Glasgow But before they went to it a written citation of the Bishops was ordered to be read through all the Churches of Scotland wherein they were chaâ—ged as guilty of all the crimes imaginable which as an Agape after the Lords Supper was first read after a Communion at Edinburgh and upon it orders were sent every where for bringing in the privatest of their escapes And you may judge how consonant this was to that Royal Law of charity which covers a multitude of sins nor was the Kings Authority any whit regarded all this while Was ever greater contempt put on the largest offers of grace and favor And when at Glasgow His Majesty offered by his Commissioner to consent to the limiting of Bishops nothing would satisfie their zeal without condemning the order as unlawful and abjured But when many illegalities of the constitution and procedure of that Assembly were discovered their partiality appeared for being both Judg and Party they justified all their own disorders Upon which His Majesties Commissioner was forced to discharge their further sitting or procedure under pain of Treason but withal published His Majesties Royal intentions to them for satisfying all their legal desires and securing their fears But their stomachs were too great to yield obedience and so they sate still pretending their authority was from CHRIST and condemned Episcopacy excommunicated the Bishops with a great many other illegal and unjustifiable Acts. And when His Majesty came with an Army to do himself right by the Sword GOD had put in his hands they took the start of him and seised on his Castles and on the houses and persons of his good Subjects and went in a great body against him Now in this His Majesty had the Law clearly of his side For Episcopacy stood established by Act of Parliament And if this was a cause of Religion or a defence of it much less such as deserved all that bloud and confusion which it drew on let all the World judg It is true His Majesty was willing to settle things and receive them again into his grace and upon the matter granted all their desires but they were unsatisfiable upon which they again armed But of this I shall not recount the particulars because I hope to see a clear and unbyassed narration of these things ere long Only one Villany I will not conceal at the pacification at Berwick seven Articles of Treaty were signed But the Covenanters got a paper among them which passed for the conditions of the agreement though neither signed by his Majesty nor attested by Secretary or Clerk and this being every where spread his Majesty challenged it as a Forgery and all the English Lords who were of the Treaty having declared upon Oath that no such paper was agreed on it was burnt at London by the hand of the Hangman as a scandalous paper But this was from the Pulpits in Scotland represented as a violation of the Treaty and that the Articles of it were burnt These and such were the Arts the men of that time used to inflame that blessed King 's native Subjects against him But all these were small matters to the following invasion of England An. 1643. For his Majesty did An. 1641. come to Scotland and give them full satisfaction to all even their most unreasonable demands which he consented to pass into Acts of Parliaments But upon his return into England the woful rupture betwixt him and the two Houses following was our Church-party satisfied with the trouble they occasioned him No they were not for they did all they could to cherish and foment the Houses in their insolent Demands chiefly about Religion and were as forward in pressing England's uniformity with Scotland as they were formerly in condemning the design of bringing Scotland to an uniformity with England I shall not engage further in the differences betwixt the King and the two Houses than to shew that His Majesty had the Law clearly of his side since he not only consented to the redress of all grievances for which the least color of Law was alledged but had also yielded to larger concessions for securing the fears of his Subjects than had been granted by all the Kings of England since the Conquest Yet their demands were unsatisfiable without His Majesty had consented to the abolishing of Episcopacy and discharge of the Liturgy which neither his Conscience nor the Laws of England allowed of so that the following War cannot be said to have gone on the principles of defending Religion since His Majesty was invading no part of the established Religion And thus you see that the War in England was for advancing a pretence of Religion And for Scotlands part in it no Sophistry will prove it defensive for His Majesty had setled all matters to their hearts desire and by many frequent and solemn protestations declared his resolutions of observing inviolably that agreement neither did he so much as require their assistance in that just defence of his Authority and the Laws invaded by the two Houses though in the explication of the Covenant An. 1039. it was agreed to and sworn That they should in quiet manner or in Arms defend His Majesties Authority within or without the Kingdom as they should be required by His Majesty or any having his Authority But all the King desired was that Scotland might lie neutral in the quarrel enjoying their happy tranquillity yet this was not enough for your Churches zeal but they remonstrated that Prelacy was the great Mountain stood in the way of Reformation which must be removed and they sent their Commissioners to the King with these desires which His Majesty answered by a Writing yet extant under his own Royal hand shewing That the present settlement of the Church of England was so rooted in the Law that he could not consent to a change till a new form were agreed to and presented to him to which these at Westminster had no mind but he offered all ease to tender Consciences and to call a Synod to judg of these differences to which he was willing to call some Divines from Scotland for bearing their opinions and reasons At that time Petitions came in from several Presbyteries in Scotland to the Conservators of the Peace inciting them to own the Parliaments quarrel upon which many of the Nobility and others signed a Cross Petition which had no other design but the diverting these Lords from interrupting the Peace of Scotland by medling in the English quarrel upon which Thunders were given out against these Petitioners both from the Pulpits and the Remonstrances of the Commission of the General Assembly and they led Processes against all who subscribed it But His Majesty still desired a neutrality from Scotland and tho highly provoked by them yet continued to bear with more than humane patience the affronts were put on his Authority Yet for animating the people of Scotland into the designed War the Leaders of that Party did every where
to their vanity humor or perhaps their secular interests But I hold on my design and add that if the Magistrate encroach on God's Prerogative by contradicting or abrogating divine Laws all he doth that way falls on himself But as for the Churches Directive Power since the exercise of that is not of obligation he may command a surcease in it It is true he may sin in so doing yet cases may be wherein he will do right to discharge all Associations of Judicatories if a Church be in such commotion that these Synods would but add to the flame but certainly he forbidding such Synods they are not to be gone about there being no positive command for them in Scripture and therefore a discharge of them contradicts no Law of God and so cannot be disobeyed without sin and when the Magistrate allows of Synods he is to judg on whether side in case of differences he will pass his Law neither is the decision of these Synods obligatory in prejudice of his authority for there can be but one Supream and two Coordinate Powers are a Chymaera Therefore in case a Synod and the Magistrate contradict one another in matters undetermined by GOD it is certain a Synod sins if it offer to countermand the Civil Authority since all must be subject to the Powers that are of which number the Synod is a part therefore they are subject as well as others And if they be bound to obey the Magistrates commands they cannot have a power to warrant the subjects in their disobedience since they cannot secure themselves from sin by such disobedience And in the case of such countermands it is indisputable the Subjects are to be determined by the Magistrates Laws by which only the Rules of Synods are Laws or bind the consciences formally since without they be authorized by him they cannot be Laws for we cannot serve two Masters nor be subject to two Legislators And thus methinks enough is said for clearing the Title of the Magistrate in exacting our obedience to his Laws in matters of Religion Crit. Indeed the congesting of all the Old Testament offers for proving the Civil Powers their authority in things sacred were a task of time And first of all that the High Priest might not consult the Oracle but when either desired by the King or in a business that concerned the whole Congregation is a great step to prove what the Civil Authority was in those matters Next we find the Kings of Iudah give out many Laws about matters of Religion I shall wave the instances of David and Solomon which are so express that no evasion can serve the turn but to say they acted by immediate Commission and were inspired of GOD. It is indeed true that they had a particular direction from GOD. But it is as clear that they enacted these Laws upon their own Authority as Kings and not on a Prophetical Power But we find Iehoshaphat 2 Chr. 17. v. 7. sending to his Princes to teach in the Cities of Iudah with whom also he sent Priests and Levites and they went about and taught the people There you see secular men appointed by the King to teach the people he also 2. Chr. 19. v. 5. set up in Ierusalem a Court made up of Levites Priests and the chief of the Fathers of Israel for the judgment of the LORD and for the controversies among the people and names two Presidents Amariah the chief Priest to be over them in the matters of the LORD and Zebadiah for all the Kings matters And he that will consider these words either as they lie in themselves or as they relate to the first institution of that Court of seventy by Moses where no mention is made but by one Judicatory or to the Commentary of the whole Writings and Histories of the Iews shall be set beyond dispute that here was but one Court to judg both of sacred and secular matters It is true the Priests had a Court already mentioned but it was no Judicatory and medled only with the Rituals of the Temple The Levites had also as the other Tribes a Court of twenty three for their Tribe which have occasioned the mistakes of some places among the Iewish Writings but this is so clear from their Writings that a very overly knowledg of them will satisfie an impartial Observer And it is yet more certain that from the time of Ezra to the destruction of the Temple there was but one Court that determined of all matters both Sacred and Civil who particularly tried the Priests if free of the blemishes which might cast one from the service and could cognosce on the High Priest and whip him when he failed in his duty Now this commixtion of these matters in one Judicatory if it had been so criminal whence is it that our LORD not only never reproved so great a disorder but when convened before them did not accuse their constitution and answered to the High Priest when adjured by him Likewise when his Apostles were arraigned before them they never declined that Judicatory but pleaded their own innocence without accusing the constitution of the Court though challenged upon a matter of doctrine But they good men thought only of catching Souls into the Net of the Gospel and were utterly unacquainted with these new coined distinctions Neither did they refuse obedience pretending the Court had no Jurisdiction in these matters but because it was better to obey GOD than Man which saith They judged Obedience to that Court due if it had not countermanded GOD. But to return to Iehoshaphat we find him constituting these Courts and choosing the persons and empowering them for their work for he constituted them for Iudgment and for Controversie so that though it were yielded as it will never be proved that two Courts were here instituted yet it cannot be denied but here is a Church Judicatory constituted by a King the persons named by him a President appointed over them and a trust committed to them And very little Logick will serve to draw from this as much as the Acts among us asserting the King's Supremacy yield to him Next We have a clear instance of Hezekiah who 2 Chron. 30. ver 2. with the Counsel of his Princes and of the whole Congregation made a decree for keeping the Passover that year on the second Month whereas the Law of GOD had affixed it to the first Month leaving only an exception Numb 9.10 for the unclean or such as were on a journey to keep it on the second Month. Npon which Hezekiah with the Sanhedrim and people appoints the Passover to be entirely cast over to the second Month for that Year Where a very great point of their Worship for the distinction of days was no small matter to the Iews was determined by the King without asking the advice of the Priests upon it But that you may not think this was peculiar to the King of Israel I shall urge you with
