to her these very words Good God! Madam was your Majesty reduc'd to that necessity which she assur'd me and swore upon her soul. she was as also did both the Cardinals and to speak the truth had this Battel been lost her Majesty had been in a very deplorable condition and I do believe there had been an end of France for the whole State and Religion had been turn'd topsie turvy and with a young King every body does what they will Now their Majesties having passed thorough Guienne found all things in a better posture than had been represented to them For my good friends the Hugonots had spread a report that all was ruin'd and lost but their Majesties found it in a much better condition than Languedcs They sojourn'd some time at Mont-de Marsan in expectation of the Queen of Spains coming to Bayonne and I will here set down a thing that I discover'd there to shew that I have ever inviolably kept with the Queen the Promise I made her at Orleans after the death of King Francis that I would never depend upon any other than the King and her as I have never done and although I have reapt no great advantage by it yet I had rather the default should be on the other side than that I had fail'd of my word I heard then some whisper of a League that was forming in France wherein were several very great persons both Princes and others whom nevertheless I have nothing to do to name being engag'd by promise to the contrary I cannot certainly say to what end this League was contriv'd but a certain Gentleman named them to me every one endâ—avouring at the same time to perswade me to make one in the Association assuring me it was to a good end but he perceiv'd by my countenance that it was not a 〈…〉 my pallaâ—e I presently gave the Queen private intimation of it for I could not endure suâ—h kind of doings who seem'd to be very much astonisht at it telling me it was the first syllable she had ever heard of any such thing and commanding me to enquire further into the business which I did but could get nothing more out of my Gentleman for he now lay upon his Guard Her Majesty then was pleased to ask my advice how she should behave her self in this business whereupon I gave her counsel to order it so that the King himself should say in publick that he had heard of a League that was forming in his Kingdom which no one could do without giving him some jealousie and offence and that therefore he must require every one without exception to break off this League and that he would make an association in his Kingdom of which he himself would be the Head for so for some time it was call'd though they afterwards chang'd the name and call'd it the Confederation of the King The Queen at the time that I gave her this advice did by no means approve of it objecting that should the King make one it was to be feared that others would make another but I made answer and said that the King must engage in his own all such as were in any capacity of doing the contrary which however was a thing that could not be conceal'd and might well enough be provided against Two dayes after her Majesty being at Supper called me to her and told me that she had consider'd better of the affair I had spoke to her about and found my counsel to be very good and that the next day without further delay she would make the King propound the business to his Council which she accordingly did and sent to enquire for me at my lodging but I was not within In the Evening she askt me why I did not come to her and commanded me not to fail to come the next day because there were several great difficulties in the Council of which they had not been able to determine I came according to her command and there were several disputes Monsieur de Nemours made very elegant Speech remonstrating That it would be very convenient to make a League and Association for the good of the King and his Kingdom to the end that if affairs should so require every one with one and the same will might repair to his Majesties person to stake their lives and fortunes for his service and also in case any one of what Religion soever should offer to invade or assault them or raise any commotion in the State that they might with one accord unite and expose their lives in their common defence The Duke of Montpensier was of the same opinion and several others saying that this could not choose but so much the more secure the peace of the Kingdom when it should be known that all the Nobility were thus united for the defence of the Crown The Queen then did me the honor to command me to speak whereupon I began and said That the League propos'd could be no wayes prejudicial to the King being that it tended to a good end for his Majesties service the good of his Kingdom and the peace and security of his People but that one which should be form'd in private could produce nothing but disorder and mischief for the good could not answer for the evil dispos'd and should the Cards once be shuffled betwixt League and League it would be a hard matter to make of it a good game that being the most infallible way to open a door to let Strangers into the Kingdom and to expose all things to spoil and ruine but that all of us in general both Princes and others ought to make an Association which should bear the Title of the League or the Confederation of the King and to take a great and solemn Oath not to decline or swerve from it upon penalty of being declar'd such as the Oath should import and that his Majesty having so concluded ought to dispatch Messsengers to all parts of the Kingdom with Commission to take the Oathes of such as were not there present by which means it would be known who were willing to live and die in the service of the King and State And should any one be so foolish or impudent as to offer to take arms let us all Sir swear to fall upon them I warrant your Majesty I will take such order in these parts that nothing shall stirre to the prejudice of your royal Authority And in like manner let us engage by the faith we owe to God that if any Counter-League shall disclose it self we will give your Majesty immediate notice of it and let your Majestie 's be subscrib'd by all the great men of your Kingdom The Feast will not be right without them and they also are easie to be perswaded to it and the fittest to provide against any inconveniency may happen This was my Proposition upon which several disputes ensued but in the end the King 's Association was concluded
interval I went to Bourdeaux in the begâ—nning of May to see how all things went where by the news that was ordinarily brought from Court by such as came from thence I very well perceiv'd that this Peace would not long continue For one while I was told that the Prince of Condâ— and the Admiral liv'd contentedly in their own houses but for the most part was assur'd to the contrary and also that the King had sent no order to disband his own Forces as at the Peace of the former Troubles and that those of the new Religion went and came to and fro from place to place and frequently met at Conventicles It was moreover bruited that Rochelle would not surrender nor Montaâ—ban Millaâ— and other places insomuch that it seem'd to be rather a Truce than a Peace concluded On the other side I was entred into some jealousie of the Governor of Blaye call'd Des-Rois wherefore I went to Blaye taking the Atturney General of the Parliament called Laket along with me where being come Des-Rois began to fall into a long discourse of the Court of Parliament and the Jurats of Bourdeaux complaining to me that they had conceiv'd an unjust suspicion against him which made him afraid to go into the City To which I made answer that this jealâ—usie did not originally proceed from any disâ—ffâ—ction that either the Court of Parliament or the Iurats had to his person but that himself was the cause he was suspected forasmuch as all those of his Garrison were Hugonots whom he protected and favour'd in the City and who not far from thence had defac'd a Church in his own presence but that if he desir'd no one should suspect or censure him he would do wâ—ll to new-model his Garrison and form the greater part of it at least of Catholick Soldiers That notwithstanding I very well knew the contrary and thereupon like a true friend remonstrated to him that he should call to mind from what Father he descended and remember that in recompence of the good services he had perform'd for the Kings Francis and Henry they had first given him the Command of that place and since continued it to him his Son with several other Remonstrances which I thought Proper to wean him from an ill-conceiv'd opinion in case he should peradventure really have entertain'd any such thing in his fancy I had formerly evermore taken his part and having ever known him as I thought at least very affectionate to the King's service had writ to his Majesty that if I was to be responsible for any man it should be for him see how a man may be deceiv'd in judging of men by their own fair speeches but so soon as I was return'd to Bourdeaux and saw some signs that did not much please me I had no more the same opinion of him that before of which I also gave their Majesties present notice but it was seven or eight dayes after I had parted from him I heard since that a few dayes after I had been with him he had been at Estauâ—â—ers to conferre with Monsieur Mirmebeau and the Baron de Pardaillan where they had been five or six hours shut up together in a Chamber that they had another meeting three dayes after that and I had further intelligence that he was determin'd to go to Court to present himself to the King to give his Majesty more ample assurance of his faith Whereupon I dispatched away to the King giving him an account of all I had heard and telling him that I had formerly given his Majesty assurance of the said Des-Rois buâ— that I would now revoke that engagement and no more stand caution for him considering the conference he had held at Estauliers and that if his Majesty would please to take my humble advice he should remove him from his Government substâ—tuting some one of his Majesties own Religion which if his Majesty should be pleased to think fit to do it would then be convenient to detein the said Des-Rois till such time as I should have put in him whom his Majesty should appoint into his place and chang'd the Garrison Humbly beseeching his Majesty that he would please to take my poor advice in this affair or that otherwise himself would be the first that should repeâ—t it Des-Rois fail'd not to begin his Journey the same day that I sent away my dispatch to the King which was upon a Monday and being come to Court as I was told addressed himself to Monsieur de Lansac to whom I believe he made his complaint perswading the said Sieur de Lansac that all these jealousies proceeded from no other cause than the desire I had to preferre some Gentleman who was at my devotion to the Command of that place which how true it was God then knew and time has since discover'd but I conceive that the said Siâ—ur de Lansac as well upon the account of neighbourhood as out of consideration of the good repute of the Father and Family of the said Des-Rois was willing to embrace his interest and consequently spoke to his Majesty in his behalf wherein he was himself first deceiv'd and afterward asham'd of his mediation It was however hard to judg a man who had never been blemisht before nor ever committed any fault but rather behav'd himself well than ill as this Gentleman had done Men are not to be discover'd by the sight like counterfeit money and God alone can dive into the hearts of men So it was that he return'd back very well satisfied with the King to whom that he might be more affectionate to his service his Majesty gave a thousand Crowns wherein his Majesty did not perhaps consider that he was of an ill hair of which there are very few good men but however it was another might have been as well deceiv'd as he for he had a smooth tongue and knew very well how to disguise the rancour of his heart See here how cautious a Prince ought to be whether the King ought not to have taken more notice of this conference of one of his Governors with the Hugonots and in a case of suspition like this to have enclined to the safest counsels There are wayes to satisfie such as we would rid our hands of without driving them to despair whereas we run a very great hazard in leaving a place of importance in the hands of a suspected person as his Majesty did in the power of Des-Rois and a very good place too When a woman once hearkens to unlawful â—â—licitation farewel vertue and also when a Governor of a Town enters into such secret Parlies as these there is some knavery a brewing and in such a caâ—e the King or Prince ought to be as jealous as the Husband that knows his Wife has an ear open to Courtship if at the same time he who engages in such conferences do not underhand give his Majesty or his Lieutenant notice of it in
