HEXAPLA IN DANIELEM THAT IS A SIX-FOLD COMMENTARIE vpon the most diuine prophesie of DANIEL wherein according to the method propounded in HEXAPLA vpon Genesis and Exodus sixe things are obserued in euery Chapter 1. The Argument and Method 2. The diuers readings 3. The Questions discussed 4. Doctrines noted 5. Controversies handled 6. Morall observations applyed Wherein many obscure visions and diuine Prophesies are opened and difficult questions handled with great breuitie perspicuitie and varietie which are summed to the number of 536. beside the Controversies 134. in the Table in the end of the booke and the best Interpreters both old and new are therein abridged Diuided into two bookes the first containing the historicall part of this Prophesie in the 6. first Chapters the propheticall in the 6. last By ANDREVV WILLET Professour of Diuinitie THE FIRST BOOKE Ezek. 28. 3. Behold thou art wiser then Daniel there is no secret that they can hide from thee Printed by CANTRELL LEGGE Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge 1610 TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN RIGHT NOBLE MOST excellent and mightie Prince IAMES by the grace of God KING of great BRITTAIN France and Ireland Defender of the true Christian Faith c. THat which PLATO saw but in contemplation that Commonwealths should be then happie when either Philosophers gouerned them or the gouernours became Philosophers we see by Gods goodnes now brought into action your Christian Maiestie beeing not onely a princely Patron of humane learning and Philosophie but a peerelesse professor of Theologie King HENRIE the eight your Highnes noble predecessor in the royall Diademe of this Imperiall Kingdom for writing against Luther in defense of the Papal religion had giuen vnto him the Title of Defensor Fidei but that princely Epithete is more due vnto your Maiestie who both by your penne and sword doe vphold and maintaine the truth that the saying of Ambrose of the Emperour GRATIAN may be worthily spoken of your Maiestie You wrote not an whole Epistle onely as he saith but whole Bookes with your owne hand that the very letters doe proclaime your faith and pietie This your diuine fauour vnto Religion and princely exercise in writing hath emboldened me diuers times heretofore to present my Commentaries vpon certaine bookes of the Scripture vnto your sacred hands and your gracious acceptance of them hath emboldened me also to exhibite this Worke vnto your princely view Here in all humble dutie I doe offer a Treatise and explanation of the most difficult booke of the Old Testament the Prophesie of DANIEL what I haue performed therein and especially in the vnfolding of Daniels 70. weekes the Worke it selfe shall testifie I trust that by this my trauell that which seemed before obscure will appeare plaine and easie and the depth which would before haue taken vp an Elephant will affoard footing for a lamb Hierome saith A prophesie is obscure because it is said at one time and seene at an other But now we see that which the Prophet said and so that which was wrapped vp in obscuritie is now fulfilled in historie These my labours I most humbly submit to your princely iudgement and direction and your MAIESTIE with bended knees of my heart I commend vnto the diuine and highest protection Your Maiesties most humble Subiect ANDREVV WILLET THE PREFACE TO THE Christian Reader AVGVSTINE thus wrote to a friend of his excusing the prolixitie of his Preface Scio me non esse oneri tibi si prolixum aliquod mitto quia legendo diutiùs sis nobiscum I know I am not burthensome vnto you if I send you any prolix writing because you are so much the longer with me But I will forbeare by any long or tedious Preface to keepe the Reader in suspence though if I should I presume of his courtesie that he would vouchsafe it the reading The length of the Worke doth make me more short in the Preface a smal entrance in may serue to a large house and the greatest cities haue not the greatest gates I shall not neede in many words to shew the excellent vse of this prophecie of Daniel nor what I haue performed in it the generall Questions set before the Booke shall satisfie the Reader in the one and the worke it selfe shall speake for the other I haue gathered together the best things and most worthie of obseruation out of writers both old and new both Protestants and others that the Reader may in few houres finde that which I was many weekes in setting together for here I say and professe with Hierome Operis est studij mei multos legere vt ex plurimis diversos flores carperem non tam probaturus omnia quam bona electurus assumo multos in manus vt à multis multa cognoscam It is mine endeauour and studie to read many and out of sundrie to take diuerse floures not to that ende to approoue all but to sort out the best I take many into mine hands that from many I may know much and impart to others that which I know In the reading of this Booke let the Reader take these directions I haue followed the same course which I propounded vnto my selfe in other Commentaries as the title of the booke sheweth But I thought it best to set downe the whole text for more plainenesse and perspicuitie and not the diuers Readings onely wherein C. standeth for Chalde H. for the Hebrew L. for the Latine S. for the Septuagint P. for Pagnine A. for Arias Montanus V. for Vatablus B. for the great English Bible G. the Geneva translation I. for Iunius det is put for detract add for adding The Authors names which are cited in this Booke are summed in the Epistle set before the second part thereof If by these my trauels I may profit the Church of God I haue my desire it is mine onely terrene reward and encouragement if my poore labours may finde acceptance other rewards they sooner carie that labour not then they which labour as the Poet sometime complained that he made the verses and other had the honour As for my selfe I finde by experience that saying of Augustine most true In eo quod amatur aut non labor autur aut labor ipse amatur in that which one delighteth in either there is no labour at all or the labour it selfe is loued and it giueth me encouragement that I am not in the number of them of whome our blessed Sauiour saith Receperunt mercedem suam they haue receiued their reward God graunt vs all faithfully to labour in our vocations in this life that we may receiue our euerlasting reward in heauen with Christ our blessed Lord and onely Sauiour to whome be praise for euer THE PROPHESIE OF DANIEL EXPLANED Generall observations vpon the whole Booke 1. The summe argument parts and contents of the whole Prophesie IN this heauenly prophesie of Daniel is set forth in generall Gods fatherly
That these three seruants of God were not deliuered from the fire for their virginitie or abstinencie Vers. 25. VValking in the middes of the fire and they haue no hurt Damascene thinketh that they were not hurt of the fire because they kept their virginitie lib. 4. but no such thing appeareth in this storie that they liued vnmaried Basil in a certaine homilie of the praise of fasting doth ascribe this their deliuerance vnto their fasting But the Apostle putteth vs out of doubt that they were preserued by their faith Heb. 11. 33. through faith they stopped the mouthes of lyons quenched the violence of fire As Pintus well obserueth 11. Controv. Against the Vbiquitares They which maintaine the omnipresence of Christs flesh and that the bodie of Christ may be in the Eucharist without the essentiall properties thereof as circumscription quantitie visibilitie and such like doe thus reason out of this place the burning heat is an essentiall propertie of the fire but this was separated from the fire and yet the essence of the fire remained therefore the essentiall properties of a thing may be separated from it the nature still remaining Contra. 1. The burning facultie of the fire is not an essentiall propertie but an effect of the heat which is an essentiall qualitie of the fire 2. the heat was not separated from the fire for then it should haue beene no longer fire but the heat thereof was onely restrained and hindred from working and that not generally but onely where the seruants of God were for without the fornace the flames killed the kings ministers and if the fire had lost the heat the miracle had not beene so great for a thing not beeing hoat not to be burnt Polan 3. If all this were admitted it serueth not their turne for here the Scripture testifieth that there was fire and yet it burned not they must then shewe the like warrant for their miracle in the Eucharist that a bodie should be there without the due properties it followeth not because it pleased God at this time to shewe a miracle to set forth his glorie that he should doe so continually 12. Controv. That miracles are not alwaies a note and sure marke of the Church 1. The true notes and markes of the Church are such as are alwaies seene in it but the Church of God alwaies hath not the power of miracles neither is it alwaies necessarie Againe the true markes of the Church cannot be found els where but miracles may be wrought by those which are not of the Church as by the forcerers of Egypt and Antichrist shall worke wonders 2. Thes. 2. and false Prophets may giue signes which may come to passe Deut. 13. 1. 2. But it will be thus further obiected that whereby God is acknowledged is a note of the Church but God is here confessed and acknowledged by Nebuchadnezzar by this miracle therefore it was a note of the Church Ans. 1. That whereby God alwaies and onely is acknowledged is a note of the Church but such are not signes and miracles for sometime they may seduce and drawe away from God 2. God is in some sort knowne by miracles but onely in respect of his power he is not sufficiently knowne but by his word and therefore by this reason the word of God is the proper note of the Church whereby the Lord is most absolutely knowne and yet this is denied by the Romanists Polan 3. This must be vnderstood of true miracles which are wrought by the spirit of God and are applyed to a right ende this reason holdeth not for false miracles 4. true miracles then doe for that time demonstrate the Church while that gift and power remaineth but a perpetuall note it cannot be of the Church because that power alwaies remaineth not See more hereof Synops. Centur. 1. err 22. 13. Controv. Whether a contrarie religion may be tolerated in a commonwealth 1. Nebuchadnezzar here maketh a decree that whosoeuer spake any blasphemie against the God whom these three worshipped should be punished hereupon this question is mooued by Polanus whether the prince is onely to suffer the true religion to be professed in his kingdome wherein these three considerations are to be had 1. If the kingdome is such as hath an absolute gouernement and the true religion is alreadie setled and established in this case no mixture of contrarie religion is to be admitted As diuerse good kings of Iudah are reprooued because they remoued not the high places But Iosias for his faithfulnesse is commended who put down the Chemarims and abolished all monuments of superstition 2. If the kingdome be such as professeth corrupt religion which cannot be remooued all at once then the godly prince intending reformation must content himselfe to doe what he may and to followe Nebuchadnezzars president who although idolatrie were not then abolished yet prouideth that no iuiurie should be offred vnto true religion nor blasphemie vttered against the true God So where true religion cannot be drawne in altogether it must set in foote as it may as now is seene in the kingdome of Fraunce 3. Sometime where true religion is professed in a state not of absolute gouernement for peace sake and to auoide sedition the magistrates are constrained to tolerate some errors as wise pilates for the time giuing way vnto the tempest Polan as the Israelites suffered the Cananites to dwell among them whom they could not expell at once 14. Controv. That the conuersion of Nebuchadnezzar here doth not signifie the conuersion of the deuill in the ende of the world Lyranus here noteth the opinion of some which thinke that Nebuchadnezzar this proud king was herein a type of the deuill who in the end and consummation of the world should receiue and embrace the true knowledge of God But this heresie is opposite to the Scriptures which calleth it euerlasting fire which is prepared for the Deuill and his Angels Matth 24. 41. and S. Iude saith that the Angels which fell are reserued in euerlasting chaines vnder darkenesse Iude 6. And the Deuills cannot be conuerted or saued but by a Mediator Christ is no Mediator for them for he in no sort tooke the Angels that is their nature Heb. 2. 16. 6. Morall obseruations 1. Obseruat The mutable state of religion in kingdomes Vers. 1. Nebuchadnezzar c. made an image Not onely the fauour of the king was mutable for whom he lately extolled he now adiudgeth to the fire but his minde was variable concerning religion he which before confessed the God of Israel now setteth vp idolatrie in despight of God Thus in the time of the kings of Iudah religion often altered and changed sometime the true worship of God flourished as vnder Hezekiah and Iosias but their wicked sonnes after them set vp idolatrie Bulling Thus was it in England King Edward maintained the Gospel Queene Marie brought in the Masse againe Thus there is no certaintie of any thing in this world the Church
forces among the Indians vnder pretence of embracing them to his religion but they practised most horrible butcherie and crueltie among them they hewed them in peices rosted them at the fire worried them with dogges â—ipped their bellies and drewe out their bowels opened the wombes of women with child hung them vp and burned them set them on stackes of strawe and set fire to them and thus in 40. yeares space they destroyed 15. millions of men that is 150. hundreth thousand and left wast and vnpeopled fiue times so much ground as all Spaine containeth They put them to vnspeakeable torments some they shodde with yron shoes nayling them to their feete some they fleaed and cast in salt to put them to more paine they cut off their lippes noses eares their fingers and toes and with fire and sword they consumed an infinite number as is before rehearsed Polan ex Bartholom Casa As Apollonius sent by Antiochus against Ierusalem made faire promises vntill he was receiued into the citie but then he fell vpon them on a sudden and put them to the sâ—ord and fell vpon the Iewes on the Sabbath while they kept the feast and vsed all outragious crueltie against theÌ„ So within these few yeares perdinandus Mendoza with his crue of Spaniards a champion for the Pope-catholik faith practised most horrible sauage cruelty in Westphalia sparing neither age nor sex no not them which submitted themselues and were of their owne religion the women great with child they stretching out their hands nailed to bourds and ripped their bellies tooke out the infants cut them in peices and hung them about their mothers neckes they compelled the men with long famine to eate their own children and some they hung vp by the priâ—ie members and the womens bellies they opened and thrust in children of two yeares old and strangled them in their mothers blood Neuer did any Turkes or infidels shew such examples of crueltie as those the Popes armes and champions Palanus 7. As Antiohus by his captaine Apollonius caused the daily sacrifice to cease set vp abominable idols burnt the bookes of the lawe So the Antichrist of â—ome hath abolished the right vse of the Eucharist which is a continuall commemoration of Christs death yea the sacrifice of Christs death and the vertue thereof is by them obscured if not abolished while he bringeth in other satisfactorie and propitiatorie sacrifices in their ordinarie masses the Pope setteth vp in Church idols and imagerie which are things abominable in the seruice of God the bookes of Scripture beeing in the vulgar tongue he commandeth to be burned and hererein he treadeth in the steppes of his forerunner Antiochus 8. Antiochus beside his forren power vsed the seruice of the Apostatate Priests and Iewes as Iason Menelaus So the Pope beside the secular power hath his runnagaâ—e and fugitiue Priests Iesuites Seminaries which doe by their subtill perswasions seduce many Gregorie setting forth Antichrist sheweth that he shall vse two kind of ministers conatur ad se cordâ— hominum missis praedicatoribus trahere commotis potestatibus inclinare he shall endeauour both to drawe mens hearts vnto him by sending of preachers and to bend them by the moouing of Potentates in Iob lib. 33. c. 23. This also he sheweth further by that place Apocal. 9. 19. their power is in their mouth and in their taile in ore doctorum scientia in cauda secularium potentia significatur c. in the mouth the knowledge of the learned is signified and in the taile the power of secular men Thus the Romane Antichrist bestirreth himselfe vsing both the sword of cruell potentates and the penne and tongue of corrupt teachers whom he enticeth with rewards and promise of dignities to vphold by their subtile wittes the kingdome of darkenesse and so in euery point he imitateth the example of wicked Antiochus his liuely image that both these wayes practised against the people of God Controv. 14. How the Antichrist of Rome hath persecuted Emperours Kings Princes learned men whole Churches for religion 9. As in this great persecution vnder Antiochus there were many faithfull that did not forsake the lawe but did cleaue vnto the Lord and instructed others so to doe likewise who were most cruelly persecuted for their faith so in the times of persecution vnder the Romane Antichrist many of all sorts that haue opposed themselues to his vngodly proceedings haue beene euill entreated and cruelly handled 1. both Emperours 2. Kings 3. Princes 4. Learned confessors of the truth 5. whole Churches as now shall be briefly shewed in order 1. Of the Emperours First Philippicus Bardanius because he commanded all images to be remooued out of Churches by the consent of Iohn Patriarke of Constantinople was declared to be an heretike together with the said Patriarke and publikely excommunicated in a certaine Synod by Pope Constantine who inhibited that the image of the said Emperour should be stamped in any siluer or gold or any mention to be made of him in the common prayers Vrspergens Leo the 3. Isauricus called Iconomachus a fighter against images caused images in Italie and Sicilie to be cast out of the Churches and by his publike edict commaunded all images to be remooued for the which fact he was excommunicated of Gregorie the 2. and Gregorie the 3. and the Venetians with others were stirred vp to rebellion and the Eparch or viceroy with his sonne slaine by which occasion the Pope stripped the Emperour of his Exarchateship or gouernement of Italie which the Emperours of Constantinople had held an 164. yeares Constantine the 5. in a synode at Constantinople of 330. Bishops decreed that images should be cast downe and burned and no more be worshipped nor the Virgin Marie prayed vnto that Saints reliques should not be kept that it should be lawfull for Monkes and Nunnes to marry for the which Stephanus the 2. translated the Empire of Constantinople into Fraunce and his bodie was taken vp 23. yeares after it was buried by the Empresse Irene to please Pope Adrian and burnt to ashes Constantine the 6. for remoouing images which his mother Irene had set vp was by her depriued of his kingdome sight and life also No better dealt the Popes with their owne Emperours of the West Henrie the 4. who had encountred with his enemies 62. times in open battell was by Gregorie the 7. Vrbane the 2. Paschal the 2. excommunicate his Empire was first giuen to Rodolphus the Duke of Suevia then his sonnes were set against him vnder colour of religon first Conrodus afterward Henricus the 5. his sonne who depriued him of his Empire and caused his bodie to be digged vp after it was buried and cast forth as a carion into the fields where it lay vnburied fiue yeares vntill it was brought to Spire and there buried Friderike the 1. called Barbarossa was most hardly vsed by the Popes Adrian the 4. and Alexander the 3. Philip