mâ—stake me not as if I charged one party only with this leaven which is alas too visible among many of all sides and parties But to dwell no longer on generals which every one will drive off himself and lodge on others let us now come to a closer review of our late times And here Philarcheus I quit the Theme to you who I know can manage it better Phil. Truly when I reflect on the late times and the spirit which did then act in the Judicatories both of Church and State I wonder much how any can be guilty of the error of thinking it was the cause of GOD was then fought for I deny not but a great many yea I am willing to hope the greater part were misled and abused and did imagine it was Religion and Liberties they fought for and so went out as they were called in the simplicity of their heart and knew not any thing of the secret designs of their Leaders As in the case of Absoloms rebellion two hundred went from Ierusalem with him which might well a little excuse their fault but could not alleviate the guilt of that unnatural rebellion so whatever may be said for excusing the multitudes who I doubt not meant well yet that will never serve for vindicating the course was followed I confess if I saw any remorse or shame for by-past miscarriages if I found these people we speak of either humbled for them before GOD or ashamed of them among men I should be the last on earth who would upbraid them with them and that the rather that His Majesty hath buried the remembrance of them by a gracious oblivion But when they continue so insolent as still to bear up so high in their pretentions as if GOD had been visibly with them and when they think it an injury to their innocency to tell them of an indemnity who would not be tempted to take them to task and examine all their vain boastings and empty pretences to which I am both provoked from their arrogance and invited from the evident proofs of all I shall alledge which I can lay before you from authentical Papers and Registers and I shall freely tell you that if any of these Pamphleteers had but the half to say of these who yield a complyance to the present Establishment which I can say of them the world would ring with it But I count the defaming of men a woâ—k as mean as it is cruel Yet I look upon my self as obliged to give some accounts of the spirit and ways of these people which I shall do with all the reserve and caution that becomes a Christian. Eud. Hold hold I pray you run not too far in your carreer lest you lay open things were better hid I confess these Writers do justly draw it from you but for the faults of two or three be not cruel to a multitude And what will all you shall say avail for we know well enough how little the clearest evidence will prevail upon their belief And though I in particular know upon what grounds you can go for verifying all you undertake and that they are unexceptionably clear yet it is a dunghil not to be searched too much Wherefore let me with my most earnest intreaties divert you from the discourse you have threatned Isotimus with But because all these mens defences of the resistance Subjects may make to their Sovereigns go upon the principles of maintaining Religion and Liberties when invaded by the Magistrate we will therefore be beholden to you if you satisfie us whether the late wars as they were begun and carried on were defensive or not Phil. Your authority over me is so entire that your commands never fail of determining my obedience therefore for this once I shall yield to your desire but with this declaration that if Isotimus cannot prevail among his friends for conjuring that pamphleting spirit into silence I will be forced on more freedom than I either design or desire and be made to tell name and surname of the Actors of many things which they may wish lay dead and be made to prove them from authentick papers and records and discover a mystery of iniquity which hath lien long hid under fair pretences and in a word let you understand what were the arts caballings and intrigues of these who pretended so much to the interest of CHRIST when they sought their own and if in doing this I be forced on much round and plain dealing the blame of it will fall to their share who extort it from me But I come now to satisfie your desire and doubt not to convince you that the late wars were an invasion of the Kings Authority and of the established Laws and were not for defence of any part of the established Religion and Liberties In the year 1938. His Majesty having understood that the authorizing of the Service-Book and Book of Canons and the establishment of the High-Commission-Courts were illegal did upon the representation of those grievances not only retract what he had formerly done but in the fullest manner discharged them and though the Articles of Perth stood setled by Law yet upon their petitions who counted them grievances he warranted their disuse and for securing the fears of his Subjects of the change of Religion with which some factious spirits had poysoned them he appointed the National Covenant as King Iames had signed it to be taken by all his Subjects with a bond of mutual defence and adherence to it He also summoned an Assembly and Parliament for satisfying all the just demands and grievances of his Subjects But did this satisfie the zeal of that party No for when all colors of grounds were removed from those malicious imputations with which his Majesties actions were aspersed then did they flee to their safe and sure refuge of jealousies and fears out of which there was never any storming of them as if all had been only offered to trepan and deceive them And after His Majesty had called a Synod at Glasgow then came in the Lay-Elders who were all of the Nobility and men of the greatest eminence of the Kingdom and carried the elections of the members of the Assembly in the most arbitrary manner imaginable many instances whereof I can yet prove from authentick papers one generall I shall only name for did I stand to reckon up all I should never get to an end the ruling Elders who came from every Paâ—och to the Presbyteries for electing the Commissioners to the Assembly were men of power and of one knot and so when it was voted what Ministers should be chosen they who were listed being at least six were set to the door and thus the Elders who stayed within carried the election as they pleased And when the commissionated ruling Elder was chosen they were all so associated that they could not choose wrong And thus it was that the secular men did intirely choose the members of the Assembly of
and they whet their Spirits and sharpen their Tongues against all of another mould which some do with an undisguised fierceness Other with a visage of more gravity by which they give the deeper wounds What sad effects flow from this Spirit is too visible and I love not to play the Diviner or to presage all the mischief it threatens but certain it is that the great business of Religion lies under an universal neglect while every one looks more abroad on his Neighbor than inwardly on himself and all stâ—dy more the advancement of a Party than the true interest of Religion I deny not but zeal for GOD must appear when we see indignities done to his holy Name in a just indignation at these who so dishonour him but what relation have little small differences about matters which have no tendency for advancing the Image of GOD in our Souls to that since both sides of the debate may be well maintained without the least indignity done to GOD or his holy Gospel What opposition to the Will of GOD or what harm to Souls can flow from so innocent a practice as the fixing some Churchmen over others for observing directing reproving and coercing of the rest that this should occasion such endless brawlings and such hot contentions But supposing the grounds of our divisions as great as any angry Disputer can imagine them then certainly our zeal for them should be tempered according to the Rules and Spirit of the Gospel Is it a Christian temper that our spirits should boil with rage against all of another persuasion so that we cannot think of them without secret commotions of anger and disdain which breaks often out into four looks ridiculous â—earings bitter scoffings and invectives and in attempts at bloud and cruelty How long shall our Nadabs and Abâ—hus burn this wild-fire on the Altar of GOD whose flames should be peaceful and such as descend from Heaven When we see any endangering their Souls by erroneous Opinions or bad practices had we the divine Spirit in us it would set us to our secret mournings for them our hearts would melt in compassion towards them and not burn in rage against them and we would attempt for their recovery and not contrive their 〈◊〉 The â—ne bears on it a clear impress of that nature which is Love in which none can have interest or union but such as dwell and abide in Love but the other bears on it the lively signature of him that was a murderer from the beginning and all that is mischievous or cruel is of that evil one and tends to the subversion of mankind as well as the ruin of true Religion Another great Rule by which the Peace and Order of all human Societies is maintained and advanced is obedience to the Laws and submission to the Authority of these whom GOD hath set over us to govern and defend us to whose Commands if absolute Obedience be not payed ever till they contradict the Laws of GOD there can be neither peace nor order among men as long as every one prefers his own humour or inclination to the Laws of the Society in which he lives Now it cannot be denied to be one of the sins of the age we live in that small regard is had to that authority GOD hath committed to his Vicegerents on earth The evidence whereof is palpable since the bending or slackening of the execution of Laws is made the measure of most mens Obedience and not the conscience of that duty we owe the commands of our Rulers for what is more servile and unbecoming a man not to say a Christian than to yield Obedience when over-awed by force and to leap from it when allured by gentler methods If Generosity were our principle we should be sooner vanquished by the one than cudgelled by the other Or if Conscience acted us the Obligation of the Law would equally bind whether backed with a strict Execution or slackened into more impunity Hence it appears how few there are who judg themselves bound to pay that reverence to the Persons and that Obedience to the Commands of these GOD hath vested with his Authority which the Laws of Nature and Religion do exact And the root of all this disobedience and contempt can be no other but unruly and ungoverned pride which disdains to submit to others and exalts it self above these who are called Gods The humble are tractable and obedient but the self willed are stubborn and rebellious Yet the height of many mens pride rests not in a bare disobedience but designs the subverting of Thrones and the shaking of Kingdoms unless governed by their own measures Among all the Heresies this age hath spawned there is not one more contrary to the whole design of Religion and more destructive of mankind than is that bloudy Opinion of defending Religion by Arms and of forcible resistance upon the colour of preserving Religion The wisdom of that Policy is â—â—â—hly senâ—â—al and devillish favoring of a carnal unmortified and impatient mind that cannot bear the Cross nor trust to the Providence of GOD and yet with how much zeal is this doctrine maintained and propagated as if on it hung both the Law and the Prophets Neither is the zeal used for its defence only meant for the vindicating of what is past but on purpose advanced for re-acting the same Tragedies which some late villanous attempts have too clearly discovered some of these black Arts tho written in white being by a happy providence of GOD by the intercepting of R. Mac his Letters which contained not a few of their rebellious practisings and designs brought to light Indeed the consideration of these evils should call on all to reflect on the sad posture wherein we are and the evident signatures of the Divine displeasure under which we lâ—e from which it appears that GOD hath no pleasure in 〈◊〉 nor will be glorified among us that so we may discern the signs of the times and by all these sad indications may begin to appehend our danger and â—o turn to GOD with our whole hearts every one repenting of the works of his hands and contributing his prayers and endeavours for a more general Reformation It is not by Political Arts nor by the execution of penal Laws that the power of Religion can be recovered from these decays under which it hath so long suffered No no we must consider wherein we have provoked GOD to chastise us in this fashion by letting loose among us a Spirit of uncharitableness giddiness cruelty and sedition And the progress of these and other great evils we ought to charge on our own faultiness who have provoked GOD to plead a Controversie with us in so severe a manner This is the method we ought to follow which if we did we might sooner look for the Divine protection and assistance and then we should experience it to be better to put our confidence in GOD than to put our confidence in