the Territories of any of your Seigniory with his Alman Italian or Spanish Forces immediately thereupon there have been heard a thousand outerâ—es and complaints of Rapes Assassinations and other Riots and disorders of their Soldiers and it is but a few months since that the Germans who pretended to go to Carignan to keep their Easter to outdo the villany of those who before had so barbarously treated your Subjects in their persons and so lewdly spoiled them of their Estates displaid part of their rage and Insolence against the Church to the great disgrace and contempt of Christian Religion cutting off the ears nose and arms of the Crucifix and other Images representing the Saints who are in Heaven This numerous and mighty Army most Serene Prince departed from Constantinople being composed of Soldiers who were strangers to our Religion and being designed and accordingly sent for the relief of the King my Lord and Master sailed thorough the midst of your Islands landed in the Dominions of the Church pass'd thorough the Territories of the Siennois and Genoâ—ses people both of them greater favourers of the Emperor's Greatness than friends to their own proper liberty yet is it not to be perceiv'd nor can any man be found to complain of any insolence offerâ—d to him but on the contrary all men have been treated with all humanity and free passage granted to all those they met upon the Seas and just payment made for all the provisions they were necâ—ssitated to take for the support of the Army upon their March An effect of moderation in that rough sort of men which must chiefly be attributed to the presence and dexierity of Captain Polin the king's Embassador and with so great advantage to him that never in times past did either Turkish or Christian Army behave themselves so modestly upon such an occasion Who is â—e most Serene Prince that can or will deny but that had not this Army been entertain'd by the King my Master for the defence of his Frontiers Christendom had been assaulted by it to their infinite damage Who is he that will not judge that this Army its puissance considered must have triumph'd over an infinitâ— number of Christian Souls together with some City of great importance had not we converted that power to our own advantage which otherwise must necessarily have succeeded to the general advancement of the Grand Signior's affairs and to the private benefit of his Captains who are Enemies to our Faith this Army then being a Body disposed to Enterprize and capable of performing high exploits any man of a sound judgment will conâ—ess that it has been of much greater advantage to Christendom that is has been employed in the service of his Majesty my King and Master than that they had 〈…〉 invade the Christian borders upon their own account So that besides that it was needful and necessary for the King my Master to serve himself with this Army therewith to correct the insolence of the Emperor's people who had already seized upon four of his Gallies at Toulon it may moreover be affirmed without reply that to this private benefit of ours is conjoyned the publick utility of all Christendom I flatter myself most Serene Prince clearly to have demonstrated to you and to have confirm'd by evident reasons and infallible Arguments these two principal things First that the King without prejudice to his title of most Christian has accepted the succours that have been sent him by the Grand Signior and in the second place that these succours so sent have been of greater profit than disadvantage to the Christian Common-weal to which I shall add a third and that with as much brevity as the importance of the subject will permit and that is that the Kings Majesty has not accepted these forces either out of any ambition of Rule or out of revenge for injuries received neither to enrich himselâ— with the spoils of others nor to recover what has been unjustly usurped from himself but has only entertained them for his own defence that is Illustrious Senators for the defence of his Kingdom which the Emperor both by open violence and clandestine practice by all sorts of intelligences and treacheries contrary to all reason and justice has evermore labour'd to overthrow and yet his Ministers are not ashamed to say that his Caesarean Majesty has had no other motive to invade the Kingdom of France but only to break the friendship that was said to be contracted betwixt the Kings Majesty and the Grand Signior O tender Consciences O holy pretences fit indeed to delude the credulous and ignorant but that will hardly pass Illustrious Senators with you who in your admirable and celebrated wisdom even before I could open my lips must needs be satisfied in your own bosoms of the contrary and in your prudence easily discern the foundation of this War to have been no other than a design to ruine that Kingdom which for thâ—se thousand years past has approved it self the true and willing refuge of the oppressed and the only Sanctuary of all sorts of afflicted persons I would fain know of these men who invent these subtil Arguments what holy motive of Faith spurr'd on the Emperor combined with the King of England to invade France on the side of Champagne and Picardy an expedition that only ended in the burning of some few inconsiderable Villages and the Siege of Mezieres very dishonorable for him What devotion prick'd him on at a time when Italy liv'd in peace and assurance by reason that Naples Millan Florence and Genoa were possessed by several Princes to come and shuffle all things into discord and confusion What Religion I say moved him to league and combine himself with Pope Leo to ravish away the state of Millan which in a direct line of succession appertained to to the Children of my King and Master What mighty zeal for Religion prompted him to cause our King to be murthered by means of a Prince of France whom to that end he had suborned with prayers and tears when seeing his execrable practice before it came to execution to be wholly detected he sent the Seigneur de Bourbon with an infinite number of people into France in hope to effect that by open force which the bounty and providence of God not permitting him by secret treacheries he could not bring to pass What inspiration of the holy Ghost might it be that seven years since conducted the Emperor with seventeen thousand Foot and ten thousand Horse to invade the Kingdom of France then when he entred by Picardy and Provence What command of the Gospel can ever be found out such as these men have found who make a shew of so great devotion to the Christian Name that can justifie to the world the confederacy betwixt the Emperor and the King of England especially the said King by the proper solicitations and pursuit of his Caesarean Majesty being at that time by the Pope declared a
and the Cardinal for I do not think they ever caressed any man of what condition soever he was or could be more than they did me and when he died I might well say as I now do I lost one of the best friends I had in the world and when I departed from Ferrara to go to Versel the Duke examin'd a Secret ray of mine what store of money I had and he telling him I had not above two hundred Crowns he sent five hundred Crowns to my said Secretary who had the ordering of my expence and when three dayes after my return I took my leave of him the Dutchess and the Cardinal the said Duke seeing me have a great many Gentlemen of Quality in my Train and knowing I could not have money enough to defray my Journey he sent me five hundred more And thus I return'd rich from my Command in Tuscany This money carried me to Lyons where I found two thousand and four hundred Francks which the King had caused to be paid for two years Salary of my place of Gentleman of the Chamber and that Martineau had there deposited for me in the hands of Cathelin Iean the Post-master which brought me to Paris Immediately upon my coming to Paris I went to kiss his Majesties hand he being then at Cressy where I was as well receiv'd by his Majesty as at my return from Sienna and he was very well satisfied with what I had done for the Duke of Ferrara Monsieur de Guise who had not seen me before embrac't me three or four times in the presence of the King himself and his Majesty commanded the said Monsieur de Guise to cause a thousand Crowns to be given me wherewith to return and to sojourn some time at Paris which he presently did And thus was my return out of Italy into France the last time that I was in those parts and the services I did there wherein I cannot lie there being so many yet living who can bear testimony of what I have deliver'd By this Captains you may see and take notice what a thing reputation is which also having once acquir'd you ought rather to die than to lose neither must you do like men of the world who so soon as they have got a little repute are content with it and think that what ever they shall do afterwards the world will still repute them valiant Do not fancy any such thing for by performing from time to time still more and braver things young men rise to greatness have fire in their pates and fight like Devils who when they shall see you do nothing worth taking notice of will be apt to say that the world has bestowed the title of valiant upon you without desert will set less value upon you use you with less respect and behind your back talk of you at their pleasure and with good reason for if you will not still continue to do well and still attempt new and greater things it were much safer for your honor to retire home to your own house with the reputation you have already got than by still