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A00908 A defence of the Catholyke cause contayning a treatise in confutation of sundry vntruthes and slanders, published by the heretykes, as wel in infamous lybels as otherwyse, against all english Catholyks in general, & some in particular, not only concerning matter of state, but also matter of religion: by occasion whereof diuers poynts of the Catholyke faith now in controuersy, are debated and discussed. VVritten by T.F. With an apology, or defence, of his innocency in a fayned conspiracy against her Maiesties person, for the which one Edward Squyre was wrongfully condemned and executed in Nouember ... 1598. wherewith the author and other Catholykes were also falsly charged. Written by him the yeare folowing, and not published vntil now, for the reasons declared in the preface of this treatyse. Fitzherbert, Thomas, 1552-1640. 1602 (1602) STC 11016; ESTC S102241 183,394 262

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A DEFENCE OF THE CATHOLYKE CAVSE CONTAYNING A TREATISE IN CONFVTATION OF SVNDRY VNTRVTHES AND slanders published by the heretykes as wel in infamous lybels as otherwyse against all english Catholyks in general some in particular not only concerning matter of state but also matter of religion by occasion whereof diuers poynts of the Catholyke faith now in controuersy are debated and discussed Written by T. F. WITH AN APOLOGY OR DEFENCE OF HIS INNOCENCY IN A FAYNED CONSPIRACY against her Maiesties person for the which one Edward Squyre was wrongfully condemned and executed in Nouember in the yeare of our Lord 1598. wherewith the author and other Catholykes were also falsly charged Written by him the yeare folowing and not published vntil now for the reasons declared in the preface of this Treatyse Psalm 118. Redime me à calumnijs hominum vt custodiam mandata tua Redeeme me o Lord from the slanders of men that I may keep thy commandements Imprinted with licence 1602. THE VNTRVTHES AND SLANDERS CONCERNING matter of state some particular persons confuted in this Treatise and in the Apology following THE first concerning the conquest of Englād which O. E. in his late lybels falsly chargeth the English Catholykes to seek and s●i●●t Treatise Chap. 1. The second touching the Catholyke Kinges late attempt in Ireland which the English Catholykes are also falsly supposed to haue procured Treatyse Chap. ● The third concerning Sir VVilliam Stanley his deliuering Dauenter to the king Catholyke Treatse Chap. 1. The fourth touching father Parsons his great labours in Gods Churche peruersly interpreted shamefully slandred by the heretykes Treatise Chap. 2. The fifth an impudent malitious vntruth auouched by O. E. in his late challenge to wit that no Catholykes are put to death in England for religion but for treason and attempts against the state Treatise Chap. 3. Apology Chap. 10. 22. 23. The sixt the improbable absurd fixtion of Squyres conspiracy against her Maiesties person imputed to father Richard walpole of the holy-Society of Iesus as principal contriuer to father Creswel of the same Society to the author of this Treatise as abetters Apology Chap. 1. 2. 6. 7. 8. 9. 20. 21. The seuenth a slanderous vntruth published as wel in these later as some former libels concerning VVilliams York Patrick Cullen executed at London some yeares past and falsly supposed to be employed by the English Catholykes then at Brussels against her Maiesties person Apology Chap. 15. The 8. an impertinent vntruth publyshed in a pamphlet concerning the fayned conspiracy of Edward Squyre wherein it is affirmed that there is great moderation lenity vsed in causes of religion Apology Chap. 22. 23. The 9. a foolish inuectiue of the author of the sayd pamphlet against the Iesuits Apology Chap. 24. VNTRVTHES AND SLANDERS CONCERNING MATTER OF RELIGION DISCOVERED confuted vpon diuers occasions in this Treatise the Apology following A False impudent assertion of a shameles minister who being present at the death of two martyrs at Lincolne in the yeare 1600. affirmed publikly that England receiued the protestants religion when it was first conuerted to the Christian faith vnder the Popes Eleutherius and Gregory the first Treatise Chap. 4.5 6. An other slanderous vntruth of the heretykes charging Catholykes with Idolatry in the reuerend vse of holy Images Treat Chap. 11. 12. The lyke slanderous impudent vntruth touching the Catholikes opinion of merits of workes published lately in a pamphlet concerning the conuiction of my lord of Essex Treat Chap. ●9 A ridicul●us miracle fayned by the author of the pamphlet aboue said that concerned Squyres ●ayned conspiracy Apolog. Chap. 25. The table of the chapters followeth in the end of the Treatise THE PREFACE VVHEREIN THE AVTOR DECLARETH HIS INTENTION IN THIS TREATISE AND THE CAVSE why he wrote the same and why the Apology concerning Edward Squyre being written three yeres since was not published vntil now IT is now more then three yeres gentle reader since that one Edward Squyre hauing bin sometyme prisoner in Spayne and escaping thence into England was condemned and executed for a fayned conspiracy against her Maiestyes person wherto my self some others were charged to be priuy for as much as it seemed to mee that this fraudulent manner of our aduersaries proceeding against Catholykes by way of slanders and diffamations authorised with shew of publik Iustice and continued now many yeres did beginne to redound not only to the vndeserued disgrace discredit of particular men wrongfully accused but also to the dishonour of our whole cause I thought it cōueniēt to write an Apology in my defēce to dedicate the same to the Lords of her Maiesties priuy counsel as wel to cleare my self to their honours of the cryme falsly imputed vnto mee as also to discouer vnto them the treacherous dealing of such as abuse her Maiesties autority and theirs in this behalf to the spilling of much innocent blood with no smalle blemish to her Maiesties gouernment and the assured exposition of the whole state to the wrath of God if it be not remedied in tyme. This Apology being written by me in Spayne and made ready for the print now almost 3. yeres past it seemed good as wel to me as to other of my friends to stay the impression of it vntil we should see the issue of the treaty of peace betwyxt England and Spayne then expected with no smalle hope conceaued of many that liberty of conscience or at least some toleration of religion might ensue therof to the Catholikes of Englād therfore seeing my principal intention was no other but with the occasion of my owne purgation to seek remedy of the wrongs donne vnto vs by discouering to the lords of the councel the vnchristian and pernicious proceeding of our cheef persecutors it seemed to mee that yf the desyred effects of toleration and consequently our remedy did follow of the treaty the labour charges of printing my Apology should be needlesse And although after many moneths expectation and the meeting of the commissioners at Bullen there appeared no lykelyhood at all eyther of peace betwyxt the two kingdomes or toleration of Catholyke religion in Englād in which respect it seemed conuenient to some that my apology should be published yet for as much as so long tyme was then ouer past that the matter of Squyre seemed to bee forgot and that therfore the defence of my innocency might eyther be to litle purpose or at least seeme out of season I resolued to suppresse the same and the rather for that I vnderstood that howsoeuer some simple men might be deceaued in Squyres cause yet the wysest considering the weaknes and inualydity of the proofes and his denial of the fact at his death did take it for an inuention and a stratageme of state conforme to dyuers other of like quality which many wyse