not deeper in the knowledge of Affairs than any of us however since you expect News from me I was just now reading some Books lately printed at Holland and particularly an accurate and learned Confutation of these virulent Dialogues you were wont to magnifie so much and it doth my heart good to see how he baffles the writer of them on every occasion for he hath answered every word of them so well and so home that I believe we shall not see a reply in haste Philarcheus I suppose we have all seen the Book but it is like you are singular in your opinion of it I shall not deny its Author his deserved praises he hath been faithful in setting down most of the Arguments used in the Dialogues and no less careful to gather together all the vulgar answers to them and truly hath said as much as can be said for his Cause Neither writes he without art for when he is pinched he drives off the Reader with a great many preliminary things to make him forget the purpose and to gain a more easie assent to what he asserts I confess his Stile is rugged and harsh so that it was not without pain I wrestled through it but of all I have seen he hath fallen on the surest way to gain an Applause from the Vulgar for he acts the greatest Confidence imaginable and rails at his Adversary with so much contempt and malice that he is sure to be thought well of by these who judge of a man more by his voice and the impresses of earnestness and passion he discovers than by the weight of what he saith Eud. These things may well take with the ignorant Rabble with whom it is like he designs to triumph but truly such as understand either the civilities of good Nature or the meekness of a Christian will be little edified with them Indeed I am amazed to see so much indiscretion and bitterness fall from any mans Pen who hath read S. Paul condemning railings evil surmisings and perverse disputings Isot. Who begun the scolding The truth is there are some who think they may rail with a priviledge and if any in soberness tell them of their faults they accuse them of bitterness but was there ever any thing seen more waspish than these Dialogues whose design seems to have been the disgracing of a whole Party and all their actions for many years If then the Atheism the blasphemy the mockery the enmity to GOD and Religion the ignorance the malice the folly and arrogance of such a confident Babler be discovered you are so tender der hooffed forsooth as to complain of railings Eud. It seems these writings have made a deep Impression on you you have got so exactly into their stile bâ—t this is a place where Passion is seldom cherished therefore we will expect no more of that strain from you But to deal freely with you there were some Expressions in these Dialogues with which I was not well satisfied but the whole of them had such a visage of Serenity that I wonder how they are so accused It is true the Conformijt deals very plainly and yet ere we part I can perhaps satisfie you he said but a little of what he might have said But withal remember how severely he that was meekness it self treated the Scribes and the Pharisees and he having charged his Followers to beware of their leaven it is obedience to his Command to search out that leaven that it may leaven us no more And when any of a Party are so exalted in their own conceit as to despise and disparage all others the love Ministers of the Gospel owe the Souls of their Flocks obligeth them to unmask them As to these poor simple Reproaches that are cast on the Person of that Author as they are known to be false and unjust so they are done in a strain that seems equally void of Wit and Goodness But we shall meddle no more in these â—â—â—sonal differenceâ— afteâ— I have told you what I heard the Author of that Conference say upon this subject he said He was so far from being displeased with the Author of this Answer that he was only sorry he knew not who he was that he might seek an opportunity of obliging him For the things charged on him if he was guilty of them he needed very many prayers but if innocent the other needed no fewer who so unjustly accused him but a day comes wherein a righteous judge will judge betwixt them and this was the utmost displeasure he expressed adding That he had another sense of the account he must give for his hours than to engage in a Counter scuffle or to play at such small game as a particular examen of that Book would amount to And he judged it unworthy of him to turn Executioner on that man's Reputation by enquiring into all the escapes of his Book which are too obvious But he is willing to stand or fall by the decision of rational and impartial Minds only where he was either too short or where the Answerer hath raised so much Mist as might obscure a less discerning Reader he will when he gets out of the throng wherein his Employment doth at present engage him offer a clearer account of the matters in question without tracing of that pâ—or Creature who it is like expects to be recorded among the Learned Writers of the Age and the Champions of Truth Bas. We have nothing to do with what is personal among these Writers But since so many of us have met so happily and seem a little acquainted with these Questions let us according to our wonted freedom toss these debates among us without heat or reflections which signifie nothing but to express the strength of his Passions and the weakness of his Reasons who makes use of them And indeed the matter of the greatest Importance is the point of Subjects resisting their Sovereigns in the defence of Religion which deserves to be the better cleared since it is not a nicety of the School or a speculation of Philosophers but a matter of Practice and that which if received seems to threaten endless Wars and Confusions Crit. I am no great Disputer but shall be gladly a witness to your debate and upon occasions shall presume to offer what I have gleaned among the Critical Writers on Scripture and I hope Ijâ—timus's Memory is so good that he will carefully suggest the Arguments used by the Patrons of defensive Arms. Isot. I will not undertake too much but shall take care not to betray this good Cause yet I will not have the Verdict passed upon my defence of it however I shall not sneak so shamefully as the Nonconformist did in the Dialogues Eud. I hope I shall not need to caution you any more against reflections but as for the alledged treachery of your friend the Nonconformist it may be referred to all Scotland if what he saith be not what is put in the mouths
the Doctrine of absolute submission God had appeared for them in such a signal manner to the conviction and horror of their Persecutors I confess there is no piece of Story I read with such pleasure as the accounts are given of these Martyrs for methinks they leave a fervor upon my mind which I meet with in no study that of the Scriptures being only excepted Say not then they were not able to have stood to their own defence when it appears how great their numbers were Or shall I here tell you the known Story of the Thebean Legion which consisted of 6666. who being by Maximinus Herculeus an 287. pressed in the Oath they gave the Emperor to swear upon the Altars of the Idols withdrew from the Camp eight miles off and when he sent to invite them to come and swear as the others had done they who commanded them answered in all their names That they were ready to return and fight stoutly against the Barbarians but that being Christians they would never worship the Gods Whereupon the Emperor caused tith them which they received with such joy that every one desired the lot might fall on himself And this prevailing nothing on them he tithed them a second time and that being also without effect he caused to murder them all to which they submitted without resistance And it is not to be denied but such a number being driven to such despair and having so much courage as to dare to die in cold bloud might have stood to their defence a great while and at least sold their lives at a dear rate especially they having got off eight miles from the Army Were it my design to back these instances with the great authorities of the most eminent Writers of the Church in these times I should grow too tedious but this is so far from being denied that the only way to escape so strong an assault is to study to detract from these holy Men by enquiring into any over-reachings to which their fervor might have engaged them Isot. All their practices are not binding upon us for many of them did precipitate themselves into hazards others were against flight others against resisting of private assailants who without warrant came to murder them therefore the Spirit that acted in them tho it produced effects highly to the honour of the Gospel is not to be imitated by us yet on the other hand I acknowledg we ought to be slow to judg them One thing is observable that Maximinus was resisted by the Armenians when he intended to set up Idolatry among them Constantine also invaded Licinius when he persecuted the Christians in the East and the Persians when persecuted by their King implored the help of the Roman Emperor Besides I have seen a Catalogue of many instances of resistance used in some Cities when their good Bishops were forced away from them which shews they were not so stupid as you design to represent them See pag. 29 c. and Ius populâ— at length Basil. It is certain all Christians have one Law and Rule and the Laws of Nature are eternal and irreversible if then the Law of Nature engage us to self-defence it laid the same ties on them therefore except you turn Enthusiast you must say thâ—t what is a Duty or a sin now was so then likewise and so you must either charge that Clâ—ud of Witnesses with brutish stupidity otherwise acuse our late forwardness of unjust resistance since one Rule was given to both and contradicting practices can never be adjusted to the same Rule And for these invidious aspersions you would fasten on them as if they had not undeâ—stood their own Liberties they are but poor escapes for it being already made out that violent resistance even of an equal is not a Law but a â—ight of Nature if they thought it more for the glory of the Gospel to yield even to private injuries who are we to tax them for it But for flying from the Persecutors it is true Tertullian condemned it but that was neither the opinion nor practice of the Châ—istians in these Ages As for what you alledg about the resistance made by the Armenians to Maximinus I wish your friend had vouched his Author for what he saith of them for I am confident he is not so impudent as to prove a matter of fact done twelve Ages ago by a Writer of this Age. All I can meet with about that is from Euschius lib. 9. cap. 6. who tells That in these times the Tyrant made War against the Armenians men that had been of old Friends and Auxiliaries to the Romans whom because they were Christians and were pious and zealously studious about divine matters that hater of GOD intending to force to worship the false Gods and Devils made to become Enemies instead of Friends and Adversaries instead of Auxiliaries And in the beginning of the next Chapter he tells how in that War he and his Army received a great defeat Now how you will infer from this that Subjects may resist their Sovereign for Religion I see not for these Armenians were his Confederates and noâ— his Subjects and it is clear by the account Eusebius gives that Armenia was not a Province nor governed by a Prefect as were the Provinces Besides consider how Maximinus came in the fag-end of that great persecution begun by Dioclesian and Herculius continued by Galâ—rius and consummated by Maximinus himself in which for all the numbers of the Martyrs and the cruelty of the Persecution there was not so much as a Tumult which makes it evident the Christians at that time understood not the Doctrine of Resistance But the Armenians case varying from that of Subjects it was free for them to resist an unjust Invader who had no Title to their Obedience For your Story of Licinius the true account of it will clear mistakes best as it is given by Eus. 10. cap. 5. Constantine after he turned Christian being then Emperor of the West called for Licinius whom Galerius had made Emperor in the East and they both from Millain gave out Edicts in favour of the Christians giving them absolute liberty and discharging all persecution on that account which is reckoned to have been in the year 313. afterwards he allied with Licinius and gave him his Sister in marriage and acknowledged him his Colleague in the Empire But some years after that Wars arose betwixt them which Zosimus and Eutropius impute to Constantine's ambition and impatience of a Rival but if we believe the account Eusebius gives of it Licinius provoked with envy at Constantine and forgetting the Laws of Nature the bonds of Oaths alliance and agreement raised a pestiferous and cruel War against him and laid many designs and snaâ—es for his destruction which he attempted long by secret and fraudulent ways but these were always by GOD's Providence discovered and so Constantine escaped all his designed mischief At length Licinius finding his secret Arts did