following arms to lose it again and to be scouting at distance when others are laying about them If you desire to mount to the highest step of the stairs of honor do not stop in the mid-vvay but step by step strive to get up to the top vvithout imagining that your renovvn vvill continue the same as vvhen it vvas obtein'd at first You deceive your selves some nevv commer vvill carry avvay the prize if you do not look vvell about you and strive to do still better and better The same day that I vvent from Cressy back to Paris Monsieur de Guise departed also to go to Metz to execute the Enterprize of Thionville The King from the time of his return out of Italy had made choice of him for his Lieutenant General throughout his vvhole Kingdom so that before my coming I found that he had taken the Tovvn of Calice and sent back the English to the other side of the Sea together vvith Guines and that he vvas novv upon the Siege of Thionville Tvvo dayes had not past before the King sent for me to come to him to Cressy vvithout giving me notice vvhat it vvas about and I heard that the next morning after I departed from thence the King had caused Monsieur d' Andelot to be arrested about some ansvver he had made him concerning Religion So soon as I vvas come the King sent for me into his Chamber vvhere he had vvith him the Cardinal of Lorrain and tvvo or three others vvhom I have forgor but I think the King of Navarre and Monsieur de Montpensier vvere there and there the King told me that I must go to Metz to the Duke of Guise there to command the Foot of which Monsieur d' Andelot vvas Colonel I most humbly besought his Majesty not to make me to intermeddle vvith another mans Command vvhich rather than I vvould do I vvould go serve his Majesty under the Duke of Guise in the quality of a private Soldier or else vvould command his Pioneers rather than take upon me this employment The King then told me that Monsieur de Guise so soon as he had heard of Andelots imprisonment had himself sent to demand me to exercise the said command Seeing then I could get nothing by excuses I told his Majesty that I was not yet cur'd of a Dyssentery my disease had left me and that this was a command which requir'd health and disposition of body to perform it which were neither of them in me whereupon his Majesty told me that he should think this Command better discharg'd by me in a Litter than by another in perfect health and that he did not give it me to exercise for another but that he intended I should have it for ever to which I made answer that I gave his Majesty most humble thanks for the honor he design'd me herein and made it my most humble request that he would not be displeased if I could not accept it Whereupon his Majesty said to me these words Let me entreat you to accept it for my sake and with that the Cardinal reprov'd me saying You dispute it too long with his Majesty 't is too much contested with your Master to which I replyed that I did not dispute it out of any disaffection to his Majesties service nor that I was unwilling to serve under the Duke of Guise I having upon my first coming to Paris laid out money to buy me some Tents and other Equipage in order to my attendance upon him having engag'd my self before at Rome so to do but only upon the account of my incapacity in that posture of health wherein I then was His Majesty then told me that there was no more to be said and that I must go after which I had no more to say And I fancy the King of Navarre and Monsieur
That when a man thinks himself to be out of his affairs and dreams of nothing but how to pass his time well 't is then that the greatest misfortunes befal him and that I fear'd the issue of this Tilting It was now but just three days reckoning by the date of the Letter to the Tilting and the next day I return'd home to my own house and the very night before the day of the Tilting as I was in my first sleep I dream'd that I saw the King sitting in a chair with his face cover'd all over with drops of blood and methought it was just as they paint Jesus Christ when the Jews put the Crown of Thorns upon his head and that he held his hands joyn'd together I look'd methought earnestly upon him and could discover no hurt he had but only drops of blood trickling down his face I heard methought some say he is dead and others he is not dead yet and saw the Physicians and Chirurgeons go in and out of the Chamber and I do believe my dream continued a great while for when I awak'd I found a thing I could have never believ'd which is that a man can cry in his sleep for I found my face all blubber'd with tears and my eyes still springing new and was fain to let them take their course for I could not give over weeping of a long time after My wife who was then living said all she could to comfort me but all in vain for I could never perswade my self any other but that he was dead Many who are yet living are able to testifie that this is no fain'd story for I told it them so soon as ever I awak'd Four days after a Courrier came to Nerac who brought Letters to the King of Navarre from the Constable wherein he writ him word of the King 's being wounded and of the little hopes there was of his life whereupon the King of Navarre sent a servant of his to me to acquaint me with the disaster and to desire me to come presently away to him The Messenger came away in the close of the evening and was presently with me it being no more than four leagues from Nâ—rac to my house where he found me just going to Bed I immediately took horse and went to take a Neighbour of mine in my way call'd Monsieur de Beraud along with me and so we went together at a good round rate to Nerac The Gentleman is yet living and can witness that I told and foretold him all the miseries or very near that we have since seen happen in France and said as much to the King of Navarre with whom I staid but two hours at Nerac and return'd to entertain my sorrows in my own house Eight days had not past before the King of Navarre sent me word of the Kings death by which I got noâ— hing having never since met with any thing but crosâ—es and misfortunes as I had been the causer of it and that God would punish me for the offence I am sure I had little reason to be so for since his death I have a hundred times wish'd my own and it evermore â—an in my head that I should never after meet with any thing but misfortune as indeed I have never had any thing else For I have since been suspected to have intelligence with the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde whereas God Almighâ—y knows I was never of their Council nor privy to any of their designs as I have sufficiently manifested in the pinch of affairs 'T is very true that I have often heard theâ—e two Princes complain of the ill usage they receiv'd but when everthey fell upon that discourse I ever wav'd it all I could God by his good grace has assisted me to demonstrate to all the world that I never had intelligence but with the King and the Queen and with those who have faithfully and loyally serv'd them and have found that those who had receiv'd the deepest impressions of this ill opinion of me have been and at this daâ— are the best Paâ—rons and Friends I ever had or yet have There are who know very well what I said to the Prince of Conde at the fine Conference held at Poissy when he attempted to draw me over to his party After the first troubles the Queen of Navarre went to Rousillon where she carried to their Majesties a whole sack full of informations against me that spoke of nothing but Treasons and Intelligences that I had with the King of Spain to deliver up Guienne into his hands Rapes of Wives and Virgins Depredations Impositions and Thefts from the Kings Treasure Nevertheless their Majesties being come to Tholouse and into Guienne they found neither man nor woman of one Religion or the other that ever open'd their mouths against me and found Guienne so abounding in all sorts of provisions that the whole Court wonder'd at it considering that at the same time in Languedoc the whole Countrey was ready to dye of famine and the Chancellor himself said that having for three days sojourned in that Province in all those three days time his Clerk of his Kitchin could furnish him with no more than one Pullet only which he spoke openly at Table at an entertainment he made for some Presidents and Councellors upon which the first President took occasion to say that notwithstanding he would find Guienne to abound with all sorts of provisions Yes answer'd the Chancellor but how comes it to be so for some have possest the King and Queen that they would find nothing to eat in Guienne and that Monsieur de Montluc had ruin'd the whole Countrey whereupon all those who were at the Table attested the contrary and that he should find the Countrey very well govern'd as he did by his own confession the Queen also who fear'd she should want provision at Bayonne saw there with her own eyes that they were fain to throw the flesh into the streets and yet before their coming la Graviere Seneschal of Querâ—y returning from Court call'd at my house at Stillac where he made himself so drunk with the good wine I gave him that he dream'd in the night I had told him that I would deliver up Guienne to the King of Spain that the Cardinal of Armagnac Messieurs de Terride de Negrepelice and several others were of the plot and that if he would be one I would make him the greatest man of his Race and so went with his night-cap to tell this fine story to Monsieur de Marchastel who immediately dispatch'd away Rappin to Court to carry this news to the King where it was believ'd for some days for the Queen sent du Plessis to me post to bid me fear nothing for that nothing was believ'd but I had had notice of it before though I made no great matter of it having so great a confidence in the Queen that she would