charitable man can conceiue of me that I would now without all compulsion hope of gayne or feare of losse aduisedly forsweare my self with a wilful and damnable periury frustrate and loose all that fruit of my former sufferings Neuerthelesse yf any man be so passionate and vncharitable that he wil not be satisfied with this my protestatiō and solemne othe let him way wel the matter it self with all the circumstances then I doubt not but he wil easely fee the wrong donne both to Squyre and vs that are conioyned and mentioned in his accusation First therfore for this purpose it is to be considered what was Squyres end therein seing as the Philosopher sayth the end is the first thing in intention though the last in execution in a matter of so great weight daunger as this there must needes be some great consideration that moued him therto which the contriuers of this tragedy knew so wel that for the better colouring of the deuise they forged the most forcible motiue and highest end that maybe which is zeale of religion and hope of aeternal reward induced perhaps therto by the late example yet fresh in memorie of the last King of Fraunce killed by a fryer moued with meere zeale without all hope of tēporal gayne or possibility to escape therfore they sayd that Squyre by F. Walpooles persuasions entended the death of her Ma tie and my L. of Essex to the end to do a meritorious act and to gayne euerlasting glorie but the vanity of this fiction is euident seing it is manifest that he was a protestant as he shewed playnely at his death when yt was no tyme to dissemble where-vpon I inferre that seing his religion taught him that there is no merit in workes and much lesse in such workes how could he imagyn that the killing of her Ma tie should be meritorious or any way grateful to God she being the principal piller of his religion by whose death the same should be endangered and the Catholyke fayth lyke to be furthered or at the least he must needs imagyn that F. Walpoole had no other end therin but the furtherance of his religion yf he moued him to any such matter could he then be so contrary to him-self as for zeal of religion or hope of merit to seek the ouerthrow of his owne religion this is incredible absurd and impossible Seing then it is cleare that he could haue no such motiue or end as was supposed and vrged in his accusation what may be thought of the whole matter buylt vpon so weak fals a ground but that the foundation fayling the whole buylding must needes fal withal for the further proof wherof and our ful purgation though it might suffise without further discourse that Squyre at his death cleared both himself and vs yet to the end that the impiety malice of our aduersaryes may be withal so euident that they shal haue no colour or pretence to haue proceeded according to allegata probata which in some cases may excusse a iudge from all offence though he condemne an innocent man I wil particularly examine the groundes where-vpon he was condemned THE EXAMINATION OF THE grounds wher-vpon Squyre was condemned and how vncertayne is the tryal of truthe by torment CHAP. II. ALTHOVGH I haue litle vnderstanding of our english common lawes whereof I neuer had further knowledge then that which I got by the experience of some fewe cases that I saw tryed at the common Assizes and in the Kings bench which also by my long absence from England I haue in part forgoten and therfore cannot proue by the words and texts therof nor by books cases that Squyre was wrongfully condēned yet yf I proue the same by the approued lawes of other countreys yea and by reason and conscience which are the grounds of all good lawes yt must needs follow that eyther he was condemned flatly against our english lawes also or els that the same are repugnant to conscience and reason which were as great an inconueniēce as the other and such as I am sure no common Lawyer of England wil grant neyther is it to be supposed Now then to come to the examination of this matter yf it be true that is heer reported as it is lyke to be for that we heare yt vniformely from dyuers partes that Squyre was condemned without any witnesses presented at his arraynment vpon some light presumptions and his owne confession extorted by torment as he sayd him-selfe at the barre and also at his death it is cleare that he was wrongfully condemned for that no law can allow that such a confession should suffise for the condemnation of any man without some other euident proofes yt being manifest that the innocēt may be forst by tormēt as soone to accuse himself falsly as the nocent truely to confesse his fault which the cyuil law proposeth to all Iudges carefully to be considered saying that Iudgment by torment is deceytful for that often the innocent are compelled thereby to confesse faults which they neuer committed and S. Augustin wisely noting the inconuenience of such tryals lamentably bewayleth the practise thereof and the infirmity of mānes Iudgement in this manner in these wordes When a man sayth he is tormented in his owne cause to try whether he be culpable or no many tymes the innocent suffreth most certayne paynes for an vncertayne fault not because any cryme of his is knowne but because his innocency is vnknowne so that the ignorance of the iudge causeth the calamity of the innocent and that which is more intollerable yea to be lamented with fountaynes of teares we see that whiles the Iudge tormenteth the accused least he should kyl an innocent it happeneth by the miserie of humayn ignorance that he falleth into the inconuenience that he seeketh to auoyd and ignorantly killeth a guyltles man whom he tormented to know whether he was guylty or no for the accused rather chussing to dy then to indure the torment doth many tymes accuse himself of that which he neuer did Thus much S. Augustyn in this discourse Hereof also Valerius Maximus geueth a notable exāple in a seruant of Marcus Agrius who being accused to haue kylled a seruant of Titus Fanius did for feare of torment most constantly affirme that he had donne it though after he was executed the partie whom he confessed to haue killed returned home safe wherto I might ad many examples of lyke matters that fal out in day he experience but that I wil not be tedious to your Lordships and therfor I wil only touch breifly by the way one that concerneth my self not vnlike to this of Squyres which happened in the yeare of our Lord 1595. at my being with the Dukes grace of Feria in Bruxels where I was through the rigorous yf not malitious proceedings of a certayne Iudge brought to be accused by two seueral persons not only to haue intelligence which