fightings and such like Truly Sir he that will found the Doctrine of Resistance on such grounds hath a mind on very easie terms to run himself upon Condemnation And yet such like are the warrants your Friends bring from Church History Therefore I see there is yet good ground to assert that Doctrine was unknown in the Christian Church till the times wherein the Popes pretended to the Temporal Power over Princes all whose plea was managed upon the grounds of the great Importance of Religion to be preferred to all human Interests and that Christ had told his Disciples to buy a sword and that Princes being the Ministers of God were to be no longer acknowledged than they observed that design for which they were set up Only in one particular less disorder may be apprehended from the pretensions of the Roman Bishops than from these Maxims that put the power of judging and controuling the Magistrate in the Peoples hands which opens a door to endless confusions and indeed sets every private Person on the Throne and introduceth an Anarchy which will never admit of order or remedy whereas these who had but one pretender over them could more easily deal with him and more vigorously resist him Isot. You have said very many things from History which I shall not at this time undertake to examine but I am sure it hath been both the Practice and Doctrine of the Reformed Churches that in case of unjust Tyranny the States of a Kingdom may put a stop to the fury of a King and therefore where the Reformation was opposed by Cruelty it was also defended by Arms. And let me add that I believe your great quarrel at this Doctrine is because the practice of it was so great a mean of preserving the Reformation which though in good manners you must commend yet I am afraid you hate it in your heart Philar. Whether you or we be greater friends to the Reformation let the world judge by this one Indication that you study to draw all can be devised for the staining it with blood which is the constant calumny of its adversaries whereas we offer with the clearest evidences to evince its Innocence But let me premise the distinction of Doctrine from Practices and tho some unjustifiable Practices appear these must never be charged on the Reformed Churches unless it be made appear they were founded on their Doctrine Besides the Reformers coming out of the corruptions of Poperâ— in which the Doctrine and Practice of Resistance upon pretences of Religion were triumphant it will not be found strange tho some of that ill-tempered Zeal continued still to leaven them But for their Doctrine I take the Standart of it to be in the Confessions of the several Churches all which being gathered in one harmony we are in the right scent of their Opinions when we search for them there Now the Doctrine of resisting of Magistrates is by divers of their Confessions expressly condemned but in none of them asserted It is true there were some ambiguous expressions in our Scots Confession registred in Parliament Anno 1567 for Art 14. among the transgressions of the second Table they reckon to disobey or resist any that God hath placed in authority while they pass not over the bounds of their office which seems to imply the lawfulness of Resistance when they so transgress but besides that it is not clearly asserted and only inferred this doth not determine what the bounds of the Magistrate's Office are And if it be found that his Office is to coërce with the Sword so as to be accountable to none but to God then no Resistance will follow from hence except of a limited Magistrate who is accountable to others The same Explication is to be given to that part of the 24. Art where all such are condemned who resist the Supream Power doing that thing which appertaineth to his charge But in the same Article the Magistrate is called God's Lieutenant in whose Sessions God himself doth sit and judge But with this it is to be considered when that Confession was ratified in Parliament even when no Sovereign was to look to the clearing of any ambiguities which might have-been upon design by some and through the neglect of others let pass The Confessions of the other Churches are unexceptionably plain and without restriction in the point of subjection For what seems like a Restriction in the French Confession that the yoke of subjection is willingly to be born though the Magistrates were Infidels provided that God's Sovereign authority remain entire and uncorrupted imports nothing but that our subjection to them which takes in both Obedience and Suffering is not to strike out the great Dominion God hath over our Souls whom we should obey rather than man And even the Confession of the Assembly of Divines ratified by the Scots General Assembly speaks of submission to Authority in absolute terms without the exception of Resistance in case of Tyranny Cap. 22. art 4. It is the duty of People to be subject to their authority for Conscience sake Infidelity or difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrate's just and legal Aurity nor frâ—e the people from their due obedience to him If then the Doctrine of Resistance be to be owned as a Law of Nature and as a part of the Christian Freedom how came it that it was not more expresly owned in this Confession especially since it is known to have been the opinion of most of both these Assemblies But on the contrary it seems condemned and only the undiscerned reserves of just legal and due are slipâ— in for the defence of their actings Truly this seems not fair dealing and such an asserting of Subjection at that time looks either like the force of truth extorting it or intimates them afraid or ashamed to have owned that as their Doctrine to the World And by this time I suppose it is clear that the Reformed Churches ought not to be charged with the Doctrine of Resistance Poly. Nay nor the Reformed Writers neither with whose words I could fill much Paper and shew how they do all generally condemn the resistance of Subjects and when any of them gives any Caveat to this it is not in behalf of the People but of the States of the Kingdom who they say perhaps are impowered with authority to curb the tyranny of Kings as the Ephori among the Lacedemonians the Tribuns of the people and the Demarchs in Rome and Athens Now it is acknowledged that if by the Laws of the Kingdom it be found that the King is accountable to the States then their coercing of him is not the resistance of Subjects but rather the managing of the Supreme Power which lies in their hands If then you will stand to their decision in this Point of the Peoples resisting of their Sovereigns though Tyrants the debate will not run long they being so express And this will be nothing shaken by any thing
that were betwixt him and Zisca the resistance was not made to the King of Bohemia and therefore all that time was an Interregnum and is so marked by their Historian who tells that the Bohemians could not be induced to receive him to be their King he indeed invaded the Kingdom and crowned himself but was not chosen by the States till fifteen years after that a Peace was concluded and he with great difficulty prevailed upon the States to ratifie his Coâ—onation and acknowledge him their King See Dub. lib. 24. lib. 26. And by all this I doubt not but you are convinced that the Wars of Zasca were not of the nature of Subjects resisting their Sovereign And for the late Bohemian War besides what was already alledged of the Power of the States their War against Ferdinand and the reason why by a solemn decree they rejected him was because he invaded the Crown without an Election contrary to the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom hereupon they choosed the Prince Elector Palatine to be their King It is true they rose also in Arms while Matthias lived though he did not long survive these Tumults but in all their Apologies they founded their plea on the Liberties of the Kingdom of Bohemia And yet though this say much for their defence I am none of the Patrons of that War which had very few defenders among the Protestants Isot. At length you must yield there was War for defence of Religion but if without the inclosure of Bohemia we examine the History of Germany there we meet with that famous Smalcaldick War in opposition to Charles V. who was designing the overthrow of the Protestant Doctrine which the Elector of Saxony with the Landgrave of Hâ—ssen and other free Cities managed against him See p. 427. Poly. If any of the Passions of men have mingled in the actions of Protestants must these therefore be fasten'd on them as their Doctrine especially when they went not upon Principles of Religion but of Provincial Lawâ— As for Germany let me first tell you how far the Protestants were against Rebellion upon pâ—etence of Religion At first the Rustick War had almost kindled all Germany which indeed began upon very unjust Causes but Sleydan lib. 5. tells That some troublesome Preachers had been the cauâ—ers of that great and formidable War Now it is to little purpose to say they were in many errors and so fought not for the true Religion since it was befoâ—e made out that if Religion be to be fought for every man believing his own Religion to be true is bound to take Arms in its defence since even an erring Conscience binds Bâ—t as these Tumults did â—pâ—ead through Germany Luther published a Writing desiring all to abstain fâ—om Sedition though with â—l hâ— told he apprehended some strange â—udgment was hanging over the Church-men but that was to be lâ—ft to God After which he explains the duty of the Magistrates And adds That the People should be severely charged not to stir without the command of their Magistrates and that nâ—thing was to be attempted by private Persons that all Sedition was against the command of God and that Sedition was nothing but private Revenge and therefore hated by God Adding That the Seditions then stirring were raised by the Devil who stirred up these who professed the Gospel to them that thereby the truth might be brought under hatred and reproach as if that could not be of God which gave occasion to so great evils Then he tells what means were to be used for advancing of the Gospel That they were to repent of their sins for which God had permitted that tyranny of the Church-men Next That they should pray for the Divine aid and publickly assert the truth of the Gospel and discover the Impostures of the Popes And he adds That this had been his method which had been much blessed of God In a word the whole strain of that first Paper shews that the great bait used to train all into that Rebellion was the pretence of the liberty of Religion and the tyrannical oppression they were kept under by the Ecclesiasticks But upon this the Beures published a Writing containing their Grievances The first whereof was That they might have liberty to choose Ministers who might preach the Word of God purely to them without the mixture of mens devises The other particulars related to their Civil Liberties And upon these Pretensions they appealed to Luther who wrote again Acknowledging the great Guilt of these Princes who received not the purity of the Gospel but he warns the People to consider what they did lest they lost both Body and Soul in what they attempted That they were neither to consider their own strength nor the faultiness of their Adversaries but the justice and lawfulness of the Cause and to be careful not to believe all Mens preachings for the Devil had raised up many Seditions and bloody Teachers at that time Wherefore he forbids them to take God ' s Name in vain and pretend that they desired in all things to follow his Laws But minds them who threatned that they who took the Sword should perish by the Sword and of the Apostle who commands all to be obedient to Magistrates charging on them that though they pretended the Laws of God yet they took the Sword and resisted the Magistrate But he adds You say the Magistrates become intolerable for they take the Doctrine of the Gospel from us and oppress us to the highest degree But be it so stars and seditions are not therefore to be raised neither must every one coërce crimes that belongs to him to whom the power of the Sword is given as is express in Scripture And besides this is not only according to the Laws but is by the light of Nature impressed on all mens minds which shews that no man can cognosce and judge in his own Cause since all men are blinded with self-love And it cannot be denied but this Tumult and Sedition of yours is a private Revenge But if you have any warrant for this from God you must make it out by some signal Miracle The Magistrate indeed doth unjustly but you much more so who contemning the Command of God invade anothers Iurisdiction And he tells them That if these things take place there will be no more Magistracy nor Courts of Iustice if every man exercise private Revenge And if this be unlawful in a private Person much more is it so in a multitude gathered together Wheâ—efore he counts them unworthy of the name of Christians nay worse than Turks who thus violate the Laws of Nature Then for proof of his opinion he adduceth that of our Lord's resist not evil as also his râ—proving of S. Peter for smiting with the Sword These steps were to be fâ—llowed by you saith he or this glorious Title must be laid down And if you followed his Example God ' s power would appear and he would undoubtedly