by reason of my writing my memory may not so soon perish Which is all that men who live in the world bearing arms like men of Honor and without reproach ought to desire for all the rest is nothing I do believe that so long as the world shall endure men will talk of those brave and valiant Captains Messieurs de Lautrec de Bayard de Foâ—x de Brissac de Strozzy de Guise and several others who have flourish'd since King Francis the first came to the Crown amongst whose better names that of Montluc may perhaps have some place And since God has depriv'd me of my Sons who all dyed in the service of the Kings my Masters the young Montluc's who are descended from them shall endeavour to exceed their Grandsire I will therefore write nothing of the Reign of Francis the second nor of the Factions at Court neither were they other than Sedâ—tions and Rebellions of which I know several particuâ—ars as having been very intimate with the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde but as I have already said I leave those affairs to the Historians to finish the rest of my own life wherein I shall proceed to give an account of the fights in which I have been engag'd during these Civil Wars and wherein I have been constrained contrary to my own nature to use not only severity but even sometimes to be cruel The End of the Fourth Book THE COMMENTARIES OF Messire Blaize de Montluc MARESCHAL of FRANCE The Fifth Book KIng Francis being dead at Orleans where I then was I went to wait upon the Queen Mother who although she was very ill nevertheless did me the honor to command that they should permit me to enter into her Chamber I had taken notice of the practices were set on foot which did by no means please me and especially those of the Estates then sitting by which I saw we should not long continue in peace and that was it which made me resolve to retire from Court that I might not be hook'd in either by one Faction or another especially considering that I had been made guilty that way before contrary to all truth as God be my help which was the reason that taking leave of her Majesty and not thinking it fit to trouble her with much discourse in her indisposition I said to her these words Madam I am going into Gascony with a dâ—termination to do you most humble and faithful service all the days of my life which I most humbly beseech your Majesty to believe and if any thing fall out considerable enough to engage you to call your servants about you I promise you and give you my faith I will never take other side than that of your Majesties and my Lords your Children but for that will be on horseback so soon as ever your Majesty shall please to command me The very night of the same day on which King Francis dy'd I had given her the same assurance for which she now did me the honor to return me thanks when Madam de Cursol who stood at her beds head said to her Madam you ought not to let him go your Majesty having no servants more faithful than those of the Family of Montluc To which I made answer Madam you shall never be without Montluc's for you have three yet remaining which are my two Brothers and my Son who with my self will dye at your feet for your Majesties service For which her Majesty return'd me many thanks She who had a greaâ— deal of understanding and who has given very ample testimony of it to the world saw very well that having so many affairs upon her hands during the minority of her children she should have use for all the servants she had and may her self remember what she said to me wherein if I have fail'd to execute her commands it was because I did not understand them And so I took my leave of her Majesty Madam de Cursol follow'd me to the middle of the room where she took her leave of me and Madam de Courton did the same and thus I return'd to my own house Some months after my return home I had news brought me from all sides of the strange language and most audacious speeches the Ministers of the new faith impudently utter'd even against the Royal Authority I was moreover told that they impos'd taxes upon the people made Captains and listed Souldiers keeping their Assemblies in the Houses of several Lords of the Country who were of this new Religion which was the first beginning and cause of all those Mischiefs and Massacres they have since exercâ—s'd upon one another I saw the evil daily to encrease but saw no one who appear'd on the King's behalf to oppose it I heard also that the greatest part of the Officers of the Treasury were of this Religion the nature of man being greedy of Novelty and the worst of all and from whence proceeded all the mischief was that those of the long Robe the men of Justice in the Parliaments and Senechalseys and other Judges abandoned the ancient Religion and that of the King to embrace the new one I met also with strange names of Surveiâ—â—ans Deacons Consistories Sinods and Colloquies having never before breakfasted of such viands I heard that the Surveillans had Bulls pizzlâ—s by them called Iohanots with which they misus'd and very cruelly beat the poor Peasants if they went not to their Conventicles the people being so totally abandoned by â—ustice that if any one went to complain they receiv'd nothing but injury instead of redrâ—ss and not a Serjeant that durst attempt to execute any thing in the behalf of the Catholicks but for the Hugonots only for so they were call'd though I know not why the râ—st 〈◊〉 the Judges and Officers who were Catholicks being so over-aw'd that they durst not have â—â—mmanded so much as an Information to be made for fear of their lives All these things â—â—gether were presages to me of what I have since seen come to pass and returning from another house of mine to that of Stillac I found the Town of La Plume besieg'd by three or four hundred men I had my Son Captain Montluc with me whom I sent with all sorts of fair language for I had no more than ten or twelve horse in my company to try to perswade them to desist Wherein he prevail'd so far that he overcame the Brimonts the principal heads of this Enterprize which was undertaken to rescue two prisoners of their Religion that the Magistrates of La Plume had for some disorders committed My son having promised them that if they would retire I would cause them to be deliver'd they took his word and drew off from before the Town The next day accordingly I went to speak with the Officers of the said City to whom having remonstrated that for these two Prisoners they ought not to suffer a sedition to be set on
so near it that at their importunity I promis'd to be there the next morning But the Sieurs de la Lande and de Nort in the mean time dispatch'd away a Messenger in private to me to give me warning not to come if I had any care of my life for if I did I was a dead man which made me send them word that I would not pass over the River but if they would come to a House at the Ferry I was content to give them the meeting there When they saw they could not inveigle me into their power they consented to come to the place appointed whither I accordingly went to meet them with five and twenty Souldiers whom I order'd not to stir from the water side and there we din'd together After dinner we fell to debate what was best to be done where I told them that in the first place and before we proceeded to any further particulars they were to content themselves with the Church that Monsieur de Burie had allow'd them for their meetings which was a Parish Church and that they must quit the Jacobins and permit the Religious to re-enter to perform their offices there that they must lay down their arms and receive the one half of the King of Navarres Company into their City for a Garison and the other half should remain at Condom I could never perswade them to condescend to this wherefore taking the Seneschal of Agen aside I said to him Do you not evidently see that they aim at a subversion and to make themselves Masters of Cities I would not advise you to stay with these people for you will be necessitated either to let them do what they will or resolve to have your throat cut we have a fair example in Monsieur de Fumel consider with your self what is best for to you do and so farewel and so without any more words I abruptly left them and return'd to Stillac where at my coming home I found a Farmer of mine of Puch de Gontaut call'd Labat who came to tell me in the behalf of their Churches that I was too Cholerick and had not patience rightly to â—nderstand what the Ministers Barrelle and Boenormont had to say to me and to present me withal which was that the Churches made me a tender of Thirty thousand Crowns provided I would not take arms against them but let them alone without desiring nevertheless that I should alter my Religion and that within fifteen days at the furthest they would bring me the money to my own house In answer to which I told him That were it not for the love I bore him and also that he was my Tenant I would handle him after another manner than I had done Barrelle and Boenormont and clap a dagger in his bosom that he knew very well I had the knack on 't and therefore henceforward let neither he nor any other be so impudent as to make any such Proposals to me for I would infallibly be the death of them if they did Whereupon very sufficiently frighted he immediately left me to return to Nerac to carry back my answer to his Church Eight days had not past after this before Captain Sendat came again to tempt me with much greater offers than before for he made me an offer of forty thousand Crowns he himself having made them a promise to be of their party provided I did not take arms against them for which they also gave him Two thousand Crowns We talk'd a pretty while of the business and when he saw he could no other way prevail with me to take their money he prest and advis'd me to take it and lend the money to the King wherewith to make war against them To which I made answer That I very well perceiv'd he did not understand what it was to bring the reputation of an honest man in dispute For in the first place said I they will not give me this money without first making me take an Oath not to bear arms against them which engagement they will have in writing to shew to their Churches to make them part with their money and besides it is impossible but that this must come to light for fire can never be so cover'd and conceal'd but that some smoak will issue out The Queen will wonder that I sit still in my own house and do nothing she will solicite me to take arms which if I then refuse to do will you not that both she and all the world believe I have taken money and am a brib'd corrupted fellow On the other side should I give this money to the King his Council must needs take notice that I have taken an Oath not to bear arms and yet they know that upon my receiving the Order I have sworn to do it and to defend his Person and his â—rown against all the world How then can you imagine that either the Queen now or the King when he grows up can look upon me as an honest man when I have taken two Oaths expresly contrary to one another Some will say that I took the money at first upon the account of infidelity but that afterwards repenting I would palliate my Knavery by giving it to the King Others will say that the Queen ought no more to râ—pose any trust in me having taken two Oaths positively contrary to one another and that since I made no conscience of cheating the Hugonots with an Oath I would make as little to deceive the King Thus shall my honor be brought in question and I with just reason sentenc'd for evâ—r incapable of any place amongst honest men and such as are good and loyal Subjects to their Prince What will then become of me and what a Monster of men shall I be when I have lost the honor I have fought for all my life and parted with my blood to obtain I will not only say that the Gentlemen of France will avoid my conversation but even the basest of the people also will be asham'd of my company See then Captain Sendat what a fine condition I should be in should I follow your advice In return of which I will give you better I pray frequent these people no more you have ever been brought up and born arms with the Montluc's let me entreat you to take them up now for the service of the King and do not go over to that ridiculous Religion Our Forefathers were honester men than they and I cannot believe that the Holy Ghost is amongst a people who rise in rebellion against their King Here is a hopeful beginning He promis'd to follow my counsel and so departed By my behaviour in this affair I sufficiently manifested to all the world that Avarice could never make me abandon my honor nor my conscience to falsifie the Oath I have in the presence of God made to the King loyally and faithfully to serve him and to defend his Person