religion condemned and therfore as the whole Churche hath hetherto held and honored those old Christians for glorious martyrs so doth it now at this day and euer wil esteeme these other for no lesse as I haue shewed in my Apology more at large and therfore I wil proceed to speak a woord or two of the great iniustice donne since my Apology was writtē to two priests called M. Hunt and M. Sprat condemned and excuted at Lincolne in the yeare 1600. These two being taken in a search and confessing themselues only to be Catholykes were first imprisoned and then shortly after indited for hauing conspyred and practised the death of her Maiesty mooued her subiects to rebelion withdrawne them from theyr natural and due obedience and from the religion now established in England to the Roman fayth and finally for hauing mayntayned the autority of the Pope of all which poynts no one touching matter of state was proued against them no witnesse being produced nor so much as the least presumption of any attempt or cōspiracy against her maiestyes person or state or that rhey had persuaded any man to the Catholyk religion ot sayd any thing in fauour of the Popes autority more then that which they answered to the captious question of the Queenes supremacy demaunded of them there after their apprehension lastly it was not so much as proued that they were Priests which though they denied not yet they did not confesse but put it to tryal vrging to haue it proued by witnesses or other sufficient arguments whereas there was none at all but light presumtiōs therof as that there was found in thir males two breuiares which many lay men vse as wel as Priests and a few relicks and some holy oyle which they might haue carried for other mennes vse not their owne so that to conclude of all those great treasons whereof they were indited there was no one proued except the matter of the Queenes supremacy which is a meere poynt of religion as I am sure the puritans in England and all other heretykes abroad wil witnesse with vs who impugne the same as wel as wee and yet neither by the verdit of the Iury nor yet by the sentēce of the Iudge were they cleared of any one point but condemned for all as though they had bin guilty of all and so in truth executed for matter of religion though slandred with matter of state whereby their martyrdome was far more glorious the malice of our aduersaries more manifest the iniury donne vnto them vnexcusable the sinne of the Iudges and Iury most execrable which sufficiently appeared by the iustice of God extended vpon Iudge Glanduile who had shewed an extraordinary malice and fury agaynst them and was therfore as wel may bee presumed within a few dayes after strooken by the hand of God in such miraculous man̄er as the rest may take example therby yf their harts be not indurat And besydes these late martyrs before rehearsed M. Tichborne M. Fr. Page and M. R. Watkinson were arraigned condemned at London for beeing made Priestes beyond the seas and coming into England contrary to the statute were executed at Tiburne the 20. of April this present yeare 1602. beeing there not suffred to declare the truth of their cause and suffrance And this was donne euen at such tyme as hope was both giuen and conceaued of a more mylder cours of proceeding towards Catholykes then heretofore It is moste grieuous to consider how M. Tichborne by one of his owne cote was betrayed and apprehended almighty God vouchsafe to restore to that wretched man so great grace as he fel from in the dooing of that acte M. Page and M. Watkinson were apprehended in the tyme of the sessions the one by a wicked woman suborned to dissemble religion for such purposes the other by one Bomer who hauing late before playd the dissembling hypocrite spy at Doway returned into England there to become the disciple of his master Iudas At the same sessions was condemned for fellony and also executed one Iames Ducket a Catholyke lay man and another lay man with him about a treatise written by a martyr diuers yeares since concerning the cause of Catholyke sufferers OF THE IMPVDENCIE OF a minister who being present at the death of two martyrs aforesayd affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monke to the protestants religion by occasion whereof the truth of the poynt is euidently declared CHAP. IIII. I Can not omit to say somewhat here of the notable impudency of a foolish minister who being present at the death of the two martyrs at Lincolne aforenamed and hearing one of thē declare vnto the people his innocēcy protesting amongst other things that he dyed only for the profession of the Catholyke fayth to the which our country was conuerted from paganisme in the tyme of Pope Gregory the great was not ashamed to say publykly that the religion now taught preached there is the same wherto England was first conuerted And although I hold not this minister for a man of that woorth that he may merit my labour or any mans els seriously to confute his ydle babling yet for as much as the same hath bin oft published and preached by many others and many ignorant abused therby and seing the narration of our first conuersion may no lesse profit and edify the vnlearned reader with the testimony of the truth then content and delyte him for the pleasure of the history I wil breefly treat first of the cōuersion of the Saxons or English in the tyme of King Edelbert and after of the conuersion of the Britains in the tyme of King Lucius euidently proue that our Catholyke faith was preached and planted in our country at both tymes and that our Kings and country continued euer after the latter conuersion in the obedience of the Church of Rome vntil the tyme of K. Henry the eyght It appeareth by our chronicles and histories that in the yere of our Lord 582. according to S. Bedes computation S. Gregory surnamed the great the first of that name sent into England saynt Augustin a monke with diuers others of his profession to preach the Christian fayth to the English and that they came thither bearing a siluer crosse for their banner and the Image of our Lord and sauiour as saynt Bede saith paynted in a table and hauing leaue of King Edelbert to preach to his subiects began first the exercyse of Christian Catholyk religion in the citty of Canterbury in an ancient Chutch which they found there dedicated to S. Martin from the tyme that the Romans liued there in which Church ipsi primo sayth saynt Bede conue●ire Psa●l●re orare missas facere praedicare baptizare coeperunt they first began to assemble themselues to sing to pray to say masse to preach and baptise vntil the King being conuerted they had ●eaue to buyld some Churches and