he adduced they might by arms make good their right and assume the Government in the Kings minority But the Admiral considering well the hardiness of the enterprise said that another way must be taken to make it succeed which was that since France was full of the followers of Calvin who through the persecutions they had lain under were now almost desperat and had a particular hatred at the Brethren of Lorrain as their chief enemies therefore it was fit to cherish them and make a party of them by which means assistance might be likewise hoped for from the Princes of Germany and the Queen of England and to this advice all present did yield Upon this saith Thuan lib. 16. many Writings were published proving the Government of the Kingdom in the King's minority to belong to the Princes of the Blood and that by the Laws of France the Regents power was not absolute but to be regulated by the Assembly of the States wherein many instances of the French Law were adduced and whereas it was alledged that the King was major at 15. which was proved from an Edict of Charles the Fifth this was fully refuted and it was shewed that notwithstanding of the Edict of Charles the Fifth his Son was not admitted to the Government till he was full 22 years of age and that in his minority the Kingdom was governed by a Council of the Princes and Nobility which was established by an Assembly of the States I shall not meddle further in the debate which was on both hands about the year of the King's majority or the Power of the Princes of the Blood in his minority but shall refer the Reader to the sixth Book of the voluminous History of France for that time whose Author hath suppressed his Name where a full abstract of all the writings that passed on both sides about these matters is set down but this shews how little your Friends understand the History of that time who take it for granted that Francis the Second was then Major since it was the great matter in controversie But to proceed in my Accounts These grounds being laid down for a war the Pâ—ince of Conde as Thuan relates would not openly own an accession to any design till it should be in a good forwardness but trusted the management of it to one Renaudy who tho a Catholick by his Religion yet drew a great meeting of Protestants to Nantes in the beginning of February anno 1560. where he stirred them up to arm and in his Speech after he had represented all the grievances he added that the greatest scruples that stuck with many was the King's Authority against which whosâ— roseâ—he did rebel and he answered acknowledging the obedience due to Kings notwithstanding their wicked Laws and that it was without doubt that all who resisted the Power constituted by GOD resisted his Ordinance but added their resistance was of these Traitors who having possessed themselves of the young King designed the ruin both of King and Kingdom This then will clear whether they walked on the Principles of Subjects resisting when persecuted by their Sovereign or not Upon this they designed to have seised on the King but as it was to be executed though it had been long carried with a marvellous secrecy it was at length discovered and the King conveyed to Ambâ—iâ—e and as the Protestants were gathering to a Head the Kinâ—'s Forces came upon them and defeated and scattered them But a little after this the King died in good time for the Prince of Conde for his accession to these Commotions being discovered he was sâ—ised on and sentenced to death but the King's death as it â—â—livered him did also put an end to the questions about the King's majority his Brother Charles the Ninth being a child so that the Regency was undoubtedly the King of Navarre his right yet not so entirely but that the other Princes were to share with him and the Assembly of the States to direct him as the Lawyers proved from the French Law The consultation about the Protestants took them long up and a severe Edict passed against them in Iuly 1561. But in the Ianuary of the next year a solemn meeting was called of all the Prinâ—es of the Blood the Privy Counsellors and the eighth Parliament of France in which the Edict of Ianuary was passed giving the Protestants the free exercise of their Religion and all the Magistrats of France were commanded to punish any who interrupted or hindered this liberty which Edict you may see at length Hist. d' Aâ—big lib. 2. c. 32. But after this as Davila lib. 3. relates how the Duke of Guise coming to Paris did disturb a meeting of the Protestants so that it went to the throwing of Stones with one of which the Duke was hurt upon which he designed the breach of that Edict and so was the Author and Contriver of the following Wars After this the Edict was every where violated and the King of Navarre united with the Constable and the Duke of Guise for the ruin of the Protestants upon which the Prince of Conde as the next Prince of the Blood asserted the Edicts so that the â—aw was on his side neither was the Regents power absolute or Sovereign and the Prince of Condé in his Manifesto declared he had armed to free the King from that captivity these stranger Princes kept him in and that his design was only to assert the authority of the late Edict which others were violating Upon this the Wars began and ere the year was ended the King of Navarre was killed after which the Regency did undoubtedly belong to the Prince of Condé And thus you see upon what grounds these Wars began and if they were after that continued during the majority of that same King and his Successors their Case in that was more to be pitied than imitated for it is known that Wars once beginning and Jealousies growing strong and deeply rooted they are not easily setled And to this I shall add what a late Writer of that Church Sieur d'Ormegrigny hath said for them in his reflections on the Third Chapter of the Politicks of France wherein he justifies the Protestants of France from these Imputations What was done that way he doth not justifie but chargeth it on the despair of a lesser Party among them which was disavowed by the greater part And shews how the first Tumults in Francis II. his time were carried mainly on by Renaudy a Papist who had Associates of both Religions He vindicates what followed from the Interest the Princes of the Blood had in the Government in the minority of the Kings And what followed in Henry III. his time he shews was in defence of the King of Navarre the righteous heir of the Crown whom those of the League designed to seclude from his right But after that Henry IV. had setled France he not only granted the Protestants free Exercise of their Religion but gave
them some Towns for their security to be kept by them for twenty years at the end whereof the late King remanding them the Protestants were instant to keep them longer to which he yielded for three or four years in the end he wisely determined saith that Gentleman to take them out of their hands Upon which they met in an Assembly at Rochel and most imprudently he adds and against their duty both to God and the King they resolved to keep them still by force But at that time there was a National Synod at Alais where M. du Moulin presided who searching into the posture of Affairs in that Country where many of these places of strength lay he found the greater and better part inclined to yield them up to the King upon which he wrote an excellent Letter to the Assembly at Rochel disswading them from pursuing the Courses they were ingaging in where he shews it was the general desire of their Churches that it might please God to continue peace by their giving Obedience to the King and since his Majesty was resolved to have these Places in his own hands that they would not on that account ingage in a War But that if Persecution was intended against them all who feared God desired it might be for the Profession of the Gospel and so be truly the cross of Christ and therefore assured them the greater and better part of their Churches desired they would dissolve their meeting if it could be with security to their Persons And presses their parting from that Assembly with many Arguments and obviates what might be objected against it And craves pardon to tell them They would not find inclinations in those of the Religion to obey their resolutions which many of the best quality and greatest capacity avowedly condemned judging that to suffer on that account was not to suffer for the Cause of God And therefore exhorts them to depend on God and not precipitate themselves into Ruin by their Impatience And he ends his Letter with the warmest and serventest language imaginable for gaining them into his opinion It is true his Letter wrought not the desired Effect yet many upon it deserted the meeting Upon the which that Gentleman shews that what was then done ought not to be charged on the Protestant Churches of France since it was condemned by the National Synod of their Divines and three parts of four who were of the Religion continued in their dutiful Obedience to the King without ingaging in Arms with those of their Party Amirald also in his incomparable Apology for those of the Reformed Religion Sect. 2. vindicates them from the imputations of disloyalty to their Prince and after he hath asserted his own opinion that Prayers and Tears ought to be the only weapons of the Church as agreeing best with the nature of the Gospel and the practice of the first Christians he adds his regrates that their Fathers did not crown their other Virtues with invincible Patience in suffering all the Cruelty of their Persecutors without resistance after the Example of the Primitive Church by which all color of reproaching the Reformation had been removed Yet he shews how they held out during the Reign of Francis I. and Henry II. notwithstanding all the Cruelty of the Persecution though their Numbers were great What fell out after that he justifies or rather excuses for he saith he cannot praise but blame it on the Grounds we have already mentioned of the minority of their Kings and of the Interest of the Princes of the Blood And for the business of Renaudy in Francis II. his time he tells how Calvin disapproved it and observes from Thuan that he who first discovered it was of the Reformed Religion and did it purely from the Dictate of his Conscience He also shews that the Protestants never made War with a common Consent till they had the Edicts on their side so that they defended the King's Authority which others were violating But adds withal that the true cause of the Wars was reason of State and a Faction betwixt the Houses of Bourbon and Guise and the defence of the Protestants was pretended to draw them into it And for the late Wars he charges the blame of them on the ambition of some of their Grandees and the factious Inclinations of the Town of Rochel And vindicates the rest of their Church from accession to them whatever good wishes the common Interest of their Religion might have drawn from them for these whose danger they so much apprehended And for the Affaus of our Britain which was then in a great Combustion for which the Protestants were generally blamed as if the Genius of their Religion led to an opposition of Monarchy he saith strangers could not well judge of matters so remore from them but if the King of England was by the constitutions of that Kingdom a Sovereign Prince which is a thing in which he cannot well offer a dicision then he simply condemns their raising a War against him even though that report which was so much spread of his design to change the Reformed Religion settled there were true Neither are these opinions of Amirald to be look'd on as his private thoughts but that Apology being published by the approbation of these appointed to license the Books of the Religion is to be received as the more common and received Doctrine of that Church And what ever approbation or assistance the neighboring Princes might have given the Protestants in the latter or former Wars it will not infer their allowing the Precedent of Subjects resisting their Sovereign though persecuted by him since it is not to be imagined many Princes could be guilty of that But the Maxims of Princes running too commonly upon grounds very different from the Rules of Conscience and tending chiefly to strengthen themselves and weaken their Neighbors we are not to make any great account of their approving or abetting of these Wars And thus far you have drawn from me a great deal of Discourse for justifying the Confâ—rmists design of vindicating the Reformed Churches from the Doctrine and Practice of Subjects resisting their Sovereign upon pretexts of Religion Isot. A little time may produce an Answer to all this which I will not now attempt but study these accounts more accurately But let us now come home to Scotland and examine whether the King be an accountable Prince or not You know well enough how Fergus was first called over by the Scots how many instances there are of the States their coercing the King how the King must swear at his Coronation to observe the Laws of the Kingdom upon which Allegiance is sworn to him so that if he break his part why are not the Subjects also free since the Compact seems mutual I need not add to this that the King can neither make nor abrogate Laws without the consent of the Estates of Parliament that he can impose no Tax without them And from
