there were manythat could did distinguish and separate the Kings cause from the Courtiers and did shew that as they hated them so they loved him Especially the Ministery who at a Generall Assembly held at Edinburgh in November appointed a generall Fast to be kept throughout the whole Kingdome and gave out the reasons thereof to be first The abounding of wickednesse secondly The danger of the Church thirdly The danger of the King fourthly The danger of the Common-wealth which all were meant did directly point at the rulers of court chiefly through their wickednesse Atheisme want of Religion Godlessenesse Popishnesse or Libertinisme avarice aspiring Who being sole said they or chief about the King under the shadow of his authority first do trouble the Ministery secondly seek to pervert his Majestie and draw him if it were possible for them to the same contempt of Religion that so in time he might become a persecuter and enemie to the Church and overthrow it altogether thirdly do tread under foot the Common-wealth of this Countrey by banishing the best of the Nobility who do love God and the Church best and are best affected toward the Kings welfare that they in the meane time may possesse and brook their Lands and Inheritance And fourthly who suffered murther oppression witch-craft whooredome and many other sinnes to passe unpunished and uncurbed This Fast continued the space of a Week including both the Sundayes The Courtiers notwithstanding of this contemning and slighting all admonitions kept on their own wayes and course of committing banishing discrediting and weakening of all such as they thought did favour the Nobility and were not forward enough to further them and advance their faction They ingrossed all places of power and authority to themselves dis-armed dis-abled and diminished all others and even derided them Of which dealing I will recompt one example amongst many I have made mention above how some discord and variance fell out betwixt Pitcairne Abbot of Dumfermling and the Earl of Gowrie Hereupon Gowrie to match Pitcairne had reconciled himself to the Courtiers and was thought to side with them and especially to be very intimate with Colonell Stuart Pitcairne laboured to out-shoot the Earle in his own Bow and for that end sues to the Colonel for his friendship which because he knew that it was vendible he sent him the price thereof according to his estimate in gold The Colonell liked the mettall but not the condition and therefore he kept both his friendship and the gold to himself and having shewed it to the King and Gowrie deriding him said that the Abbot had sent him that to draw the King to favour him and thus was he flouted and wiped clean of his Moneyes William Douglas of Logh-leven was confined in the Merse for no other fault but because he was a Douglas and an upright honest man as any was in the Kingdome Sir George Hume of Wedderburne because he was in Kinne and a friend of the Earle of Angus was sent prisoner to the Castle of Downe beyond Forth Sir James Hume of Coldinknows was committed to the Castle of Edinburgh Master Cunninghame of Drummewhasle was like wise imprisoned and Master John Colvill brother to Cleish had been served in the same kinde if he fearing their rage had not prevented it by fleeing Many others were used after the like sort it being a sufficient crime to favour any of the discourted Noblemen Last of all a Proclamation was made wherein the Fact at Ruthven was condemned as foule abominable and treasonable and all the actors therein or favourers of them were commanded to depart from Edinburgh and not to come hear the place where the King was or should happen to be under the pain of death The Earle of Gowrie had taken a remission for it but it served not his turne nor did him any good at all for he was particularly charged to go off the Countrey and not to remain in Scotland England or Ireland with a non obstante notwithstanding any remission obtained before And to secure themselves yet further they prohibited all men to carry Pistols except the Kings Domesticks and his Guard They brought home also into Scotland Lodowick Duke of Lennox son to Obignie being then but a child to strengthen their party and to tie the Kings affection so much the more to them He was restored to his fathers estate as a part thereof to the Lordship of Dalkeith This being Angus his inheritance they thought it would engage the Duke in a perpetual enmitie with him as it is ordinary for a man to hate him whom he wrongs On these the like grounds they established to themselves in their own conceit a perpetuall safe estate which they had so fastned and linked with the Kings that neither could be brangled without the shaking and over turning of the other But these courses produced a quite contrary effect even then wrought such disposition in men as did at last over-throw all their plots and themselves withall So frail and so unsure a foundation is iniquity For Angus as he was altogether innocent of any thing that could be alledged against him even in their own judgements so was he universally beloved of all by an hereditary popularity from his Auncestours and more for his own known vertues and therefore being thus wronged in his person and in his inheritance he was pitied of all Marre in like manner being descended of an honourable ancient faithfull and loyall race of Progenitours as also for his own good parts and conditions was beloved in like sort and pitied notwithstanding that he had been an actour at Ruthven The Earle of Gowrie by the contrary was greatly hated by the Courtiers and little set by or regarded by the other partie He had assisted with his father at the slaughtering of Rizio and was the chief man and principall authour and actour in the fact of Ruthven Yet had he changed his minde and side at S. Andrews repented him of what he had done at Ruthven condemned it and taken a remission for it Now being casten off by the Court and commanded to depart off the Countrey he repents him of his repentance and condemnes his condemning and would if he could salve all again by his recanting and retracting of this last act But as the committing of the fact had made him to be hated by the Courtiers so his condemning of it had brought him to be suspected of the Noblemen He had condemned himself and did deserve to be condemned either for that he had done at Ruthven or for his condemning of what he did then and taking a remission for it He had given a colour to the adverse party to condemne it by his confession and example and had furnished them with that argument whereby to presse the condemning of it upon the Ministerie or others For that was their maine argument and the string they most harped on Gowries confession of a fault and remission
The rest were led forth and accused 1. Of causing kill the Kings brother John 2. Of inciting the King and animating him against his other brother Alexander Duke of Albaine so as to banish him 3. Of sowing dissention betwixt the King and his Nobles 4. Of drawing him to superstition witch-craft and magick to the offence of God and slander of Religion 5. Of perswading him to coyne a certain kinde of brasse coyne of no value which the people called the black coyne which fact of all other was most odious to the vulgar For hereupon had ensued great dearth of corns and victuall while as the owners did choose rather to suffer their graine to rot in their Garners then under the name of selling to give them to the buyers for so they thought it to be a gift and not a sale Their accusations were no sooner read but all cryed out against them and so they were condemned to be hanged over the bridge of Lawder That sentence pronounced was so acceptable to all that heard it that they ran and brought their horse halters and bridle reines to serve for ropes and strive who should have the honour therein the whole Army and Nobilitie concurring and assisting at their execution And thus they did remove those men whom the good of the King of the Nobilitie and whole Countrey required necessarily to be removed from their Prince Yet it was done with as great respect to himself as it could be in such a case where matters were to proceed contrary to his minde They offer his person no violence they do not mis-behave themselves in words they are carefull it be not done by any in a tumult and therefore come accompanied with the fewer number They grant his desire when he did interceed for one of the guiltie which shewes how willing they would have been to have granted the test also if it could have been done safely A very remarkable and rare example of carefulnesse of the Common-wealth joyned with all modestie love and dutifulnesse towards their King Their behaviour was just such as Lawyers prescribe in such cases who accounting the person of the Prince sacred and not to be touched any way do allow that their wicked counsellours and abusers only be taken order with where the good of the Countrey enforceth it Wherein the Earle of Angus being the principall actour the chief commendation thereof can not be taken from him the praise I say not onely of wisedome in propounding and perswading of courage and resolution