Henries tyme except he haue a brazen face and a ●eared conscience or els be ignorant of all antiquity But to returne to S. Augustin and those first two hundreth yeres comprysed in the history of S. Bede yf wee consider the notable miracles wherwith it pleased God to confirme this our Catholyke religion in those dayes for his owne glory and the conuersion of the panims no man can ●out that it is the true fayth except he be more faythlesse incredulous then those infidels that were conuerted therby Saynt Bede signifieth that S. Augustin wrought so many miracles whereof he declareth some that S. Gregory wrote vnto him to admonish him not to be proud therof he also declareth very many famous miracles donne by a crosse erected by King Oswald and after by his relickes as wel in Ireland and Germany as England and by the relickes of saynt Eartongatha daughter to the King of Kent and her cosen Edelburg both virgins and nunnes of S. Edel●●eda the Queene that dyed a virgin in a monastery whose ●ody was taken vp whole vncorrupt after many yeares ●● the discouery whereof diuels were expelled and many ●●sseasses cured Also he recounteth the lyke notable mira●●es of S. Chad S. Cutbert S. AEdelwald and saynt Iohn a Bishop which they did whyles they were yet liuing and others donne by holy oyle by the blessed sacrifice of the masse all which for breuities sake I omit remitting our aduersaries to the autor in the places aleaged in the margent OF THE FIRST CONUERSION of our country whyles it was called Britany in the tyme of King Lucius with euident proofes that our Catholyke fayth was then preached planted there CHAP. V. BVT for as much as our country hath ben twyse cōuerted from paganisme first in the tyme of the Britains and after in the tyme of the Saxons or English they wil say perhaps that although we proue that the second tyme our Catholyke religion was planted and established there when many errors as they would haue the world to thinke were crept into the Church yet at the first conuersion in King Lucius dayes their religion was taught and deliuered to the Britains which some of their croniclers are not ashamed to intimat to their readers and namely Holinshed who yf my memory fayle me not for I haue not his book here maketh Eleutherius the Pope write a letter to King Lucius more lyke a minister of England then a Bishop of Rome Therefore I wil take a litle paynes to examine this poynt wil make it manifest that our Catholyke religion which saint Augustin planted amongst the English was deliuered 400. yeres before to King Lucius and the Britains by Fugatius and Damianus or as some say Donatianus sent into Britany by Pope Eleutherius in the yeare of our Lord 182. And although no ancient historiographer or writer for ought I haue seene do signify particularly what poynts of religion were preached to King Lucius at his conuersion partly for that matters of so great antiquity are but very breefly and obscurely handled and partly because in those dayes when there was no other but our Catholyke religiō vniuersally professed this of the protestants not so much as dreamt of it was needlesse to signify the poynts or articles therof for that it could not be immagined to be any other bur the Roman fayth yet in the discourse of the tymes and ages next ensewing the conuersion of King Lucius whyles the fayth which he receiued remayned pure and vncorrupt the cleare light of truth doth snfficiently shew it selfe through the clouds of the obscure breuity wherewith the matters of those tymes are treated To this purpose it is to be vnderstood that as our famous countryman S. Bede testifieth the fayth preached to King Lucius and the Britains remayned in integrity and purity vntil the tyme of the Arrians which was for the space of almost 200. yeares and although he signify that from that tyme forward the people of Britany weare geuen to noueltyes and harkened to euery new doctrine yet it is euident in him that neyther the Arrian heresy nor yet the Pelagian afterwards took any root there or could infect the whole body of the Britain Church but only troobled the peace thereof for a short tyme in so much that it should seeme the first was rooted out by the industry of the good Pastors and Bishops of Britany whereof some were present at the great councel of Sardica held against the Arrians shortly after that of Nice in which respect S. Hilary doth worthely prayse the Britain Bishops for that they wholy reiected the Arrian heresy and the later I meane the heresy of Pelagius which saynt Bede sayth the britains would nulla●enus suscipere in no sort receiue was suppressed by S. German and saint Lupus two Bishops of France who at the request of the Britains came into Britany and confounded the Pelagians in open disputation whereby the people were so ●ncensed against the said heretykes that they could hardly ●old theire hands from them and in conclusion banished those that would not yeld to the true Catholyke faith and here vpon ensewed such peace and tranquility in the britan Church that for a long tyme after as saynt Bede testifieth the fayth remayned there intemerata vncorrupt wherby it appeareth that after the expulsion of the Pelagians which was about the yeare of our Lord 450. the Church of Britany reteyned the same fayth that it receiued at the first conuersion and therfore yf we fynd the vse and practise of our religion vntil these tymes it may serue for a testimony that the same was deliuered to King Lucius First we read that presently after the persecution of Dioclesian wherin our protomartyr saynt Alban with some others was put to death about the yeare of our Lord 286. the Christians that had liued before in woods and caues not only repayred the Churches which the persecuters had destroyed but also made new in honour of the martyrs celebrated festiual dayes and buylt amongst others a most sumptuous Church in honour of S. Alban where many miracles were wount to be donne continually vntil the tyme of S. Bede as he himselfe witnesseth afterwards when the Pelagian heresy had somwhat infected the country saynt German going thether out of France to confound the Pelagians at the request of the Britans themselues as I haue declared before appeased a great storme at sea with casting therein a little water in the name of the Trinity which no dout was holy water and being arriued there he restored sight vnto a noble mans daughter applying vnto her eyes certayne relyckes which he caryed about him c. after hauing confuted the Pelagians and reduced all to the purity of fayth as saynt Bede sayth meaning therby the fayth first preached to King Lucius he went to the toomb of S. Alban to geue thankes to God per ipsum by