determining of the externals of Government or Worship falls within the Magistrate's Sphere then comes in a new Complaint and it is told that here Religion is given up to the Lusts and Pleasure of men though it be an hundred times repeated that command what the King will in prejudice of the Divine Law no Obedience is due If again it be proved that Church Judicatories in what notions soever are subjects as well as others and no less tied to obedience than others upon this come in vehement outcries as if the Throne and Kingdom of Christ were overturned and betrayed with other such like Expressions in their harsh Stile What is become of Mankind and of Religion when Ignorants triumph upon these baâ—ren Pretences as if they were the only Masters of Reason and directors of Conscience You know what my Temper is in most differences but I acknowledge my mind to be fâ—ll of a just disdain of these ignorant and insolent Pedlers which is the more inflamed when I consider the Ruins not only of sound Learning but of true Piety and the common rules of Humanity which follow these simple Contests they make about nothing Basil. To speak freely I cherish Reflections no where therefore I shall not conceal my mislike of these Invectives which though I am forced to confess are just yet I love to hear truth and peace pleaded for with a calm serene Temper and though the intolerable and peevish railings of these Pamphlets do justifie a severe Procedure yet I would have the softer and milder methods of the Gospel used that so we may overcome evil with good To take you therefore off that angry engagement let me invite you to a sober Examen of the Magistrates Authority in things Divine But before this be engaged in let it be first considered whether â—â—ere be any Legislative Power on Earth about things Sacred and next with whom it is lodged Isot. I will so far comply with your desires that for this once without retaliating I quit to Philarcheus the last word of scolding But to come to the purpose you have suggested consider that Christ hath given us a complete Rule wherein are all things that pertain to Life and Godliness It is then an Imputation on his Gospel â—o say any thing needs be added to it and that it contains not a clear direction for all things therefore they accuse his Wisdom or Goodness who pretend to add to his Laws and wherein he hath not burthened our Consciences what tyranny is it to bind a yoak upon us which our Fathers were not able to bear Whereby as our Christian liberty is invaded so innumerable Schisms and Scandals spring from no other thing so much as from these oppressions of Conscience which are so much the more unjust that the imposers acknowledging their indifferency and the refusers scrupling their lawfulness the peace of the Church is sacrificed to what is acknowledged indifferent neither can any bounds be fixed to those impositions for if one particular may be added why not more and more still till the â—oak become heavier than that of Moses was which is made out from experience For the humor of innovating in divine matters having once crept into the Church it never stopp'd till it swelled to that prodigious bulk of Rites under which the Roman Church lies oppressed And besides all these general considerations there is one particular against significant Rites which is that the instituting of them in order to a particular signification of any Grace makes them Sacraments according to the vulgar definition of Sacraments that they are the outward signs of an inward Grace but the instituting of Sacraments is by the confesâ—ion of all a part of Christ's Prerogative since he who confers grace can only institute the signs of it Upon all these accounts I plead the Rule of Scripture to be that which ought to determine about all divine matters and that no binding Laws ought to be made in divine things wherein we are left at liberty by GOD who is the only Master of our Consciences See from pag. 172. to pag. 180. Phil. You have now given me a full Broad-side after which I doubt not but you triumph as if you had shattered me all to pieces but I am afraid you shall find this Volley of chained Ball hath quite missed me and that I be aboard of you ere you be aware No man can with more heartiness acknowledg the compleatness of Scripture than my self and one part of it is that all things which tend to Order Edification and Peace be done and the Scene of the World altering so that what now tends to advance Order Edification and Peace may afterwards occasion disorder destruction and contention the Scripture had not been compleat if in these things there were not an Authority on Earth to make and unmake Laws in things indifferent I acknowledg the adding of new pieces of worship hath so many inconveniences hanging about it that I should not much patronize it but the determining of what may be done either in this or that fashion to any particular Rule is not of that nature Therefore since Worship must be in a certain posture a certain habit in a determinate place and on such times all these being of one kind Laws made about them upon the accounts of order edification or peace do not pretend to prejudg the perfection of Scripture by any additions to what it prescribes since no new thing is introduced Indeed did humane Law-givers pretend that by their Laws these things became of their own nature more acceptable to GOD they should invade GOD's Prerogative but when they are prescribed only upon the account of Decency and Order it is intolerable peevishness to call a thing indifferent of its nature unlawful because commanded For the Christian liberty consists in the exemption of our Consciences from all humane yoak but not of our actions which are still in the power of our Superiors till they enjoin what is sinful and then a greater than they is to be obeyed I acknowledg the simplicity of the Christian Religion is one of its chief Glories nothing being enjoined in it but what is most properly fitted for advancing the Souls of men towards that wherein their blessedness doth consist And therefore I never reflect without wonder on that Censure Ammian Marcellin a Heathen Writer gives of Constantius That he confounded the Christian Religion which was of it self pure and simple with doating superstitions So I freely acknowledg that whosoever introduce new parts of Worship as if they could commend us to GOD do highly encroach on GOD's Authority and man's Liberty But as for the determining of things that may be done in a variety of ways into one particular form such as the prescribing a set form for Worship the ordering the posture in Sacraments the habit in Worship determinate times for commemorating great mercies the time how long a Sinner must declare his penitence ere he be admitted
Blasphemers and apply all the threatnings against mockers of GOD and Piety to such as shall offer to unmask them or disclose any of their follies If these in Authority coerce them nothing is to be heard but complaints of persecution and revilings and evil surmisings But will gentle courses mollifie their hearts No not so much as to be grateful or civil to those to whom they ow them but they will be sure to observe how GOD binds up the hands of the wicked and how marvellously he protects his own and all the favor shewed them will have no better character than a very mean and scant act of Iustice â—licite by a visible State conveniency if not necessity See p. 493. You know of whom I mean and how justly applicable these Characters are to them and that they are not the dreams of an eâ—travagant fancy but true though imperfect descriptions of what every one sees to be among us Isot. I am heartily sorry to find you the first that swerves from your own Rule and to hear you engage in a Discourse so unlike your self at least so different from the character is conceived of you these invectives being fitter for the Author of the friendly Debate the Scriblâ—r of the Diaâ—ogues or the Asserter of Ecclesiastical Policy who have mortally wounded Religion and all the professions and expressions of it under a pretence of unvailing the Pharisaical spirit And indeed you are now in the same Tract your design being to charge all the faithful servants of CHRIST with this tatling whispering and censorious temper because perhaps some idle people who own a kindness for these Opinions but really are of no principles may be guilty of these ways Eud. I beseech you wrest not my words beyond my design and their meaning I charge not the whole Party with these Arts yet that there is too great compliance given to them and too little freedom used against them by too many may without unjustice or breach of Charity be averred but the disclosing of these is so far from injuring Religion that I know nothing so proper for recovering the World from the jealousies these Arts have occasioned at it as the unmasking of that Spirit that so the amiable and lovely visage of true Religion may appear in its own lustre and free of these false Colors some unjust pretenders to it hâ—ve cast over it and therefore these Writings you mention seem to have pursued a noble Design which shall not want its reward Bâ—t remember I make a vast difference betwixt the being of an Opinion and the pursuing all these crooked and wicked practices for its defence which I have laid before you At the former I have no quarrel for knowing how subject my self is to mistakes I censure and judg none for their Opinions till they strike at the foundations of Faith or a good life And so do not only not charge all your Party with these imputations but know a great many of them who are very free of them but that many are too guilty of them is what your self dares not deny And how much of that temper appears in the late Pamphlets I leave with every rational Reader to consideâ— for it is not worth the while for any of us to sit down and canvass them all But how guilty are most of you in this which you here blame me unjustly for which is the charging a Party with the escapes how great or signal soever of some individuals For to undertake the Patrociny of every man in every Party is that which none in his right wits will do To deal therefore equally with you I neither think your Party nor ours culpable for the faults of some particular persons Bâ—t Sir when a perverse detracting Spirit gets in to these who pretend highly certainly they ought to be told it and that roundly too For you know the greatest danger to Religion is to be apprehended from the leaven of the Scribes and Phariâ—â—ecs since open and discernible faults do not so much prevail for infecting the Christian Sâ—creties as these secret and more easily palliated errors Consider therefore a little what was the righteousness of the Pharisees and what was their leaven and search for it left it yet leaven you and lest your righteousness exceed not theirs The Pharisees prayed often and long both in the Synagogues streets and widows houses they studied the Law exactly and had a great reverence for Moses and the Prophets and much zeal against blasphemers false teachers and hereticks They were strict observers of the Sabbath and were careful to prepare for their Passouer solemnities They had great respect for the opinions of their Ancestors They looked grave and solemn They fasted often and gave tythes of all they had Their outward deportment was not only clean but beautiful They were zealous to gain Proselytes and expressed a tenderness of conscience even in the smallest matters They were careful to avoid all converse with profane or wicked persons In a word they had many things which to a vulgar and less discerning eye made a fair show in the flesh But with all this they were proud and exalted in their own conceits so that they despised all other persons They were Magisterial and desired to prescribe to every body They were full of empty boastings and assumed to themselves big and swelling Titles and all their opinions they obtruded as Oracles They did all to be seen of men and loved salutations in the market places and the uppermost rooms at feasts They envied any they saw outstrip them in true worth and hated and contemned all that followed these They studied to calumniate and revile every person that opposed them with the most unjust and cruel reproaches excommunicating all who adhered to them Neither would they yield to the clearest evidences were offered for their conviction and nothing but the blood of the most innocent could satisfie their revenge They were covetous and devoured widows houses with their pretences of devotion They were false and subdolous studying to ensnare others in their speeches or wrest what they said to a contrary and mischievous sense They were traytors to these in Authority though when it might serve their ends they spared not to pretend much zeal for them and the fervor of their zeal made them often attempt the murdeâ—â—ng of those who opposed them and discovered their false pretexts and mischievous designs And from this let all Jâ—dge how much of that Pharisaical leaven doth yet lurk and leaven among us I know the application would be thought as invidious as it is obvious And I pray GOD those gâ—ilty of these evils may charge them home upon themselves For I confess I love not that part of the Chirurgeons trade so well as to dwell longer on the cutting of ulcers or the searching of sores and these whom this general hint will not help to some conviction would be little prevailed upon by a closer discovery of the parallel But
