place he came both suddenly and privately by Post-horses crossing the water at Black Wall without making his entrance into London or his passage by it Whereas Queen Elizabeth did very seldome end any of her Summer progresses but she would wheele about to some end of London and make her passage to White-Hall through some part of the City not onely requiring the Lord Major and Aldermen in their Scarlet robes and Chaines of Gold to come forth to meet her but the severall Companies of the City to attend soleâ—…nly in â—…hcir Formalities as she passed along By â—…anes whereof she did not onely preâ—…erve the Majestie which did of right beâ—…ong to a Queen of England but kept the Citizens and consequently all the Subjects in a reverent estimation and opinion of her She used the like Arts also in keeping up the Majesty of the Crown and service of the City in the reception and bringing in of Forreign Embassadors who if they came to London by Water were met at Gravesend by the Lord Major the Aldermen and Companies in their severall Barges and in that solemn sort conducted unto White Hall staires but if they were to â—…ome by Land they were met in the like sort at Shooters Hill by thâ—… Major Aldermen and thence conducted to their lodgings the Companies waiting in the streets in their severall habits The like she used also in celebrating the Obsequies of all Christian Kings whether Popish or Protestant with whom she was in correspondence performed in such a solemn and magnificent manner that it preserved Her in the estimation of all forreign Princes though differing in Religion from Her besides the great contentmâ—…nt which the people took in those Royal actions Some other Arts she had of preserving Majestie and keeping distance with Her people yet was so popular withall when she saw Her time that never Majestie and Popularity were so matched togâ—…ther But these being layed aside by K. James who brooked neither of them and not resumed by King Charles who had in this point too much of the Father in him there followed first a neglect of their Persons which Majesty would have made more sacred and afterward a mislike of their Government which a little Popularity would have made more gratefull A very learned man he was his erudition all of the old stamp stiâ—…y principled in the Doctrine of S. Augustine which they who understand it not call Calvianisme Of the Lâ—…arning of Archbishop Abbot and how farre it was of the old stamp I shall say nothing at the present But whereas our Authour makes Calvianisme and the Doctrine of S. Augustine to be one and the same I think he is very much out in that â—… there being some things maintained by S. Augustine not allowed by Calvin and many things maintained by Calvin which were never taught him in S. Augustine S. Augustine was a great maintainer of Episcopacy which the Calvinians have ejecteâ—… out of all their Churches and was so strict in defence of the necessity of Baptisme that he doomed all Infants dying without it to the Pains of Hell and thereby got the name of Infant damastiques whereas many of the Calvinists make Baptisme a thing so indifferent si habeaâ—… recte si careas nihil damni as one telleth us of them that it is no great matter whether it be used or not And on the other side the Calvinists maintain a Parity of Ministers in the Church of Christ conditional obedience to the Civil Magistrate the suffering of the Pains of Hell in
of London in the Conference at Hampton Court and that too in the presence of Doctor Reinolds incomparably the most Learned man of the opposite party who never contradicted him for it nor confuted him in it and finally by Bishop Laud in the High Commission which gave occasion of matter to some publick Libellors but never any serious and solid debate till after the making of these Canons but be the title never so good the asserting of it never so frequent the Books by which it was maintained never so learned and the reasons in those Books never so convincing yet if once prejudice come in to perswade the contrary it is no marvell if all men had not perspicacity enough to discern the truth It is an old Maxime in Philosophy that intus existens prohibet aliâ—…num never more truly verified than when men come with prejudice and prepossession to a point in Controversie But howsoever though some men blinde with prejudice had not the perspicacity of discerning truth yet some others had unlesse the argument be good that because God layeth such a spirit of insalvation upon some men that seeing they should see but should not perceive therefore all other men must be like the Idols in the Psalmist which have eyes and see not Yet for the opening of the eyes as well of men willing to be informed as wilfully blinded no 〈◊〉 had the Smectymnians revived the Controversie but presently the Divine Right of Episcopacy was maintained and published by Dr. Hall then Bishop of Exeter in his Answer and Reply to their severall Tractates by Church-man in the History of Episcopacy by Dr. Taylor in a Book intituled Episcopacy by Divine Right by severall Tracts of Dr. Hammond both in English and Latine But lest these should be as much suspected of partiality as others of prejudice we shall finde the like declared in a Book writ purposely on that subject by Sir Thomas Aston Knight and Baronet and in the Aerea Mastiques of John They re Gent. men no may interessed but onely by their good affections in the Churches quarrels And some there are not altogether of so good affections who have done the like And first the Lincolne-shire Minister so much cried up for writing