in under-taking but also of discreet moderation and dutifull regard to the King in performing of this action without tumult or uprore Happie had the King been if he could have taken it up rightly and as he saw how far his wicked abusers were hated he had also read their love and regard of his person that appeared in every act of this Tragick Comedie written in fair and Capitall Letters He made show as if he had taken all in good part but it was not in sinceritie He accounted it high treason and rebellion and set his minde wholly on revenge He saw what was done to his Courtiers but he would not see the respect carried to himself for upon this occasion the Army dissolving so soon as he came to Edinburgh and found himself at libertie he retired to the Castle with a few of his familiar friends as not daring to trust his Nobilitie Which when they perceived they had their private meetings and consultations apart Hereupon his brother Alexander moves the King of England to send an Army with the Earle of Glocester hoping to do somewhat for himself And so he doth for the Nobilitie sent for him and made him chief man of the party under the name of Generall Lieutenant of Scotland The King remained in the Castle from whence he is brought out and restored to his own place his brother endeavouring by modestie to approve his uprightnesse and banish all jealousies by his actions But all would not do he continues his jealousie and the effects of jealousie an evill minde and ill-will Intends to make him away some say by poison whereof he being advertised with-drawes himself again into England and that he might be the more welcome thither he put the Castle of Dumbar into their hands Neither doth he bear any better minde toward the Nobilitie but still intends their ruines making up a heap of crimes calling all their proceedings and actions rebellious And after a short while the Courtiers began to follow the foot-steps of those that had gone before them and nothing terrified with the example of their end began to trade the same path that they had done John Ramsay who was pardoned at Lawder procured an edict from the King that none but he and his followers should go armed in those places where the Kings Court did converse The King thought it was hard for him to deale with them all at once therefore they must be divided For this effect he insinuates himself and becomes very familiar with a part of them and advanceth them to honours He makes the Earle of Crawford Duke of Monrosse a great and powerfull man But who was so sit for his service as the Earle of Angus he makes as if he were fully reconciled to him hath him continually about him countenanceth him every way communicates with him his most secret affairs some say he made him Chancellour but the Chancellour Andrew Stuart Lord of Evendale was even now living at the coming in of Alexander Duke of Albanie neither hear we of his death neither do we finde in old Evidents that the Earle of Angus is entituled Chancellour before 1493. which is after this Kings death in King James the fourth his time though we have Evidents of the year 1488. and 89. To him the King opens his mind so far as finding that the principal of the Nobility were in Edinburgh the K. sends for Angus to the Castle tells him that now he hath a fair occasion to be avenged of his enemies that he would cause seize and apprehend them for if the Leaders and Chief of the Faction were once cut off the rest would not dare to stirre that if he should neglect this opportunitie he could hardly look for the like hereafter Some say that he purposed to have invited them to a supper in the Castle and so to have laid hands on them others say that he meant to have caused take them in their lodgings in the night which is not unlikely The Earle of Angus though he were no very old Cat some 31. or 32. if that was 1486. as it should seem yet was he too warie and circumspect to be drawne by a straw He knew himself to be as guilty as any of them and as much hated for his guilt But he was now within the Castle and had need to carry himself wisely To refuse might endanger his life to consent he could not it was so grosse and foule Wherefore he frames
saved and the Earle Bothwell sailed to Denmark There being examined what he was and whence he came when he did not answer clearly and distinctly he was cast into prison and having lien there ten years at last he died mad The 15. of December a Parliament was held at Edinburgh where most part of the Nobilitie were present and amongst others the Earle of Huntley which when the Queen heard of she said Bothwell might as well have been there as he meaning that they were both alike guiltie In this Parliament the Queens resignation of the Crown the Kings Coronation and Murrays Regencie were confirmed their Fact was approved that had taken the Queen at Carburie and William Douglas was authorized to keep her still in the Castle of Logh-leven Things being thus settled the Regent being acknowledged of all and his authoritie ratified Religion established the fear of Bothwel removed they seemed to be in great suretie yet were they never lesse sure for these very things which seemed to make them strong and sure were the causes of change for many did envie the Regent some hated Religion and others there were that being rid of Bothwell applied themselves to the Queen whom only out of hatred to Bothwell they had forsaken Of the last sort was Secretary Metellane of the second Tillebardin who had also some particular against the Regent which Writers do not specifie The Hamiltons were of the first Rank who thought themselves injured by him and esteemed his Office due to them together with Argyle whose mother and Huntley whose wife was of the house of Hamilton These had some hopes from France where Beton Archbishop of Glasgow lay as Lieger for the Queen and fed them with faire promises of men and money Yet they carried things very closely and made shew of friendship to those of the Kings side till such time as the Queen escaped out of Logh-leven by the means of George Douglas brother to William of Loghleven and to the Regent also by his mother This George had corrupted a naturall brother of his who was often trusted by William with the Keyes of the Castle One day William being at dinner this man desired the Keyes of him as he had done divers times before to let out the Queens waiting Gentlewoman and having gotten them he let out the Queen her self in her Gentlewomans apparell and masked He also went out with her and having locked the Gates threw the Keyes into the Lake and rowed the Queen over in the Boat to the Lake side where George and Tillibarne were staying for her with nine horse onely Our Writers say it was without the mothers knowledge but others affirme that she had a hand in it being moved with pity and commiseration to see her Princesse in such estate and upon the Queens promise to preferre her sonne George and pardon her other friends that were on her contrary faction amongst which we hear no mention of Murray Morton also was leâ—…t out onely it was agreed upon that his forfeiture should not prejudice their right to the Earledome of Morton This fell out the second day of May 1568. She went that night to Nidderie where by the way the Lord Seton and John Hamilton of Orbiston did meet her and the next day they went to Hamilton with 500. horse The Regent was then at Glasgow keeping of justice Courts When these news were brought to him some counselled him to go to Stirlin where the King was and where he would be the stronger But William Douglas of Drumlenrig not having the patience to stay till it came to his turne to speak and before his opinion was asked If you do so my Lord sayes he I will get me straight to the Queen as Boyde hath done For Boyde indeed was gone to her with intention as he would have made them beleeve to play Husha's part for he wrote back to Morton by his sonne that he would be more steadable and do them better service being with her than if he should remain with them There is a Proverb a foot backward a mile backward a mile a million and so never forward Whereby is signified that there is much moment in the beginnings and first efforts and great danger in recoiling and letting slip the present opportunitie So thought Drumlenrig and the Lord Semple also was of his minde Morton did confirme their opinion and reduced at large how necessary it was for them to stay still in Glasgow shewing that it was their best to make all the haste they could that their safetie did consist in celeritie in regard that so soon as it were known that she was at libertie the opinion of her authoritie and name of a Queen would daily draw more and more followers to her especially seeing the most remote parts of the Kingdome were most affectionated to her service We are enough here said he together with the Towns men who being enemies to the Hamiltons we need not doubt of their fidelittie to keep this place and make it good against them The Cunninghames and Semples potent families are hard at hand and so is the Lennox the Kings own patrimonie Neither is Douglas-dale very farre off nor Stirlin-Shire and the Earle of Marres Forces