Privileges of Parliament and preserving the King's Person and Authority And when His Majesty was murdered what attempts made they for the preservation of His Person or for the resenting it after it was done This was the Loyalty of that Party and this is what all Princes may expect from you unless they be absolutely at your Devotion Let these things declare whether these Wars went upon the grounds of a pure defence But if next to this I should reckon up the instances of Cruelty that appeared in your Judicatories for several years I should have too large a Theme to run through in a short Discourse What cruel Acts were made against all who would not sign the Covenant They were declared Enemies to GOD the King and the Country Their persons were appointed to be seized on and their goods confisâ—ated And in the November of the year 1643. when some of the most eminent of the Nobility refused to sign the Covenant Commissions were given to Soldiers to bring them in Prisoners warranting them to kill them if they made resistance And praâ— whether had this more of the cruelty of Antichrist or of the meekness of IESUS Or shall I next tell you of the bloody Tribunals were at S Andrews and other plâ—ces after Philips-haughs And of the câ—uelty againâ—t those Priâ—oners of War who bore Arms at the King's command and in defence of his authority What bloudy Stories could I here tell if I had not a greater horror at the relating them thaâ— many of these high Pretenders had at the aâ—ting of them And should I here recount the procedure of the Kiâ—k Iudicatories against all who were thought disaffected I would be look'd on as one telling Romances they being bâ—yond credit What Processes of Ministers are yet upon Record which have no better foundation than their not preaching to the times their speaking with or praying before My Lord Montrose their not railing at the Engagement and the like And what cruelty was practised in the years 1649. and 1650 None of us are so young but we may remember of it A single death of one of the greatest of the Kingdom could not satisfie the bloudâ—thirsty malice of that Party unless made formidable and disgraceful with all the shameful pageantry could be devised Pray do you think these thâ—ngs are forgotten Or shall I go about to narrate and prove them more particularly I confess it is a strange thing to see men who are so obnoxious notwithstanding that so exalted in their own conceits and withal remember that the things I have hinted at were not the particular actings of single and private persons but the publick and owned proceedings of the Courts and Judâ—catories These are the grounds which persuade me that with whatsoever fair colours somâ— mâ—y vaâ—niâ—h thâ—sâ— things yet the â—pirit that then acted in that Party was not the Spirit of GOD. Isot. Truly you have given in a high charge against the proceedings of the late times which as I ought not to believe upon your assertion so I cannot well answer those being matters of fact and done most of them before I was capable of observing things And therefore when I see men of great experience I shall ask after the truth of what you have told me But whatever might be the design of some Politicians at that time or to whatever bad sense some words of the League may be stretched yet you cannot deny but they are capable of a good sense and in that I own them and so cleave to that Oath of GOD which was intended for a solemn Covenanting with GOD and the people meant nothing else by it but a giving themselves to Christ to whose truths and Ordinances they resolved to adhere at all hazards and against all opposition and in particular to oppose every thing might bear down the power and progress of Religion which was the constant effect of Prelacy therefore we are all bound to oppose it upon all hazards And indeed when I remember of the beauty of holiness was then every where and consider the licencious profanity and â—coffing at Religion which now abounds this is stronger with me than all arguments to persuade me that these were the men of GOD who had his Glory before their eyes in all they did or designed whereas now I see every one seeking their own things and none the things of IESUS CHRIST And all these plagues and evils which these Kingdoms do either groan under or may apprehend ought to be imputed to GODS avenging wrath for a broken Covenant which though taken by all from the highest to the lowest is now condemned reviled abjured and shamefully broken These things should afflict our souls and set us to our mournings if haply GOD may turn from the fierceness of his anger Phil. As for these Articles that relate to the combination for engaging by arms in prejudice of the Kings Authority or may seem to bind us to the reacting these Tragedies they being founded on the lawfulness of Subjects resisting their Sovereigns if the unlawfulness of that was already evinced then any obligation can be in that compact for that effect must be of it self null and void and therefore as from the beginning it was sinful to engage in these wars so it will be yet more unlawful if after all the evils we have seen and the judgments we have smarted under any would lick up that vomit or pretend to bind a tye on the Subjects Consciences to rise in arms against their Lawful Sovereâ—gn And let me tell you freely I cannot be so blind or stupid as not to apprehend that GODS wrath hath appeared very visibly against us now for a tract of thirty years and more neiâ—her doth his anger seem to be turned away but his hand is stretched out still But that which I look on as the greater matter of his controversie with us is that the Rulers of our Church and State did engage the ignorant multitude under the colors of Religion to despise the LORDS anointed and his Authority and by Arms to shake off his yoak and afterwards abandon his Person disown his interest refuse to engage for his rescue and in the end look on tamely and see him murdered Do you think it a small crime that nothing could satisfie the Leaders in that time without they got the poor people entangled into things which they knew the vulgar did not and could not understand or judge of and must implicitly rely upon the Glosses of their Teachers For whatever the General Assembly declared was a duty following upon the Covenant which was an easie thing for the leading men to carry as they pleased then all the Ministers must either have preached and published that to their people with all their zeal otherwise they were sure to be turned out The people being thus provoked from the Pulpits they were indeed to be pitied who being engaged in an oath many of them no doubt in singleness of heart having the fear
whatever by Treaty one State yields over to another that Promise Donation and Oath is indeed the ground on which the Kings right may be supposed to have been first founded But now his Title to our Obedience proceeds upon the rules of Justice of giving him what is his by an immemorial Possession passed all prescription so many ages ago that the first vestiges of it cannot be traced from Records or certain Histories and not of fidelity of observing the promises of our Ancestors to him though I do not deny a pious Veneration to be due to the Promises and Oaths of Parents when they contain in them adjurations on their Childern And thus the Gibeonites having a right to their lives confirmed to them by the Compact of the Princes of Israel they and their Posterity had a good title in Justice to their lives which was basely invaded by Saul and had this aggravation that the compact made with them was confirmed by oath for which their posterity should have had a just veneration But though that Oath did at first found their title to their Lives and their Exemption from the forfeiture all the Amorites lay under yet afterwards their title was preserved upon the rules of Iustice and the Laws of Nature which forbid the invading the lives of our Neighbors when by no Injury they forfeit them Thus your confounding the titles of Inheritance and prescâ—iption with the grounds upon which they first accresced hath engaged you into all this mistaking But from all this you see how ill founded that reasoning of the Answerer of the Dialogues is for proving the posterity of these who took the Covenant tied by their fathers oath which yet at first view promised as fair colors of reason as any part of his Book had he not intermixed it with shameful insultings and railings at the Conformist which I suppose do now appear as ill grounded as they are cruel and base But I am not so much in love with that stile as to recriminate nor shall I tell you of his errors that way of which I am in good earnest ashamed upon his account For it is a strange thing if a man cannot answer a discourse without he fall a fleering and railing To conclude this whole purpose I am mistaken if much doubting will remain with an ingenuous and unprejudged Reader if either we or our posterity lye under any obligation from the Covenants to contradict or counteract the Laws of the Land supposing the matter of them lawful which being a large Subject will require a discourse apart But I will next examine some practices among us and chiefly that of Schism and separation from the publick worship of GOD to which both the unity of the Spirit which we ought to preserve in the bond of peace and the lawful commands of these in authority do so bind us that I will be glad to hear what can be alledged for it Isot. A great difference is to be made betwixt separation and non-compliance the one is a withdrawing from what was once owned to be the Church the other is a with-holding our concurrence from what we judg brought in upon the Church against both Reason and Religion and any thing you can draw from CHRIST's practice or precept in acknowledging the High Priests or commanding the people to observe what the Pharisees taught them is not applicable to this purpose For first these were Civil Magistrates as well as Ecclesiasticks and Doctors of the Civil and Judicial Law which is different from the Case of Churchmen with us Further the Iewish Church was still in possession of the privileges given them from GOD and so till CHRIST erected his Church they were the Church of GOD and therefore to be acknowledged and joined with in Worship But how vastly differs our Case from this See from p. 189. to p. 204. Phil. You have given a short account of the large reasonings of the late Book on this head only he is so browilled in it that there are whole pages in his Discourse which I confess my weakness cannot reach But to clear the way for your satisfaction in this matter which I look upon as that of greatest concernment next to the Doctrine of Non-resistance of any thing is debated among us since it dissolves the unity of the Church and opens a patent door to all disorder Ignorance and Profanity I shall consider what the unity of the Church is and in what manner we are bound to maintain and preserve it All Christians are commanded to love one another and to live in peace together and in order to this they must also unite and concur in joint Prayers Adorations and other acts of Worship to express the harmony of their love in Divine matters Sacraments were also instituted for uniting the body together being solemn and federal stipulations made with God in the hands of some who are his Ambassadors and Representatives upon Earth by whose mouths the Worship is chiefly offered up to God and who must be solemnly called and separated for their Imployment Now these Assemblings of the Saints are not to be forsaken till there be such a Corruption in the Constitution of them or in some part of the Worship that we cannot escape the guilt of that without we sepaâ—ate our selves from these unclean things Wherefore the warning is given Come out of Babylon that we be not partakers of her sins and so receive not of her plagues But though there be very great and visible corruptions in a Church yet as long as our joining in Worship in the solemn Assemblies doth not necessarily involve us into a Consent or Concurrence with these we ought never to withdraw nor rent the unity of the body whereof CHRIST is the head Consider how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity And our Saviour sheweth of what importance he judged it to his Church since so great a part of his last and most ravishing Prayer is That they might be one And this he five times repeats comparing the unity he prayed for to the undivided Unity was betwixt him and his Father How shall these words rise up in Judgment against those who have broken these bonds of perfection upon slight grounds With the same earnestness do we find the Apostles pressing the Unity of the Body and Charity among all the members of it which is no where more amply done than in the Epistles to the Corinthians whom the Apostle calls the Churches of GOD and yet there were among them false Teachers who studied to prey upon them and to strike out the Apostles authority Some among them denied the resurrection there were Contentions and Disorders among them in their meetings such confusions were from the strange Tongues some spake that had one unacquainted with them come in upon them he had judged them mad some were drunk when they did receive the LORD's Supper they had an incestuous Person in their Society and it seems he was