the sonne of the said Friderike by the procurement of Pope Innocent the 3. who established transubstantiation was slaine at Bamberge by Otto Count Palatine Otto the 4. and Friderike the 2. were excommunicate by Pope Innocent the 3. and Gregor 9. Henrie the 7. was poisoned with a consecrate host by a Monke of the faction of the Guelphes which was on the Popes side the Gibellines were an other faction which held with Emperour Lodovike the 4. was likewise excommunicate by the Pope who sent forth his Monkes and Friers into euerie quarter to defame the Emperour and the Cardinals did stirre vp the Princes to warre against him Avent And thus haue the Popes handled the Emperours Kings and Princes opposing themselues to their superstition haue found no better measure 2. Childericus king of France was deposed and thrust into a monasterie Rachis king of the Lombards was by the same Pope Zacharie put into a monasterie Lodovike the 12. was much encumbred by Iulius the second who himselfe leading his armie from Rome as he went ouer the bridge of the riuer Tiber threw S. Peters keies into the riuer and seeing they would doe him no good he said he would betake himselfe to Pauls sword Henrie the 4. now king of Fraunce was assaulted by 6. Popes Gregor the 13. Sixtus the 5. Vrbane the 7. Gregor the 14. Innocentius the 9. Clement the 8. who the last named hauing brought the king to be reconciled to the Church of Rome did thereupon triumph insolently ouer him As in a certaine booke set forth of that matter there is a tractate de victoria Clementis 8. de Henricâ— 4. c. gloriose triumphantis of the victorie of Clement the 8. most gloriously triumphing ouer Henrie the 4. king of Fraunce and Navarre Thus haue the famous kings also of this Realme of England beene serued by the Popes and their ministers King Iohn was poisoned by a Monke King Henrie the 8. that most famous and renowned king was by the bull of Paulus the 3. depriued of his kingdome and his subiects freed from their oath of alleagance Queene Elizabeth our late Gracious Soueraigne of blessed memorie before she came to her crowne was persecuted by her sister Queene Marie and her chiefe agent Stephen Gardener for her religion and after that by Gods fatherly prouidence and care to his Church she was aduanced to the kingdome she was practised against by nine Popes the sixe before named and by Paulus the 4. Pius the 4. Pius the 5. both by open warre and hostilitie wherein the two Philips of Spaine bare the chiefest stroke and by priuie treacherie and treason Our kings maiestie that is now both in Scotland had experience of Popish practises against him and since his happie comming into England some of the Popish faction haue more then once or twice conspired against him But blessed be God he hath escaped their snares 3. Now in the third place Some Princes and nobles shall be produced whom the Popes haue cruelly assaulted The Exarcâ— or viceroy of Ravenna vnder Leo the 3. Emperor by the Popes faction was slaine with his sonne The Medices at Florence were set vpon in the Church by the counsell of Sixtus the 4. the Popes legate gaue the signe when the host was lift vp Volaterran lib. 5. Geograph The Earle of Tholouse was pursued by the French king by most fierce warre at the instigation of the Pope onely because he fauoured the Albigenses Iohn Friderike Duke of Saxonie and Philip the Lantgraue of Hassia were assaulted by most cruell warre onely for the cause of religion Count Egmond and Count Horne were beheaded for fauouring the Protestants The Prince of Condie was poisoned Caspar Colignius slaine in the Massacre in Fraunce Antelot and Cardinall Castilion poisoned William prince of Aurane was slaine by a villane Charles the king of Spaines sonne because he was thought to fauour the Protestants whom they call heretikes was made an ende of by the Inquisitors for religion neither could his father or would not deliuer him 4. These learned confessors also and some holy martyrs haue in diuerse ages opposed themselues against the Pope and were euill entreated for it Vigilantius Bishop of Barcellona in Spaine because he found fault with the adoration of reliques and with single life was counted an heretike The Bishops and Presbyters which held a synod at Eliberine in Spaine were adiudged heretikes by Pope Adrian in a synod at Frankefort Ann. 840. Bertram writ against transubstantiation So did Ioannes Scotus Ann. 869. and was slaine of his schollers with their writing pens Ann. 964. Huldericus Bishop of Augusta impugned the single life of the Clergie Ann. 1039. Berengarius bent himselfe against transubstantiation Ann. 1157. Ioannes Sarisburiens did teach that the Pope was Antichrist and Rome Babylon Arnoldus Bishop of Brixia denied vnto the Pope the vse of the temporall sword About the same time liued Peter Bloix who publikely maintained in his writings that Rome was Babylon the Popes officers harpies his Priests Baalites Ann. 1160. Petrus Waldo of Lions ann 1240. Petrus de Vineis ann 1260. Gulielmus de S. Amore ann 1306. Petrus Cassiodorus a learned Noble man of Italie 1314. Dulcimus of Navarre 1315. Arnoldus de noua villa 1383. Iohn Wicleffe in England 1405. Iohn Hus and Nicolaus Clemangis a Doctor of Paris Hyeronym Savonarola a Monke of Ferrara whom Alexander the 6. caused to be burned Antonius Mancinellus Gulielmus Occam All these were great impugners of the Pope Ann. 1517. Martin Luther ann 1519. Huldericus Zuinglius and since many learned men in Germanie Oecolampadius Capito Melancthon Martyr Bullinger with others in Fraunce Calvin Beza Farellus Viretus with others in England B. Cranmer B. Ridley B. Hooper M. Latimer M. Filpot M. Bradford holy martyrs and since B. Iewell D. Fulke D. Whitakers D. Reynolds with many more excellent writers and worthie preachers haue discouered the nakednesse of the whore of Babylon 5. Lastly whole Churches haue beene persecuted for resisting the Pope and his doctrine the Albigenses vnder Innocentius the 3. the Waldenses vnder Pope Iohn the 22. the Church of Calabria of Sevill in Spaine of England in Queene Maries dayes and the Curches of Fraunce vnder Charles the 9. and Henrie the 3. endured much oppression by the tyrrannie of the Popish faction And thus doth the Pope resemble Antiochus in persecuting with fire and sword the faithfull seruants of God professing the truth 15. Controv. Of the pride and blasphemie of Antichrist against God 10. v. 36. He shall magnifie himselfe against all that is God This is most true of the Antichrist of Rome for he exalteth himselfe aboue the Angels which are called gods in respect of their excellencie of nature and condition making himselfe iudge of the Angels Princes and Magistrates also are called gods them hath the Pope caused to kisse his feete and hath troad vpon their neckes disposing of their kingdomes at his pleasure Innocentius the third
things most deare and precious but this is a forced and wrested sense for the text speaketh euidently of the deliuering of the persons of men not of any other pretious things 2. it is sufficient saith he to vnderstand some of these onely to haue had sonnes and daughters though not all c. But Daniel by this text can be no more denied to haue had sonnes and daughters then either Noah or Iob yet I confesse that this beeing but a supposition and conditionall speach that if these three Noah Iob Daniel were in the middest of it they should deliuer neither sonne nor daughter doth not necessarily conclude that Daniel had sonnes and daughters yet he might haue both 3. Now howsoeuer it was for his virginitiâ— certaine it is he was no Eunuch as Lyranus and Carthusianus and Pintus inferre vpon these words ver 4. they must be children without blemish which collection though Peâ—â—â—â—us mislike yet it may be warranted Leuit. 21. 20. where this verie kind of defect in the secret parts is counted among other blemishes And whereas Perer saith that they were onely to respect the outward comlinesse and beautie which he saith is held longer to continue in Eunuchs I rather thinke with Lyranus taliter castrati sunt male gratiosi etiam in facis that such as are depriued of their vitilitie haue for the most part lesse grace in their countenance Quest. 21. Who are vnderstood here by the Princes 1. The word is partemim which R. Ioseph Kimhi would deriue of the word Perath which was the name of the great riuer Euphrates and that thereby are signified the Princes of the region about Euphrates but this agreeth not to this place as Caluin noteth for these princes were of Iudah whose children were taken they inhabited not neere Euphrates 2. Some deriue the word of Pharah to fructifie and encrease noting such as were truely noble and excelling others some of Parath which signifieth to deuide because the Magistrates and Iudges which decided controuersies were of the nobler sort 3. Some rather thinke that it was a strange word taken vp in the Chalde tongue Mercer Iunius coniecture in that parthani may come of the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so it generally signifieth the first chiefe or principall men 4. The Latine interpreter it expresseth by the word tyrannorum the seede of the tyrants but that word howsoeuer at the first in the Greeke tongue it was vsed in the better part to signifie great and excellent men yet now it is applied vnto such which are cruell gouernours and are vsually called tyrants thereforre it is no fit word to expresse the sense here 5. The Septuagint retaine it as a proper name and title of dignitie Pharthammin but that is not like for the Princes among the Persians were so called Ester 1. 3. there were not the like titles of honour among the Iewes which were among the Persians I therefore preferre before the rest the opinion of Mercerus and Iun. Quest. 22. VVhy the children of the Princes and Nobles were taken captiues The reasons hereof may be these 1. the king herein shewed his triumph and victorie in carying away the more principall mens sonnes 2. And because such hauing had noble education and not trayned vp as the vulgar sort were meetest to attend vpon the king to the which ende he sorted them out from the rest 3. And this might be his policie also herein that these principall mens sonnes beeing brought vp with the king of Babel and so instructed in the manners and religion of the Chaldeans might thereby haue their hearts and affections enstranged and alienated from their countrie 4. And he might haue further this purpose therein to kepe them as pledges and hostages the better to containe the Iewes in obedience and subiection Caluin Quest. 23. How the Lord performed his promise to Dauid that his kingdome should be established for euer 2. Sam. 16. seeing Iehoiakim was giuen into Nebuchadnezzers hand 1. We must consider that the promise in respect of Dauids temporall seede was conditionall that the Lord would make sure the kingdome so long as they continued in obedience but if they brake the condition the Lord was not tied to make good his promise 2. Yet the spirituall kingdome in the Messiah which was of the seede of Dauid according to the flesh shall remaine for euer without any condition or exception 3. And although Iehoiakim were giuen into Nebuchadnezzars hand yet the kingdome well nigh continued after this 20. yeares in Dauids posteritie and the Lord by degrees did proceede to take away the scepter from Iudah which for Dauids sake he would haue continued still if they would haue taken any warning 4. But it must not be thought that Gods purpose and promise to Dauid was changed and ouerturned by any superior power and euen Nebuchadnezzar herein was the minister of God to execute his iudgements for it is saide that the Lord gaue Iehoiakim into his hand v. 2. Polan Quest. 24. Whether it were lawfull for Daniel to be taught the learning of the Chaldeans v. 4. And whome they might teach the learning c. Though among the Chaldeans there were curious and superstitious artes for both iudiciarie Astrologie and Genethlialogie the casting of mens natiuities and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diuination by the dead are held to haue beene inuented by the Chaldeans yet they had other profitable sciences as Astronomie Geometrie and other liberall arts which Daniel might safely learne as Moses was brought vp in the knowledge of the Egyptians whose superstitious inuentions notwithstanding he abhorred and if Daniel refused to be defiled with their meats which were but for the bodie much more did he take heede not to haue his soule defiled with superstitious inuentions Calvin Quest. 25. Of the Chalde language and the difference betweene it and the Hebrew 1. The Chaldeans called in Hebrew Chasdim had their originall from Arphachsad the sonne of Sem the Chaldeans at the first comprehended the Hebrewes also for Heber the sonne of Selah the sonne of Arphacsad was the father of the Hebrewes and Abraham the Hebrew was borne in Vr of the Chaldees 2. At the first the knowledge of God did flourish among the Chaldeans till idolatrie and superstition encreasing it pleased God to single out Abraham in whome the true religion should be preserued 3. The most auncient tongue was the Hebrew which was preserued in Hebers familie and so descended to Abraham who also because he liued among the Chaldeans could speake the language of that nation 4. But seeing Daniel here beeing an Hebrew borne was to be taught the Chalde language then Philo is deceiued who thinketh the Chalde and Hebrew to be all one 5. Neither was the Chalde and Syrian tongue the same which is the opinion of Mercerus so thinketh also Hugo Cardinal following the ordinarie Glosse some thinke that the Syrian tongue differed not much from the Chalde but was the more eloquent
Nego which was the starre of Venus Bullin some thinke it should be read Abednebo the seruant of Nebo the God of the Chaldeans some giue the sense servus anxius a carefull seruant Pintus But the true deriuation is of ghebat a seruant and Nego fire which the Chaldeans worshipped as a God So then in all these foure names there was some memoriall of the Chaldean idolls of Bel in the first rach which was the Sunne in the next of their goddesse Shacah which was Venus in the third and of their god Nego in the last Iun. Polan Quest. 29. Ver. 8. Why Daniel refused to eate of the kings meate and of the diuers kinds of abstinence Ver. 8. Dâ—â—iel had determined in his heart that he would not defile himselfe with the portion of the kings meate 1. here we may remember that there are foure kinds of vnlawfull abstinence 1. Some of the Philosophers as Pythagoras Empedocles Apollonius Porphyrius because they imagined that the soules of men did passe into the bodies of beastes in varia se corpora indure and did as it were cloth themselues with diuers bodies for this cause they abstained from the eating of flesh 2. There were certaine heretikes who therefore would eate no flesh because they held them to be euill by nature a malo quodam principio conditas and made at the first by some euill powers such were the Heretikes Marcion Tacianus the Encratites the Manichees against whom Augustine did write at large confuting their errors but specially in his bookes against blasphemous Faustus the Manichee 3. Some were in an other error who at the first beeing conuerted from Iudaisâ—e did thinke they were bound to abstaine from certaine meates as vncleane according to the law of Moses concerning whom the Apostles made a decree Act. 15. 4. And some other there are which haue a peruerse opinion of fasting which thinke that the perfection of a Christian consisteth in fasting or they fast onely for the praise of men and opinion of the world All these are in great error and doe offend in their fasting but Daniels abstinence was of none of these kinds Pere Quest. 30. The causes which mooued Daniel to forbeare the kings meate There were many pollutions in the meate which serued at the kings table 1. they might eate such flesh as was counted vncleane by the lawe of Moses as swines flesh hares and conies were held to be vncleane by the lawe of the Hebrewes and diuerse others both beasts fish and foule as is declared Deut. 14. which might be notwithstanding vsed as delicate meates in the kings court Pap Bullinger which meates though of their owne nature they defiled not yet by the institution of God beeing forbidden they defiled the eater in respect of his disobedience to the lawe 2. Beside they in the beginning of their feasts did praise the gods of gold and siluer and so consecrated their meates and table to their idols for which cause Daniel and the rest abstained Iun. Polan Lyran. Hugo Cardi. And though the first obseruation of meates was onely legall and ceased with the rest of the ceremonies yet the abstaining from things offered to idols was perpetuall afterward obserued of the Christians as both is euident by S. Paul 1. Cor. 8. 10. where he speaketh of those that sate downe in the idoll temples and by the practise of the Primitiue Church as Caecilius obiected to the Christians praeceptos delibatos altaribus cibos abhorretis c. yee abhorre meates commanded that are consecrate to idols 3. Beside sciebat perturbationum fontem esse intemperantiam he did knowe that intemperancie was the fountaine of all distemperature he remembred that Adam was cast out of paradise for eating of the forbidden fruit and Esau lost his birthright for a messe of pottage Daniel therefore and the rest abstained least they might be intangled with the desire of their delicate meates Pintus 4. An other reason was that the king by this sweet poyson should not cause him to forget his religion Geneuens ne inescaretur talibus illecebris least he should haue beene caught with such baits he therefore shunneth the occasion Quest. 31. vers 8. How Daniel should haue beene defiled with the kings meate Though that the meate it selfe in it owne nature could not haue defiled Daniel as our Blessed Sauiour saith that which goeth into the mouth defileth not the man Matth. 15. 11. yet foure waies Daniel should haue defiled himselfe and others 1. He had offended the godly if they were weake in following his example so wounding their owne conscience if they were strong yet they would haue grieued to see the law of God transgressed 2. The profane should haue beene scandalized if they were enemies in causing them to blaspheme if they were indifferent and such as of whom there might be hope in putting before them a stumbling blocke they might haue discouraged them from embracing their religion in seeing them to doe contrarie to their owne profession 3. Their owne conscience they should haue defiled in sinning against the â—nowledge and disobeying the lawe 4. God they should haue contemned in neglecting his lawe and so in a manner haue polluted him as in another case the Priests are said to haue polluted God for offering vncleane bread vpon his altar Malach. 1. 7. Polan Quest. 32. Whether Daniel euer after abstained from the kings meate It is like that Daniel afterward did both eate and drinke of the kings prouision for he was of the kings Court and was the chiefe officer about the king and sate in the kings gate cap. 2. 49. therefore it is not vnlike but that he did liue at the kings diet neither doe we read of Ioseph that was in the like estimation with Pharaoh that he refused the kings meat Caluin The reasons why Daniel abstained now and not afterward may be these 1. Daniel principio abstinuit à lautitijs aulae ne inescaretur at the beginning abstained from the delicats of the court lest he should haue bin intangled Cal. but afterward there was not the like feare when Daniel was called to place of gouernement and depended not vpon the command and authority of others as now he did So also Pellicâ—iam grandaevus extra periculum constitutus vinum bibisse legitur c. when he waxed olde and was out of danger he is found to haue drunke wine c. 2. this must be admitted ceremonialia cedere magnae necessitati that the ceremonialls must giue place vnto extreame necessitie It is no question but the people of the Iewes beeing in captiuitie did sometime eate of the meates forbidden by the lawe rather then they should be famished but if the eating of such meates had beene a deniall of their faith and religion in that case they should rather haue chosen to die then in the least ceremonie to denie their faith Osian Daniel might then in his captiuitie vpon such necessitie eate such things as in