and his Crown and yet some have not been asham'd to accuse me of polling from the Kings Treasury and of imposing taxes upon the Country to enrich my self God and the truth are on my side and the testimony of the Estates of Guienne who will make it known to all those who have made all these false reports of me to their Majesties that I have never done any such thing But letting this alone I will return to the Justice Monsieur de Burie and I did with our vertuous Commissioners Compain and Gerard who remain'd a long time without appearing in any place or it being so much as known where they were Which made me solicite Monsieur de Burie to let us speedily fall to our business and that since our Commissioners did not come we would make use of the Counsellors of Agen. Yet still we linger'd away the time in delays whilst I had intelligence daily brought me that the Hugonots continued their damnable Conspiracies There was at this time a Lieutenant of the Tribunal of Condom call'd du Franc a very honest man and a good servant of the Kings who was once half in mind to have gone over to this new Religion for he was not the Son of a good Mother that was not one of them this man was one day call'd to a Council in which there were some persons of very great quality and where he heard an accursed and execrable Proposition which being once propos'd he durst not when it came to his turn to deliver his opinion say 〈◊〉 than the rest had done fearing should he contradict it they would put him 〈…〉 lest he should discover their Council and was therefore constrain'd to go thorouâ—◠〈◊〉 as the rest had done I shall not say where this Council was kept much less name th◠〈◊〉 who were present at it for the Council and the Proposition signifie nothing now and there were some in the Company who are since become very honest men He sent to 〈…〉 that he might have some private conference with me betwixt Sampâ—y and Condâ—â— and appointed an hour I took no more company with me but one Footman only and he another for so we had agreed and we met in a meadow that lay under the Hâ—use of Monsieur de Sainctorens where he told me all that had been said in the Council and what had there been concluded which was such a Conspiracy as so God shall help me made my hair stand an end to hear it After he had ended his story he made me the Remonstrance of an honest man telling me that now an occasion presented it self wherein I might acquire honor to my self and those who should descend from me for ever which was with a couragious and magnanimous heart to take arms and to expose my life to all dangers for the safeguard of those poor children who were the sons of so good a King and as yet in no better an age to defend themselves that if they were in their cradles and that God would assist me seeing me take arms to protect the innocent and those who were no way able to defend themselves To this this good man added so many and so powerful Remonstrances that as I shall be sav'd the tears came into my eyes entreating me withal not to discover him for if I should he was a dead man He told me further that as to what concern'd my self they had consulted about me and determin'd to surprize me in one place or another and that if they could get me into their hands they would deal worse by me than they had done by Monsieur de Fumel Nothing of all their Conspiracies was conceal'd from the said Lieutenant because they thought him sure of their side so dexterously did he behave himself amongst them but he afterwards shew'd them the contrary several times exposing his life in the City of Condom with his Sword in his hand in defence of the Kings Authority But however it came to pass he was afterward either by poyson or some other violent means dispatch'd out of the world for this very business I thought he had never discover'd himself but to me only but I found that he had told the same thing to Monsieur de Gondrin who was a very intimate friend of his and to Monsieur de Maillac Receiver of Guienne for they were both as it were Brothers For my part I never open'd my lips concerning it to any one living but to the Queen at Tholouze by the chimney of her Chamber at which her Majesty was very much astonish'd as she had very good reason to be for more horried and Diabolical designs were never heard of and yet very great persons were of the Conspiracy Having heard all these abominable designs I retir'd to my own house at Sampoy where I concluded with my self to lay aside all manner of fear resolving to sell my skin as deaâ— as I could as knowing very well that if I once fell into their hands and was left to their mercy the greatest piece of my body would be no bigger than my little finger Moreover determining to execute all the cruelty I could and especially against those who spoke against the Royal Majesty for I saw very well that gentle ways would never reclaim those canker'd and inveâ—erate Rascals Monsieur de Burie departed from Bourdeaux sending me word of the day he intended to be at Clairac that we might there together resolve where we ought to begin our Circuit He sent me also Letters the Commissioners had writ to him wherein they appointed us to come to Cahors there to begin against the Catholicks in answer to which I writ to him back again that he should well consider the Patent and that there he wâ—uld find the Queen had commanded us to go and begin at Fumel The Letters of these two honorable Gentlemen were of so audacious and impudent a stile as that by them they gave us to understand that they were the principal Commissioners and that we had no authority saving to justifie their proceedings and to be assisting in the execution of their Decrees Now there was a Village two Leagues from Estillac call'd S. Mezard the greatest part whereof belong'd to the Sieur de Rouillac a Gentleman of eight or ten thousand Livers a year Four or five days before I came thither the Hugonots his Tenants were risen up against him because he offer'd to hinder them from breaking open the Church and taking away the Chalices and kept him four and twenty hours besieg'd in his own house so that had it not been for a Brother of his call'd Monsieur de S. Aignan and some other Gentlemen his neighbours who came in to his relief they had certainly cut his throat as also those of Ostfort would have done to the Sieurs de Cuq and de la Montjoye so that already there began to be open War against the Gentry I privately got two Hangmen which they have since
Town and to Monsieur de Grepiâ—t Son to President Mansencal another who already had it almost full and so I cleans'd the City leaving no body in it but the Inhabitants and two Companies of foot Captains my Companions consider I beseech you how narrowly this great and opulent City the second in France escap'd being ruin'd and destroy'd for ever There lives a Gentleman at the Gates of Montauban called Monsieur de la Serre whose house was burnt by the Hugonots who told me that he had been present at a Synod where it was determin'd that could they bring about their Enterprize upon Tholouze they would totally raze it to the ground and take such of the ruins as were of any use to Montaâ—ban to enlarge their own City greater than it was intending to comprehend their Suburbs within the Walls and to draw a River thorough it that turn'd a Mâ—ll belonging to the said Sieur de la Serre that there might be no more memory of Tholouze for ever Besides the testimony of this Gentleman a hundred others have confirm'd the same which must be the discourse of their little Ministers only for the great ones who had the Government of affairs would have been better â—dvis'd than to have destroyed such a City which would have been to gâ—eat a loss both to the King and the whole Kingdom You may then take notice of the great and extraordinary diligence I used beginning from the advertisement I had of the Capitouls promise to the Prince of Conde to put the City into his hands and next the haste I made the Captains to make in compleating their Companies which were not half full to put themselves into the City then the diligence of Monsieur de Bellâ—garde and Captain Masses with his Company and on the other side the diligence wherewith I caus'd notice to be given to Captain Charry and my foresight in sending another Mâ—ssenger after the former to bid Monsieur de Terrides Company cross the River at Borret besides my diligence wherewith I advertiz'd Monsieur de Gondrin and others all which was done in three dayes and three nights Wherefore if you will take notice of this exâ—mple and retein it it will serve you to so good use that you will never lose an hours time and although I have writ in the beginning of my Book and as some may think with vanity enough that my diligences and ready foresights have procur'd me the reputation God has given me in point of a Soldier as great as other men yet it is evidently true in this as well as upon other occasions for had I fail'd but a minute the City had been absolutely lost You ought not then disdain to learn of me who am at this day the oldest Capâ—ain in France and whom God has blest with as many successes as any man whatever of my time but you ought to avoid learning of those who have been continually beaten and have eternally run away where ever they have been engag'd for if you go to school to such Masters you will hardly ever come to be any great Doctors in Arms. If I had stood long considering and consum'd the time in consultations to be satisfied whether before I intermeddled with these affairs I should not first send to Monsieur de Burie who was the Kings Lieutenant I leave you to judge whether or no the Hugonots had not had sâ—fficient leisure wherein to do their work But whenever they heard of me they presently fancied the Hangman at their Breech as also they ordinarily call'd me the Tyrant When ever you shall be in place to do a notable piece of service never stay for a command if the occasion be pressing for in the mean time you lose your opportunity therefore fall back fall edge try your fortune it will afterwards be well interpreted I know there are some who think it strange that the City of Tholouze had so great a respect and kindness for me but should they have other they would degenerate from all good nature for they will confess that I sav'd the City together with their lives and estates and the honor of their wives which without my resolute and speedy succour had all been lost Upon which account I hope they will never be ungrateful to me for the good office I did them upon this occasion and if any one will say that what I did was all for the service of the King I shall answer to that that at that time I had no Employment from his Majesty excepting the command of my own Company of Gens d'armes for Monsieur de Burie was the Kings Lieutenant in Guienne and the Constable in Languedoc Yet shall I not deny but that I was prompted to it out of an honest desire I have ever had to do my King service and that not only out of respect to the obligation I have to my Countreys preservation but also out of a natural affection I have ever had for his Majesties service and moreover out of the love and friendship I have