These will suffice to oppose the enemie till such time as our friends that dwell further off be advertised Mortons judgement was respected and his opinion followed whereupon messengers were immediatly dispatched and sent into Lowthian and the Merse and other parts which lay farre off to give them notice of their danger and of their intentions and to desire them to make all the haste that possibly they could to come to their aid and assistance The first that came was the Lord Hume with 600. horse the ninth of May upon his arrivall they intended to go directly to Hamilton and dare the enemie and force him to fight But that same night ere morning word was brought them that they were gathering their forces and mustering their men to take the fields for having gotten together 6000. men and knowing by certain intelligence that they were not above 4000 with the Regent confiding in their number they purposed to carry the Queen to the castle of Dumbartan where she remaining in a place of safety they might manage and prosecute the warre according to their pleasure and either use expedition therein or draw it out at length and linger as they should see cause and finde it most for their advantage The Regent ghessing what their aime was led also his armie forth into Glasgow-Moore supposing they would have gone that way but when he saw them on the South side of the river of Clide he made haste and crossed the river at the Bridge and Foords to be before them in their way I have heard it reported by those that live there about that the Queens Souldiers did essay to passe the river and come to that side where the Regent was but one or two of the foremost
but how uncertaine and unsure a prop is the vulgar England did befriend them some times but not so fully as they needed and even so farre as did concern their own safetie So that when all is duely considered we shall not finde any ground for one to build on that would seek nothing else but his own private ends of honour or preferment Wherefore it is no wonder if Secretarie Metellane and Grange men that sought themselves onely did joyne with that partie which was likest to thrive and prosper in all discourse of reason and humane wisedome Neither can any man think that Morton did aime at his own greatnesse or that it was out of any self-respect that he followed the other partie with such disadvantage if we will acknowledge that he was a wise and judicious man And therefore if we search with an unpartiall eye what could have been the motives that made him cleave so stedfastly to this cause we shall finde them to have been no particular of his own nor any thing else besides the equitie and justnesse thereof as he conceived his love to the young King as his King and Kinsman together with the preservation of Religion and the welfare of his Countrey which he thought did stand and fall with this quarrell and cause This in all likelihood hath been his minde which whether it was right or wrong let them dispute who list our purpose is onely to shew so farre as may be gathered by discourse of reason what it was that did induce him to follow this course Now although he had bent all his power and endeavours this way yet there lacked not some who did blame him as not zealous enough to revenge Murrays death His brothers Uterine Loghleven and Buchain craved justice against the murtherers so much the rather for that he was not slain for any private quarrell or enmitie but for the publick defence of the King and Countrey When it came to a consultation some were of opinion that those who were suspected should be summoned to appear against a certain day according to custome and order of Law Others again thought that such processe and legall proceeding needed not to be observed toward them who had already taken arms to maintain by force what they had committed by treacherie and treason but that an Army should be levied against them and not only against them but also against all such as had been declared Rebels by the former Parliament But Morton did not like of this last course nor Athole because neither was that meeting frequent enough to determine of those things and besides they foresaw that the joyning of many faults would take away or diminish and make men forget the principall and to mingle other crimes with the murther were but to make all the guiltie in what ever kinde to joyn with the murtherers and so raise a generall and open insurrection and a most dangerous Civill Warre Wherefore they deferred all till the first of May the day appointed for a Convention as also for choosing of a new Regent These delayes were motioned by Secretary Metellane who at Granges request upon his oath that he was innocent of the Kings and Regents murther and of the Rebellion raised in England and having found sureties to appear and answer whensoever he should be legally pursued was released by the Nobility here conveened For what ever respect Metellane made this motion Athole consented to it and Morton also because he saw there could be no orderly proceeding at this time This was ill taken of the vulgar who did interpret this delay of which they knew Metellane to be authour to be nothing else but a plot of his to gain time to strengthen his own faction and that Murrayes death might be forgotten or at least the heat of revenging it might cool and relent which they thought should not have been granted and given way to This was done the 14. of February the day after the Regents Funerall The 15. of February Argyle and Boyde wrote to Morton from Glasgow where the principall of the Queens side were conveened that they were willing to joyn with the rest of the Nobility against such as were guilty of the Regents death but because it was not yet perfectly known who they were they desired that they might meet and conferre about it so that they of the Kings side would come to Lithgow or Fawkirk or Stirlin for they would not come to Edinburgh Morton did impart the businesse and communicate these Letters with Metellane as they had wished him to do but he refusing to meet any where else save in Edinburgh there was no meeting at this time But afterward the 24. of February they came to Morton to Dalkeeth and laboured to perswade him to come over to their side but he was so farre from listening to them that he did assure them he would stand to the maintenance of the Kings authority to the utmost of his power It may be some will think that this constancie did proceed from distrust according to that Pseudo politick and Machiavillian maxim qui offensa non pardóna who once offends never forgives and that he thought his fault so great in opposing the Queen that it could not be pardoned But why should he have thought so His was no greater than were some of theirs who were pardoned than the Lord Humes by name And certainly by all appearance he could have made a far better mends he might have put an end to the controversie and restored the Queen again to her own place which might have sufficiently expiated all his former transgressions Wherefore we may justly call it constancy which was accompanied with courage in undertaking so hard and difficult a task and with wisedome in atchieving and bringing of it through In the beginning of March he went to Edinburgh whither the principals of the other party came also Huntley Crawford Oglebee and the Lord Hume Seton and Metellane There were but few with Morton till Marre and Glencairne came in to him The next day after they met to consult of businesse but because Argyle was absent whose power was great they could conclude nothing Wherefore Huntley goes to him with intention to bring him along with him but he came back without him which every body thought was done by Metellans cunning who hindred all agreement that he might the better fish in troubled waters The night following these Lords who were on the Queens side took such a sudden apprehension and panick fear without any apparant cause that having watched all the night in their Arms they departed next morning without order and very dismayedly About the end of April 1570. The Earle of Marre set forth from Stirlin to Edinburgh against the 1. of May which was the day appointed for a Convention of the States but the Lords of the contrary partie lay in his way at Linlithgow Wherefore Morton goes forth to meet him with 500. horse and 1000. foot so that