it ought to terrifie and mooue vnto repentance Bulling 2. Doct. vers 8. That mens hearts are in the hand of God Ver. 8. He required the chiefe of the Eunuches that he might not defile himselfe Hence it is euident seeing this chiefe officer of the kings tooke no exception to this free speach of Daniel charging the kings table and meates with pollution that God ruled and inclined his heart to fauour Daniel and to take all in good part which he said Some would haue said to Daniel what doest thou charge the kings Court and religion with impuritie and vncleannesse are ye Hebrewes onely the pure men and is there no religion good beside yours This then was Gods worke thus to qualifie the heart and affection of Ashpenah toward Daniel so it is here found to be true as the wiseman saith The kings heart is in the hand of God c. he turneth it whithersoeuer it pleaseth him Prou. 21. 1. 3. Doct. vers 12. Of th◠commendation of fasting Vers. 12. Let them giue vs pulse to eate By this example of Daniels abstinence who preferred a thinne and course diet before the kings full and delicate dishes we see how excellent a thing frugalitie and temperance is Euen among the heathen Philosophers parsimonie and sparing diet was much set by Socrates beeing asked wherein he differed from other men answered illi vivunt vt comedant ego edo vt viuam they liue to eate but I eate to liue the sobrietie of Democritus and Demosthenes is much celebrated among the heathen The Egyptians liued of herbes and the fruits o◠trees the food of the Argiues in time past were peares of the Athenians figges of the Medes almonds of the Ethiopians locustes of the Arabians milke They say that the spittle of a man fasting killeth a serpent So fasting ioyned with prayer is a spirituall remedie against the spirituall serpent and his tentations Hierome calleth it caeterarum virtutum fundamentum the foundation of other vertues Chrysostome alimentum animae the nourishment of the soule Basil saith it is similitudo hominum cum Angelis that which maketh men like vnto Angels Christ sanctified fasting and abstinence by his owne example and Sathan sought to interrupt and breake off his holy fast thereby shewing how soueraigne a remedie it is against his tentations seeing he would not suffer Christ ro hold out his fast for as a ship the lighter it is beeing vnloaden of the burthens doth better brooke the water and endure the force of the windes so he which is giuen to a temperate and sober life melius effugit fluctus nymbos tentationum doth better escape the floods and tempests of temptation Pintus 4. Doct. That true vertue consisteth in the inward purpose of the heart not in the outward appearance Vers. 8. Daniel had determined in his heart that he would not defile himselfe Daniels continencie was not in outward shewe but rooted and grounded in the heart which is the seate of vertue for that is not vertue which is done onely to the sight of others and for ostentation to seeke the praise of men but that which lieth hid in the heart The Pharisies gaue their almes prayed fasted to be seene of men but Christ teacheth his Disciples to pray and fast in secret that the Lord may approoue their worke and not men Matth. 6. And S. Paul saith that he is not a Iewe which is one outward c. but he is a Iewe which is one within c. whose praise is not of men but of God Polan 5. Doct. Of worldly feare which carrieth away carnall men Ver. 10. The chiefe of the Eunuches said to Daniel I feare my Lord the king c. This man feared more the terrene power of the visible Emperor thē the celestial maiestie of the omnipotent and inuisible God as Tertullian obiected to the Romanes maiore formidine Caesarē obseruatis quā ipsum de Olymp◠Iouē with greater feare ye obserue Cesar then Iupiter himselfe of Olympus c. they stand more in awe of their great commander in earth then of their supposed gods in heauen But the Apostles had a contrarie resolution whether it be right in the sight of God to obey you rather then God iudge ye Act. 4. 19. Polan 6. Doct. ver 12. Prooue thy seruants tenne dayes of the certaintie of faith Bullinger hereupon noteth fides non fallit nec deserit Deus constāter inherentes verbo c. faith falleth not neither doth God forsake those which constantly cleaue vnto his word c. Daniel with his three brethren and companions were assured that God would giue successe according to their faith and if they in this particular thing which concerned but an outward obseruation of the lawe had such assurance and confidence much more ought we to be assured of such things which God hath promised concerning euerlasting life for all things as our Blessed Sauiour saith are possible to him that beleeueth Mark 9. 23. 7. Doct. That learning is necessarie in Kings Ver. 19. And the king communed with them Nebuchadnezzar beeing a great warrior and conquerour yet was himselfe so well seene in the knowledge of the Chaldeans who were held to be the most learned in the world that he was able himselfe to sift and examine these 4. men whom he found in wisedome to goe beyond all his wisemen and soothsayers in Babylon Such learned princes among the people of God were Dauid Salomon Hezekiah Iosias among the Heathen Alexander the great Scipio Africanus Iulius Caesar with others and among the Christian Emperours Constantine the great who decided the controuersies and questions among the Christian Bishops And this famous kingdome of England hath had most learned princes Henerie the 8. Edward the 6. Queene Elizabeth of late blessed memorie and our now Soueraigne king Iames who is able to conferre learnedly with any man in his faculty as here Nebuchadnezzar doth with Daniel and the other three 8. Doct. That the perfection euen of humane arts and learning is to be found in the Church of God Ver. 20. And he found them tenne times better then all the enchanters and Astrologians c. Like as these fower fearing God obtained greater wisdome euen in the Chaldean learning then any of the other cunning men So it may be seene this day that euen the liberall sciences which were inuented among the Heathen haue beene much perfited among Christians who haue added vnto their beginnings for seeing God is the giuer and author of euery good gift who are more like to receiue such gifts then his owne people who can tell how to aske them of him they therefore are in great error who either in times past gaue the preheminence of learning vnto the Gentiles before the Christians or now to the Papists and Romanistes before the professors of the gospel it is euident to all the world that neither for the knowledge of tongues or artes we are any thing inferior vnto them 5. Places of
Gentiles as Origen as Suidas writeth was excommunicate of the Church for holding a little incense in his hand before an idol 5. The Romanists will not come at our Churches and seruice where yet there is no externall obiect that may offend them therefore much lesse should Protestants shew such weaknes to assemble with them in their idolatrous temples which lay so many stumbling blocks before the eyes 13. Quest. Of the malitious accusation of the Chaldees against the Iewes 1. The malitious Chaldees were so incensed against the seruants of God that refused to worship the image that they could not stay at all but presently at the same instant they made complaint of them 2. They bend their accusation not onely against those three whome they held to be offenders but against the whole nation of the Iewes v. 8. they grieuously accused the Iewes 3. They by flattering speech insinuate themselues to the king that they might be the better heard O king liue for euer v. 9. 4. Then they subtilly seeke to bring their persons into disgrace and hatred 1. by their nation and countrey they were Iewes the kings captiues and vassals 2. by their vnthankfulnes for the benefits which the king had bestowed vpon them who had made them gouerners and chiefe officers Bulling 3. by their apostasie that beeing called by Babylonian names Shadrach Meshach Abednego and so incorporated into that nation yet were of a diuers religion and vsage Iun. 5. Then followeth the crime which they obiect against them which was threefold 1. contempt of the kings commandement and decree 2. irreligion in not worshipping the kings gods 3. mutinie and sedition in being singular among the rest in that they did not fall downe before the kings image 14. Quest. Why they say in the plural they will not serue thy gods v. 12. when as there was but one image Lyranus thinketh that this image is called in the plural gods after the manner of the Iewes which vse to call an idol so though it be but one as they said of the golden calfe Exod 32. These are thy gods but it is euident in the text that by gods they meane not the image because they complain of 2. things they would not serue thy gods nor worship the image 2. The ordi gloss which Hugo followeth so also Pintus thinke that the gods here spoken of were diuers from the image for this he set vp for himselfe to be worshipped in it but his gods he worshipped himselfe But that they were not here two such distinct things it appeareth because the kings decree was onely that they should fall downe and worship the image which they transgressing are said therein also to haue refused to serue the kings gods 3. Wherefore it is euident that this image was set vp by the king to the honour of his gods Calvin which are so called in the plurall because they worshipped many gods so that in one and the same action in refusing to bow vnto the image they are held to be contemners also of the kings gods 15. Quest. Why these three Shadrach Meshach and Abednego are onely accused 1. It may seeme that the principall and chiefe men were onely or especially called and that the vulgar and common sort of people were not all present or at the least the principall men were most marked and obserued whose example the rest might follow Pere but it seemeth by their general accusation of the Iewes v. 8. that there were more Iewes present then these three 2. It may be also supposed that the vulgar sort of the Iewish people which were present did for feare doe as the rest did fall downe and worship therefore they were not complained of Perer. It is very like indeede that many Iewes did fall away in time of captiuitie to worship the Chaldean images because many of them had beene idolaters in their owne countrey for the which they were carried into captiuitie but that some other of the Iewes beside these three refused to fall downe may be gathered by the generall accusation against the Iewes but principally against these three 3. Wherefore this is like to be the cause why these three are singled out because they were aduanced to honourable place of gouernment and for this cause were enuied and maligned of the Chaldees and this may be gathered by their manner of accusation v. 12. wherin they specially vrge that point that the king had set them ouer the prouince of Babel that seemed to be an eye-soare and a griefe vnto them Why Daniel was not accused with the rest it was by reason of his absence as is shewed before quest 4. 16. Quest. What age these three were of when they were brought before the king 1. Chrysostome thinketh that these three were infantili aetate but as infants and children when this was done homil de trib pueris Augustine also hom 24. calleth them pueros children But this is not like that the king would set children in the place of gouernment for before this at Daniels request they were made gouernours ouer the prouince of Babel c. 2. 49. 2. Theodoret gesseth they were young men in aetatis vere in the spring and as we say in the floure of their age 3. Pererius thinketh they could not be lesse then 35. yeares of age for he supposeth they might be 10. yeare old when they went into captiuitie and in the 25. yeare of Nabuchadnezzer he had that dreame of the image But though Pererius opinion be probable for their age yet his ground is vncertaine for the second yeare mentioned c. 2. 1. was not the 25. but the 5. yeare of Nabuchadnezzers raigne as is shewed c. 2. qu. 1. 4. But Pererius laboureth to cleare this point because in their Missals they are called the three children either for that they were children at their first going into captiuitie or they are so called according to the phrase of Scripture that young men and they which were of perfect age are so called pueri as Iosua Exod. 31. beeing then aboue 40. yeare old is called puer the lad or seruant of Moses Contra. 1. The word puer when it is so applied is referred rather to their ministerie and seruice then age 2. we doe not stand vpon it how they are called in their Missals it sufficeth vs that in the Scripture they are not called children but gubhraia men v. 23. of the word gabbar to be strong they were then men of perfect age and strength 17. Quest. Why Daniel made not intercession to the king for his three friends 1. They which thinke Daniel was present and that he either stood by the king who did not worship his owne image as gloss ordin Hugo or that they did forbeare to accuse him because he was in great grace and fauour with the king Polan which conceits see refuted before quest 4. those which affirme Daniel to be present consequently must hold that Daniel was silent and spake not in the behalfe
of his friends and Lyranus saith vidit regem obstinatum in malicia ideo tacuit c. he saw the king setled and obstinate in his malice and therefore held his peace But Daniel had offended much if beeing present he should by his silence and connivence haue betraied these innocents as the wise man saith Prou. 24. 11. Wilt thou not preserue them that are lead to be slaine 2. Pererius thinketh that Daniel beeing a great Prophet might foresee that God would deliuer them out of this daunger by some great miracle that thereby the power and glorie of God might be set forth as our blessed Sauiour suffered Lazarus to die that he might get greater glorie by raising him vp againe out of his graue Contra. 1. Our blessed Sauiour and Daniel the master and the seruant are not well matched together Christ had all power and knowledge in himselfe so had not Daniel 2. he knew not of his deliuerance from the Lyons himselfe when he was cast into their denne for then it had beene no triall of his saith if he had bin sure to be deliuered much lesse is it like that he foresaw the miraculous deliuerance of these 3. Therefore Daniel is excused by his absence and ignorance he neither was present and so consequently was ignorant of all that now happened beeing done speedily and in hast see before qu. 4. 18. Quest. Of Nabuchadnezzers speech vnto those three brought before him 1. The equitie of the king herein deserueth commendation that would not presently giue sentence against these persons till he had heard their defense as it was the commendable custome of the Romanes not to deliuer any vnto death before he that was accused had place to defend himselfe Act. 25. 16. Bulling 2. But herein appeareth the wilfull blindnes of the king that beeing seduced to set vp such an abominable idol he proceedeth to maintaine it with crueltie Pellican 3. He doth first seeke to win them by gentle speech as though he could not beleeue it to be true that they had done this thing or if they did it was of some ouersight rather then of purpose which he was content to pardon if now they would worship the image but beside these faire speeches he addeth also threatning Bulling 4. He peremptorily enioyneth obedience to his decree not suffering it to be disputed or called into question whether it were iust or lawfull but it was his will so to be Calv. 5. And at the last he endeth with blasphemie extenuating the power of that great God whome before he had acknowledged to be the God of gods c. 2. 47. so Rabsakeh said to Hezekiah that the Lord could not deliuer Ierusalem out of his hand 2. king 18. 35. 19. Quest. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three conuented before the king They answer with godly resolution and courage to euery part of the kings speech 1. Whereas the king first insinuateth himselfe as though he did not beleeue that they would doe such a thing and thereby suggesteth vnto them that they should be better aduised which kind of humane and fauourable questioning Suetonius noteth to haue bin much vsed by Augustus who in examining those which were guiltie would seeme as though he beleeued not any such thing to be done by them to this vncertentie in the kings demaund they answer resolutely that they needed no consultation in that matter they had their answer readie and were determined both what to say and doe to answer and suffer We are not carefull to answer thee in this matter 2. To the kings blasphemie that there was no God to deliuer them out of his hand they replie that their God whome they serued was able to deliuer them out of his hand 3. Touching the kings threatning of the fierie fornace they answer in effect that it did not mooue them they feared it not though their God for some causes knowne to himselfe should leaue them in his hands yet they would not worship the image 4. And as the king would admit no discussing of his decree but would haue it absolutely obeied so they could not be remooued from their religion neither desired to haue the same discussed or sifted they would by no meanes consent to worship the image 20. Quest. Why the Lord doth not alwaies deliuer his out of temporall daungers v. 18. But if not These valiant seruants of God were certen of Gods fauour that he would assist them with his spirit to suffer for his glorie but they could not certainly promise themselues temporall deliuerance wherein the Lord alwaies sheweth not his power for these reasons 1. If the Lord should continually by some miraculous deliuerance ridde his children out of danger then would not the miracle be so great and so neither Gods glorie nor power therein so much magnified nor men thereat so much mooued Perer. 2. God suffereth his children to fall into temporall daungers for the triall and probation of their faith and patience 3. Thereby also God doth chastice his seruants to bring them to more effectuall repentance Papp 4. And the Lord permitteth his children to be temporally tried inuisibiliter eos ad gloriam transferendo to bring them inuisibly vnto euerlasting glorie Lyran. ex Augustin 21. Quest. Why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image 1. The godly Hebrewes were not ignorant how often they were charged by Moses and the Prophets not to bow vnto or worship images as Exod. 20. in the second commandement Deut. c. 4. and c. 27. Isa. 44. and Ierem. 10. and in many places beside that no one thing in Scripture is more straightly giuen them in charge 2. They had the example of the godly Patriarkes and kings and other holy men who had a perfect detestation of idols as Iaacob burned all the images in his house vnder an oak Gen. 35. Hezekiah pulled down the brasen serpent when they began to abuse it to idolatrie 3. Yea in the most corrupt times after their returne out of the captiuitie the Iewes abhorred images for when Pilatus and Petronius the presidents of Iewrie had secretly brought the images of Tiberius and Caligula into the citie to be worshipped of the Iewes they manfully resisted offering their necks and liues rather then they would contrarie to their law worship any images Ioseph lib. 18. antiquit c. 4. 10. who further writeth l. 2. cont Appia that when Alexander the great would haue repaired the Temple and sepulchre of Bel the Chaldeans god at Babylon and therein vsed the helpe of the Iewes they vtterly refused 4. Therefore that is a most malitious lie reported by Appollonius Appian the Grammarian and Cornelius Tacitus that the Iewes in the inwards of the Temple kept an asses head of gold which they worshipped ex Perer. 22. Quest. Whether the Prince is by fire and sword to roote out them which are of contrarie religion v. 19. Nabuchadnezzer commanded these three holy men to be cast into the fierie ouen wherein he