all the upright in heart shall follow it And in the mean while shall study to bless when you curse and pray for you who do thus despitefully use us We trust our witness is on high that whatever defects cleave to us and though may be we have not wanted a corrupt mixture as you know among whom there was a son of Perdition yet we are free of these things you charge on us promiscuously and that these imputations you charge us with are as false as they are base But all this will not serve the turn of many of your dividers whose Ministers continue with them as formerly and meerly because they hold themselves bound in Conscience to obey the Laws they are separated from Truly if you can clear this of separation you are a Master at subtil reasoning For you know it is not the third part of this Church which was abandoned by the former Ministers upon the late change and yet the humor of separating is universal And though some few of your own Ministers have had the honest zeal to witness against this separation yet how have they being pelted for it by the censures and writings of other Schismaticks which have prevailed so much upon the fear or prudence of others that whatever mislike they had of these separating practices yet they were willing either to comply in practice or to be silent spectators of so great an evil But if separation be a Sin it must have a guilt of a high nature and such as all who would be thought zealous watch-men ought to warn their people of And what shall be said of these even Church-men who at a time when the Laws are sharply looked to do join in our Worship but if there be an unbending in these they not only withdraw and become thereby a scandal to others but draw about them divided Meetings are not these time-servers For if concurrence in our Worship be lawful and to be done at any time it must be a duty which should be done at all times and therefore such Masters of Conscience ought to express an equality in their ways and that they make the rules of their concurrence in worship to be the Laws of GOD and not the fear of civil punishments Finally such as think it lawful to join in our Worship and yet that they may not displease the people do withdraw shew they prefer the pleasing of men to the pleasing of GOD and that they make more account of the one than of the other For if it be lawful to concur in our worship what was formerly said proves it a duty Are not these then the servants of men who to please them dispense with what by their own concession must be a duty Besides such persons withdrawing gives a great and real scandal to the vulgar who are led by their Example and so a humor of separating comes to be derived into all whereby every one thinks it a piece of Religion and that which will be sure to make him considerable and bring customers to him if he be a Merchant or Trades-man that he despise the solemn Worship and rail at his Minister and if he but go to Conventicles and be concern'd in all the humors of the Party he is sure of a good name be he as to other things what he will Eud. Much of this we know to be too true and certainly nothing deserves more blame for all the disorders are among us than this separation Discipline goes down Catechising is despised the Sacraments are loathed the solemn Worship deserted I know the poor Curates bear the blame of all and all of them must be equally condemned if a few of them have miscarried for which when ever it was proved they were censured condignly In end you charge their gifts and that their People are not edified by them But I pray you see whether the prejudices you make them drink in against them occasion not that For it is a more than humane work to overcome prejudices Read but the complaints of the Prophets and you will confess a Churchmans not being profitable to his People will be no good argument to prove him not sent of GOD And when I consider that even the Apostles call for the help of the Churches Prayers that utterance might be given to them yea and desire them to strive together in their Prayers for them I must crave leave to tell you that the defect of that utterance and power in preaching you charge on the present Preachers may be well imputed to the want of the concurrence of the Peoples Prayers whom prepossessions have kept from striving together with them in Prayer that they might come among them with the fulness of the blessing of the Gospel And if there be any of such tender and miâ—led Consciences who have been smitten with remorse for such concurrence in Worship as their tenderness is to be valued so their ignorance is to be pitied and they who thus misled them deserve the heavier censure since they have involved simple and weak Consciences with their pedling Sophistry into such straits and doubts In fine you cannot say that a Minister is by a Divine right placed over any particular flock If then it be humane it with all other things of that nature is within the Magistrates cognizance so that when he removes one and leaves a legal way patent for bringing in another upon which there comes one to be placed over that flock what injustice soever you can fancy in such dealing yet certainly it will never free that Parish from the tie of associating in the publick Worship or receiving the Sacraments from the hands of that Minister whom they cannot deny to be a Minister of the Gospel and therefore no irregularity in the way of his entry though as great as can be imagined will warrant the peoples separating from him Neither can they pretend that the first Incumbent is still their Minister for his relation to them being founded meerly on the Laws of the Church it is as was proved in the Second Conference subject to the Magistrates authority and so lasts no longer than he shall dissolve it by his commands unless it appear that he designs the overthrow of true Religion in which case I confess Pastors are according to the practice of the first Ages of the Church to continue at the hazard of all persecutions and feed their flocks But this is not applicable to our Case where all that concerns Religion continues as formerly only some combinations made in prejudice of the Supreme Authority are broken and order is restored to the Church instead of the confusions and divisions were formerly in it And if this change have occasioned greater disorders wherever the defect of Policy or Prudence may be charged yet certainly if the change that is made be found of its own nature both lawful and good the confusions have followed upon it are their guilt who with so little reason and so much
a thousand more These were after the Apostles the greatest glories of the Christian Church and were burning and shining lights It is in their lives writings and decrees that I desire you to view Episcopacy and if it have any way fallen from that first and fair Original direct your thoughts and zeal to contrive and carry on its recovery to its former purity and servor but take it not at the disadvantage as it may have suffered any thing from the corruptions of men in a succession of so many ages for you know the Sacraments the Ministery and all the parts of Religion have been soiled and stained of their first beauty by their corrupt hands to whose care they were committed But he were very much to blame who would thereupon quarrel these things I shall therefore intreat you will consider that Order either in it self or as it flourished in the first ages of the Church and not as prejudices or particular escapes may have represented it to you Eud. That you may both understand one another better let me suggest to you the right stating of that you differ about that you be not contending about words or notions of things which may appear with various shapes and faces one whereof may be amiable and another ugly give therefore a clear and distinct account of that Episcopacy you own and assert Poly. Since Philarcheus hath appealed to the ancient Church for the true pattern of Episcopacy I shall faithfully represent to you what the office and power of their Bishops was and how it took its first rise and growth among them and then I shall leave it to be discussed how lawful or allowable it is of it self The Iews had among them beside the Temple-worship which was Typical their Synagogues not only over the land but through all the corners of the World into which they were dispersed which were called their Prosenchae among the Greeks and Romans Thither did they meet for the dayly worship of GOD there did they likewise meet on their Sabbaths and recited their Philacteries or Liturgies and heard a portion of the Law read which was divided in so many Sections that it might be yearly read over there was also a word of exhortation used after the Law was read and there were in these Synagogues Office-Bearers separated for that work who were to order the Worship and the reading of the Law and were to censure sins by several degrees of Excommunications casting them out of the Synagogue they were likewise to see to the supplying the necessities of the Poor Now if we consider the practice of our Saviour and his Apostles we shall find them studying to comply with the forms received among the Iews as much as was possible or consistent with the new Dispensation which might be instanced in many particulars as in both Sacraments the forms of Worship the practice of Excommunication and these might be branched out into many instances And indeed since we find the Apostles yielding so far in compliance with the Iews about the Mosaical Rites which were purely typical and consequently antiquated by the death of CHRIST we have a great deal of more reason to apprehend they complied with their forms in things that were not typical but rather moral such as was the order of their Worship these things only excepted wherein the Christian Religion required a change to be made And this the rather that wherever they went promulgating the Gospel the first offer of it was made to the Iews many of whom believed but were still zealous of the Traditions of their Fathers And so it is not like that they who could not be prevailed upon to part with the Mosaical Rites for all the reasons were offered against them were so easily content to change their other forms which were of themselves useful and innocent Now since we see the Apostles retained and improved so many of their Rites and customs why they should have innovated the Government of their Synagogues will not be easily made clear especially since they retained the names of Bishop Presbyter and Deacon which were in use among the Iews and since they did bless and separate them by the imposition of hands which had been also practised among the Iews and all this will appear with a clearer visage of reason if we consider the accounts given in the Acts or rules prescribed in the Epistles of the Apostles about the framing and constituting their Churches All which speak out nothing of a new Constitution but tell only what rules they gave for regulating things which from the stile they run in seem to have been then constituted and is very far either from Moses's Language in the Pentateuch or from the forms of the Institution of the Sacraments And except the little we have of the Institution of Deacons nothing like an Institution occurs in the New Testament and yet that seems not the Institution of an Order but a particular provision of men for serving the Hâ—llenists in an office already known and received Now let me here send you to the Masters of the Iewish learning particularly to the eminently learned and judicious Doctor Lightfoot who will inform you that in every Synagogue there was one peculiarly charged with the Worship called the Bishop of the Congregation the Angel of the Church or the Minister of the Synagogue and besides him there were three who had the Civil Judicatory who judged also about the receiving Proselytes the imposition of hands c. And there were other three who gathered and distributed the almes Now the Christian Religion taking place as the Gospel was planted in the Cities where it was chiefly preached these forms and orders were retained both name and thing for we cannot think that the Apostles whose chief work was the gaining of Souls from Gentilism or Iudaism were very sollicitous about modes of Government but took things as they found them Only the Elder and greater Christians they separated for Church Offices and retained an inspection over them themselves And abstracting from what was said about the Synagogues it is natural to think that when the Apostles left them and died they did appoint the more eminent to be Over-seers to the rest which why not every where as well as was done by S. Paul to Timothy and Titus is not easily to be proved But this is yet more rational from what was premised about the Synagogue Pattern only they did not restrict themselves to that number for the number of the Presbyters was indefinite but the Deacons were according to their first original restricted to the number seven Thus the first form was that there was one whose charge it was to over-see feed and rule the flock and where the number of the Christians was small they met all in one place for Worship and it was easie for the Bishop to overtake the charge But for the spreading of the Gospel he had about him a company of the elder and more eminent