Sacraments as said is shall be ipso facto deprived and all his Ecclesiasticall promotions and livings shall be voide and vacant as if he were naturally dead 3. The third Act That none should be reputed as loyall and faithfull Subjects to our Soveraigne Lord but be punishable as Rebels that gave not confession and profession of the reformed Religion That such as had once professed it and afterward made defection should returne before the first of June next and renew their former confession first Promise to continue in it secondly To maintain the Kings authority thirdly The Preachers fourthly And Professours of the true Religion against whomsoever and whatsoever enemies especially against all of whatsoever Nation or degree that had bound themselves to maintain the decrees of the Councel of Trent and were falsely called The holy League 4. The fourth Act That whosoever were excommunicated and remained so 40. dayes letters of horning should be directed to charge him to satisfie the decree of the Church pronounced against him and to be reconciled to the Church and submit to the Discipline thereof under pain of Rebellion and if he did remain obstinate that hee should bee put to the horne and then letters of caption should be granted to apprehend him c. 5. The fifth Act was That Ecclesiasticall persons such as above remaining year and day at the horne should lose their Life-rents These Laws he procured to be made in Parliament and being made he saw them duely executed by which mean it came to passe that in his time there was no man in Scotland that professed advowedly any other Religion than the reformed or maintained any point of Religion contrary to the doctrine of this Church Men do now wonder at it how it could be yet so it was and this was the mean that procured it As for the Borders hee tamed and daunted them by In-rodes and Justice-Eyres executing some for terrour to others taking pledges and hostages of the rest and punishing them that transgressed according to their faults most part by pecuniarie mulcts and fynes The High-landers were kept in by binding the chief of the Clans over to the peace and partly by fear partly by gentlenesse he drew them to the obedience of the Laws But the chief mean for all was a solid and perfect peace established amongst the Nobilitie the onely certain and sure way of keeping the Borderers in order as by the contrary a stir amongst the States as themselves speak doth never faile to incite them to their theeving and robbing This he knowing well partly by his wisedome compassed and effected it partly it fell out of its own accord by mens inclination thereto being wearied with so long troubles and the turbulent heads that stirred up and entertained dissention being now taken away by death It is matter of laughter and sport to consider mens judgements concerning this his government I heard then and have read since in some memorials of those times his government mightily taxed and reproached and himself censured as covetous greedie as one that hanged some poor snakes for a shew of justice but suffered the richer theeves to escape for their money And yet the same men do not stick to say and write Betwixt the 3. of March 1575. and the 4. of March 1577. the space of two years there was nothing of importance to write of All this time the Regent governed the Realme both well and wisely for during these two years the common people had rest and quietnesse Not considering that his government in the former years had procured and caused the rest and quietnesse of these years Yea these same things which they call hanging of the poor for shew of Justice and letting the rich go for money they might call it if they would speak in proper termes and give it the right name a just moderation and tempering of justice with lenitie punishing some lest impunity might breed contempt of the Law punishing the fewest and in the gentlest sort lest too much rigour might drive them to despaire and so force them to desperate courses and to stirre up new commotions If this course did withall meet right with any natural inclination in him towards money yet that inclination did rather concurre with this judgement than cause it He knew the nature of his countrey-men how they cannot easily endure to have their lives touched or their bloud medled withal and how hard it is to over-master them by the strong hand and a violent way but farre more easie to be overcome and gained by fair meanes and therefore out of his wisedome hee made choyce of this as the best way for his purpose of settling Peace The event and issue did justifie his choyce for from hence did arise a full Peace and perfect quietnesse together with all obedience and good order in Church and State at home and account and great esteem of Strangers abroad His meanes indeed were also increased yet that came not so much by publick fynes or forfeitures as by his good husbandry and thrifty managing of the revenues of the Crown and his own private estate For no man knew better how to improve both the one and the other and to make the best of them and no man was more carefull and diligent in it than he He guided both himself and imployed his own pains and industrie therein as in all affairs whatsoever His servants were ever particularly directed by himself and they did but execute what he commanded The chief men he used were John Carmichael of Carmichael and George Auchinleck of Balmannoe He imployed the former in all matters that were to be done upon the Borders having made him even a warden theother had a care to gather in his rents and was as it were Stuart or Chamberlaine to him His private delight was in planting and building which hee did very magnificently especially at Dalkeith for which Drumlenrig admonished him that it was too sumptuous and stately for a Subject and too near to Edinburgh He built also an house in Tividale called the Droghholes for his private retreat He grew so in esteem of wisedome and riches with all men that it was no wonder though hee were a little touched with the opinion of it himself being now past all emulation and so accounted of by all men he could not but esteem also well of himself They who did envie him had little hope to hurt him by action being above their reach but by their tongues they sought to make him envied of all saying He had all the riches all the friendship and all the wisedome of Scotland Him alone This was Hyperbolicall and spoken to stir envie yet thus far it was true that he had more of all these than any other one man and so much as all his enemies were not able to match or impaire He had added to his friendship great parties the Lord Maxwell and Hamilton Maxwell married his Niece a daughter of his brother David and
equalitie in ruling though of never so neare and deare friends they will choke us with that old saying Nulla fides Regni sociis c. They will thinke it a diminution to the Kings authoritie which ought not to bee admitted either in effect or in appearance The grounds of his Title will seeme to bee brangled and overthrowne also his estate will bee made thereby more unsure and doubtfull The match though with a mother will bee too hard for him shee is elder and so wiser and more experienced and may soon steppe up from this equalitie to a Superioritie by questioning her former dimission by revoking and recalling of it as being done in prison and so not free nor voluntary Thus shall the King bee thrust out of his place the Countrey his old friends Religion and all quite undone Morton was too old a Cat to draw such a straw before him or to propound any thing tending that way wherefore their best was to make him away that so the plot might goe on And much more good effect would come of that one stroke Hee was rich hee had faire lands and houses a faire reward of all their pains and travell And no question his friends that should take his part might bee involved and insnared with him Especially the Earle of Angus could hardly in this case of his Uncle so behave himselfe but occasion might bee found against him which would bee a faire bootie The facilitie of compassing a businesse doth often draw men on and doth greatly prevail in all consultations The new factions against him were very strong yet hee kept them downe but it was meeerly by the Kings countenance if that were once taken away from him the rest would prove but easie And now to facilitate all there fell out such occasions as they could have wished or as they had made For in September in the yeare one thousand five hundreth seventy and nine Mounsieur d' Obignie was come or brought home his name his kindred his carriage his commission from friends in France his comelinesse his observance his person did procure him credit with the King and this faction did privately insinuate with him and openly thrust him forward into the Kings favour and put him out of conceit of Morton and indeed quite alienated him from him and so by him the King whose eare hee now had for Morton being such an adversary to the Queene and so to France Obignie to doe the Queene and to doe France service to pleasure the holy League himselfe being a Papist and to gaine the good will of this faction by whom hee was to rise to some great place about the King was easily induced to promove their plotte and malice against him Neither was there great difficultie in it hee had lost many friends offended all sorts of men the Burrowes the Ministerie and who so doth zealously affect them so farre as that if they were not his enemies they were but cold friends and such as would bee but spectatours and no wayes actours for him There fell out also about this time in October 1580. an accident which did him much hurt and made for their purpose The Lord Ruthven having beene in Kincarn a house of the Earle of Montrose at the marriage of the Earle of Marre as he returned to Perth his way lying neare to Diplin which belonged to the Lord Olyphant and there being enmitie and deadly fewd betwixt Olyphant and Ruthven