ever born and do still bear to this famous City For the dispair I was in to see it in danger to be ruin'd made me take the pains I did It is not then to be wondred at if this City have an animosity against those of this new Religion for there is not a City in France who has run so great a hazaâ—d as this City has done nor that has ever manifested it self more affectionate to the King and his service or stood sharper brunts to maintain themselves in his Majesties obedience Rouen suffer'd it self to be taken without striking a blow Lyons Bourges and Poictiâ—rs did the same Paris was never reduc'd to that extremity being also another kind of thing than the rest Bourdeaux made no defence at all that being no other than a surprize they would make upon Chasteau Trompette which they also made themselves sure of forasmuch as Monsieur de Duras was at the same time at the Gates of Bourdeaux We may all therefore confess with truth that no City whatever has fought so well and run so great a hazard as this having bravely repuls'd the Hugonots after they had seiz'd of the Magazine and were possest of the gates by which they might introduce succours from Montauban I was then advis'd to go before Montauban but it was more to draw the Souldiers from about Tholouzâ— and out of the City and to live upon the Enemies Country than out of any hopes I had to take it for I knew very well there were a great many men within it that were there assembled for the enterprize of Tholouze I then march'd thither having no more than six Ensigns of Foot which were those of Monsieur de Sainctorens de Bazordan the Baron of Clermont Arne and Charry to which those of Tholouze gave me two pieces of Canon and one Culverine bestowing moreover a civility upon the Souldiers they gave them one pay So soon
notice of the three Gentlemen I had sent before and would so secure the Gates that I should not be able to enter and that it was better for us to venture our lives in the Town than to keep out and suffer the Town to be lost We then mounted to horse being no more than six Light-horse and we might be in all the Servants compriz'd thirty horse I commanded fourteen Harquebuzeers to follow after me under the conduct of a Priest called Malaubaere commanding them to follow at a good shog trot and so we marcht with these mighty Forces When we came near unto Terraube a little league from Lectoure there came a man on horseback dispatcht away by the Consul and Captain Mauriez by whom they sent me word that they had possessed themselves of the Gates and that the City was all in arms desiring to know by which Gate I would enter I told him by the Gate of the Castle whereupon he return'd upon the spur as he came By good fortune theâ—e hapned to be in the Town the Sieur de Lussan and the Captain his Brother who came out to meet me knowing nothing of all this business they being come thither by appointment of Process and so we entred into the Town So soon as we were come into Monsieur de Poisegurs house I entreated the Sieur de Lussan to go bid Monsieur de Fonterailles come and speak with me for I had something to say to him that concerned his Majesties service He sent me word back that he would not come and that he was in the Castle in the behalf of the Queen of Navarre Lady and Mistress of the said Castle and Town Whereupon I sent him word again that if he did not come I would assault the said Castle and at the ringing of the Tocquesaint call in all the neighbouring Towns to my assistance which I think staâ—tled him for he came At his coming I told him that I would have the Castle to put people into it who were of the Religion of the King and a Gentleman to command them till I should see to what the beginning of this Commotian tended to which he made answer that he was a faithful Servant of the Kings and that he would rather die than do any thing contrary to his Majesties pleasure To which I replied again that I did believe him to be so but that notwithstanding I would in the mean time sâ—cure the Castle and that I had a greater confidence in my self than in him and after some disputes Monsieur de Sainctorens put in and said something to which the other replied briskly upon him but he did not go without his answer and had he not suddenly resolv'd I was about to have taken him prisoner Monsieur de Lussan then took him aside remonstrating to him that he was highly too blame not to obey and that it was as much as his life was worth for I would die there but I would have it and that he himself knew well enough what a kind a man I was Monsieur de Fonterailles thereupon came to me and told me that he was ready to deliver up the Castle into my hands but that he earnestly beggâ—d of me that I would permit him to reenter into it and sleep there that night that he might pack up all the goods he had there ready to go away in the morning I desir'd him on the contrary that he would not ofâ—er to stir out of the Town and that I would deliver the Guard of the Castle to such Catholick Gentlemen as he should name He therefore nam'd several but I would like of none of them when seeing I would not put in those he desir'd he nam'd Monsieur de Cassaigne a neighbour to the Town who since has been Lieutenant to Monsieur d' Arnes Company with whom I was content and sent presently for him However I plaid the Novice in one thing for I let the said Sieur de Fonterailles go in again upon his word into the Castle which was not discreetly done for a man should alwayes in such cases take all things at the worst In the mean time Monsieur de Verduzan arriv'd with four or five Gentlemen in Company with him and presently after Monsieur de Maignas and every hour some or other came in to us After Supper we went out of the Castle where I fell to view and consider the Postern of the false Bray and began to remonstrate to those friends who were with me that in case the Seneschal should have made an appointment for those of his Party to come that night to the Portal the Guards and Centinels of the Town could not possibly hinder him from letting in whom he pleased wherefore I was resolv'd to lodge Theanville Commissary of the Artillery and the Priest with the fourteen Harquebuzeers in the false Bray betwixt the two Portals and it was well for me I did so for otherwise they had trapp'd us and cut all our throats that night See how a man may fall into danger thorough his own fault for I thought my self wonderful wiâ—e and circumspect and yet notwithstanding I put a place of so great importance together with the whole Country in danger to be lost I was not yet satisfied with this Guard but I moreover order'd all the Gentlemen and their Servants to lie down in their Cloaths and sent a command to all those of the Town to do the same In the morning by Sun-rise the said Seneschal came to me again to entreat me to leave him the Castle and that he would give me security with a great many other fine good morrows but I told him he did but lose time in such proposals for I was resolv'd to put men into it so that seeing no other remedy he receiv'd the Sieur de la Cassaigne with twenty Soldiers into the place and then came to take his leave of me I did what I could to perswade him to stay in the Town but he made answer that he would not trust himself with the Inhabitants beginning to tell me that I put a very great affront upon him in not confiding in his Loyalty that he was a man of a race too remarkable for thâ—ir services and fidelity so the Crown of France to be suspested and that his Ancestors had sav'd the Kingdom To which I made answer that his Grandfather of whom he intended to speak did never save the Kingdom and that in his time reigned Lewis the twelfth in whose Reign the Kingdom had never been in any such danger and that if it was of the time that King Charles retir'd to Bourges that he intended to speak that honor was to be attributed to Potton and la Hire of whose valour all the Chronicles are full For la Hire and Potton two Gascon Gentlemen were indeed cause of the recovery of the Kingdom of France yet would I not deny but that his Grand father was a great and valiant Captain who
my Son kept together about Quercy and Agenois and we others retir'd every one to his own Quarter This was all that was done hitherto from the beginning of these troubles in these parts of Guienne So soon as the Monsieur came up to the Army he spun out the time for a certain space about Poictiers and along the River Loire In the mean time nothing stirr'd in our parts for the Vicomtes kept about Castres Pay-Laurens Millau St. Antonin and Montauban making only some slight inroads to pilfer and steal which I did not think considerable enough that therefore I should set an Army on foot for the little harm they were able to do and besides I was willing to save money for no other end but only to send it to the Monsieur which made me averse to all kind of unnecessary expence The Captains of the Gens d'armes and some Captains of foot belonging to the Royal Army came or else sent their iâ—feâ—iour Officers to raise men in our parts to fill up their Companies and others only to refresh themâ—elves and immediately to return when after a little space I receiv'd Letters from the Monsieur wherein he commanded me to go into Roâ—ergue to fight the Vicomtes if possibly I could Whereupon I sent away for my Nephew de Lâ—beron at St. Foy with his three Companies and although I was certain before hand that I should do no good immediately began to march That which made me doubt my expedition would signifie very little was that I knew so soon as ever the Vicomtes should hear I had taken the field they would certainly retire into the holds and lurking holes they held by the right of War where they were so wise as to save themselves upon every rumour of an enemy and the least place that was dispos'd to resist me had been sufficient to stop my progress and for any hopes to find them in the field I had none So that I knew I should do nothing but eat upon the Publick and devour the people should I stay long about Towns and Castles to bolt them out of their Burrows especially considering that I could take no Artillery along with me which I could not do for want of money to defray the â—harge neither indeed did I raise much because I would have it all go to the Monsieurs for there it was that the main Game was to be play'd and therefore it was reason that the main provision should be reserv'd for that use all the rest of the War being nothing but petty skirmishes in comparison of what was done and was expected to be done there As I was preparing for my expedition there arrived Monsieur de Pilles and with hâ—m the Sieurs de Bonneval de Monens and a great number of other Gentlemen who were come from the Enemies Camp either to levy men or in reference to the design they had upon Libourne which nevertheless they fail'd in after which the said de Pilles put himself into St. Foy which he made his place of Rendezvouz forasmuch as I had drawn from thence my Nephew de Leberon with the three Companâ—es to take them along with me into Roâ—ergue So soon as I came to Cahors I sent my said Nephew before with five Ensigns of Foot and part of the Company of Gens-d'armes belonging to Monsieur de Gramont which Captain Mausan Quarter-master to the said Company commanded and made him