may haue therin the which may be considered eyther as common to all the enemies of Catholyke religiō or els as particuler to these our Aduersaries now a dayes of the first I haue spoken before discoursing of the concurrēce of calumniation and persecution where I proued that it hath beene alwayes the custome of the persecutours of Catholykes to seek by imputation of fals crymes to obscure the true cause of their sufferings and consequently the glorie of their martyrdomes wherin neuerthelesse how much they haue fayled of their purpose I meane as wel these of our tyme as those other their praedecessours it is euident by common experience seing almightie God hath in all ages so disposed and day he doth for his owne glorie that the cleare light of truth and innocencie hath dispersed the clouds of calumniation in such sort that his seruants haue triumphed ouer all the malice of men and remayned no lesse glorious with a double crowne of martyrdome then their enemies ignominious and odious for there double persecution For the proof hereof let vs look back to former tymes see what the persecutors of Gods Churche haue gayned by the lyke deuises haue they therby any iote obscured the glorie of Gods seruants who are esteemed honoured and serued through-out the Christian world for glorious Martyrs and saynts of God and receyue more honour glorie in one festiual day of theirs then all the Monarks of the world in all the feasts of their lyfe Are not the Altars Temples buylded to God in their memories more triumphant then the thrones and trophes of all earthly Kings doth any Princes power extend it selfe so farre as theirs whose dominion reacheth from the east to the west frō the one Pole to the other whose subiects seruāts and supplyants are not only the common people but Princes and potentates Kings Emperours that crouch kneele and present their petitions at their toombes and monuments or whersoeuer ther is any litle memory of them Are all the royal robes crownes and diademes of Emperours and Kings so much esteemed and reuerenced in their owne Kingdomes as is throughout Christendome the least rag or relyke of any one of them wherto we see Almightie God geueth no lesse vertue and power oftentymes when it is for his glorie and their manifestation to cure the sicke to heale the lame to rayse the dead to cast out Deuils then he gaue to the hemme of our Sauiours garment to the handkerchefs that touched S. Paules body to the shadow of S. Peter This hath alwayes beene so notorious in Gods Churche that S. Chrisostome speaking of the great miracles done by the body and relykes of the blessed martyr saint Babilas maketh the same a manifest argument against the Paynims to proue that Christ is God which I wish by the way that our Protestants in England may note for their confusion seing that denying the vertue of saynts Reliks they do paganize with them and do deny therby an euident argument of Christs diuinitie but to proceed On the other syde what honour haue their calumniatours and persecutours purchased to themselues are not their very names odious and execrable to all posteritie as the memory of the other is aeternized with immortal glorie is not theirs buryed in aeternal infamie To this purpose sayth the book of wisedome that the wicked shal see the end of the iust man and shal not vnderstand what God hath determined of him and why our Lord did humble him they shal see him and contemne him but our Lord shal deride them for they shal fal afterwards without honour shal euer be amōgst the dead in shame and infamie Hereby may our aduersaries partly iudge what they shal gayne in the end by murdering so many Catholyks as they do vnder colour of treasons and enormious crymes but for their further satisfaction in this point let them look abroad into Christendome and see what acount is alreadie made of their supposed traytors I meane such as die directlie for religion made lately treason who of all Christian Catholyke people in the world are held for no lesse glorious martyrs thē those of the primitiue Churche as appeareth not only by the publike testimonie of the most famous wryters of this age but also by the deuotion that all Catholyks yea and the greatest Princes and potentates of Christendome do beare to the least relyke of any one of them which they think themselues happie to haue keep with all due respect and reuerence besydes that it hath pleased almightie God to glorifie his name already with diuers notable miracles donne by the same which hereafter wil be knowne with sufficient testimony of the truth therof and as for their martyrdomes I haue no doubt but as alreadie they are knowne acknowledged and honoured by all true Catholykes so in tyme also conuenient they wil be approued by the authoritie of the whole Churche whiles in the meane tyme the memory of their persecutors shal be damned eyther to the deep pit of obliuion or els to euerlasting ignominie as they may see it hath alreadie happened to their praedecessours and thus much for the end common to all persecutours OF OTHER ENDS PARTICULER to our English aduersaries and of their disloyaltie therin towards her Maiestie CHAP. XVII THE other ends particuler to our home aduersaries at this day may be thought to be partlie publyke and for the common good as they in the depth of their wisedome or rather in the height of their follie do imagin and partlie for their owne particular profit or emolument The publyke are these first to incense the Queenes Ma tie against vs to the end she may geue them leaue to exercise freelie all crueltie vpon vs wherby they hope in tyme to destroy vs and to extinguish the memorie of Catholyke religion wherin I wish them by the way to note how farre they are deceyued of their expectation how almightie God doth daylie infatuate and frustrate their councels and turne them to their owne confusion seing that notwithstanding all their rigour there are at this day many more recusants in England and sincere Catholyks that wil geue their liues for their Religion then ther were when the persecution first began so that we see how true it is which Tertulian sayth Sanguis Martyrum semen Ecclesiae the blood of Martyrs is the seed of the Churche But to proceede The second is to irritate also her Ma tie against the King Catholyke who is therfore cōmōly made an abettor of all those fayned conspiracies least otherwayes she being of her owne inclination desirous of peace might come to some cōposition with him so Christendome be brought to repose which these mē imagin would in tyme grow to be daungerous to their gospel or rather to their particular states commodities which they may be presumed to esteeme more then any ghospel but how this piece of pollicie standeth with true reason of