offended three waies 1. in the action it selfe in forcing his religion by torment of death 2. in the manner he did it in his rage 3. in respect of the persons persecuted they were innocent they suffered for keeping of the law of God But that generally religion is not to be forced by torment it may be thus perswaded 1. It is against the nature of faith to be forced vnto by violence doceri non cogi vult fides religion must be taught not enforced Polan 2. Idolaters heretikes and persecutors of the true faith by vnspeakable torments and cruell death did vrge their heresies idolatrie and superstitions to be kept As this was the engine wherewith the heathen Emperours assaulted the Christians persecuting them by fire and sword As Cornelius Tacitus writeth of Nero that he caused the Christians to be burned specially in the night in vsum nocturni luminis in stead of night lampes So the truth is not to be defended and maintained by the same weapons wherewith false religion fighteth for the fruits of the spirit are loue peace gentlenes Gal. 5. 22. 3. But it therefore followeth not because religion is not to be forced by punishment of death that therefore euery one is to be left vnto himselfe there are other forcible meanes by penall lawes to containe men in an vniforme profession of the true faith then by death Iosias put downe the Chemarims idolatrous Priests but he put them not to death 2. King 23. 5. 4. Yet such as are manifest blasphemers and heretikes are to be cut off by the sword as Servetus was at Geneva so that in the inflicting of the punishment of death for false religion a double difference is to be made 1. between those which do maintaine manifest heresie and blasphemie and such as hold other vnsound opinions and in the first sort betweene such as are obstinate and peruerse and those which are seduced of ignorance and simplicitie 23. Quest. Of the extraordinarie beating of the fornace v. 19. He charged that they should heate the fornace seuen times more 1. In the Apocryphall narration here inserted in the Greeke translation it is added further that the king commanded the fornace to be made hoat with pitch and towe and a kind of liquid brimstone called naptha and small twigges and spriggs of vines or such like called malleoli which some take for the small brush wood apt to be set on fire as Theodoret some for such stuffe besmeared with pitch as Pererius sheweth out of Nonius Marcellus 2. And concerning naptha whereof there are fountaines in Babylon which is an hoate countrey full of brimstone and in diuers places flaming out with fire and as Plutarke writeth the earth is so hoat that they are constrained to lie in water this naptha is of such force that whatsoeuer is besmeared therewith taketh fire in such sort as that it can not be quenched but with vineger and allume and such like as Sirabo writeth lib. 16. how Alexander to take triall of the nature thereof caused a boy beeing in the water to be annointed with naptha and so a candle put to him who so burned that if they had not with much water mire and such like quenched it he had beene consumed before them Plutarke also in the life of Alexander reporteth how the Barbarians to shew the operation of this naptha did cast certaine droppes vpon the way which in the night tooke the flame one from an other that all the way seemed to be of a light fire 3. But because in the originall historie there is no mention made of these things that the fire should be tempered with nor yet that the fornace should flame 49. cubits v. 46. in the Apocryphall addition we neede not busie our selues with searching out the nature of these things it sufficeth to know as it is in the text that the fornace was made hoat 7. times more then vsually it was 24. Quest. Of the exquisite crueltie and torments which these three were put vnto 1. Whereas in the punishing of offenders Tyrants haue satisfied themselues with simple death in the persecuting of the seruants of God they vsed exquisite torments as here the fornace is made seuen times more hoat if any malefactour had bin condemned to this punishment the ordinarie heat would haue sufficed Bulling 2. Then he commandeth the strongest men to binde them that they might vse no resistance and might be more strongly bound and God so disposed that the king should vse the ministerie of his most valiant men that both the miracle might be the greater in that the flame consumed these men exercitus cladem persentisceret he should be punished in the losse of his martiall men Lyran. and here appeareth the madnesse of persecutors who refuse not to be hangmen and tormentors themselues of Gods seruants which they would be ashamed to doe in the execution of ordinarie malefactors Osiander 3. They are bound in their apparell vt nihil ex illis reseruandum c. that nothing might remaine or be reserued of them and because they were in such hast 4. They are cast into the middes of the fornace that the fire might haue the greater power ouer them Bullinger 25. Quest. Of the apparell which they were cast into the fire with 1. The first garment is called sarbal which the Septuag interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sarabaris by the change of one letter Hierome readeth cum braccis with their breeches or hose for so he saith that saraballa in the Chalde language signifie the thighes so also Hesychius interpreteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be the couerings of the thighes and in the Sclavonian tongue the wide slippers are called sarabarh Polan so also Pagnin But it seemeth rather to signifie the close coat which couered not onely the nether but the vpper parts as Tertullian in lib. de pallio writeth thus of Alexander triumphalem cataphractam amolitus in captiva sarabara incessit that laying aside his triumphant complete harnesse he went vp downe in a captiue garment called sarabara c. it seemeth then it was such a garment which couered those parts which vsed to be harnessed the breast and vpper parts as well as the neather Ab. Ezra and R. Levi take it for the vpper garment but that is rather the last here named it is more fitly taken for the coate Genevens or the short cloake and inward garment as Iunius and Vatablus expresse it by the word chlamys which signifieth a short cloake 2. The next garment is taken by some for their breeches femâ—ralia Mont. tibialia the hose Vatab. Genevens subligacula their slops but the word petaschon their bonets commeth neere the word petasus which signifieth an hat or bonet and so the Septuagint and Hierome expresse it by the word tiara a bonet Polan Lyran. and Hugo Card. thinke that tiara signifieth both pileum and palliolum an hat or Persian cloake but it rather here signifieth the couering of the
hath an other exposition that hereby is signified that Nebuchadnezzar was aduanced from low degree vnto the kingdome and that he was per humilitatem restitutus restored againe by humilitie 3. But the vse is rather more generall that by this deposing of Nebuchadnezzar so great a king men might learne that all kingdomes are at Gods disposing seeing many times most base men haue beene aduanced to the kingly dignities and so as Caluin well noteth hoc non tantum in vno Rege contigit c. this hath not fallen out onely in one king It is notorious that among the Romane and Greeke Emperours some had beene â—eateheards as cruell Maximinus some swineheards as Iustinus the father of Iustinian Quest. 20. Why Daniel held his peace for the space of an houre Diuerse reasons may be yeelded of this silence of Daniel 1. Some thinke that in this space Daniel praied vnto God for the interpretation of the dreame as Theodoret saith prime ostendenda erat humana infirmitas c. first humane infirmitie was to shewe it selfe and then inspired grace to be manifested c. so thinketh Dyonis Carthusi intra hanc horam fuisse ei ostensam c. that in this space was shewed vnto him the interpretation of the dreame se totum ad Deum extulit cum pijs precibus he lifted vp his prayers vnto God Pint. feruids Dominum orauit c. he earnestly besought the Lord. Bulling 2. But this seemeth not to haue beene all the cause for it is said Daniels thoughts troubled him not because he was afraide of the king â—â—d dolebat pro eo he grieued for him of whom he had receiued such honour Hierome so also Lyran. Iun. Polan for the holy prophets had a double affection when they declared Gods iudgements ex vna parte condolebant miseris hominibus on the one side they pitied those miserable men to whom the iudgements were denounced deinde intrepide pronuntiabant yet they pronounced them without feare Caluin And this seemeth to haue beene the cause of this pause which he made the greatnesse of the iudgement which was determined and for that it greiued him for the king of whom he had beene so honoured because the king encourageth him to proceede whatsoeuer the dreame was 3. Vtilis etiam fuit regiscunctatio c. and in this behalfe also this stay of Daniel was profitable to the king that he might be more desirous to heare the truth Oecolampaid Pelli This vse the king might make thereof but this was not the cause which mooued Daniel Quest. 21. v. 16. In what sense Daniel wisheth this dreame to the kings enemies Daniel should seeme herein to pray against the will of God which had so decreed against Nebuchednezzar and beside it might be thought against charitie to wish such things vnto those whome he knewe not who might some of them be better then Nebuchadnezzar 1. Some thinke therefore that Daniel by this speach onely sheweth the great calamitie which should befall him such as we vse to say a man wisheth to his enemie Bulling which was the cause he was so loath to open the dreame because it pretended such heauie things but it is euident by Daniels troubled thoughts that he was indeede sorie for the king and wished that euill farre away from him 2. Dyonis Carthusian answereth that this euill which he wished vnto the kings enemies might ad salutem animae proficere be profitable vnto them for their soules health and therefore this wish was not vncharitable But it might as well haue beene for the health of Nebuchadnezzars soule he should not then haue wished it from him 3. Some thinke that it was rather ciuilis salutatio then precatio ex fide a ciuill kind of salutation then a prayer of faith which it was necessarie Daniel should vse to insinuate himselfe Iun. in commentar 4. But it was more then a ciuill salutation for indeede Daniel desired averti tam horriâ—ilem poenam à regis persona such an horrible punishment to be turned away from the king Caluin whereupon Polanus also noteth that we should euen pray for our enemies as Daniel did for Nebuchadnezzar who was an enemie to the people of God and held them in captiuitie 5. But Daniel herein went not against the decree of God for he thus prayeth praesupposito beneplacito diuino presupposing if it were Gods good pleasure Dyon Carthus so also Pintus he knew Dei minis promissionibus haerere suas conditiones that certaine condions were annexed to the threatnings and promises of God Iun. for otherwise Daniel in vaine afterward had giuen counsell vnto Nebuchadnezzar here to preuent this calamitie see further quest 29. Quest. 22. That at yrannicall gouernement is better then an anarchie or no gouernement V. 19. It is thou O king that art great and mightie 1. though Nebuchadnezzar were a Tyrant as both appeareth by his crueltie against the Iewes in destroying their citie both burning the Temple and putting the people to the sword as also by his fierce rage shewed against the Chaldeans whom he vniustly caused to be killed cap. 2. because they could not tell him his dreame which he had forgotten yet he is compared to a goodly tree which gaue meat and shadowe vnto the foules and beasts So that although Tyrants and cruell gouernours seeke to extinguish all equitie and iustice Deus retinet illos incomprehensibili modo God holdeth them in after a secret manner that some profit commeth by their gouernement Caluin As the heathen Emperours of Rome though they were cruell yet ordained good politike lawes as may appeare by the constitutions of Alexander Diocletian and the rest as are extant in the Code 2. Whereas when there is no gouernement but euery one doth what they list there is a confusion of all things a corruption both of manners and religion as appeareth in the time of the Iudges when as there was no king in Israel they followed what religion they would Iudg. 17. 6. and they liued as they would themselues without either feare of God or man as appeareth by the sinne of the men of Gibeah against the Leuites wife Iudg. 19. Quest. 23. v. 10. What is meant by hewing downe the tree 1. If but one or two branches had beene cut off yet the rest remaining would haue flourished still and so the losse should not haue beene so great As in a commonwealth when one noble man of account or one of excellent learning or vertue dieth and is taken away though it be a losse or hinderance yet the countrey is not vndone others may rise vp in his place as when Sulpitius that eloquent orator among the Romanes was slaine yet Cicero succeeded in whom that want was supplied And if a king loose one citie in his kingdome yet he may comfort himselfe in the rest But Nebuchadnezzar at once should loose all his great and large dominion and be stripped of his regall dignitie The Duke of Florence gaue for his ensigne a
this looking of Daniel toward Ierusalem out of the captiuitie of Babylon teacheth vs that we beeing set here in the world as in the captiuitie of Babel ex hac confusione ad calestem Ierusalem respiciamus should out of this confused estate looke vp to the heauenly Ierusalem Pintus Quest. 15. Why Daniel prayed thrice in a day 1. Daniel did not make choice of these houres as though they were more specially consecrated vnto praier and by the circumstance of the time more holines and efficacie were added thereunto as the Romanists haue such a superstitious conceit of their canonicall houres And they say the Iewes obserued these three times with more religious respect as the third houre because then the holy spirit was giuen the sixt houre because then the brasen serpent was lift vp in the wildernesse and the ninth because then the waters came out of the rocke in Cades And so Christians should obserue the same three times the third houre when the Holy Ghost was giuen the sixt at what time Christ was crucified and the ninth when the water gushed out of his side Pintus 2. But this was the reason rather why Daniel obserued these times he made choice of such times wherein he had best leisure and was freest from worldly businesse which was the morning before he went abroad at noone when he came home to eate meate as Ioseph also vsed to doe Gen. 43. 16. and at night when all his businesse was ended Iun. Besides these are the fittest times in respect of the benefits therein receiued of God in the morning to giue thankes for our deliuerance the night past at noone when we take our meat and at night for our preseruation that day Calv. of these three times Dauid maketh mention Psal. 55. 17. Euening morning and at noone will I pray A Deo initium felicem successum beatum exitum petimus we doe aske of God the beginning the happie successe and prosperous end of our busines Oecolampad 16. Quest. Whether Daniel did well in thus praying to offer himselfe to publike danger It will be obiected that Daniel might haue done better to haue prayed in secret 1. because of the kings commandement 2. he should haue had herein some speciall reuelation 3. he might haue prayed vnto God though he had not done it so openly seeing the externall worship is not simply necessarie but it is referred to the internall whereby God will specially be serued 4. a wise man would haue giuen way to the present necessitie and obserued the time 5. by this meanes he might haue brought all the Iewes into danger if God had not extraordinarily deliuered him Contra. 1. The kings commandement was to be obeyed so long as it was not contrarie vnto Gods commandement as in this case it was for the Lord saith call vpon me in the day of trouble but here the king forbiddeth that God should be called vpon 2. Daniel herein was guided by the spirit of God yet he was not to expect any speciall reuelation hauing the generall word of God as Deut. 6. 12. 13. beware least thou forget the Lord thy God c. thou shalt feare the Lord thy God and serue him c. and Deut. 8. 10. when thou hast eaten and art filled thou shalt blesse the Lord thy God 3. though the internall worship of God be most necessarie yet the other is necessarie also as beeing a part of our outward confession of God as in this case it was necessarie Daniel should thus testifie his worship of God because it had beene his custome in former times which if he had intermitted fâ—isset obliqua quaedam abiuratio c. it had beene an indirect abiuring of his religion 4. in ciuill matters things indifferent it is good to giue way vnto the time but not in matters which concerne the saluation of the soule 5. he was rather to goe before his nation in constancie of religion and to giue them a good example whereas if he had dissembled he might haue brought them all into the same dissimulation Daniel then herein doing his dutie was not to giue ouer in respect of any danger but to leaue the successe vnto God But that Daniel did well in making this open confession of his faith it appeareth by the happie successe Gods extraordinarie assistance whereby the Lord approoued of Daniels godly resolution Beside if Daniel had done otherwise he should haue diuersely offended 1. against God in preferring the kings commandement before his 2. against the law of nature which teacheth vs that God is to be worshipped 3. against the true religion and worship of God which by his example should haue beene much hindred 4. against the people of God in offending them with his inconstancie 5. and against his owne conscience if he had for feare forbeared that which in his iudgement he allowed Iun. in comment Quest. 17. Of Daniels aduersaries practise and accusation against him 1. First they lie in waite for Daniel And there is both a multitude of them which conspire together these men assembled v. 11. and they finde Daniel in the verie manner praying vnto his God 2. In their accusation is to be considered the forme of it which is full of subtiltie and cunning they doe not at the first directly accuse Daniel because they knewe he was fauoured of the king but first by making rehearsall of the decree in generall they drawe from the king a former consent that afterward he should not goe backe wherein they call three things to the kings remembrance the sum of the decree the ratification the penaltie v. 12. 3. The matter of the accusation is against Daniel which is not simply done but with diuerse false and enuious suggestions Enuious concerning his person in obiecting his captiuitie and the action in concealing to whom he made his petition they simply propound it he made his petition three times a day the king might conceiue that he might make it to some other man their suggestion is false as though Daniel did it in contempt of the king lawes 4. And their enuie further appeareth in these two things 1. they omit to make mention of Daniels vertues they burie them all in obliuion and picke what matter they can against him Pintus 2. they forget that Daniel was their fellowe in office which many times is respected by men of like place and calling Osiand Quest. 18. How the king laboured to deliuer Daniel till the sunne went downe 1. The king by deferring the sentence vntill night might thinke that some opportunitie might in the meane time be offred vnto Daniel to escape this danger Iun. And in the meane time optimum testimonium Danieli dat he giueth a good testimonie vnto Daniel Oâ—co it is like he pleaded for him shewing what a necessarie man he was to the commonwealth and what good seruice he had done and that afterward there might be great misse of him Beside he might dispute the cause with them
is not sufficient for temporall deliuerance to haue a good cause for thorough ambition vaine glorie and vaine confidence men may be carried to maintaine a good cause as Brutus that stood for the libertie of the commonwealth because he had no better successe said in discontent virtutem esse rem friuolam that vertue was a friuolous thing he considered not that through his ambition and trusting to his owne wit he ouerthrewe a good cause so in this place it was not Daniels innocencie onely that deliuered him but the cause was his faith he trusted in God Calvin 2. God doth not alwayes deliuer temporally As he suffered Ignatius to be torne of wild beasts and Polycarpus to be consumed of the fire yea at sometime he sendeth the same man deliuerance and not at an other as Peter was deliuered out of Herods hands at Ierusalem but he suffred vnder Nero at Rome yet are not the children of God forfaken for when they are taken away by death they then are most of all deliuered at once from all the calamities of this world and are receiued into euerlasting glorie Bulling 3. There is then a threefold kind of deliuerance 1. there is a temporall deliuerance from death and danger here as Daniel was now deliuered 2. there is a deliuerance from sinne as in this place Daniel liberatur à morte Rex à peccato Daniel is deliuered from death the king is freed from his sinne Melancthon 3. there is a deliuerance and preseruation to eternall life as the godly conseruantur ad vitam eternam are so preserued so that in death it selfe they perish not Osiand Quest. 27. Of Darius ioy v. 23. Then was the king exceeding glade 1. There were two speciall causes of Darius ioy lâ—tâ—tus est amici nomine he reioyced on the behalfe of his friend who was now deliuered by this great miracle Oecolamp and he found his conscience somewhat quieted which was perplexed and troubled before when he refused his meate and would not heare the instruments of Musicke 2. Yet this was but a carnall ioy it was much differing from the true spirituall ioy which the children of God haue when they are assured of the fauour of God and of the remission of their sinnes whereof the Prophet Dauid speaketh Psal. 4. 6. Lord lift thou vp the light of thy countenance vpon vs thou hast giuen me more ioy of heart then when their wheat and wine did abound 3. Yet this ioy of the king and the sight of this miracle made the king more couragious and bold that whereas before he feared the nobles and against his own conscience condemned Daniel now he deliuereth Daniel and causeth them to be cast into the lyons denne in his stead and whereas the stone was sealed both with his owne ring and the nobles he now â—tayeth not for their consent bâ—t by his regall authoritie Daniel was fetcht out of the den Quest. 28. Whether the king did iustly in causing Daniels accusers with their wiues and children to be cast into the denne v. 24. 1. Some here doe answer non est lex aequior vlla quam neces artifices arte perire sua c. there is no more iust lawe then for the deuiser of mischeife to perish in his owne deuise as Haman was hanged vpon the gallowes which he had made for Mordechai gloss iuterlin Hugo this reason satisfieth why the authors of this mischiefe were punished but not why their wiues also and children should suffer with them 2. Bullinger sheweth the equitie hereof by the like iudgements of God as in the destruction of the olde world and of Sodome and in Sauls expedition against Amalech in all these neither men women or children were spared So it is vsually seene that in warre famine pestilence the calamitie is generall But there is great difference betweene the iudgements of God inflicted either immediately by himselfe or by his commandement which are alwayes most iust though we see not the reason thereof and the iudgements of men God may doe that iustly beeing Lord and Creator of all who may giue and take life at his pleasure which man doth vniustly 3. Calvin graunting that the wiues and children may for the sinnes of their husbands and fathers iustly suffer ciuill punishment as infamie losse of goods corruption of blood and such like saith longe durius est c. it is a harder matter to slay the children with the parents And he seemeth to resolue vpon the crueltie of the Persian gouernement scimus reges Orientales exercuisse immane barbarum imperium c. we know that those Easterne kings did exercise a barbarous and cruell dominion yet simply he would not haue this example condemned But howsoeuer the Persian kings gouerned cruelly this example of iustice is simply to be commended in the king as shall appeare by this which followeth 4. There are then foure things which doe iustifie the kings sentence against Daniels accusers 1. The greatnes of the offence which deserued a great and extraordinarie punishment they sinned against God by hatred of the true religion against the king in abusing his facilitie and deceiuing him and they were false accusers against Daniel they offended also against the whole commonwealth which by Daniels care was peaceably and quietly gouerned Bulling Iun. annotat 2. The law of reâ—alion required that false accusers should induâ—â— the same punishment which by their false testimonie they would haue brought vpon others according to Moses law Deut. 19. 19. So the Lacedemonians did vse to put to death false accusers as the Athenians did flatterers As these then by their false suggestions caused Daniel to be cast into the lyons denne so are they iustly serued themselues And as they would haue depriued the king of his friend so they perish with their friends Oecolampad 3. The custome of nations is to be considered which was for the treason committed against the king or commonwealth either against their honour or life to punish both the offenders themselues and their posteritie As this enterprise was both against the kings honour and against the peace and tranquilitie of the commonwealth Seneca giueth this reason of this custome and law of nations Nam parentes liberique eorum qui interfecti sunt propinqui amici in locum singulorum succedunt for the parents and children of them which were slaine their friends and kiâ—â—ed doe succeede in their places c. that is they are all like to be conspiratours as the other were Arcadius and Honorius after they had extinguished the conspiracie of Talnia doe thus resolue in their rescript in Codic tit ad leg Iul. Paterno deberent perire supplicio in quibus paterni hoc est haereditarij criminis exempla metuuntur they ought to suffer their fathers punishment seeing the like example is feared in them of that hereditarie crime The generall custome and law of nations which was to punish the children with the fathers in treasonable attempts sheweth the equitie