depart in all haste to surprize some of the Enemy that lay about Ville-Franche de Roüergue who accordingly made so good haste that they marcht eight long leagues and came to the place by one of the Clock in the night thinking an hour before day in the morning to surprize them but they were no sooner in the Town but that the Enemy had immediate intelligence sent them and were all retir'd into their Forts Neither is it to be thought strange for I wonder that either the Monsieur himself or any other who commanded the Kings Armies did any thing of moment by reason the Ordonnance and Edict his Majesty had made that no one was to demand any thing of the Hugonots provided they abstain'd from arms and liv'd peaceably in their own houses From whence prâ—câ—eded the ruine of the King of his Armies and all his Affairs and of the People also for those furnisht out money and were the occasion that the women who had their husbands in the Prince of Condé's Army by their means and intelligence could at all times furnish their Husbands or Sons with money and so serv'd for spies to the Enemy that they needed not be at the charge of maintaining intelligence nor trouble themselves to know what we did those people giving them continual notice when and where any of our men were at any time to be surpriz'd and taken and dividing the spoil when it was accordingly effected which made me evermore maintain before the King that that Edict alone was the cause his Majesty was not victorious and that this new Religion was not totally rooted out It had been a hundred times better that they hâ—d all been with the Prince than at home in their own houses for being with him in his Army they could have done no great matters that would have been of any significant advantage to them your Town-bred people being men of no great performance in War but on the contrary would soon have famisht his Camp and then we might have prosecuâ—ed the War without being spied or without their being advertised of our designs neither could they have been able to get money or any other necessaries nay we should have made our advantage of their Estates by which means they must of necessity either have â—etir'd with the pardon the King was pleas'd to grant them or have been starv'd for want of bread I am sure that in this Province of Guienne there would not one of them have been left alive unless they had abjuâ—'d this new Religion as they did in the first Troubles for I knew very well how to handle them and seeing I had found the way to do it â—o cheap as with two yards of Match in the first troubles I should not have been much to seek in these last But by means of this vertuous Edict no one durst speak to them but we were oblig'd to endure them amongst us It is not therefore as I said to bâ— wondred at if they have perform'd so many notable exploits considering that at all hours they were continually advertis'd of what we did and design'd to do 'T is very well known that an Army can do no great matters without good Spies for it is upon their report that a Council of War is to deteâ—mine what they have to do but we had none amongst those people for there was not a Catholick let him be otherwise as brave as brave could be that durst venture his person amongst them it being to throw away himself no man escaping that fell into their hands thorough which
harvest in the Quarters where their Camp then lay and would cause great Artillery to be brought from Navarreins wherewith to take all the Towns upon the River Gâ—ronne to the very Gates of Bordeaux that they would attaque Agen but that they would leave that work for the last because they would fâ—â—st take Castle-geloux Bazas and all the other places on this side the Garonne as far as Bordeaux by which means and by the communication of this Bridg both the one Country and the other which are of the richest of France would be wholly at their convenience and command And all this they made account to have taken in less than fifteen dayes as they would really have done for they were absolute Masters of the field They intended also to attaque Libourne assuring themselves that in all the Cities they should find great store of provisions by which means nothing could be convey'd into Bourdeaux neither by the Garonne nor much less from the Landes making account that so the City of Bordeaux would in three moneths be reduc't to the last extremes And for my part I do not think it would have held out so long for already Corn was there at ten Livers the Sack and by sea nothing could get in by reason of Blaye The City is good and rich and a strong Town of War but situate in a barren Country so that whoever should deprive it of the Garonne and the Dordogne it would presently be reduced to famine the Inhabitants conâ—inually living from hand to mouth They had moreover determin'd to bring their Ships up the River to Blaye which they had in their hands to keep the Gallies either from coming out or going in The Vicomtes also had promised the Admiral to cause threescore thousand Sacks of Corn to be brought him upon the River Garonne which they meant to take out of Comenge and Loumaigne the most fertile Countries of all Guienne and where the greatest store of grain is there being no less than five hundred Merchants and as many Gentlemen who keep three or four years store alwayes by them in expectation of a dear year when their Corn may go off at greater rates so that they might with great ease have kept their word with the Admiral and by that means were certain to bring the King to their own bow and to make such conditions as themselves should think fit and had they once got Bourdeaux into their clutches I know not but that they might have kept it as well as Rochelle at least having Rochelle and Bordeaux both in their possession they might have boasted that they had the best and strongest Angle of the Kingdom both by Land and Sea commanding five navigable Rivers comprizing the Charante And they had once settled betwixt thâ— Rivers of I le Dordogne Lot and Garonne the King must have had four Armies at least to have compell'd them to fight and I will be bold to say they had the best Country and two of the best and most capacious Havens of the Kingdom which are those of Broüage and Bordeaux I wonder any one should be so indiscreet as to advise the King that it would be his best way to coop up the Hugonots in Guienne 'T is a dangerous piece to be depriv'd of and should the King once lose it it would be a great while in recovering But these good Counsellors do it for their own ends and to remove the War far enough from their own doors and yet we shall sell it them very dear before they have it In truth the King ought to make more reckoning of this Province to hinder the Enemy from getting footing there and not so to abandon the Country suffering others to make merry at our miserie to that degree as to ask if we yet have beds to lie in I cannot believe this word could come out of the Queens mouth for she has ever had and yet has a great many very good Servants there and those Messieurs of France that jeer at our misfortunes may have their share in time The evil is not alwayes at one door Now this was the result of the Enemies Council and it was very well design'd My Brother Monsieur de Valence will bear witness that a 〈◊〉 person who was assisting at their Councils when he thought fit gave us an account of the aforesaid deliberation which was great and I believe that had they taken a resolution to drive out all the Catholicks and to have call'd in all the Hugonots out of France into this Province which was so much despis'd when they had once made it their own they would have had possessions enow to have enricht them all and moreover all the Gentry of those parts would have been constrain'd to turn Hugonots and to take up arms for them by which means the King would afterwards have had much ado to reduce and more to reclaim them for to have made them turn again to our Religion would have â—een no easie task forasmuch as after a man is once accustomed to a thing be it good or bad he is very unwilling to leave it but God would not suffer so great a mischief both for the King and us who are his Catholick Subjects This was the advantage that accru'd by the breaking of the Bridg in the judgment of all both Friends and Enemies and I will be bold to say that of all the services I ever did for Guienne this was the most remarkable exploit which proceeded from no other thing but my resolution to go put my self into Agen for otherwise the Town had been quitted and the Admiral had come directly thither and not to Port St. Marie nor to Aguillon as he was constrain'd to do For a consultation being held at Lauserte it was there concluded that at their departure from thence they should go to quarter at Castel-Sagrat Montjoy St. Maurin and Ferussac and the next day at Agen making full account they should meet with no resistance Which had it so fall'n out the Admiral would have had elbow-room enough and betwixt two great Rivers not only have refresht his Army at great ease and in great security but moreover have made the whole Country sure to him I know very well that it was told the Admiral by two or three persons in his Army that in case it was true that I was in Agen they could never get me out but by bits and that in my life I had committed greater follies than that And there were who said that they had seen me engage my self in three or four places the strongest of which was not half so tenable as Agen and had still come off with honour These who said this might well affirm it with truth as having been with me in those places But the Admiral still maintain'd that he was confident I had not put my self into Agen with any intention to stay there but that my determination was so soon as I