of their primacy in causes ecclesiastical Seing then your religion so far as it is distinct from others hath no other ground then reason of state I doubt not but yf the matter were wel examined what God they beleeued in that persuaded her Ma tie therto or yow and your fellowes that manitayne it vpon the same reason and by such vnchristian practises as yow do yow would be found to be cōprehēded in the third diuisiō of varro who said that 3. kynds of men had three different kynds of Gods the Poëts one the Philosophers an other and statists or Polityks a third that euery one of them had a different religion according to the difference of their Gods as that the religion of the Poets was fabulous the other of the Philosophers natural the third of the Statists polityke and accomodated to gouernment And this is that which yow professe For the God yow beleeue in is the Prince your scriptures are the actes of Parliament your religion is to conserue the state persas uefas and therfore as all good Christians do measure the reason of state by religion which is the true rule and the end therof and from the which it cannot in reason dissent or disagre so yow on the other syde reduce and frame religion to your fals reason of state and by that meanes peruert all the order both of nature and grace preferring the body before the soule temporal things before spiritual humayn before deuine earth before heauen the world before God and which is more yow subiect both earth heauen body soule the world yea God and all to the priuate pleasure and profit of the Prince as though he were the end the Lord and God of all the world and of nature it self whervpon ensew those monstrous pollicies which wee fee fraught with all frand hipocrisy periuries slaūders murders and all kynd of cruelty oppression and impiety which haue ruined infinite Kinges with their countries Kingdomes and what they wil bring our poore country vnto in the end tyme wil tel wherto I remit me for as the Italian prouerb sayth La vita il sine ●l di l●da La sera the end prayseth the lyfe and the euening the day OF THE TRVE CAVSES OF more moderation vsed in the beginning then afterwards of the difference made by the Lawes betwixt Seminarie and I Mary priests CHAP. XXIII BVt to proceed in your obseruations you go forward to geue example that there is moderation vsed in ecclesiastical causes where matter of state is not mixt with religion saying for els I would gladly learne what should make the difference the temper of the lawes in the first yeare of the Queene and in the 23. and 27. but that at the one tyme they were papists in conscience and at the other they were growne papists in faction or what should make the difference at this day in law betwixt a Queene Marie priest a Seminary priest saue that the one is a priest of suspition and the other a priest of sedition Hereto I answere that because you say you would gladly learne and that I take yow to be of a good wit and docile I wil take paynes to teach you this poynt that you say you would so fayne learne Know you therfore that there were diuers causes of more moderation and lenity vsed for some yeares in the beginning then afterwards yet not those which you speak of and so you shew your self eyther ignorant or malitious in both The first an ordinary rule of state which those great statists that procured this change could not neglect I meane in case of innouation to vse no suddayne violence but to proceed by degrees especially in matter of religion which is seldome changed without tumult and trouble wherof they had seene the experience in the tymes of both the kings Henry and Edward therfore they had great reason to water their wyne at the beginning and to vse moderation at least for some yeares vntil the state and gouernment were setled The second cause was the doctrine of your owne gospellers in Q. Maryes tyme who because some of their folowers were burnt for heresy according to the Canons and lawes of the Churche cryed out that they were persecuted and published in their bookes and sermons that faith ought to be free and not forced that therfore it was against all conscience to punish or trouble men for their religion in which respect the authors of the change that serued themselues of them in the ecclesiastical and pastoral dignityes could not for shame at the very first vse the bloody proceeding which afterwards they did though neuerthelesse they forbore not in the very beginning to imprison and otherwise to afflict all Bishops and cheif pastours and such others as would not subscribe come to their Churches for the which cause I remember that besydes a great number of ecclesiastical and temporal persons some of my owne kindred and familie were called to London and imprisoned in the second yeare of her Maiesties raigne and so remayned prisoners many yeares after The third cause was the vayne hope that those polityks had that a religion so sensual and ful of liberty as theirs authorized with the power of the Prince vpholden with lawes promulgate with all artifice of writers preachers and perswaders would easely within a fewe yeares infinuate it self into the hartes of all men especially of the youth wherby they made accompte that the elder sort being worne out there would be within a fewe yeares litle memorie or none at all left of Catholike religion but when they saw after some yeares experience how much they were deceiued of their expectation and that through the zealous endeauours of the learned English Catholikes abroad learned bookes written Colledges Seminaryes erected priests made and sent in therby infinite numbers reduced to the vnity of the Catholike Churche not only of the schismatiks that fel at the first eyther by ignorance or for feare but also of the Protestāts themselues and amongst them euen many ministers and principal preachers and none sooner conuerted or more zealously affected to Catholike religion then the yongest and fynest wits wherwith our new Seminaryes beganne to be peopled when those statists I say saw this they thought it then tyme to bestyrre themselues and to persecute in good earnest and yet to do it in such sort as they might if it were possible auoyd the name suspition of persecutors both at home and abroad and therfore they vsed the same pollicy that Iulian the Apostata did of whom S. Gregory Nazianzenus writeth that he professed not externally his impiety with the courage that other persecutors his predecessours were wont to do neyther did he oppose himself against our faith lyke an Emperour that would gayne honour in shewing his might and power by open oppression of the Catholyks but made warre vpon them in a cowardly and base māner couering