faithfull man haue not this particular and peculiar kind of faith which is called the faith of miracles yet they are assured by their faith to be euerlastingly saued though they are not thereby secure and assured alwaies of temporall deliuerance 10. Doctr. The magistrates office is not onely to procure things temporall but spirituall also for their subiects v. 26. As Darius here maketh a decree that all men in his kingdome should feare Daniels God so it belongeth to the magistrate not onely to procure outward peace and to watch ouer the people for their bodily and worldly wealth but to see also that they professe true religion and be brought to the right knowledge of God Papp Thus did the good kings of Iudah Dauid Iehosaphat Hezekiah Iosias they abolished idolatrie and superstition and planted true religion 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. Against canonicall and stinted houres of praier 1. Bellarmine vpon this example of Daniel doth ground the institution of their canonicall houres the third ninth and sixt and Pintus addeth further not onely at these three times but seuen times a day doth the Catholike Church pray septem horis canonicis in the seuen canonicall houres as Dauid saith Seuen times a day will I praise thee Psal. 119. which was shadowed forth by the seuen times blowing of the trumpets Iosh. 6. 4. Contra. 1. They doe in these positions contradict themselues for if they would prooue by Daniels example that there are three canonicall houres how come they to haue seauen 2. Dauid praied also at midnight Psal. 119. v. 62. beside his seuen times a day then by this reason there shall be yet more then 7. canonicall houres and Dauid in that place by seuen times vnderstandeth many according to the phrase of Scripture Leuit. 26. 18. and Prov. 24. 16. A iust man falleth seuen times 3. not onely these houres but all other are consecraâ—ed to praier according to the saying of the Apostle 1. Thess. 5. 17. Pray continually As Dauid praied in the morning euening and at noone Psal. 55. 17. and he vsed to remember God vpon his bed and in the watches of the night Psal. 63. 5. and our blessed Sauiour continued all night in prayer Luk. 6. 12. 4. Yet it is conuenient in respect of our infirmitie that men should tie themselues to certaine houres for their priuate prayers without superstition that although it be free for vs to pray at all times quisque tamen sentire debet suam infirmitatem vt remedia sibi accersat yet euery man must take knowledge of his infirmitie and vse the helps and remedies to stirre vp his dulnes by keeping his set houres of prayer Calvin yet so as his affection and deuotion be not tied vnto these houres but that at all other times as his necessitie requireth and occasion serueth he be readie to call vpon God 5. As for Daniels example he kept not those houres as beeing addicted in deuotion and religious obseruation more to one time then an other but because that he was most vacant and free from other employments as is before shewed qu. 15. 6. But the Popish obseruation of canonicall houres we refuse for diuers reasons 1. because they thinke the very keeping of the houre is a part of Gods worship 2. they enioyne them with such necessitie to be kept as though they could not be omitted without mortall sinne 3. they thinke by this keeping of their canonicall houres to merit at Gods hand Polan see more hereof Centur. 4. err 90. 2. Controv. That it is no Apostolical tradition to pray toward the East 1. Daniel here prayeth toward Ierusalem which was scituate southwest from Babylon and the Sanctuarie was toward the West and the doore of it opened toward the East therefore the superstitious scituation of Churches as of necessitie East and West hath no ground out of the Scriptures Oecolampad the Apostle exhorteth men to lift vp pure hands euery where 1. Tim. 2. 8. Euery place is fit to make our praier in and God is euery where present to heare those which call vpon him in faith see more Synops. Cent. 2. err 52. 2. Beside the heresie of the Ebionites is very grosse who held that Christians should pray toward Ierusalem as Ireneus writeth of them lib. 1. aduers. haeres cap. 26. for now the Temple of Ierusalem together with the ceremonies thereof is abolished the true Temple Christ Iesus beeing come 3. Controv. That the publike profession of our faith is necessarie and it is not sufficient to haue it inwardly in the heart v. 10. Daniel opened his windows to the intent that he should be seene of all not of vaine glorie but that his constancie in the worship of God might be knowne to all notwithstanding the kings edict to the contrarie Hereby is confuted the error of the Georgians Libertines and Nicodemites in these daies the same was the error of the Helchesaites in times past that if any denied his faith in time of persecution and kept it in his heart he sinned not And for the strengthening of this error diuers reasons are brought 1. They alleadge that the Magistrate who is in Gods place is to be obeyed as the Apostle teacheth that whosoeuer resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God Rom. 13. 2. Contra. 1. Magistrates as they are in Gods place so they must command and rule according to the will and word of God they haue not receiued an absolute power to command what they list but limited according to the rules of Gods holy word The Apostles themselues refused to obey the Magistrates which enioyned them not to speake in the name of Iesus Act. 4. 19. 2. Men must haue care of their wife and children whome wilfully for a man to forsake in casting himselfe into apparant danger it were impious Contra. Wife and children ought to be loued and cared for but the loue of Christ must be preferred as our Sauiour saith that he which loueth wife or children more then me is not worthie of me Matth. 10. 3. But the shedding of Christian blood should be preuented men should not offer themselues to apparant danger which giueth occasion of much bloodshed Contra. 1. The constant seruants of God are not the cause of bloodshed but the wicked persecuters which kill them cruelly and vniustly as our blessed Sauiour saith Ioh. 16. 2. Whosoeuer killeth you will thinke he doth God good seruice and these things will they doe vnto you because they haue not knowne me 2. The very death of the righteous is pretious in Gods sight Psal. 116. 15. and God receiueth as much honour by the constant death of his Saints as he doth by their godly life 3. Otherwise the holy Martyrs should be blameable because by their constant profession murther and bloodshed is occasioned whose memorie is honourable before God and man as Eusebius maketh mention of a certaine citie in Phrygia the citizens whereof together with the Magistrates professing themselues to be Christians were
their flesh was boyled in hoate caldrons The like report Iosephus maketh of that cruell persecution verberati diuersis cruciatibus fatigati c. they beeing scourged and wearied with diuerse torments yet beeing aliue were hanged vp vpon pearches the children which were circumcised were strangled and hung about their parents neckes lib. 12. antiquit c. 6. 7. And of these persecutions seemeth the Apostle to speake Heb. 11. 35. 37. they were racked c. they were stoned they were hewed asunder they were tempted or they were burned as Iunius and Polanus thinke it should be reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they were slaine with the sword c. Quest. 42. Of the consolation of the afflicted Church of the Iewes v. 34. 35. v. 34. They shall be holpen with a little helpe The Lord forgetteth not his Church in their affliction but sendeth them a breathing time and some helpe to comfort them in the middes of their trouble This consolation here propounded consisteth of three parts 1. it is described by the adiunct the small helpe that shall be raised vnto them 2. by the ende wherefore God suffreth them to be afflicted namely to purge and trie them 3. by the circumstance of the time which shall not continue but so long onely as God hath appointed Concerning the first for the other two parts are plaine enough 1. the Hebrewes vnderstand this small helpe of some Emperours which fauoured the Iewes such were Seuerus and Antoninus 2. Some referre it vnto the time of Iulian who gaue the Iewes libertie to build the temple againe but he did it fainedly for he intended thereby onely the aduancement of idolatrie and the defacing of Christian religion 3. Oecolampadius interpreteth this little helpe of the fauour shewed by some Emperours vnto the Christians as Marcus Aurelius protected them and by those that should cleaue vnto them fainedly he vnderstandeth the heretikes as Cherinthus Menander the Ebonites with other who ioyned with the Christians yet were great enemies vnto the truth of Christian religion But all these opinions may be confuted by one and the same argument because here is a continuance of the same historie from v. 30. he which was repelled by the shippes of Chittim which were the Romanes is the same which persecuteth the Church here the Romanes are not these persecutors but they somewhat bridled and stayed the persecutor 4. Some further applie this to the last times of persecution vnder Antichrist that then the Saints shall resist him but by small helpe Hierome Indeede typically this Scripture may be so applyed but historically it was performed in the time of Antiochus as Pererius obserueth 5. Wherefore here there is euident relation vnto the Macchabees vnto Mattathias and his sonnes who beeing but an handfull and a small companie in respect of Antiochus and his armie yet God so prospered this small helpe that the tyrannie of Antiochus was somewhat stayed for the time and in the ende of the appointed time after three yeares and certaine dayes from the abolishing of the daily sacrifice which beganne the 15. day of Casleu in the 145. yeare 1. Mac. 1. 57. the Temple was cleansed on the 25. of the same moneth in the 148. yeare 1. Macchab 4. 52. Now while this small helpe prospered some as the text saith did but cleaue fainedly vnto them there were diuerse that as long as they preuailed which stood for the lawe would seeme to ioyne with them but if their busiâ—esse went not forward then they were as readie to take part against them and such we shall finde to haue beene amâ—â—g the Iewes in the time of the Macchabees as that storie maketh mention that were but false brethren Bulling Polan Quest. 43. Of Antiochus pride and the exalting of himselfe against God v. 36. And the king shall doe what him list c. In this second persecution which Antiochus mooued against the Iewes which consisteth of three parts first it hath beene shewed what ministers and instruments he should vse secondly what the faithfull should endure and suffer now followeth the third part what Antiochus himselfe should doe And his acts are either concerning religion in abrogating all religion both true and false v. 36. 37. and in establishing a newe religion of his owne v. 38. or such as concerne ciuill and politike matters vers 39. But interpreters doe much differ in the exposition of this Scripture of whom it should be vnderstood 1. The Hebrewes take this king to be Constantine the great of whom Ab. Ezra is not ashamed to tell these lies that there were but 318. which receiued the Christian religion which afterward he coÌ„pelled all Princes and people to embrace But all this is false he thinketh there were no more Christians but onely those 318. Bishops which were assembled in the Nicen Councel neither did Constantine coÌ„pell any to receiue the Christian faith but forbad the worship of Idols and protected the Christian religion but he was so farre from lifting himselfe vp against God that euerie where he commanded Churches to be erected to the honour of Christ in whose name he ouercame his enemies Some of the Iewes vnderstand this king to be Vespasian some an Emperour that should rise vp after Iulian who seemed to fauour them so well they agree together 2. Oecolampadius and Melancthon will haue this king to be the Pope and Turke who both are blasphemous against God but the Prophet speaketh but of one king neither is it like that the Angell breaking off at the persecution vnder Antiochus would immediately ioyne the historie of such things as should come to passe aboue a thousand yeare after for so many yeares and more came betweene Antiochus persecution and the beginning of the Monarchie of the Turke and of the tyrannie of the Pope 3. M. Calvin thinketh this place not to be vnderstood of any one king but of a continued gouernement which he referreth to the Monarchie of the Romanes not beginning at Iulius Caesar but at such time as they beganne to oppresse Iudea as first Pompey tooke the citie though he spared the Temple after him Crassus spoiled and robbed the Temple whose insatiable couetousnesse was such in those countries that he was hated of all in so much that when he was slaine they filled his skull full of gold and carried it vp and downe in derision The Romanes exalted themselues against God for they tooke vpon them to determine who should be counted Gods and Cicero in his oration pro Flacco speaketh basely of the God of the Iewes not holding him worthie to be compared with Bacchus or Venus and that Iudea beeing so often ouercome was hated of all the gods Tâ—us M. Calv. But although diuerse of these things here prophecied of may by way of analogie be applyed to the Romanes whose pride was into lerable and their superstitious religion a verie prophanesse yet they cannot well be vnderstood here seeing at that time there was no king
of the truth of this speech but if it be not true why standeth it in the Canon after so often reuising and perusing of the Canons 2. They denie Christ to be our onely Priest in making other Mediators and intercessors beside him contrarie to the Apostle 1. Tim. 2. 5. There is one Mediatour of God and man the man Iesus Christ. 3. Neither doe they acknowledge Christ to be the onely king of his Church making the Pope his Vicar and head of the Church and they say that vnto the Pope is giuen all authoritie in heauen and earth lib. 1. Ceremoniar cur Roman Bellarmine answereth that the Pope no more denieth Christ to be king then a Viceroy in a countrey denieth the king of the land Ans. 1. The reason is not alike for a king can not be present in euery part of his kingdome and therefore committeth many things to his deputie which he can not doe himselfe but Christ is for euer present with his Church 2. the Viceroy taketh not vpon him to be the king and head as the Pope doth So then it is euident that the Pope in effect renounceth the God and religion of his fathers see further in the Appendix exercis 3. argum 1. 22. Controv. How the Romane Antichrist regardeth not the desire of women Though the Antichrist of Rome doth publikely pretend chastitie yet all fornication and vncleannes both naturall and vnnaturall is practised and suffered vnder that licentious gouernment And herein the Pope regardeth not the desires of women in that he is an enemie vnto lawfull marriage forbidding his Clergie to marrie which is made lawfull to all men 1. Cor. 7. 1. Hebr. 13. 4. And while marriage is restrained there is a way open to all other kind of vncleannes euen that filthie Sodomitrie which is against nature in commendation whereof a great Bishop of Italie did write publikely and that without any checke Papp This sinne some scoffingly haue called mutum peccatum a dumme sinne but they shall finde that it is peccatum clamans a crying sinne which called for fire and brimstone from heauen vpon the Sodomites Bulling But Bellarmine to cleare his great Master the Pope of this suspition also he alleadgeth that in the originall the words stand thus and he shall be in the desires of women though that in the Greeke translation it be read negatiuely he shall not c. And he giueth two coniectures why it should be read rather affirmatiuely then negatiuely both because Antiochus as Hierome writeth who is here historically meant was giuen vnto the desire and lust of women neither is it probable that Antichrist should command or commend single life but the Iewes rather doe expect that Antichrist shall suffer them to haue many wiues which they count a part of their terrene happines Contra. 1. That it is more agreeable to the originall to read here negatiuely he shall not haue respect to the desires of women then affirmatiuely is shewed before qu. 45. whether I referre the Reader 2. Though Antiochus were one way giuen vnto the desire of women in respect of his carnall lust yet an other way he was not in not regarding the request and desire of his wife for to spare Ierusalem as is shewed likewise before qu. 45. 3. It is most probable nay rather that Antichrist shall enioyne single life and restraine marriage because he shall maintaine the doctrine of deuills whereof this is one 4. And though the Iewes expect such carnall libertie when their Messiah commeth that is nothing to the purpose for such a Messiah as they expect shall neuer come But we know certenly that the Antichrist should come into the world and is indeede alreadie come 5. And that Antichrist shall outwardly seeme to maintaine single life it is the opinion of their owne writers exterius finget castitatem vt facilius decipiat he shall outwardly faine chastitie that he may the more easily deceiue Lyran. so also Pererius Intimis animi sensibus erit super omnes libidiâ—osus c. in his inward disposition he shall of all men be most licentious and lustfull though he shall outwardly dissemble chastitie 23. Controv. That Antichrist shallnot care indeede for any God nor haue any sense of religion That the Antichrist of Rome herein also was well resembled by Antiochus may be prooued first by particular induction that many of their Popes haue beene found in a manner to be very Atheists hauing â—o sense of religion Iohn the 12. whome Platina maketh Iohn the 13. nec Deum nec hominem prae oculis habuisse had neither God nor man before his eyes so testifieth Theodoric à Niem lib. 3. c. 9. Innocentius the 8. was seene for the most part to sleepe in the time of diuine seruice of Alexander the 6. saith Guicciardine that he had nullum religionis sensum no feeling of religion his holy-daies exercise was to see Plautus comedies plaied of Leo the 10. it is reported that he should thus say quantum nobis profuit fabula ista de Christo how much hath this fable or tale of Christ profited vs Secondly this may be shewed how the Pope doth magnifie himselfe against God by those blasphemous titles and prerogatiues which he suffreth to be giuen vnto him by his Canonists as Osiander doth exemplifie these the Pope is the vniuersall father of all the faithfull and of all the sheepe of Christ Ioannes de tur cremat the Pope hath the same consistorie with God and the same tribunall with Christ the Pope is a certaine diuine power representing a visible God in earth Gomesius All power is giuen vnto the Pope in heauen and earth from the Pope appeale is not to be made no not vnto God the Pope can make something of nothing the Pope can doe all that God doth Decius the Pope is God Felinus the Pope is greater then any other creature and his power extendeth it selfe to celestiall things terrestriall and infernall Antonin Florentin the Pope may change the forme of the Sacraments deliuered from the Apostles Archiadiacon the Pope is the foundation of faith as the canons speake God hath subiected all lawes to the Pope and no lawe can be imposed vpon his highnesse 〈◊〉 Gratian. the Pope may decree against the epistles of S. Paul Carolus Râ—â—nus God hath brought all things in subiection vnder the Popes feete Barbazia none is equall to the Pope but God August Beroius the Pope is the husband of the whole Church Ioan. de tur cremat These and such like blasphemies are vttered by the Popes claw-backes and â—e accepteth them for if he misliked them why doth he not prohibite them to vse such grosse and blaspemous seatteries By this it is euidently manifest that the Pope as here it is said of Antiochus seeketh onely to magnifie himselfe and in effect careth not for any God 24. Controv. How Antichrist shall bring in a strange God which his fathers neuer knewe v. 38. As Antiochus brought in his newe