against Altars or rather against placing the Communion Table Altar-wise doth affirme expresly pag. 64. that the calling of Bishops is founded upon Apostolicall and for all the essentiall parts thereof on Divine Right And secondly the Lord Faulkland no great friend to Bishops as was shewed before in a Tract of his against Mr. Henderson before he squinted toward the Court doth affirm as positively that there is more to be found for Bishops and Episcopacy in the holy Scripture than either for the Lords day or for Infant-Baptism And thirdly we shall finde the learned Mr. John Selden is not totally against us in this particular as appeareth by his retortion of the Argument of Mr. Grimston in the House of Commons Mr. Grimstons Argument was this 1. That Bishops are Jure Divino is of question 2. That Archbishops are not Jure Divino is out of question 3. That Ministers are Jure Divino there is no question Now if Bishops which are questioned whether Jure Divino and Archbishops which out of question are not Jure Divino shall suspend Ministers that are Jure Divino I leave it to you Mr. Speaker Which Mr. Sâ—…lden whether with greater wit or scorn it is hard to say thus retorted on him 1. That the Convocation is Jure Divino is a question 2. That Parliaments are not Jure Divino is out of question 3. That Religion is Jure Divino there is no question Now Mr. Speaker that the Convocation which is questioned whether Jure Divino and Parliaments which out of question are not Jure Divino should meddle with Religion which questionlesse is Jure Divino I leave to you Mr. Speaker And so much for that our Author now draws towards the Oath which by reason of an c. carelesly left in by him who transcribed it for the Presse he falls on with as much severity as our witty Gentleman did with scorns saying of that c. That It was of so mysterious import aâ—… the very imposers much lesse the Jurors were not able to decipher what it meant And of a mysterious import iâ—… had been indeed if not restrained and limited by the following words The whole clause in the Oath stands thus Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church by Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons c. as it stands now established and as by right it ought to stand In the construction of which Text the c. as it now stands is a meere impertinency for being left in it signifieth nothing in regard of the restriction following and being left out the sense is currant and compleat without it And this our Author and the witty Gentleman and he that pulled down the Crosse in S. Pauls Church-yard and others which writ against this Oath could not choose but see but that they were not willing to see any thing which might make against them But whereas our Author telleth us that neither the imposers nor the Jurors that is to say neither the men that voted to the Oath nor they that were required to take it were able to decipher what it meant I finde by that that our Author hath talked with very few of that Convocation The truth is that in many Canons which were made before this as all of them in a manner were there was a particular enumeration of all persons vested with any Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction that is to say Archbishops Bâ—…shops Deans Archdeacons Deans and Chapters and other persons having peculiar or exempt Jurisdiction which having been repeated distinctly and particularly in such of the Canons as were first made was in the first asserting of this Canon for avoiding of a tautologie so often iterated cut off with this c. with an intention neverthelesse to make the enumeration perfâ—…ct and consequently to expunge this c. before it came to be ingrossed But the King being weary of the charge and clamour which the keeping of a Guard on the Convocation did expose Him to did hasten them to a conclusion by so many Messages brought by Sir HenVane and others that in that haste this unlucky c. was forgotten and so committed to the Presse accordingly But this c. is not all which our Author quarrels in the Oâ—…th telling us next That To exact an Oath of dissent from Civill Establishments in such things of indifferency was an affront to the very fundamentalls of Government Our Author taking it for granted that the government of the Church by Bishops is a thing of indifferency which is a clearer evidence of his own opinion in this point than we had before is much aggrieved that the â—…lergie should binde themselves by Oath not to consent to any alteration of it and this he calleth
them who but the King must beare the storme of all popular clamours That it was possible enough that the curs could be so considerate of their own condition as not to make a rod for themâ—…elves under colour it was intended for another man and so that Bill of Attainder might have rested there but had it passed which was the worst that could happen in it the King had still the liberty of a Negative voice or might have yeilded at the last to the importunity of the Commons with lesse dishonour then after such a Declaration and so publickly made And finally that by dissenting from the Bill when it came to his turnâ—… it could have raised no greater tumults then it dâ—…d to compell him to it and possibly had raised none at all because he had done it in a Parliamentary and regular way whereas his coming at that time and in that manner to the House of Peers was looked upon as a forestalling of their Judgements and interruption of the Course of Justice by threats and menaces from whence what fruits could be expected but the exasperating of the Commons to