peace these later yeres Impossibilites of conquest Her maiesties propensiō to peace and to geue toleration to Catholyks The heretyks measure Catholyks by themselues The charity of Catholyks tovvards their enemies The Catholyks desyre restitution of religiō by svveet mea●es The erection of Seminaryes tendeth not to force of armes The svvoord needles vvhere the vvoord preuayleth Heresy dayly decaying The vvyse gouernours can not but note Gods handivvork in the progresse of Catholyk religiō in England VVhat conquest the Catholyks desyre in England Neyther F. Pars. at Rome nor any Englishman in Spayn made priuy thereto The prudent manner of proceeding of the councel of Spayn The circumspection of the Yrish VVitnes maye be takē of Hugh Buy agent of late for Odonel in Spayn and novv in her maiestyes seruice Not lykly that Syr VVilliam Stanley could approue the plot that vvas executed The ridiculous folly of a lybeller in obiecting to sir VVilliam Stanley his deliuering of Deuenter to the true ovvner Syr VVilliās generosity sincerity in tendring Dauenter The hatred of heretyks is a notable testimony of F. Parsons his great vertue The greatest saynts of God alvvayes calumniated As the church vvas planted so it must be restored Ioan. 7 10. Luc. 2● Act. 6. 14. 17. 21. 24. 23. Gods seruāts so cunningly calumniated by euil men that good men sometymes held them suspected S. Athanasius extremly ca●lumniated Baron anno 336. 339. 335. Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 30● Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 21. Epiph. haer 68. Athan. Apo●log ad Constant Baron anno 363. 371. S. Basil. Basil. Ep. 7● epist. 79. Basil. ad Eustachium epist. S. Hierome Baron To. anno 39● ●ro●●anno ● Hieron epist. ad Demetria The good vvoorks of good men remayn honorable vvhyles their persecutours perish vvith igno●iny S. Chrisostome so calumniated that he vvas tvvys banished by Catholyk Bishops Baron ann● 427. Baron anno 369. * Greg. Nazian oratione ad 150. Episc. in vita sua Idem an 387 Aug. contra Iulianū lib. 6 cap. 12. Baron anno 426. Item epist. ● editio nouae Ciril epist. 7● 14. Baron anno 429. S. Ciril slandered by mē sent abrode of purpose to defame him Spyes sent abroad to defame F. Parsons Spyes discouered in the seminaries of Spayne Baron ●od an Ciryl epist. 8. S. Cirils ansvver to Nestorius applyed to F. Pars. Parsons repayeth the malice of his enemies vvith charity Hiero. epist. ●7 Miserable to do iniury but not to suffer it Of F. Pars. his great profitable labours in gods Church His notable books Soules gayned to God by him in England 4. Notable Seminaries erected and 2. residences for priests 2000 Crovvnes rent procured for the seminary of Dovvay The tumults of the English in Rome pacified His vvyse examplar gouernment of the English colledge at Rome All our Seminaries eyther erected or releeued or exceedingly benefyted by him His lyfe so religious that his greatest enemies can iustly reprehēd nothing therein F. Parsons charged for lack of better matter vvith the actions of his very enemyes His good vvoorks calumniated il interpreted as our Sauiours vvere Gods manifest cōcurrēce vvith his labours in the progres of Cathol religiō Three con●lusions ●ravvn of ●he premisses God hath ●aysed F. Parsons for a special instrument to repayre his Church in England Exod. 31. ●5 3● It is not possible but that F. pars being employed by almighty God shal be impugned by the deuil and all his instruments His Apostolical labours shal be the more glorious to all posterity for the great cōtradiction he receaueth of Gods enemies The autor proceedeth to the discouery of the impudency of O. E affi●●●ing that none are pu● to death in Engl. for religion M. Iohn Righby exe●cuted in the yere 1600. M. Palaser M. Talbot M. Ihon Norton Mrs. Lyne M. Ihon Pibush M. Mark Barkvvorth M. Robert Nutter M. Edvvard Thvving M. Thurstan Hunt M. Middletō M. Harrison ● a lay man Catholyke Priests traytors novv in to other ●ort then vvere the Christian Priests in the primatiue Church Beda histor Eccles. lib. 1. S. Alban our first martyr charged vvith receauing a trayterous Priest S. Alban martyred about the yere of our Lord. 300. An example for Catholyks Matth 10. Christians martyred in the primatiue Church by paynims for the same points of religion that Catholyke are persecuted novv Baron To. 2. anno 303. Surius 11. Februa The sacrifice of the Masse forbidden vpon payne of death by Dioclesian Concil Roman sub Siluestro 1. Con. Carth. ● can 3. Leo Mag. Epist 81 Aug. ser. 9● de tempore Ambros. li. 5. epist. 33. Liturg. Dionys Basil. Chrisost. Tertul lib. 3. ad vxorem li. de Castira li. de oratione Cypria 63. Ibidem Christians martyred vnder Diocletian for heating masse The ansvvere of the martyrs concerning the necessity of masse To heare masse in England is treason by consequence A cōparison of the proceedings of the old persecutours vvith those of this tyme in Engl. The ansvver of the old martyrs conform to ours novv Act. cap. 5. The old martyrs vvere condemned for disobedience to the temporal lavves as Catholyks are novv Treason pretended but religion condemned as vvel in the old martyrs as in ours novv Notable iniustice donne to M Hunt and M. Sprat condemned at Lincolne anno 1600. Iudge Glan●duile punished exem●plarly by al●mighty God ●●l●en the ●inister Beda hist. Angl. li. 1. c 23. Lib. 1. ca. 26. Ibid. ca. 29. ●p 29. ●p 33. ●●b 2. cap. 3. ●id 2 cap ● ●ib 2. cap. 7. 1● ●l 3 ca. 29. Lib. 4. cap. 1. Lib. 5. ca. ●0 Lib. cap. 5. Lib. 5. cap. 7. Ibibem Lib. 5. cap. 20 Polid. lib. 4. hist. Angl. Polid. lib. 6. Ibidem Polid. lib 7. Al●ed invita S. Eduuardi Gulielmus Neubricē li. ● ca. 25. 34. Petrus blesensis epist. 44. ●olid vergil lib. ●5 Polid. lib. 27. Lib. 3. ca. 2. quest 10. 11. 12. 13. Lib. 3. cap. ● Lib. 4. ca. 10. Lib. 5. ca. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. lib 3. cap. 15. Polid. lib. 2. Platina in Eleuther Beda hist. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 4. Lib. 1. hist. eccles ca. 17 Athan. Apo● log 2. contra arrianos Hilari epist. ad Epistolos c. Ibid. cap. 21 Cap. 7 ● Beda Eccl. hist. lib. 1. cap. 17. Ibid. ca. Lib. 1. ca. Gildas in ● stigatio in eccles ordinem Ibidem Ibidem Ibidem Ibidem Ibidem Polido verg hist. Angl. lib. 3. Gildas de excidio Britaniae Beda hist. Angl. lib. cap. 2. Lib. 2 cap. 2. Ibidem Tertul. li. aduersus Iudeos Origen in Ezech. hom 4. in hom 6. in lu● Athanas. 2. Apolo Hilar. sinodi soft h● in Ma● Hiero● marcel migret Bethle● ●lido lib. 1. Angl. ●an 21. ●eda hist. ●ngl ● ● ca. 4. ●ector Boe●ius hist. co● lib. 6. ●reneus lib. 3. ●ap 3. Tertul. lib prescrip Ang. cont epist. Man chaei qua● vocat Funmenti Aug. in P mo contra partē Do● Optams ●