more then two expeditions against Egypt for euident mention is made of three before in the 11. chapter one v. 23. 24. see quest 33. an other mentioned v. 25. see qu. 34. though Iunius take this for the first the third v. 29. see quest 35. And that Antiochus made more then two iourneys into Egypt may be prooued out of the storie of the Macchabees for that was his second voyage into Egypt when in his returne he spoiled and robbed the Temple wicked Menelaus beeing his guide 2. Macchab. 5. 1. 15. which is the same voyage mentioned 1. Macchab. 1. for in his returne there spoken of he robbed the Temple v. 23. But this was not his last voiage for after this he went into Egypt when he was countermaunded by Popilius the Romane Embassadorâ— as it may thus appeare Antiochus in this his second returne out of Egypt brought great spoyles from thence 1. Macchab. 1. 20. but when Popilius discharged him he returned against his will hauing not that successe which he had before as is expressed v. 29. And further that Antiochus made more then two voyages may be collected v. 29. it shall not be as at the first and as at the last that is in his third attempt when he was stayed by the Romanes he should not haue the like successe as the two former times But Graserus maketh an other sense posteriora istius expeditionis non respondebunt initijs the ende of this expedition shall not be like the beginning p. 306. and he would haue it vnderstood of one and the same expedition that whereas at the first he was likely to haue ouercome all Egypt in the ende he was restrained and curbed by the Romanes so also read Genevens the last shall not be as the first to the same purpose Vatablus but the originall standeth thus and it shall not be as the first and as the last in the other reading both the coniunction vau should be superfluous and as the last and the note of similitude caph should be in the same clause vsed in a double sense in the first word carishonah it should be taken for sicut as and in the latter caacharonah for sic so whereas in both places it is better interpreted as But here it will be further doubted which of Antiochus voyages into Egypt this was which is here prophesied of v. 40. and in the verses following for the satisfying of which doubt I neither thinke with Iunius that this was his second voyage the next before that when he had his discharge from Popilius annotat 101. in ver 29. for such a preposterous placing of matters historicall is not to be admitted in so orderly a narration as the Prophet hath continued through this 11. chapter that he should speake of Antiochus third voyage v. 30. and deferre the second to v. 40. 2. neither doe I thinke that this is a recapitulation of Antiochus expeditions formerly mentioned but it much differeth from the former because the king of the South here giueth the first occasion but in all the other attemps the king of the North was the first agent And againe here mention is made of other nations with whom Antiochus had to doe as the Edomites Moabites Ammonites the Lybians and Mores 3. This then was the last exploit of Antiochus in Egypt as the 40. v. sheweth in the ende of time And though before this he had beene countermaunded by the Romanes to depart out of Egypt yet he afterward was had in iealousie to conspire against the Romanes as is before shewed out of Florus and so might contrarie to his promise inuade Egypt againe and the rather because Pâ—olome Physcon the younger brother sought to driue Ptoleme Philometor out of his kingdome which occasion Antiochus tooke to aide Physcon the younger brother against Philometor of this variance betweene the brethren who seemed to be reconciled before when Popilius made Antiochus to depart out of Egypt Livie decad 4. lib. 5. and Florus likewise maketh mention in the 46. booke of his epitome see further of this matter in the 11. chap. quest 47. toward the ende Argum. 2. Graserus proceedeth and as he excludeth Antiochus out of this prophesie so he by the kings of the North and South would haue vnderstood the Pope whose iurisdiction is most in the Northerne parts of the world and the Turke who ruleth chiefely in the Sotherne his reasons for this opinion are these 1. Because there is great affinitie betweene the first kings of the North and South which are before spoken of in this chapter namely the kings of Syria and Egypt and these kings of the North and South 1. as they branched out of the Monarchie of Alexander so these two the Pope and the Turke are risen out of the Monarchie of the Romanes 2. as they had their situation the king of Syria toward the North and of Egypt toward the South so these two the Pope and Turke haue their chiefe dominion the one in the Northerne parts of the world the other in the Sotherne 3. as both those kings of Syria and Egypt afflicted the people yet diuersly for Antiochus would not suffer the Iewes to enioy their religion but put them to grieuous torments yet the kings of Egypt permitted the Iewes to followe their owne rites in so much that they suffered them to build a temple in Egypt like to that in Ierusalem So the Christians are tormented and persecuted for their conscience vnder the Northerne Tyrant yet vnder the Turke they may haue toleration of their religion Graser pag. 314. 2. The phrase also well agreeth to this sense 1. the word tzaphon which is interpreted the North signifieth also hid which fitteth the whore of Babylon in whose forehead is written a mysterie c. Apoc. 17. 5. p. 310. 2. the king of the South shall push which cannot be vnderstood of Ptolome who was of no such force to push at Antiochus but this well agreeth vnto the house of the Ottomans the great Turks which haue pushed at these Northern parts of the world p. 318. 3. the other word ijshtagher he shall come like a whirlwind sheweth not an absolute and entire power as in the horne to push but rather a confederacie of vnited forces such as the papacie coÌ„sisteth of in gathering of Councels sending vp down of Legats stirring vp and coÌ„bining Princes together to fight for the holy land against the Saracens to this purpose Graser pag. 320. Answ. 1. In that Graserus maketh the kings of the South and the North that is of Egypt and Syria types and shadowes of his kings of the North and South the Turke and Pope in their originall situation affection toward the people of God therein he graunteth the same which hath beene so often affirmed that typically Antichrist is here shadowed forth but not literally and historically 2. neither yet in these things is there so great affinitie betweene them for the Turkish dominion did not spring out of the Romane Empire
the armes and breasts of siluer what it was 44. qu. v. 39. why the Persian Monarchie is said to be inferiour to the Babylonian 45. qu. whether the Monarchie of the Chaldeans or of the Persians was more cruel toward the Iewes 46. qu. why the Persian Monarchie is compared to siluer 47. qu. why the third Monarchie is likened to the belly and the thigh and vnto brasse 48. qu. Of the largenes of Alexanders Empire and of other memorable and notable things in him 49. qu. v. 40. whether this fourth kingdome must be vnderstood to be the Roman Empire 50. qu. That this fourth kingdom diuided into two kingdoms resembled by the twâ—â—â—gges of the image was the kingdom of Syria and Egypt 51. qu. Of the beginning and continuance of the fowre generall Monarchies of the world 52. qu. v. 43. Of the meaning of these words they shall miagle themselues with the seede of men 53. qu. v. 44. What manner of kingdome the Prophet speaketh of which God should set vp 54. qu. Whether the stone cut out of the mountaine do signifie Christ and his kingdome 55. qu. Whether this prophesie be fulfilled in the first or second comming of Christ. 56. qu. The description of the kingdome of Christ by the Prophet v. 44. 45. 57. qu. That this kingdome which God shall raise vp must be vnderstood of the kingdome of Christ. 58. qu. That this kingdome of Christ is a spirituall no temporall kingdome 59. qu. v. 44. In the dayes of what kings Christs kingdome should be raised vp 60. qu. How Christs kingdome is said to destroy other kingdomes 61. qu. Whether Christ at his comming did indeede destroy the temporall dominions 62. qu. How Christ is said to be the stone cut without hands 63. qu. In what sense Christ is compared to a little stone and how it filled the earth 64. qu. v. 46. Whether Nebuchadnezzar did well in bowing vnto Daniel and commanding odours to be offered vnto him 65. qu. Whether Daniel refused this worship offered vnto him 66. qu. Of Nebuchadnezzars ample and large confession of God 67. qu. Whether Nebuchadnezzar had the true knowledge of God 68. qu. Whether Daniel did well in accepting the gifts and honours which the king bestowed on him 69. qu. Whether Daniel could with a good conscience be set ouer the wise men and soothsayers of Babylon 70. qu. How Daniel is said to haue sate in the kings gate 71. qu. Whether it be lawfull for a Christian to liue in an idolatrous kings Court Questions vpon the 3. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezzar set vp this great image 2. qu. To whom Nebuchadnezzar erected this image 3. qu. To what ende this image was set vp 4. qu. How it came to passe that Daniel hindred not the kings purpose in setting vp this image 5. qu. of the place where this image was set vp 6. qu. of the greatnes of this image compared with others and in it selfe 7. qu. of the mystical applicatioÌ„ of this image 8. qu. of the seuerall names and titles of the kings nobles officers here rehearsed v. 2. 9. qu. why Nebuchadnezer onely called his nobles and officers 10. qu. v. 5. of the diuers kinds of instruments here rehearsed 11. qu. v. 5. of their falling downe and worshipping this image 12. qu. That it is not lawfull to bow vnto an image though one in his heart abhorre it 13. qu. Of the malice of the Chaldees against the Iewes 14. qu. why they say in the plural they wil not serue thy gods v. 12. whereas there was but one image 15. qu. why these three Shadrach Meshack and Abednego are onely called 16. qu. what age these three were of when they were brought before the king 17. qu. why Daniel mâ—de not intercession to the king for his three freinds 18. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers speech vnto these three brought before him 19. qu. Of the religious and resolute answer of these three conuented before the king 20. qu. why the Lord doth not alwaies deliuer his out of temporall dangers 21. qu. why they are so resolute not to worship the golden image 22. qu. whether the Prince is by fire sword to root out theÌ„ which are of contrarie religioÌ„ 23. qu. of the extraordinarie heating of the fornace 24. qu. of the exquisite cruelty and torments which these three were put vnto 25. qu. of the apparel which they were cast into the fire with 26. qu. why Daniel was not cast into the fierie fornace with the rest 27. qu. How the flame of the fire slew those which were the ministers of the kings cruelty 28. qu. How these three men cast into the fire were preserued 29. qu. of 7. miraculous things concurring in this preseruation of them from the fire 30. qu. whether any thing without miracle may be preserued from the fire being in the flames therof 31. qu. That these three were true martyrs though they escaped by miracle the daunger of death 32. qu. whether all those are to be held martyrs which die constantly and couragâ—ously 33. qu. Why it pleaseth not God alwaies to deliuer his seruants out of daunger as he did these at this time 34. qu. v. 25. In what sense the king saith that the fourth was like the sonne of God 35. qu. of the apparition of Angels in humane shape what maner of bodies they appeared in 36. qu. why the Angels vsed to appeare in humane shape 37. qu. Of the sudden change and conuersion that was in Nebuchadnezzer with the parts thereof 38. qu. whether this were a true conuersion in Nebuchadnezzer 39. qu. whether blasphemie is to be punished with death 40. qu. whether the 3. last verses doe belong vnto this third chapter Questions vpon the 4. chapter of Daniel 1. qu. of the kings epistle the summe and parts thereof 2. qu. At what time Nebuchadnezer wrote this epistle 3. qu. How Nebuchadnezer could write vnto all the people in the world 4. qu. Of the signes and wonders which Nebuchadnezer declareth 5. qu. whether Nebuchadnezer were now at the last truly conuerted 6. qu. Of the author of this epistle 7. qu. whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezers transmutation were so done in deede 8. qu. why Daniel was called by the name of Belteshazzar 9. qu. In what sense Nebuchadnezer saith that Daniel had the spirit of the holy gods 10. qu. Of Nebuchadnezers dreame and the summe therof 11. qu. why this tree is said to be in the mids of the earth 12. qu. why Nebuchadnezer is compared to a tree 13. qu. v. 11. who are vnderstood by the beasts and foules 14. qu. v. 12. how Nebuchadnezer was bound with a band of yron and brasse 15. qu. v. 11 12. why this prophecie is vttered in the imperative moode hew downe the treâ— c. leaue the stumpe 16. qu. v. 14. why the Angels are called watchmen 17. qu. By whom the 14. v. was pronounced by the Angel or by the King 18. qu. v. 14.
a contrarie religion may be tolerated in a Commonwealth 14. contr That the conuersion of Nebuchadnezzer doth not signifie the conuersion of the Deuill in the ende of the world Controversies vpon the 4. chapter of Daniel 1. Contr. That the virgin Marie was not without sinne 2. Contr. Against free will 3. Contr. Against the inuocation of Saints 4. Contr. That the Pope is not the distributer of kingdomes 5. contr Against satisfaction by workes 6. contr Of the certaintie of remission of sinnes 7. contr Which be the good works of Christians 8. contr That Gods prouidence is not onely a bare prescience or permission 9. contr Against the Pope who would be without check or controlment Controversies vpon the 5. chapter of Daniel 1. Contr. That idolaters and worshippers of images make them their gods 2. contr Whether images in Churches may be retained though they be not worshipped 3. contr That not Protestants but Papists are the profaners of holy things 4. contr That there are no certen periods of kingdomes Controversies vpon the 6. chapter of Daniel 1. Contr. Against canonicall and stinted houres of praier 2. contr That it is no Apostolicall tradition to pray toward the East 3. contr That the publike profession of our faith is necessarie and it is not sufficient to haue it inwardly in the heart 4. contr That it is not lawfull worshipping God to looke toward an image 5. contr Against the Papists and Vbiquitaries that hold a carnall presence in the sacrament 6. contr Of the false suggestions of the Papists against the Protestants 7. contr Of the vniust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruell inquisition condemning the Protestants their cause not beeing heard 8. contr Of the practising of Popes against Princes 9. contr Whether one is iust before God by an inherent iustice 10. contr Whether Daniels innocencie were the meritorious cause of his deliuerance 11. contr That a generall faith called salus implicita an implicit faith is not sufficient Controversies vpon the 7. chapter of Daniel 1. Contr. The Church is not discerned by the greatnes and largenes thereof 2. contr Whether the Saints shall iudge the world 3. contr The vulgar Latine translation not authenticall 4. contr Of the diuers orders of Angels 5. contr The glorious persons of the Trinitie are not to be represented by any image 6. contr Against the Vbiquitaries which hold an omnipresence of Christs humanitie 7. contr That diuturnitie and long continuance without interruption is no infallible note of the Church 8. contr That the dominion of the Pope is temporall rather then spirituall 9. contr That Antichrist is alreadie come Controversies vpon the 8. chapter of Daniel 1. Contr. Prosperitie and externall felicitie is no perpetuall note of the Church 2. contr That the abomination of desolation spoken of v. 13. is not the abolishing of the sacrifice of the Masse 3. contr The authoritie of the Scripture dependeth not vpon the testimonie of the Church 4. contr The description of Antiochus agreeeth to the Pope and Antichrist Controversies vpon the 9. chapter of Daniel 1. Contr. That praier and fasting is not meritorious 2. cont God only is to be inuocated not Saints or Angels 3. contr That Christ is the onely Mediator 4. contr Against praier or inuocation of the dead 5. contr Of the name of the Catholike Church that it is but vsurped by the Romanists 6. contr That no man is perfect in this life 7. contr That the prayers of the faithfull are not meritorious 8. contr That we are not iustified by any inherent righteousnes but imputed onely by faith 9. contr Whether sinne any way after forgiuenes may be said to remaine in the faithfull 10. contr That charitie is not more principal in the matter of iustification then faith 11. contr That the Pope doth blasphemously vsurpe the title of Christ to be called most holy 12. contr Whether the Sacrament of the Altar be most holy 13. contr That Christ is Mediatour both as God and man 14. contr Against the sacrifice of the Masse 15. contr Against the Iewes that the Messiah who was expected of the Fathers is alreadie come into the world Controversies vpon the 10. chapter of Daniel 1. Contr. Against superstitious fasting 2. contr That Paradise was a terrestriall place 3. contr Against the curious distinction of the orders of Angels Controversies vpon the 11. chapter of Daniel 1. Contr. Of the birth and offspring of Antichrist 2. contr That Antichrist shall not be one particular man 3. contr That Nero the Emperor shall not be the great Antichrist 4. contr That Antichrist shall be a deceiuer rather then a victorious conquerer 5. contr Of Antichrists miracles 6. contr That Antichrists comming shall not be deferred to the ende of the world 7. contr That Antichrists seate shall not be at Ierusalem 8. contr That the citie of Rome shall not be vtterly destroied before Antichrist shall come 9. contr That the Papists Antichrist and the Iewes Messiah shall come together 10. contr Of the true marks whereby Antichrist may be discerned 11. contr How the description of Antiochus historically doth typically decyphre the Pope and Antichrist 12. contr That S. Paul speaketh of an apostasie and departure from the faith 2. Thes. 2. 3. 13. contr Of other notes and marks wherein Antiochus and Antichrist agree 14. contr How the Antichrist of Rome hath persecuted Emperours Kings Princes and learned men for religion 15. contr Of the pride and blasphemies of Antichrist against God 16. contr How Antichrist is said to sit in the Temple of God 17. contr Of the prosperitie and outward successe of Antichrist 18. contr That externall happinesse is not a sure note of the Church 19. contr why the Lord suffereth Antichrist to rage against his church 20. contr That out of this text v. 36. it cannot be prooued that the Pope is not Antichrist as Bellarmine intendeth 21. contr How Antichrist shall forsake his fathers god v. 31. 22. contr How the Romane Antichrist regardeth not the desire of women 23. contr That the Antichrist shall not care in deede for any god nor haue any sense of religion 24. contr How Antichrist shall bring in a strange god which his fathers neuer knew v. 38. 25. contr Of the theatricall and pompous seruice with siluer and gold which Antichrist hath found out for his newe idol 26. contr How Antichrist shall distribute honours and possessions vnto his fauourites and that for money 27. contr Of Antichrists insatiable ambition crueltie and couetousnesse 28. contr Of the rage and furie of Antichrist 29. contr How Antichrists palace is planted betweene two seas 30. contr Of the fearefull ende of diuerse Popes Controversies vpon the 12. chapter 1. Contr. Against blasphemous Servetus that made himselfe Michael 2. contr Whether Henoch and Elias shall stand vp with Michael in the last times 3. contr What manner of persecution shall be vnder Antichrist 4. contr Of the certaintie of Election that none of the elect can finally fall