Ruthven not withstanding rode that way in view of Diplin Olyphant tooke this as done in contempt of him and therefore issuing forth with some horsemen and some fire locks followed them and came upon them so unexpectedly and with such advantage of weapons that Ruthvens men fled presently and their Lord was forced to doe the like Onely one Alexander Stuart of the house of Traquaire and a Kinsman of Ruthvens stayed behind the rest partly to keep off the pursuers partly to speake with Olyphant in fair termes and was slain by a shot from one that knew him not sore against Oliphants minde and to his great griefe and discontentment The Lord Ruthven seeking by order of law to repair his credit and to be revenged for the killing of his friend causes summon Oliphant to answer criminally before the Justice Generall This Oliphant had married Margaret Douglas daughter to William Douglas of Logh-leven and now being pursued upon his life was assisted by his father in law The Earle of Morton would gladly have agreed the parties but the fact being recent and the Lord Ruthven together with the friends of the Gentleman that was slain having received such an affront and indignity there was no possibility to take it away save by law Wherefore Morton joyned with the party that was pursued for his life which hath ever beene accounted most Noble most tolerable and free from exception or quarrelling Besides Oliphant had not commanded his servant to shoote neither did hee allow or approve but was sory for it in his heart but hee thought hee could not with his honour deliver one who followed him and had done this rash fact in and for his service but was bound to defend him all hee could and protect him from all danger and harme according to his power Notwithstanding of this Ruthven was mightily displeased with Morton for countenancing and assisting Olyphant against him and Master John Metellane and Sir Robert Melvine who tooke part with Ruthven laid hold of the occasion and blew the bellowes so that they brought him to that point of unkindenesse that hee could very well have beene contented to see Morton reduced to such an estate and condition as that hee might neede his helpe and bee sensible of the losse of so steadable and usefull a friend as hee tooke himselfe to be Wherefore when hee understood that his enemies were plotting against him either for that he knew not that they aimed at no lesse then his death and finall overthrow or if hee did know so much because hee thought hee could give them a stop when hee pleased and hinder them from attaining that point of their aime hee suffered the course to goe on and perhaps helped it forward The name of Stuart were also offended with him for assisting one who was accused of the killing a Stuart and all this was aggreaged and aggravated by those of his opposite faction Besides this hee had shewed that hee was not well pleased with the Courtship and favour which Mounsieur D'Obignie had with the King because there was a generall suspition and feare that hee was imployed and would labour to corrupt and pervert him in his Religion There was with Obignie one Monbirneau who was thought to have been an actor and executioner of the Massacre in France extreamely dissolute in his conversation and therefore much hated feared and abhorred of all men which did reflect upon Obignie for his entertaining and familiarity with him The Ministers spake and preached openly and plainly against them
in the morning hee arose and wrote letters for the space of three houres with his owne hand to the King and afterward laid him downe againe and slept till nine These Letters were sent by the Ministers who came to visit him but Arran and Lennox would not suffer them to be received When he was up Master Walter Balcanquell and John Durie two of the Ministers of Edinburgh came to him and had long conference with him which is set downe at length in the Historie of Scotland written by Francis Boteville called Thin an Englishman and joyned to Hollinsheds Chronicle so that he who desires to know it may reade it there The summe of it is his confession concerning such things as they questioned him of 1. And first concerning the murthering of the King he said he was neither airt nor pairt thereof and that being prest by the Earle Bothwell he would never consent to it And although say the notes Bothwell alledged that the Queene had determined it and divers Noblemen had given their consent under their hand-writing and had sent to him to desire him to put to his hand also yet he answered resolutely that he would in no wise meddle in it nor be guilty of innocent bloud As for the Queen said he though it be so yet women will say and gain-say she may in her anger doe or say that which afterward she will repent her of Nay when Bothwell promised to bring her consent thereto under her hand-writing yet he refused to joyne with him upon any termes and to avoyd his importunitie he passed over to Saint Andrewes to visit the Earle of Angus who was then a Student in the New colledge there neither did he see or meet with Bothwell after that untill such time as the fact was committed 2. As for poysoning the Earle of Athole at Stirling he said he was neither author of it if he were poysoned nor any wise accessary or conscious to it that he detested and abhorred all such formes of dealing even with enemies and was sorry to think that so base foule and wicked practice should creep into this Countrey which was already guilty of too many too common other sins of its owne he said also that he was not such an enemy to Athole as that he would have done him any hurt though he had found him lying asleep by the way side 3. Touching the Earle of Lennox he said he never wished him any hurt so farre was he from conspiring against him Onely it grieved him that he knew the estate of this Countrey no better and that he saw not what danger the King was in and that he was induced by perswasion to bring home such as were enemies to the true Religion which he purposed to have let him understand and hoped to have advised him better when they had beene better acquainted and more intimately familiar 4. And as for carrying the King to England he said he would not have done it for a world unlesse it had beene to have made him King of England that there was never such a motion made to him directly nor indirectly by the Queene or any other in England or Scotland that he never had any pension of her 5. As touching his setting up and maintaining the estate of Bishops whereof there had ensued great debate and contention betwixt him and the Ministery he said it did not proceed of any ill minde of any malice or contempt of them or their callings but meerly out of want of better knowledge thinking that form of government to be most conforme to the rules of policie and to be fittest for the times That if he had then knowne better he would have done otherwise and that he had intention if he had lived to have made amends 6. Concerning his incontinencie and worldly mindednesse he freely acknowledged and confessed it seriously repented and craved God pardon for it and said he firmely beleeved to obtaine it that he saw mercy and had found more grace during the time of his trouble then ever hee had done all his life before 7. For his detaining of some Citizens of Edinburgh in prison he said he had not done it out of any spleene or private quarrell against the men but the matter of bringing in Bullion being then in hand and he being informed that these men did hinder it he thought it his best course to commit them till such time as the businesse were done Wherein if he had wronged them he was sorrie and craved them pardon forgivenes His counsell to the Earle of Angus his Nephew was doubtfull for he said he durst not advise him in any particular for the present because he thought it would endanger his life if he should come to Court and not to come if he were commanded would hazard his estate His best were to use what meanes he could to obtaine the Kings favour and leave that life and lands safe he might serve God and him in a private retired manner which he would wish him to doe in all humility and to submit himselfe and all to the Kings will and pleasure To the King his master with all submission yet in the name and fear of God he would exhort him to beware of Papists either profest known or suspected who as he thought were become too too familiar with him that he would continue in the true Religion and fear of God entertain in his company such as loved it according as he had bin bred and brought up not to make defection from it or slide back else it could not be well with him he feared there was danger which men should see when he was gone He remembred the admonition which master Knox gave him when he came to visit him on his death bed or a little before being newly made Regent God hath said Knox blessed you with many blessings he hath given you wisedome riches and friends and now he hath preferred you to the government of this Countrey use these things well and better than hitherto you have done alwayes to his glory who hath given them you first by advancing the Gospel and maintenance of the Ministers and the whole Church next by procuring the good and welfare of the King the Countrey and all good subjects which if you do not God shall rob you of them with shame and ignominie This he spake said he and this I finde now yet I doubt not but God will be mercifull unto me He was much with them in prayer and very earnest to have their aid assistance therein whereof he acknowledged that he received great comfort He reasoned of the natural fear of death which sticks and remains in men even though they have assurance of the forgivenesse of their sins wherein hee declared his own sense and the collections he had made in his reading since his going to Dumbartan He said that in the History of the Bible he had observed Gods wonderfull mercy toward the children of