in charge near unto Tholouze call'd l'Epine to burn it To which the forenamed person making answer that it was one of the most beauâ—â—ful piles in all that Country the Captain reply'd That if the Master of that House had no other he would be houseless The said Sieur de Bouzet himself told me all that this person had said to them of which I immediately advertiz'd the premier President for to have acquainted the Mareschal with it had been to no purpose and I was very certain he would have given no credit to any information of mine which made me rather choose to advertise the President sending him word that he ought to call in Monsieur de la Valette who was already return'd towards Tholouze and Messieurs de Negrepelice and de Sarlabous and that they could not have too many good men in the City for the Enemy talkt strange things which nevertheless I would not repeat by reason it was but the discourse of the Râ—bble of their Camp to which no credit was to be given These were the contents of my Letter I am confident the President has not lost it and thus all the Enemies Forces departed from Port St. Marie and passed by in the sight of the Castle of Bajaumont in which was Monsieur de Durfort Brother to the Sieur de Bajaumont that now is I fallied out with my two Companies of Gens-d'armes and saw them all march by within less than a Harquebuze-shot of me I having no more than eight or ten Horse in my Party for I had left the Cavalâ—y a little behind but could not place them so covertly but that the Enemy saw them very plain yet not so much as a man came out to discover what we were but held on their march and went to quarter that night about Pont de Casse and drawing towards St. Maurin quarter'd themselves about the said St. Maurin and the adjacent Villages where they stay'd two or three dayes Now being the said Sieur de Durfort had seen all their Army both Horse and Foot pass by and had had leisure at his ease to number them upon their march I entreated him to take Post and to go acquaint his Majesty with the number of their Camp who amongst other things told me he had discover'd a Troop of five or six hundred Horse who passed by at a little further distance than the rest the most of which had no Boots and could therefore be no other than Grooms and Footmen they had mounted only to make a shew I did nothing that I did not first communicate to the Bishop of Agen in whom I did at that time confide as much or more than in my own Brother esteeming him for one of the best friends and a man of as much integrity and virtue as any Prelate in France He is descended from the House of Fregosa of Genoa I gave instructions to the said Sieur de Durfort and a Letter of Credence which consisted of these heads That I had sent to his Majesty the Sieur de Durfort who had had the conveniency exactly to number the Army of the Princes to deliver a perfect account of all that he had numbred and seen After which I acquainted his Majesty with the course they steer'd and the resolution they went withal to burn all before them of which I had also given notice to the priemier President of Tholouze to acquaint therewith all those who had Houses near unto the City that they might withdraw their goods and that they would do well to call in Monsieur de Negrepelice if he was not already there together with Messieurs de la Vallette and de la Sarlabous In another clause of my Letter to the King I sent word that the person I do not here name of the Religion who had been in the Enemies Camp had brought news to the Sieurs de la Châ—ppelle and de Bouzet that the Captain of Horse with whom he had conferr'd had told him that they had designs upon Montpelier and Pont St. Esprit which were sure to take effect telling his Majesty that I was very well acquainted with the Governor of Montpelier Monsieur de Castetnau for whom I would be responsible with my life but that I knew not him of Pont St. Esprit but that if his Majesty would please to give a caution to the said Governors to have an eye to those places it would be a means to awake their diligence and to make them provide better for their safety and defence I likewise gave his Majesty to understand that the Bishop of Agen who was lately come from an Abbey of his in Languedoc near unto Narbonne had told me that all the lower Languedoc from Montpelier to Avignon were in very great anxiety having no one in those parts to command them and had sent to the Mareschal to entreat him to send them Monsieur de Ioyeuse for provided they had a Chief to head them they should be enow to defend the Country and that therefore if his Majesty thought fit he might do well to send to the Mareschal to let Monsieur de Ioyeuse go into the lower Languedoc he having enow other great Captains about him for as much as the said Sieur de Ioyeuse would be there better accepted than any other as the said Bishop had assur'd me I moreover acquainted his Majesty in my said Letter that if he would please to command the Monsieur to march with the one half of his Army only we should be able to fight with greater Forces than those of the Princes and let his Majesty look upon me as the basest fellow that ever bore arms in case the Monsieur would come but with the one half of his Army provided he brought his Reiters along with him if he did not defeat the Princes and put an end to the War that in case his Majesty should not think fit the Monsieur should come let him then command the Prince Dolphin to march with the Army towards the Country of Rouvergue with whom I would joyn and we would find means that the Mareschal d'Anville should also joyn with us and that then about Tholouze or which way soever they should move we would find an opportunity to fight them at our best advantage These were all the heads of my instructions and to say the truth not a man of them had ever return'd into France unless they had hid their heads in their strong holds and we had preserv'd the Country Had they once been broken or separated they would have had much ado ever to have rally'd and piec'd again This good Bishop of Agen had told me that he gave Narbonne for lost and that Monsieur de Rieux the Governor was a Hugonot that he had driven one of the principal Catholicks to whom all the rest of the Catholicks ever address'd themselves out of the City at which the Inhabitants were almost in despair insomuch that the Catholick Citizens had writ to
my self so infinitely decayed that I never again expect to be able to bear arms I have however this obligation to the Harquebuze shot which has pierced through and shatter'd my face that it has been the occasion of writing these Commentaries which I have an opinion will continue when I am dead and gone I entreat all those who shall read them not to look upon them as proceeding from the Pen of an Historian but of an old Soldier and a Gascon who has writ his own life truly and in the rough stile of a Soldier All such as bear arms may take exemple by it and acknowledge that from God alone proceed the successes or the misfortunes of men And seeing we ought to have recourse to him alone let us beseech him to assist and advise us in all our afflictions for in this world there is nothing else of which the great ones have their share as well as the meanest of us all Wherein he manifâ—steth his own greatness in that neither King nor Prince are exempâ—ed from his correcting hand and who stand not continually in need of him and his divine assistance Do not disdain you who desire to follow arms instead of reading Amadis de Gaule and Launcelot du Lake to spend sometimes an hour in reading what I have done and in taking notice of what I have been in this Treatise that I leave behind me By which means you shall learn to know your selves and betimes to form your selves to be Soldiers and Captains for you must first learn to obey that you may afterwards know how to command This is not for silk-worms and spruce Courtiers to do nor for those that are in love with their ease but for such as by the ways of virtue and at the price of their lives will endeavour to immortalize their names as I hope in despite of envy I have done that of Montluc Here the Signieur de Montluc had put an end to his Boook but since the short Supplement following was found amongst his Papers I Here thought I had at once put an end both to my Writing and my Life never imagining that God would ever again have enabled me to get on horse-back to bear arms but he was pleased to order it otherwise For some time all France was happy in the enjoyment of Peace and repose whilst I alone was afflicted with sickness and tormented with my great wound which together confin'd me for the most part to my bed notwithstanding by little and little I recover'd my health being more glad to be discharg'd of my Government than if that heavy burthen had still layn upon my shoulders The Marquis de Villars who has now the charge upon him will no doubt acquit himself of his trust as an old Cavalier and a great Captain ought to do Now I ever said with my self hearing news from Court for I had yet some correspondence there that the Hugonots were too much caressed for any good to come of it and saw very well that there was some mischief a brewing The King by his Letters which I have yet by me and also in discourse to several of my friends was pleased to declare that he was no way dissatisfied with me that he desir'd to manifest how much I was in his favour and esteem and that my own indisposition had been the only reason of his putting the Marquis de Villars into my place I was content to believe it to be so for we must believe as our Kings will have us or otherwise we offend them Now although I was no more the Kings Lieutenant notwithstanding all the Nobless and all the 〈◊〉 of Guienne ever paid me a very great respect and very often came to visit me at which times we never parted without some discourse of what the times would come to for we thought the Hugonots were grown very insolent and spoke almost as high as in the first Troubles Had I been as young and lusty now as I was then I should have made some of them have held their prating at least in Gascony where I was A year or thereabout being passed over in this manner news was brought of what had hapned upon St. Bartholomew's day at Paris where the Admiral was so unadvised as to engage his person out of vanity to shew that he govern'd all I wonder that so circumspect and so wise a man and a man so well beaten to the affairs of the world should commit so gross an error He paid dear for it for it cost him his life and many others And indeed to speak the truth he had brought great troubles upon the Kingdom for I know that all nâ—r the one half of the mischief was never contriv'd by the Prince of Condé The said Prince communicated but too much of his designs to me at Poissy and I do believe that would I have given ear to him he would have told me all I acquainted the Queen with every syllable of it but she enjoyn'd me silence She did not then think that things would have come to that pass that they afterwards did I know very well and it is very well known to all the world that she was accused for the cause of the Commotions that hapned in the fiâ—st Troubles and the Prince did her the wrong to send her Letters into Germany to shew them and cause them to be printed and published in all places which nevertheless did not much advance his affairs The said Lady the Queen being at Tholouze did me the honor to talk with me above three hours upon that subject and said a great many things to me that I shall be so wise as to keep to my self So it is that it is a very easie matter to reprehend and find fault with those who have the management of the affairs of the world especially affairs of so great importance as she had having the King and his Brothers so young upon her hands and all the Princes being bandied against one another and afterwards this specious Cloak of Religion which has equally serv'd both Parties to shadow and palliate their Revenge and to make us devour one another I pray what apparence could there be that she should have any intelligence with the said Pâ—ince what she has since done has sufficiently manifested the contrary But I shall wave this discourse for perhaps I say too much and return to my former subject Every one was astonisht to hear what had hapned at Paris especially the Hugonots who could not find ground enough to â—ly over the most of them escaping into Bearn The rest turn'd Catholicks or at least seem'd to do so For my part I did them no harm on my side but they were every where used exceedingly ill I then thought that our Naval Army which at that time lay before Rochelle was design'd for something else than to go into Portugal and then sounded the bottom of the Design but I could not imagine why they had only wounded the