vita Apollon Laertius in Pythago Porphyr lib. de abstinentia Apud Minut. Foelic lib. 8. Arnob. Plato in convivto Lib. de insomnijs Lib. de praeâ—agijs Lib. 7. c. 50. Lib. de insomnijs Lib. de divinat somnijs in lib. Aristot. de divinat lib 3. de miraâ— scrip c. 4. Clem. Alexand. lib. 1. Ireneus lib 1. advers haereâ— c. 8. 9. Prov. 3. 9. Ierem. 27 7. Lib. antiq 1â— c. 13. Lib. 10. antiq c. 13. Plin. lib. â— caâ— 26. 2. king 18. 26. Ierem. 5. 15. Two experiments shewing the mysticall working of Sathan in the world See before Quest. 8. Tom. â— 1. cont Adinant de Genes ad liâ— lib. 12. c. 9. August ibid. â—â—b 2. de mirab Scrip. c. 30. Tertull. lib. advers Iudaeos lib. 8 de paâ—ia Cyri. Lib. 33. c. 3. Isa. 45. 3. Lib. 12. sub initio Prosper in lib. de promiâ—◠〈◊〉 2. c. 33. Lib. 6. c. 16. Alexanders vertues lib. 10. antiquit cap. 11. Isay 9. 7. Luk. c. 32. 33. Rom. 13. Dialog cum Tryphon Iâ—stinian constitut Noâ— il 123. 〈…〉 33. p. 258. Rom. 13. 1. 18. hom in 2. ad Corinth In hunc locum lib. 5 aduers. haereses Hierome noted of great obliuion and forgetfulnesse in Psal. 28. 4. homil ad popul Antioch lib. 3. dialog cap. 18. lib. 3 dialog cap. 18. lib. 10. c. 3. histor natural lib. 7. cap. 2. lib. 11. cap. 37. lib. 5. de histo animali cap. 19. Iamblic de myster Egypt lib. 7. cap. 2. lib. 2. de genera animal c. 3. 3. lib. epist c â— in lib. 4. sentâ—nt distinct 49. sermon de nata Innocent sermon 50. de sanctis Cont. Gaâ—â—â—nt cap. 2. lib. 6. de victor verb. c. 25. 〈…〉 lib. 3. aduers. Marcion lib. 6. de victor verb. c. 23. Hom. 11. in Lev. Can poenit â—â— A notable decree against blasphemers Concil Later sess 9. Iam. 4. 1â— lib. de resurr caruis 11. tractat in Ioann Concil Nicen. 2. action 6. lib. 7. c. 18◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apologet. c. 12. Apologet. c. â— Iob. 3. 25. Act. 21. 14. 1. Pet 5. 8. lib. 6. cap. 30. Plinie li. 8. c. 22. lib. 5. de histor animal cap. 19. lib. 11. cap. 22. lib. 7. cap. â— lib. 18. 3. 〈…〉 Dorotheus 〈◊〉 Synops. Epiphan de vita Danielis lib. 2. de rect in Deum side cap. 7. lib. 1. de regim princip c. vlt. 〈◊〉 6 de victor verb. Dei c. 14. Herod lib. 1. lib. 6. c. 26. lib. 2. c. 4. lib. 16. 〈…〉 2. lib 1. lib 3 c. â— lib. 5. Strabo lib. 16. lib. 9. de praepar Euang. cap. vit lib. 10. cap. 11. lib. 3. aduers. Iulian. q. 16. in lib. Iudic. Hexap in Gen. cap. 10. que 14. lib 10. antiq 〈◊〉 lib 1. contra Appâ—on lib. 8. cap. 22. lib. 18. de ciuita Dei cap. 18. lib. de 〈…〉 de gratia c. 15. 1. Tim. 2. 1. 1. Cor. 19. 10. In 〈…〉 c. 75 76. lib. 10. antiqui c. 13. lib. 9. de praepar c 3. Herâ—dot lib. 1. Cod. lib. 5. tiâ— 5. leg 17. c. 9. in Daniel lib. 1. de divinat lib. 10. anno cap. 12. 〈…〉 in prooem Bibliothec. Apocal. 6. 16. Act. 24. 20. Rom. 5. 1. Philip 24. 1. Cor. 64. Genes 4. Apocal. 6. 16. Act. 24. 20. Rom. 5. 1. Philip 24. 1. Cor. 64. Genes 4. lib 10 〈◊〉 câ— p. 12. Like to this law was that prohibition of Henrie the 3. in France that is should not be lawfull for housholders to pray with their families Polan p. 452. 〈…〉 lib. 8. c. 16. Gellius lib. 5 c. 14. lib. 2. de miâ—abi scrip c. 32. lib. dâ— clem cap. 8. lib. â— de bon opeâ— in particul c. 1â—â— lib. 8. c. 3. Homil. 25. in Matth. Plutarch in vitâ— Marcell Pro. 15. 15. 2. King 24. 2. 2. Chron. 34. 3. In obit Theod. s. Hebreweâ— R. Saadiah R. Levi. R. Ezra R. Salamon R. Moyses Greekes Iosephus Origen Theodoret. Oecumenius Latines Ireneus Tertullian Eusebius Hierome Augustinâ— Bernard Rupertus Lyraenus Dionys. Carthuâ— New writers Protestants Melancthon Oecolampad Calvin Pellican Osiander Pappus Fulke Napeir H. Brough Polanus Genevens Romanists Hug. Cardin. Caietan Arias Maâ—â— Vatabluâ— Pererius Pintuâ— Rhemists with others 4. 〈◊〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Harmonie vpon the 1. of Samuel Ambros. in obit Theodos. Gen. 14. 1. 5. de praepar Euang c. 15. Oros. l. 3. c. 17. Aristot. lib. 2. de histor animal c. 1. Wherein the Romane power chiefely consisted See further appendix exerciâ— 1. argu 8. 1. See more appendix exercise 1. aâ—gum 10. Why the horne is called little Why it is 〈…〉 among the rest 〈…〉 Hom. 34. in Evangel lib. 22. de civ ca. lib. 2 de civit Dei c. 14. See appendix in the ende of the booke exercise 1. argu 8. answ 3. argu 11. answ 1. Rupert lib. 1. 〈◊〉 in Daniel c. 12. 〈…〉 The thousand yeares expounded Apoc. â—0 2. during which time Sathan should be bound 〈◊〉 9. 7. 〈…〉 lib. 3. â— Rom. Pontif. c. 16. * 1. Macch. 4. 52. 1. Maccha 1. 57. Râ— conâ—ll lib. super Philon qui inseribitur breviariuÌ„ temporum 2. Macchab. 9. 8. lib. 12. antiquâ— cap. 3. Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei c. 1â— In tractat de distinct verar. vision à falsis Rupert in Dan. c. 16. Iustin in exposit fideâ— p 29â— edit 〈◊〉 lib. 〈…〉 August 〈◊〉 â—â—â—chirid c. 45. Hagg. 2. 7. 8. Tract 29 in Matth. In his Persian Monarchie pag. 125. Persian Monarchie p. 75. 〈…〉 In 9. Daniel addit 3. That aboue an 130. veares can not be allowed to the Persian Monaâ—chie lib. 6. de eâ—â—end 〈…〉 Whether Daniel weeks must ende the destruction of Ieâ—â—â—â—lem Burgens addit 3. in 9. cap. Daniel in apparat lib. Daniel Whether Darius and Artashasht mentioned Ezr. 6. 14. were all one king L. Plâ—ss in his booke of the truenes of Christian religion c. 29. 30. In the Table before the great English Bâ—â—le Hâ—xap in Gâ—â— c. 11. qu. 19. See more for the beginning of the 70. yeares captiuitie qu. 5. vpon this chap. At what time the starre beganne to appeare to the wisemen that came from the East Matth. 2. Iren. lib. 3. adners haeres c. 25. Tertul. lib. aduers. Iudaeos haeres 51. a Nehem. 12. 24. Synops. contr 13. qu. 4. a chap. 22. â— b Ioh. 18. 28. 7. benefits which the Iewes haue beene depriued of since the captiuitie of Babylon epistol 129. ad Dardanum Of the â—anifold and 〈◊〉 testimoâ—ies of Christ. a See more hereof in the ende of the 88. quest following lib. 5. advers haeres Bellar. lib. 1. de sanctor beatitud c. 19. Iustin. in paraenes ad Grac. Synopâ— Centur. 4. err 56. Thom. in 4. c. epist. ad RomaÌ„ A notable confession of a learned Iewe that the Messiah was come long since lib. 11. Moral cap. 12. lib. 12. de Gen. ad liter c. 9. Hexapl. in Gen. 2. quest 13 14. 16. lib. 4. mor. c. 30. 1. p. qu. 109. art â— lib. 9. de victor verb. c. 8. Synops. pap Centur. 4. cr 96. 97. 〈…〉 See more Appendix exercis 7. argum 3. See more in the appendix exer 6. argum 1. respons 8. Seâ— a singular opinion of 〈◊〉 concerning these Lybians and 〈◊〉 Appendix Exercis 8. argum 2. Whether Saâ—l be called Cush in the title of the 7. Psalme Antichrist not a deuill incarnate Antichrist whether actually possessed of the deuill Whether Antichrist shall be borne in Babylon Whâ—ther Antichrist shall be of the tribe of 〈◊〉 Synops. Centur. 1. err 63. Synops. Centur. 1. err 57. Synops. Centur. 1. err 6â— 1. note of the rising of thâ—â— 1. shop of Rome by craft and flatterie 2. â—ore his prospering preuailing 3. his rapacitie and couetousnesse 4. his dissimulation 5. the generall apostasie and falling away from the faith lib. 14. in praefat 6. note the abusing of the secular power to be ministers of their cruelty and butcherie 2. 〈…〉 Most vnspeakâ—able and 〈◊〉 heard of 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 Papists 7. note the setting vp of 〈◊〉 in the Church and abrogating the rigâ—â— vse of the Eâ—charist 8. note the Pope vseth the penne and tongue of false teachers Emperors persecuted by the Pope Kings hardly vsed by the Pope Princes Nobles 〈…〉 by the Pope Learned 〈◊〉 and confessors of the 〈◊〉 against the â—ope Whole Churches persecuted by the Pope 10. note the Pope exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called God 11. note Antichrist shall exalt himselfe against the true God 12. note Antichrist blasphemous against God 13. note of the prosperous successe of Antichrist for a time lib. 4. de Eccl. c. 18. The reasons which mooued the low countries to defend themselues by warre against the king of Spaine 〈…〉 14 note the 〈…〉 〈…〉 16 note Atheisme prophannes not caring in effect for any God 〈…〉 18. note Antichrists newe theatricall seruice of his new idol 19. note Antichrist distributeth dignities and possessions to his flatterers but for money 20. note Antichrists ambitioÌ„ 21. note cruelty toward the Church of Christ. 22. note the couetousnesse of Antichrist 23. note Antichrist 〈◊〉 against the faithfull 24. note the palace of Antichrist situate betweene two Seas 25. note the miserable ende of diuerse Popes See in the Appendix 〈◊〉 1. argum 〈◊〉 answ 2. Thom. 1. part qu. 24. ar 3. Hexapl. in Exo. c. 32. qu 78. 82. Part 3 Summ. qu. 48. artic Pâ—nult Matth. 13. 43. The forme of oath which the Popish Bishops make at their consecration to the Pope â— hundred thousand in 30. yeares space flaine by the Popish Spanish faction ex Caelâ—i Augustin Curion histor Saracâ—a 2. lib. 3.
all put to the sword vnder the persecution of Diâ—cletian and Maximinian their citie burnt with fire Euseb. lib. 8. c. 11. 4. They obiect that it sufficeth to keepe faith and religion in the heart it is noâ— necessary in time of daunger outwardly to professe it Contra. 1. S. Paul ioyneth both these together to beleeue with the heart and to confesse with the mouth Rom. 10. 10. 2. Peter denied Christ onely with the mouth yet he wept bitterly for this his fall Eusebius writeth how the persecutors would draw ChristiaÌ„s to their idolatrous sacrifices and say they had sacrificed and yet they did not who notwithstanding were reprooued because they in silence suffered such crimes to be obiected but some would crie out they had not sacrificed but were Christians 3. Chrysostome hath an excellent tractate of this or who els was the author of that imperfect work vpon Matthew that we must confesse Christ with all our senses and if a man faile in any of them it is no perfect confession of Christ As though thou doest not eate of things sacrificed to idols if thou doe but looke vpon them how beautifull they are oculis negasti Christum thou hast denied Christ with thine eyes If one say vnto thee doe but heare how such an one blasphemeth Christ if thou hearken iam auribus tuis negasti Christum now thou hast denied Christ with thine eares If it be further said doe but stay and smell the incense offered to idols if thou smell odoratu tuo Christum offendisti thou hast offended Christ with thy smell If thou eate not but seeme to tast or touch the idolatrous sacrifices gustu tactu tuo Christum abnegasti by thy tast by thy touching thou hast denied Christ. 4. Pappus here sheweth fiue reasons why the confession of the truth should be preferred before all daungers or perills whatsoeuer 1. There are great promises which are made to such as confesse Christ here he will confesse them before his father in heauen Matth. 10. 32. 2. Debitum animi grati the debt of a thankefull minde requireth this at our hands that we should freely confesse the name of God of whome we receiue so many benefits in token of our thankfulnes 3. The great daungers must be considered which men by not confessing of Christ doe cast themselues into they doe hazard their owne soules Mark 8. 35. He thaâ— by this meanes shall saue his life shall loose it and Christ will denie him in heauen that shall denie Christ in earth Matth. 10. 33. 4. The vtilitie of our brethren and generall good of the Church which is edified and builded vp by such examples of constancie ought to encourage vs. 5. And the singular examples of so many holy Martyrs and confessors of the truth should embolden vs. The Iewes when Petronius attempted to bring in Cesars image into the Church rather offered themselues to die then to suffer it Ioseph lib. 18. c. 10 11. Polycarpus when the Romane gouernour would haue compelled him to sweare by Cesars fortune openly withstood him Euseb. lib. 4. c. 15. And a noble man of Nicomedia pulled downe and rent in pieces the Emperours edict set vp against the Christians Euseb. l. 8. c. 5. 5. Here I can not omit that distinction of Calvine of confession that it is of two sorts â—um palam testamur quod est in animo when we doe publikely testifie what is in our minde and this is not alwas necessarie the other kind is ne aliquod peruersae simulationis signum demus that we giue not any peruerse signe of dissimulation and this must be perpetually obserued as Daniel here though he doth not publikely proclaime his faith yet by his gesture and behauiour he doth shew it 4. Controv. That it is not lawfull worshipping God to looke toward an image Because Daniel praied looking toward Ierusalem the Romanists may inferre that it is as lawfull to looke toward an image when they worship God for as they alleadge they doe not worship the image but God represented by the image 1. To pray toward Ierusalem was a ceremoniall dutie for those times they looked that way toward the Temple which was a type of Christ as they looked toward the type and figure so we must turne our eyes toward the bodie that is looke vp into heauen where Christ is 2. They had a commandement to pray toward the Temple and had a promise to be heard but to worship God before an image is forbidden and accursed Deut. 27. 15. 3. We are not onely forbidden in Scripture to worship any strange god which is prohibited in the first commandement but likewise it is vnlawfull to worship him in any other manner then he himselfe hath prescribed which thing is against the â—econd commandement 5. Controv. Against the Papists and Vbiquiâ—aries that hold a carnall presence in the sacrament As they offend which looke toward an image when they worship God so likewise they that turne themselues with adoration toward the bread in the Eucharist supposing there to be the bodily presence of Christ. In both these the Romanists are offenders 1. Indeede if the humanitie of Christ were corporally present as they imagine adoration were to be yeelded vnto it As the Apostle saith when he bringeth in his first begotten sonne into the world he saith and let all the Angels of God worship him wheresoeuer Christ is present in his humanitie he is there to be worshipped 2. Therefore the Vbiquitaries and Lutherans which hold an omnipresence of Christs flesh and so affirme the same to be present in the Eucharist and yet will not haue it adored in the Sacramentall bread cannot iustifie with any shewe of reason this their assertion for wheresoeuer Christ is he is there to be adored and worshipped neither neede they to expect any newe commandementâ— as they alleadge far Thomas as soone as he knewe Christ to be him whom he felt he presently worshipped saying my Lord and my God 3. But as these are ouerseene in not adoring Christ whom they hold to be present to they both are in errour to maintaine a carnall presence the one with adoration the other without which is a fansie of their owne for the Scripture onely commendeth vnto vs Christ to be spiritually by faith eaten and drunken in the Sacrament as our Blessed Sauour himselfe it is the spirit that quickneth the flesh profiteth nothing the words that I speake vnto you are spirit and life Iohn 6. 63. 6. Controv. Of the falfe suggestions of the Papists against Protestants Like as these accusers of Daniel could finde out no matter of accusation against him touching his life and office but entrappe him in his religion and doe bring him into danger for his sinceritie and truth and then they accuse him as a contemner of the king and his decrees v. 13. The verie same course doe the Papists take against the Protestants whom they cannot touch with any crime of life they winde in for
their conscience in religion and they call that heresie which is the truth and pietie And then when they obey not their wicked and impious decrees they accuse them as rebells to the Prince Thus are the seruants of God handled in Italy and Spaine so that there Omnia cum liceant non licet esse pium when all things else are lawfull it is not lawfull to be godly Polan 7. Controv. Of the vniust proceeding of the Romanists in their cruell inquisition condemning the Protestants their cause not beeing heard v. 16. As Daniel was presently brought and cast into the lyons denne it was sufficient to accuse him he hath no libertie giuen him to answer for himselfe Thus both vnder the Pagan Emperours of Rome were the Christians proceeded against beeing not suffred to come to their answer as appeareth in the Apologie of Iustinus and Athenagoras And this course the Spanish Inquisitors take in their cruell inquisitions against the Protestants to this day condemning them in corners and neuer bringing them to publike answer Polan 8. Controv. Of the practizing of Popes against Princes v. 21. O king liue for euer Daniel here prayeth for the life and prosperitie of the king who had vniustly persecuted him and commaunded him to be cast into the lyons denne And S. Paul exhorteth that supplications should be made for Kings who then were heathen and persecutors 1. Tim. 2. 2. So the Christians vsed to pray for the heathen Emperours wishing vnto them vitam prolixam imperium securum domum tutam exercitus fortes Setum fidelem a long life a quiet Empire a safe house strong armies a faithfull Senate a good people c. Tertull. in Apologet. c. 30. Contrarie hereto hath beene and yet is the practise of the Popes of Rome they pray not for Princes but rather seeke to make a prey of them They excommunicate princes such as fauour not their superstition and stirre vp their subiects to rebellion against them Gregor 2. and 3. Leo. 3. did excommunicate the Emperors Gregor 7. waged battell against Henrie the 4. he hired one to haue brained him with a stone in the Church but that the mischeife was preuented the beame beeing broken and the stone falling downe which drewe â—he murtherer to the ground after it Clemens the 5. practised to haue poisoned Henrie of Lucelburg the Emperour in a consecrated hoast Paschalis the 2. set Henrie the 5. against Henrie the 4. his father Adrianus stirred vp the Lombards against Frederike Barbarossa the Emperour and betraied him to the Sultane of Egypt Such were the practises of late also of that bloodie Sea against our late renowned Soueraigne as in the conspiracie of Ballard with his confederates and of Parrie incited by the counsell and gifts of the Cardinall of Coinie to muâ—ther our worthie Queene Elizabeth Polan And now since his maiestie came vnto the crowne first treacherous Watson with his adherents attempted against the kings Royall person and since that miscreant crue Catesbie Percie Digbe with their mates enterprised that monstrous attempt by gunpowder to haue blowen vp the parliament house and so at once to haue made hauocke of King Queene Prince nobles and the chiefe of the commons 9. Controv. Whether one is iust before God by an inherent iustice v. 22. My iustice was found out before him It followeth not hereupon because in this particular act Daniel was innocent before God that therefore by any righteousnesse in vs we are iustified before God the iustice whereby we are iustified with God is the righteousnesse of Christ imputed vnto vs by faith and is not inherent in vs as the Apostle saith that I may be found in him not hauing mine owne righteousnesse which is of the law but that which is through faith in Christ Philip. 3. 10. Beside this iustice which is vnto eternall life which is not inherent but imputed there is iustitia temporaria a temporarie iustice or righteousnesse which is our innocencie and holinesse which is called our Sanctification and this is inherent in vs the first is called iustitia personae the righteousnesse of the person which is iustified by faith in Christ the other is iustitia causae the righteousnesse of our cause See more of this question of inherent iustice Synops. Centur. err 56. 10. Controv. Whether Daniels innocencie were the meritorious cause of his deliuerance According to the reading of the vulgar Latine because my righteousnesse is found out before him hence this collection is made by the Romanists that Daniels innocencie was the cause of his deliuerance Contra. 1. The word is not well translated quia or quoniam because but rather propterea therefore as Iun. and Polan for so the words col kebel di may be translated and then the meaning is that this deliuerance of Daniel was onely a testimonie of his innocencie and to shewe the goodnesse of his cause 2. But if it be translated quia because it is not alwayes taken as a causall but as an illatiue particle a word onely of inference and consequence as cap. 2. 43. whereas thou sawest yron mixed with clay there the verie same words are vsed yet is it not there taken as a causall for the kings vision and dreame was no cause of the things to come which were reuealed vnto him so Psal. 25. 11. Dauid saith be mercifull vnto mine iniquitie for it is great the greatnesse of his sinne was not the cause of forgiuenesse this coniunction therefore alwaies sheweth not the cause 3. There is great difference betweene these two for ones innocencie to be found before God and for the same innocencie to merit for to merit is required that a man should doe some worke dignum compensatione worthie of compensation but innocencie is not mans worke it is Gods worke in man for if the innocencie and godnesse of the cause should deserue a temporal deliuerance then God should haue dealt vniustly with many martyrs which haue not beene temporally deliuered Polan 4. The cause then of Daniels deliuerance was indeede the faith of Daniel as it followeth v. 13. there was no hurt found vpon him because he beleeued in his God And so the Apostle testifieth Heb. 11. that Daniel by faith stopped the mouthes of lyons ex hac vera fide sequitur innocentia vitae and out of this faith proceeded his innocencie as a fruite thereof Osiand for otherwise without his faith though this cause had beene neuer so good it should not haue beene accepted 5. Here also we must distinguish betweene eternall deliuerance and temporall God deliuereth vs from euerlasting death not for any respect of any righteousnesse in vs but freely of his owne grace he respecteth vs in Christ but in particular deliuerances Deus potest respicere vniuscuiusque iustitiam God may respect euerie ones righteousnes not as it is theirs but as it is wrought in the by his spirit Cal. So then as Melancthon saith here are three things to be considered saith whereby we are acceptable vnto