This State will not seeme openly to know our designes but wee are to receive some help of Moneyes for so it is promised Sir William Russell shall also joyne with us as a male-content having been of late ill used by that State in killing Sir Francis but not as having any command so to do If matters go on we minde to enter on both hands Hamilton and Maxwell shall enter on the West-borders Angus â—…nd Marre at the East with such as will joyne with them there Thus did it please him to speak of himself in the third person howbeit it was written all with his own hand But Sir William Russell did not joyn with them Angus Marre and the Master of Glames came to Calsoe and remained there with the Earle Bothwel two or three nights Thither came the Lord Hume Sir George Hume of Wedderburne and others of their friends and with common consent from thence they went to Jedbrugh where they made their coming known and professed their intentions Upon the report hereof Colonell Stuart was sent against them with such forces as he could get and came to Peebles but he found that he had not to doe with irresolute and lingering folks as the Earle of Gowrie nor with such deserted and abandoned men as had fled from Stirlin and therefore he retired in due time to tell tidings of the certainty of their coming They took their journey toward Hamilton and there joyned the Lord Hamilton and the Lord Maxwell and so altogether marched to Fawkirk They caused publish Declarations every where containing their intentions and justifying their proceedings which are set down word by word in the History of Scotland written by Holinshed an English-man who pleaseth may read it there The summe is not unlike to that which was made before at Stirlin when they fled to England onely such things were added thereto as had fallen out since then in the time of their abode there As namely First The proceeding by cruelty under the shadow of the Kings name whose Predecessours did commonly labour to winne the hearts of his Subjects by clemencie Secondly The executing imprisoning banishing by wrested Lawes the worthiest most ancient and the most faithfull to GOD and the King both Noblemen and Barons Thirdly Acts and Proclamations published inhibiting Presbyteries other exercises priviledges and immunities allowed by Parliament or practised and permitted by laudable custome of the Church without which purity of Doctrine the right form of Ecclesiastical discipline cannot continue Fourthly compelling forcing the most learned and most religious men and such as were of most entire life conversation of most sincere conscience to forsake their Countrey or inhibiting them to preach and defrauding them of their Stipend by violence Fifthly the entertaining of Jesuites and executers of the Decrees of the cruell Councell of Trent Sixthly obdurate Papists having place in Session and honest men removed an evident proof and presage of intention to root out the true Religion Seventhly the thrusting of Magistrates upon Burrows contrary to their priviledges which were neither free of the Townes nor fit to discharge the place in their persons Eighthly the secret practices of James Stuart and the Colonell to turne the love and amitie which hath been now of a long time entertained with England very happily into open hostility having had intelligence with such persons as sought the Queen of Englands destruction a point confessed by divers her Rebels executed in England and which appeared by the slaughtering of the Lord Russell a man noble in birth honourable by vertue zealous in Religion of great expectation and a speciall friend and lover of Scottish men notwithstanding that they had made shew of the contrary for certaine moneths and had pretended to enter into an offensive and defensive League with her The conclusion was Wee command and charge in our Soveraigne Lords name as his born Counsellours who are bound in dutie to be carefull of his welfare honour and reputation for which we have our Lands and Inheritances all and sundry his subjects to further and assist this our godly enterprise to concurre with us and so to give testimony of their affection to the true Religion his Majesties welfare and publick peace and quietnesse of this Realme It contained also certification That such as should attempt any thing to their contrary yea that did not take plaine and open part with them should bee reputed as partakers of all vice and iniquitie as assisters of the said treasonable Conspiratours James and William Stuarts and enemies to Religion to his Majestie and Authoritie and to the publicke quietnesse of the two Realmes and should bee used as such in body and goods Commanding all Justices and Magistrates as well the Lords of the Session as others Sheriffes and whatsoever inferiour Judges to administer justice for the furtherance hereof as they would answer upon their allegeance and highest perils with the like certification to them also if they failed herein They staid at Fawlkirke that night being the second day of November and kept strong watch being within five miles of the enemy It was observed with great disdain that the Lord Maxwel who had the charge of the hired souldiers that were put on the watch and so the choyce of the watch-word gave it Saint Andrew as smelling of his superstitious disposition and which was a blemish and contradiction in a manner to their declaration wherein they professed to stand for the true Religion But it was rather privately grudged at than publickly reproved On the morrow there came a message from the Castle of Stirlin as from the King to the Earle Bothwell whereby he was desired to forsake that Company and either come to the King or returne to his own house which he pleased This was a trick to divide them and which did so work upon him that if the Earle of Angus had not partly by reason perswaded him and partly by his authoritie being a man greatly respected detained him and fixed his wavering minde he had forsaken them altogether not without great danger to have weakned the hands and hearts of the rest by such an untimely example On such moments many times do even the greatest businesse depend But God had determined to blesse that Work at that time in their hands That rub being removed they march forward and about the going down of the Sunne they shewed themselves at S. Ninians Kirk which is scarce a full mile from Stirlin and were seen from the Castle wall of friends and foes They lodged there-about as they could till near the dawning of the day and then upon a secret signe given to the Companies that had dispersed themselves into the neighbour Villages for better lodging and victuall without sound of Drumme or Trumpet they came to their Camp and Colours The way of assaulting the Town was laid down thus First one of the Commanders with a few Companies was directed to go and make shew as
After my departing from Linlithgow I continued in great anger whereof I am not yet fully freed because of that sentence or decreet reserved to Farnihaste against the Earle of Angus and though the doers bee partiall yet I blame most his owne simplicitie I must needes so call it seeing his authoritie ought to put order to others where now hee is onely a beholder of that which it pleaseth others to doe But hee must either take matters otherwayes upon himselfe or undoe himselfe and all the rest with him For if the Master of Glames forgetting the event of Ruthven businesse will needs trace the steps of the Earle of Gowrie it is not for the rest of the fellowship to be slothfull to their owne hinderance They are indeed at Court but are esteemed no better abroad then beasts in the Countrey never like to acquire the favour of any but continually declining out of the hearts of many of their well affected friends who all speake as though they saw already an evident ruine of them and that doubtlâ—…sly deserved for lying in their good cause and not vindicating Israel from Aram. Remember whence they are fallen and return or we shall bee forced to lament for that which wee shall never bee able to amend If they sticke to their cause all is sure otherwise nothing sure for either their suretie is by the Kings favour whereof I speake nothing or the favour of the people this they must have by pressing their cause of Noblemen for relieving them from bondage and revenging their bloud of Gentlemen and Commons for purging Religion restoring of Justice and