such acts of violence as should not onely make sure worke with the Earle of Strafford but lay a ground of 〈◊〉 troubles for himselfe and hiâ—… This was the summe of those discourses at that time which wheâ—…her they had more of truth or of passion in them it is haâ—…d to say But who can goe againâ—…t the workings of that heavenly Providence â—…hose judgements are past finding out and his wayes unsearchable What 〈◊〉 hereupon ensued we shall finde in our 〈◊〉 who â—…elleth us withall of 〈◊〉 people thus drawn together thâ—…t They posted upon the gate of Westminster a Catalogue of those whose 〈◊〉 were for the Earles acquittall under the Title of Straffordians This paper was not posted up on the Gate of Westminster but on the corner of the wall of Sir William Brunkards house in the old Paelace yard in Westminster with this clause added to the end This and more shall be done to the Enemies of Justice The names of which 〈◊〉 since our Author hath not pleased to give us and that I thinke it neither dishonourable nor unsafe to them being elsewhere Printed I shall here adde in the same order as they stood in the Paper That is to say 1. Lord Digbie 2. Lord Compton 3. Lord Buckhurst 4. Sir Rob. Hatton 5. Sir Thomas Fanshaw 6. Sir Edward Alford 7. Sir Nicho. Slanning 8. Sir Thomas Danby 9. Sir Geo. Wentworth 10. Sir Peter Wentworth 11. Sir Frederick Cornwallis 12. Sir William Carnaby 13. Sir Richard Winn. 14. Sir Gervase Clifton 15. Sir William Withrington 16. Sir William Pennyman 17. Sir Patrick Curwent 18. Sir Richard Lee. 19. Sir Henry Slingsby 20. Sir William Portman 21. Mr. Gervase Hallis 22. Mr. Sydny Godolphin 23. Mr. Cooke 24. Mr. Coventry 25. Mr. Ben. Weston 26. Mr. Will. Weston 27. Mr. Selden 28. Mr. Alford 29. Mr. Floyd 30. Mr. Herbert 31. Captain Digby 32. Sergeant Hide 33. Mr. Taylor 34. Mr. Griffith 35. Mr. Scowen 36. Mr. Bridgman 37. Mr. Fettiplace 38. Dr. Turner 39. â—…pt Charles Price 40. Dr. Parry Civilian 41. Mr. Arundell 42. Mr. Newport 43. Mr. Holborne 44. Mr. Noell 45. Mr. Kirton 46. Mr. Pollard 47. Mr. Price 48. Mr. Travanmian 49. Mr. Jane 50. Mr. Edgecombe 51. Mr. Chilchly 52. Mr. Mallery 53. Mr. Porter 54. Mr. White Secret E. D. 55. Mr. Warwick These were the men exposed unto the fury of ungoverned people so mad and violent that some of them were heard to say That if they could not have the Lieutenants life they would have the Kings This Protestation being formed was the next day read in the lower House and generally taken by all the Members Our Author is here out as in that before the Protestation not being taken the next day after it was framed but on the very same day before the Memhers were committed to go out of the Honse and though it was taken generally by all the Members yet it was not taken by them all the Lord Digbie and an Unkle of his refusing it But being taken by all the rest it was not long after sent to the Lords by whom neither out of fear or favour it was taken also and afterwards imposed upon all the Subjects by an Order of the House of Commons July the 30th 1641. under pain of being thought unfit to bear any Office either in the Church or Common-wealth the Lords not onely not consenting to it but dissenting from it Which Protestation being omitted by our Author I shall here subjoyn that we may see how punctually it hath been observed by them that took it and is this that followeth I A. B. doe in the presence of Almighty God promise vow and protest to maintain and defend as far as lawfully I may with my life power and estate the true reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England against all Popery and Popish Innovations within this Realme contrary to the same Doctrine and according to the duty of my Allegiance to his Majesties Royall Person Honour and Estate as also the Power and Privileges of Parliament the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject and every person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall doe in the lawfull pursuance of the same And to my power and as farre as lawfully I may I will oppose and by all good waies and means indeavour to bring to condigne punishment all such as shall either by force practice plots councels and conspiracies or otherwise doe any thing to the contrary of any thing in this present Protestation contained And further that I shall in all just and honourable waies indeavour to preserve the union and peace between the three Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland And neither for hope fear nor other respect shall relinquish this promise vow and Protestation In this perplexity of thoughts he consults with four Bishops c. Not sent for by himself but sent to him by the Houses of Parliament to inform his conscience and bring him to yeild unto the Bill In the nomination of which Bishops they consulted rather their own ends than the Kings satisfaction The persons sent on this employment were the Primate of Armagh the Bishops of Lincoln Durham and Carlisle of which the two last being men unskilled in Politick and Secular affairs depended wholly on the judgment of the other two and those as the Houses knew well enough carried a sharp tooth towards the Lord Lieutenant upon former grudges The displeasure which the Primate had conceived against him was for the abrogating of the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland and setling in their place the Articles of the Church of England Anno 1633. And this he reckoned on his score because Dr. Bramall once Chaplain to the Lord Lieutenant and then Bishop of Derrie had appeared most in it But he on whose dextetiry they