God and so it is said here that Daniel beleeued in his God inchoata obedientia our inchoate obedience which is accepted with God because we are iustified by faith our righteousnes whereby we are iust before men both these are also here expressed in Daniel my iustice was found out before God and vnto thee O king haue I done no hurt To conclude then this point a mans particular iustice innocencie is rather an antecedent of his deliuerance then a cause And in some sort it may be said to be a cause also yet not of it selfe but as it concurreth with faith for the which the Lord respecteth vs and our obedience though imperfect in Christ Iun. in comment 11. Controv. That a generall faith called fides implicita an implied faith is not sufficient v. 23. Because he beleeued in God not as the Latine hath he beleeued God for in the text there is the preposition beth And hereby is signified not a generall apprehension onely that God was true of his promises and that he was the onely true God creator of heauen and earth as the Romanists doe affirme faith to be nothing else but generally to beleeue what soeuer is contained in the word of God to be true Bellar. lib. 1. de iustifi c. 4. But Daniel here so beleeued in God that he committed himselfe with firme trust and assurance vnto him in eius gratiam recubuit he relyed wholly vpon his grace Calvin And so the Apostle describeth faith Heb. 11. 6. He that commeth vnto God must beleeue that God is and that he is a rewarder of them that seeke him this faith onely apprehendeth not God in generall that he is but is ioyned with a particular assurance that he will reward his faithfull seruants and bring them vnto life And so Pintus one of their owne writers very well resolueth vpon this place vt mea fert opinio credere hoc loco est actus fidei charitate formatae plenae fiducia in Deum as mine opinion is to beleeue in this place is an act of faith formed that is expressed by charitie full of trust and confidence in God 6. Morall obseruations 1. Observat. Of Gods prouidence that watcheth ouer his seruants Generally in this chapter in that God deliuered Daniel his faithfull seruant from the rage of the lyons we see how Gods fatherly care watcheth and awaketh towards his seruants so Noah was saued from the waters Lot from the flames of Sodome Ieremie in the destruction of Ierusalem We reade that when the citie of Syracusâ— was taken by M. Marcellus which 〈…〉 that great Mathematician had defended a good while by his art and skill of whom Marcellus gaue charge that he should be spared yet he was slaine by a souldier as he was drawing of his lines because he would not straitway followe him to their Generall saying he would dispatch that he had in hand first But God hath greater care of his and continually protecteth them Bulling 2. Observat. Of the monstrous sinne of enuie v. 4. They sought occasion against Daniel Enuious men are alwayes in excubijs they are set in their watch obseruing and marking other mens doings to see if they can finde any matter against them Polan 2. they are enuious at other mens vertue as here they cannot endure Daniels pietie and sinceritie like as the henne scraping in the dunghill contemneth a pearle and preferreth a barley curnell and as the Sunne beames are offensiue to those that are bleare eyed so is vertue a griefe to the enuious Pintus 3. The enuious person propriae vtilitati est addictus is addict to his owne profit neglecting the common good as here these men seeke to supplant Daniel who was so necessarie for the commonwealth 4. And beside enuie bringeth 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 most cruellâ— against Daniels life Calvin â— 5. The remedie against enuie is 〈…〉 our selues with innocenâ—ie and integritie as Daniel did that the 〈◊〉 find 〈…〉 S. Peter saith when they speake euill of vs as of euill doers they may be ashamed which blame our good conuersation in Christ 1. Pet. 3. 16. 3. Observ. We must not giue ouer our profession notwithstanding any danger obiected v. 10. Daniel though he knewe of this bloodie decree will not intermit calling vpon God so etiamsi centum mortes nobis occurrant though an hundred deaths be set before vs we should not fall away from the true worship of God Caluin as S. Pauls excellent resolution was Act. 2. 13. Iam readiâ— not onely to be bound but to die at Ierâ—salem for the name of the Lord Iesus 4. Observ. Of continuing in prayer v. 10. As Daniel prayed thrice a day so thereby we are taught to perseuere in prayer according to S. Pauls rule Rom. 12. 12. 1. Thess. 5. 17. for prayer is not auayleable vnlesse it be seruent Iam. 5. 16. and feruent it cannot be if we giue ouer and faint in our prayers and continue not 5. Observ. Of the terror of conscience v. 18. The king remained fasting The Kings conscience was perplexed for this iniustice shewed toward Daniel he careth neither for meate delight nor sleepe he had none in earth whom he needed to feare but his conscience accuseth him before the great Iudge that shall call euen kings to account As it is written of Theodoricus king of Italie after he had caused Bâ—etius and Symmachus to be vniustly beheaded how within a fewe dayes after a fishes head beeing brought before him he imagined he saw Symmachus head and thereupon was striken with horror of conscience and not long after died let vs then labour for a good conscience which is as a continuall feast And here shall be an ende of this first Booke which is as the first course and seruice in this feast Praised be God THE SECOND BOOKE OF THIS COMMENTARIE VPON THE DIVINE PROPHESIE OF DANIEL containing the second part thereof consisting of the Prophesies and visions set forth in the sixe last Chapters Wherein that mysticall and Propheticall vision of the seauentie weekes in the 9. Chapter is handled at large with the diuerse Expositions thereof and the approbation of the best Printed by CANTRELL LEGGE Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge 1610 TO THE MOST EXCELLENT VERTVOVS AND Right noble Prince HENRIE by the grace of God Prince of Wales and heire apparant to the most famous Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland his gracious Lord. RIght Noble Prince it may seeme strange to some that I offer vnto your princely viewe in these your Highnesse young and flourishing yeares a Commentarie vpon the most difficult and obscure booke of the old Testament But I trust your Highnesse shall not thinke it vnseasonable to be acquainted with the mysteries of holy Scripture in this your princely youth As Iosias that godly king of Iudah at the sixteenth yeare of his age did set his heart to seeke the Lord and read vnto his people out of the booke of God So did Honorius
the young Emperor season his first yeares with true religion and pietie As Ambrose ioyneth them both together Honorius iam pulsat adolescentiae fores prouectior aetate quam Iosias Honorius now standeth at the next doore to be a young man somewhat elder then Iosias S. Luke wrote his Gospel to noble Theophilus which name is interpreted one that loueth God whereupon Ambrose thus noteth si Deum diligis ad te scriptum est and if thou loue God it is written to thee Touching the obscuritie of this booke it is such as that it is tempered as well with varietie of historie to delight as with profunditie of mysteries to exercise the Reader as Augustine well saith of the Scripture in generall si nusquam aperta esset non te pasceret si nusquam occulta non te exerceret if it were no where plaine and open it would not feede thee if no where obscure it would not exercise thee This part of the Treatise I haue presumed to offer to your Highnes as the former part I was bold to present to his Maiestie This prophecie treateth chiefly of the alteration and chaunge of States and Kingdomes of the honour and prosperitie of good Kings and of the ruine and bad successe of hard and cruell Potentates here we haue the most cleare prophecie in the Old Testament of the Messiah the Prince of Princes These are subiects fit for Princes meditations and matter meete for noble spirits to be occupied in I haue omitted no meanes to my power to helpe to furnish this matter I haue therein abridged the best Commentaries and Writers both old and new as they are set downe in the margen and some of them which were decennali cur a elaborati with tenne yeares trauell set forth as Pererius confesseth in his Epistle Dedicatorie This labour I haue vndertaken not so much to redeeme the time which otherwise might be mispent for as Seneca saith maxima pars vitae elabitur male agentibus magna nihil agentibus tota aliud agentibus the greatest part of a mans life passeth away in doing euill a great part in doing of nothing and almost the whole in doing other things then we should neither herein doe I expect any terrene reward or recompence The heathen Orator could say Nullam mercedem virtus quam hanc laudis gloriaeque desiderat vertue desireth no other reward then praise and glorie not that vaine praise of men in this life which they hunted for hauing no knowledge of God but the praise of God in the next world I chiefly then haue propounded to my selfe the profit of the Church of God for as euerie one that liueth in the commonwealth ought to seeke the good thereof so euery member of the Church should labour some way or other for the edifying of the whole If any mislike my diligence in writing as this age wanteth not carpers I much passe not for their vnfriendly censure so that I may doe good to others and here I may say againe with the Orator Malui multis post diebus sententiam meam laudari quam à multis hodie reprehendi I had rather that my endeauour many dayes hereafter should be commended then now of a fewe reprehended I haue heretofore exercised my penne in handling of controversies against the common aduersarie and as I was prouoked haue written also in mine owne defence both against forren enemies and some domesticall But now those occasions beeing if not altogether remooued yet somewhat intermitted I haue propounded vnto my selfe this course in the explaning of Scripture In which kind as heretofore I haue exhibited to your Highnesse a briefe and compendiarie Treatise vpon some part of Scripture so nowe I make amends with a larger Commentarie whereof your princely pietie vertue clemencie of the which of late I haue had particular experience doe promise and euen assure me of your gracious acceptance I then in signe of my dutie and thankfulnes together with these my labours do offer my selfe and my best seruice to your Highnesse whom I beseech God so to blesse and encrease with all spirituall and princely gifts that the age following may say of your Highnesse as Ambrose of Honorius after the decease of that good Emperor Theodosius Tantus Imperator recessit à nobis sed non totus excessit reliquit enim nobis liberos suos in quibus debemus eum agnoscere Your Highnes readie to be commanded in all dutie and seruice ANDREVV WILLET CHAP. VII 1. The Argument and Methode THis Chapter containeth 1. a vision of foure beasts rising out of the Sea 2. the interpretation thereof 1. In the vision 1. are set forth certaine circumstances of the time when the person to whome this vision was shewed and the manner how v. 1 2. 2. the matter of the vision which is 1. of the foure beasts of their flourishing and prosperous estate to v. 9. then of the iudgement of God against them v. 15. The beasts are described 1. in generall v. 3. by the efficient cause the winds blew by the number they are foure by the place they came out of the Sea by their qualitie they were one diuers from an other 2. In particular 1. the three beasts are briefly set forth v. 4 5 6. which are euery one expressed 1. by their similitude or resemblance by their parts and by their euents 2. the fourth beast is described in generall by the qualitie it was fearefull and strong the parts it had yron teeth and tenne hornes and by the effects it deuoured c. then the little horne is particularly set forth 1. by the qualitie of it and the place it was a little one and came vp among the other hornes 2. by the effects it pluckt away three other hornes 3. by the parts the eyes and mouth 2. The second part of the vision is of the iudgement 1. the manner and forme see the parts thereof quest 30. following 2. the effects which are two 1. in the destruction of the fourth beast v. 11. and of the other with it v. 12. 2. in setting vp the kingdome of Christ where 1. his person is described 1. by his name the Sonne of man 2. by the place in the cloudes 3. by his authoritie he approched to the Ancient of daies 2. his kingdome is described by the vniuersalitie of it all nations shall serue him and the eternitie it shall be for euer 2. The interpretation followeth 1. the manner first is shewed how he came by the interpretation of it v. 15 16. An Angel declared it 2. then the interpretation it selfe is set downe 1. of the beasts 2. of the iudgement The beasts are expounded in generall v. 17. then in particular the fourth beast where is first a repetition of the vision v. 19. to 23. then the declaration 1. of the fourth beast v. 23. 2. of the tenne hornes v. 24. 3. of the little home what it shall doe it shall
by force as by craft and subtiltie Oecolamp 3. Antiochus is set forth by his rapacitie he spoyled and robbed Egypt and the most pleasant places thereof more then euer did any before him v. 24. And thus hath the Romane Antichrist in time past polled and pilled the world by his annates first fruites tenths Peter-pence pardons and such like deuises to get money 4. Antiochus is also described by his dissimulation that he with the king of Egypt shall talke of deceit euen at the same table but his heart euen then shall be to doe mischiefe v. 27. So there hath not beene more deepe dissimulation practized with kings and Princes then by the Bishops of Rome 5. As Antiochus practised with the forsakers of the holy couenant v. 30. by their meanes to seeke to preuaile against Gods people So hath the Pope vsed as his ministers and instruments runnagates from their countrey and Apostataes from the faith as is euident to all the world in those monstrous and vnnaturall treasons which haue beene attempted against this nation and Church of England And as Daniel prophesied of Antiochus that he should haue intelligence and consult with them that did forsake the couenant v. 30. so S. Paul saith that there shall come a departing first that is from the faith and that man of sinne shall be disclosed But because there is some difference betweene vs and the Papists what this apostasie and departure from the faith should meane it shall not be amisse a little to insist thereupon Controv. 12. That S. Paul speaketh of an apostasie and departing from the faith 2. Thessal 2. 3. 1. Pererius thinketh that this Apostasie is to be vnderstood of the departure and falling away from the Romane Empire and to that purpose he alleadgeth Lactantius who faith incolumi vrbe Roma nihil istiusmodi esse metuendum that so long as the citie of Rome is safe no such thing is to feared c. Bellarmine also bringeth this for one exposition 2. and further he addeth that by this apostasie we may vnderstand dispositionem adregnuÌ„ Antichristi a disposition or preparation to the kingdome of Antichrist 3. and if it be vnderstood of a defection or falling away from the faith he thinketh it rather to agree to the Protestants then any other who are departed from the vnitie of the Church Contra. 1. It shall be shewed that apostasie is here to be taken not as the word is vsed in the Ciuill lawe for a departure either of a subiect from the obedience of his prince or of a souldier from his captaine for S. Paul speaketh not here of such ciuill and politike matters or as the Romanists call apostasie when one leaueth the order and sect into the which he was entred for in S. Pauls time there were no such superstitious sects of Monkerie but that Apostasie here is to be taken for a departure and falling away from the faith it may thus appeare 1. So is this word vsed in other places of the newe Testament as Act. 21. 11. They are informed of thee saith Iames to Paul that thou teachest the Iewes to forsake or play the Apostataes from Moses 1. Timoth. 4. 1. the spirit speaketh euidently that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith and shall giue heede to the spirit of error and to the doctrine of deuils 2. The euent is answerable hereunto for together with the rising and manifestation of Antichrist came in a generall corruption and deprauation of the most of the aâ—â—icles of Christian religion 3. thus also diuerse of the auncient writers expound this place Iustin. Martyr calleth Antichrist defectionis homo a man of apostasie or falling away dialog cum Tryphon Ireneus saith he shall be sine lege quasi Apostata as an Apostata without lawe lib. 5. aduers. haeres c. 21. So also expound Primasius Cyrillus Chrysostome Oecumenius 4. Thus also Thomas in explanation Lyranus Hugo Card. expound and the Rhemists also vpon this place mislike not this sense 2. A disposition or preparation it cannot be vnto Antichrists kingdome because it is said that the man of sinne shall thereby be disclosed he shall then come together with it because he shall be reuealed by it 3. But it is a false imputation vpon the Protestants that they are Apostataes They haue separated themselues from the Church of Rome as did Enosh and the faithfull of the olde world from the posteritie of Caine and as our Blessed Sauiour and his Apostles diuided themselues from the synagogue of the Scribes and Pharisies But they were departed first from the doctrine of Moses as the Romane sectaries haue declined from the auncient Apostolike faith in stead thereof establishing their owne traditions and the doctrines of men 13. Controv. Of other notes and markes wherein Antiochus and Antichrist agree 6. As Antiochus vsed the armes and armies of his captaines to oppresse the Iewes So likewise the Bishops of Rome haue abused the secular arme and power to maintaine their pompe and ambition and to establish their superstition Marcellinus the historian who was no Christian writeth of the dissension betweene Damasus and Vrsicinus about the Episcopall seate that the contention betweene them was so hoate and such parts taking that in one day in the Church of Seruinus there were found an 137. dead bodies which were slaine in a skirmish And yet the ambition of the Romane Bishops was in those dayes nothing like to the pride of that vaine-glorious Sea now Gregorie the 7. called Hildebrand as witnesseth Benno a Cardinall of that Sea did mooue and make great warres to vphold his papall dignitie so did Paschal 2. Innocentius 3. Gregorie 9. fill all Germanie Fraunce Italie Spaine with warres and so haue the Popes maintained their factions and quarrells a long time by the Ciuill power Phocas the Emperour that killed his Lord and Master Pipinus king of Fraunce that murtherer Rodolphus that disloyall duke to Henrie the 4. Emperour Henrie 5. that disobedient sonne to Henrie the 4. his father were all the Popes vassals to fight his battells and to maintaine his quarrels with the sword So haue beene of late the kings of France on a rowe Henrie the 2. Francis the second Charles the 9. Henrie the 3. Such was the Duke of Albanie in the lowe countreys and other captaines and Generalls vnder the king of Spaine By the secret practising of Nicolaus 3. all the French in one day were killed thorough out Sicilia Matchiavil with the priuitie and knowledge of Vrbane the 6. was Ioanna Queene of Naples slaine before the altar Theodoric à Niem lib. 1. de schism c. 25. Iulius the 2. was a warriour himselfe and present in the battels which he fought Sixtus the 4 spent most of his time in warres and when they were ended vpon a conclusion of peace he died for griefe Paulus the third was author of the German warre Polan The Pope sent his secular armes the king of Spains