providing that Tyrannie thrust not it selfe in againe If this bee urged it will confirme such as are already in the cause and will make more to joyne in it So shall the cause prosper and if occasion crave so there is a partie ever ready to take Armes for it But if omitting this a flattering or a fearefull course bee taken who shall speake plaine and assist such fearefull dissemblers who shall credit them when afterwards as heretofore they shall take on the name of the good cause I wish the Kings Majestie may bee used with all Princely reverence but not flatteringly fostered in tyranny to his owne undoing though I seeme to see even now that these flatterers shall be worthily wracked I aske them whether they had a just cause in hand or not and yet of all these evils under the burden whereof the Countrey groned they have opened nothing at all to his Majestie why is it not then justified in deed by condemning the other worthy to bee condemned Is their cause already ended And if not why is it then left off hath it not enemies why should it not then bee fortified against them The Declaration of their cause why was it published To acquire favour at the hands of the people And why then is there nothing done to retaine this favour yea rather why are such things done as procure their disfavour and hatred I see nothing but as men have dissemblingly pretended a good cause with uncleansed hearts God to discover their hypocrisie hath given them their hearts desire but for their further ruine for their Hypocrisie I cannot forbeare to write this though I bee out of hope of any good yet I suppose that such as have meant uprightly shall in Gods favour bee provided for though with trouble when God shall require of those dissemblers the bloud of such as have perished and shall perish through their default giving them a proofe of their owne wits and their unfaithfull hearts They would not serve God hee made men their masters Are means failed him No the last shall bee worse then the first It seemeth to mee that God hath even prepared a mischief for them and therefore given them over to their owne devices wherewith they are so drunke and blinded as men in a melancholicke apprehension who are past all cure of Physicke But this above all troubles mee most that till such time as good men bee all undone and the Land utterly ruined and overborne with Tyrannie it shall not bee resisted hereafter For a new Generation must arise that hath forgotten these things before that any who shall pretend a common cause get credit good men are so often deceived under that colour and pretext and drawne on to their wracke And certainely rather then I were hee that through mis-governance and evill order should undoe so many as are like to bee undone at this time I had farre rather give my owne life for it But I speake to deafe men and therefore I cease committing to God the providing for those whose hearts hee sees to bee upright having from time to time kept nothing backe of that which I knew would make for the surety of these men and the cause without troubling them with any particulars If Angus could steere in his owne roome hee might redresse the Masters errours Speake to Dunniepace and Largoe See what is done about the Barons and give me notice of such direction as goeth to their Shires I say for conclusion their earnest suite in particulars and negligence in the common cause convicts them before all men and the King may justly say They had no good meaning But if it were mine to doe wee should goe all together to the King and say this or the like speech Sir in that yee have as may be redressed our particulars wee thanke you heartily though it was ever the least part of our desire for Gods Church hath beene heavily oppressed then tell him the particulars apart Your Realme and Subjects have beene tyrannized over then tell him also some proofes Let therefore the Gospell bee restored to the owne libertie and some men chosen to set downe some sure policy which may last and continue Let some also bee deputed to heare the plaints and grievances of such as have beene wronged under the colour of your Majesties name and let their wrongs bee redressed as much as is possible and such order taken that the Subjects may bee out of feare heareafter of suffering so they keepe the Lawes Let the Lawes also bee revised by wise men and such of them taken away as bee hurtfull to the Subjects for you shall finde the like Ordinance touching Acts of Parliament of olde This being done wee doubt not but God shall blesse you and your Countrey seeing the neglecting hereof hath beene the cause of the evills past Sir doe it your selfe for the gaine is yours though wee put you in minde of it Now except this bee done there can bee no continuing quietnesse Post script THeir foolish proceedings make all men to stand aloofe I heare the Lord Boyd is secretly in this Countrey of Scotland but seeth not that in them which hee could wish Let the Master behave himselfe as hee pleaseth can the King but thinke that hee would rather wish his owne sister sonne King I finde great fault that the Abbots Driebrough and Cambuskenneth Lie
and that you should rather go before all than follow any This one thing give me leave to remember concerning the King Hee is the most apparent instrument that is in Europe and so in the world of whom wee can expect greatest good and comfort to the Church of GOD as being the onely King that hath been bred in the purity and sincerity of Religigion and therefore of great expectation and because of this expectation greatly favoured and beloved of all true Professours of Religion every where He is of a great spirit ingine wit judgement and learning Great pity therefore it were that such an one should be lost either through corruption creeping into his own minde or by the poysonable suggestions of others You doe therefore exceeding well to cherish him calmly and to entreat him gently and deale with him in an humble and submisse manner which is the way to tame and gaine even wilde-beasts that are without reason farre more is it like to prevaile with reasonable men and most of all with Princes who in respect of the height of their place are not to be violently thralled or enforced which were the way to spoyle them as they write of Alexanders horse Bucephalus whom Philips riders could not manage or over-master by force of bit or bridle but Alexander by stroking and making much of him made him manageable And if ever you intend any worthy or great enterprise in this Countrey or in Europe behold the mean use it wisely and the LORD of Heaven give successe But this I hope may be suggested to your consideration that you would weigh with your selves and see whether or not this obsequiousnesse so to term it be the onely mean to be used toward him smoothing all and allowing all never mentioning the abuses that have been and yet are in this Countrey or if it be not fit also to remonstrate freely though reverently what hath been or perhaps yet is amisse in Religion and the common-wealth in some such forme as is set down here in the end of this Letter And whether it bee fit or tolerable for the gaining of him to a right course that such men as have no good meaning have his eare and bee his most intimate and inward Councellours Now I feare mee greatly that the meane by which they have perverted all and which may be still used to pervert all and whereby they have gained most upon his tender age is the eye he hath to our neighbour Kingdome of England upon which his minde is greatly set and to which no question he hath the right of succession yet hath he need of assistance to obtaine the possession thereof And they perswade him as hee may also thinke of himselfe that this cannot be done without helpe from the Papists in England France Spaine Italie and from Rome it selfe and that the way to make them to be for him is to put them in hope of him by perhaps a present toleration countenancing cherishing and advancing of their Religion And this he may thinke cannot stand with the puritie of Discipline and Government of our Church which may make him the more averse and hardly affected toward it and thinke it fit to curbe it and so the more to encline to Episcopacie by which as he shall more please the Statesmen of England so shall he be able the more to restraine our Preachers and their freedome of speech and the more freely deale and trafficke with Papists and so make use of all sorts of people because he may thinke all sorts necessary for his ends whereas indeed none of these are of great consequence For Papists that are without the Countrey as France or Spaine will never in their hearts wish him to be King of England France for his nearnesse to them will not desire that he be so great in respect of his claime to their owne Countrey and because so the league with Scotland will fall and they shall want the assistance of the Scots against that title Spaine pretends a title themselves which the Papists in England will rather set forward then hinder Such Papists as are within the Island are of small force and almost of none yet in Scotland and not so many in England as to counterpoise the Protestants Bishops there stand by the State not the State by them men of meane birth no great riches lesse following attendance or friendship easie to be framed to what course he pleaseth their life-time being reserved or without condition Those that seek Reformation are the strength of that Countrey and certainly the wisest in it of greatest power by the peoples favour and credit in Parliament and every where Your Lordship hath seene the lettter directed to you all from some of them containing their judgement not to be contemned gaine these gaine that Countrey This as it is the truth would be imprinted in his minde by such persons and meanes as are fit and others removed who perswade him otherwise and his Majestie made to know that by blending and mingling of Religions or by professing or seeming to favour and incline to a contrary Religion hee cannot attaine to that Kingdome That hee is happy in this that the professing and advancing of the true Religion is most profitable for his honour and prosperous estate in the world and the best meane to preserve his owne and to attaine another Kingdome Neither doth hee stand in need of any bastard or spurious policie or farre sought profane or wicked course a plaine and sincere uprightnesse in maintaining justice pietie and religion in this his present Kingdome will serve his turne and the more seriously fully and exactly that he observe and follow this way it will increase his credit and reputation so much the more there and facilitate his designes And this is that which will most throughly joyne him to your Lordship as the opinion of the contrarie is the most effectuall meane that ever they can use to dis-joyne him from you From the same ground it arises to be considered whether it be fit to suffer his Majestie and the Ministerie to bee at such variance they finding fault with him and he committing and confining them and if it be not to be feared that it beget in him a loathing of them and in them and the Countrey a wearinesse of him And whether therefore it were not better to interpose your credit to informe him freely and truly then thus to looke through your fingers as wee speake and behold things and onely now and then procure some little reliefe to them which forme of dealing rather fosters the rancour then remedies it seeing the King gets not the thanks of it himselfe Certainely if I were a Politician an ill affected Statesman and had a desire to make way for another intrant I would take this course to incense him and irritate him against the Ministerie that hee might commit them or at least feed and foster his disposition herein that so hee might bee brought
to loathe them and to bee loathed of them and so take away that great expectation men had of his Religion and their love to him for it I would separate and divide him from such and such from him then bring him to a neutralitie in Religion then to countenance men of contrary Religion then stirre suspicions on each side then alienation would follow and what not But as I am out of my poore affection toward his Majestie I doe wish that these occasions were taken away I wish I say that your Lordship see to it as you would have things right and out of that minde you spake of which was that you have the honour to bee nearer in kinne to him then to any King that can come after him howbeit your Lordship is in the same degree of kindred with the next apparent my Lord Hammiltouns children But you desire no change I know and that it may continue in the present race as I am perswaded that Hammiltoun himselfe hath no other minde yet the matter is worthy your Lordships consideration so much the more as ye have had experience how farre evill company about him hath had power alreadie to make things goe on I leave it and rest as having no part or particular save onely to wish well and to follow as your Lordship goes before In the meane time I have also here a note of a sheet of paper or two concerning the abuses in the Church and Common-wealth sent to me by master James Melvin to be I know imparted to your Lordship you may lay it by you and reade it when you have leasure for your remembrance This hee tooke and having read a little of it with a deepe sigh which expressed the inward passion of his heart God knowes my part sayes hee I shall neglect nothing that is possible for mee to doe and would to God the King knew my heart how I am affected to his welfare and would give eare to mee But c. Many times was hee most earnestly dealt with to take more upon him to frequent the Court more and to make his residence at it especially by Sir Lewis Ballandine His pretext was the common cause and the good of it but it proceeded from a particular betwixt him and master John Metellane then Secretarie who had crossed him in some suite hee had concerning Orkney and drawne the halfe of it to his owne use For which cause hee endeavoured to employ the same Gentleman to have perswaded my Lord to that purpose but he knowing both my Lords inabilitie of body and aversenesse of minde told him sincerely and plainly which way my Lord was inclined and that his disposition was not to be drawn by any man farther then he thought fit out of his owne discourse of reason And for his owne part hee was to follow his Lordship and not to goe before him or prescribe him what he should doe Sir Lewis grieved very much hereat having beene familiar with him of old and complained to his friends that the Earle of Angus was too slow and that he had one with him that was as slow as himselfe Not long after the infirmitie of his body increasing and his strength and health decreasing he was seldome able to come to Court and could not stay long at it when he did come I finde in a note of those times that at the Parliament holden in Edinburgh 1587. in June there was some dispute betwixt the Earle of Angus and Master of Glames But I remember no such thing neither doe I know how there could bee any publicke dissention either in this or any other thing howbeit they differed in judgement concerning the guiding of State affaires yet I see not how that could come to any publicke contention His associates propounded to him to accept the Office of Chancellour which had beene vacant ever since the removing of James Stuart This hee did familiarly impart to the former Gentleman and asked his opinion therein Hee answered plainly That it was indeed the most fit place for him as being the most honourable Office in the Kingdome by which he might doe most good offices to his Countrey in Councell Session and elsewhere and that by that occasion it brought great dependance and many followers That it had beene before in the hands of his Predecessours as of Earle Archbald the first called Bell the Cat and of late in the Earle of Mortons before he was Regent Hee answered that it required skill in the lawes and more learning then hee had It was replied that in very deed much learning was not absolutely necessary that it was not knowne what learning Archbald the first had and it is not likely that hee had much But it was well knowne that the Earle of Morton had very little or none at all to speake of not so much in the Latine tongue as he himselfe had and yet hee had discharged the Office with credit A naturall judgement to conceive and resume the question and the reasons of each side is more needfull in a Chancellour then learning his part being properly to doe that whereas the decision seldome hangs upon his vote Or if it come to that learning does not alwayes the turne knowledge of the customes of the Countrey is more requisite and is onely required in Councell As for the Session businesse the President does commonly supply the Chancellours roome Besides seeing that ordinarily the question is not ended at the first hearing what is difficult may be advised and tossed by whom your Lordship pleaseth before the next hearing And although you finde not that full sufficiencie for the present which you could wish yet time and custome will bring experience and experience beget knowledge And this is said to have beene observed of the Earle of Morton that having beene rude enough at first he became afterward very skilfull and as able and sufficient as any man in the Kingdome and therefore your Lordship needs not to distrust or diffide your selfe in the like case Well saies my Lord I know not what dexteritie either of them hath had and as for the Earle of Morton though he wanted letters yet hee was of a singular judgement and rare wisedome scarce to be matched by any in this age But for my owne part as I yet thinke neither am I able for the present to discharge it neither doe I thinke it fit to enter into an Office before I have learned what belongs to it neither can I digest to doe it by others seeing I ought to doe it my selfe yet I shall advise The conclusion was he rejected it and thereupon it was given to Secretarie Metellane to his associates great griefe he having ever been a man of a contrary faction and disposition in all businesse of the Common weale Hee accepted of the Office of Lieutenant on the Borders willingly being more sutable to his disposition and his proper element as we speake and he professed that he delighted as