men amongst the protestātes themselues haue noted heretofore But now comming hether to Rome and seing the matter reuiued and mightyly vrged to the preiudice of all Catholykes by 2. seueral lybels composed lately in England the one by an heretical minister ashamed of his name and therfore Sutly shrowding it vnder a fals Visar of O. E. and the other written very lately by a puritan as it seemeth calling himself Thomas Diggs I haue determined to set out my apology for the ful satisfaction of all indifferent men in this poynt wherto I am moued the rather for that I haue also sufficiently treated therin some other matters handled by O. E. who laboureth to proue that all the persecution which Catholykes haue hetherto suffred is iustly to be ascribed to their treasonable attēpts besydes that he is not ashamed to affirme that none haue bē put to death in all her maiestyes raigne for matter of religion which impudent assertion of his I haue so sufficiently confuted in my sayd apology as no more needeth to be sayd in that matter Neuertheles vpon this new occasion giuen by him I haue thought good to prefix this treatise to thesaid Apology to giue thee good reader some more particular satisfaction concerning this point and first to answere sincerely and truly vpon my owne knowlege an other slanderous and malitious conceit of his touching the il affection as he supposeth of diuers principal Catholykes to their country and therefore for as much as I intend also vpon occasions that may be offred to debate and discusse in this treatise some pointes of Catholyke religion now in controuersy and withal to cleare our doctrine in those pointes from certaine malitious slanders of our aduersaries I haue thought good to entytle the whole A defence of the Catholyke cause Wherein I make no doubt but that thow wilt easely note good reader amongst many other thinges the inconsideration of our aduersaries in that they are not content only to wrong vs in our goodes and persons by extreme iniustice vsed towards vs but also to wound vs so deeply in our fame by their calumniatious and slanderous lybels and reportes that they force vs much against our willes to lay open to the world their shameful and vnchristian proceedings in defence of our owne innocencie and for the honor of our cause which not only all lawes of God nature and nations do allow and permit but also conscience vrgeth and byndeth vs vnto in this case For although priuate men may somtymes with great merit suffer themselues to be slaundered without contradiction when no furder detrimēt ensueth thereof then the losse of their owne fame or their particular hurt yet when the same is ioyned with other mennes harme or with a publyke damage espetialy of religion they cannot without offence to God neglect or omit their owne iust defence Therefore I hope no man wil blame mee or other Catholykes in lyke case for offring iust purgation of our selues and our cause though it bee with the reproch of them that slander vs vt obstruatur os loquentium iniqua that the mouthes of calumniators may bee stopped And whereas the same may seeme to redound to some disgrace or dishonor of the state by reason of the publyke authority pretence of her maiesties seruice wherewith our aduersaries do comonly couer and colour all their malitious actions I purpose for my parte to vse in this my defence such due respect to the state to the supreme gouernours thereof I meane her Maiestie and the honorable Lordes of her counsel that I hope to auoyd all iust cause of offence and giue ample testimony of the loyalty of a moste dutiful subiect discouering to her Maiestie and their honors by way of humble complaint the great abuse offred by our aduersaries no lesse to them then to vs as wil more particularly appeere in my Apologie directed and dedicated to the Lordes of the councel AN ANSWER TO TVVO MALITIOVS SLANDERS CONCERNING the conquest of England falsly supposed to be pretended and solicited by the Catholykes and touching the late enterprise of the king of Spayne in Ireland Also concerning Sir VVilliam Stanley CHAP. I. AMONGST many malitious slanders wherwith O. E. and other heretyks seek to make vs and our cause odious to all men one of the principalest is that wee desyre and conspyre the cōquest of our countrey by the king of Spayne wherewith they charge not only F. Parsons and the Iesuytes but also other English Catholykes that haue serued and serue the Catholyke king in which respect I cannot forbeare to testify the truth of my knowledge in this poynt hauing had sufficiēt meanes and occasion to vnderstand what hath ben treated with the Catholike kings of Spayne by any of our nation since the yeare of our Lord 1589. at what tyme I passed from the court of France by reason of the troubles there to the seruice of their Catholike Maiesties whome I haue serued euer since and for some yeres together in the court of Spayne vntil now of late that I retyred my selfe from thence to Rome to satisfy my priuate deuotiō by dedicating the rest of my declyning dayes to the seruice of God in an ecclesiastical function Therfore I here protest vpon my conscience not only in my owne behalf but also in the behalf of F. Parsons and the English Catholykes that serue his Catholyke Maiesty that our dealings haue bin so contrary to that which is imputed vnto vs that we haue donne farre better offices for our country in this poynt then the malice of our aduersaries suffereth them to suppose For hauing wel considered that the breach of amity betwyxt her Maiestie and the Catholike king growing dayly by sundry acts of hostility on both parts to an implacable quarrel might moue him to seek the conquest of our country wherof his puissant preparations in the yere 88. gaue no smalle suspition to the world and not hauing any hope to be able to diswade his Maiestie from seeking some sharp reuenge of the attempts made against him by sea and land wherto not only reason of state but also respect of his reputation and honour seemed to oblige him wee determined to do our vttermost endeuour so to temper and qualify the same as it might not turne to any conquest of our country To which purpose sir Francis Englefield whylst he liued Father Parsons Fa. Creswel and my self haue at dyuers tymes represented to his Matie of glorious memory many important reasons to perswade him that it was not conuenient for him to seek the conquest of England nor probable eyther that he could conquer it or yet if he were able to do it that he could long keep it in subiection and this wee haue vrged so oft and with such pregnāt reasons as wel to his Matie that now is as to his father of glorious memory that I verely beleeue that if they euer had any inclination or resolutiō
Catholykes were alienated frō him his friēds in which respect he was fayne to wryte an Apology in defence of his book And at another tyme being him-self in Rome and writing against some vices of the clergy though in general tearmes he receiued such a violent impugnation and persecution of all the bad priests in the cittie that he was forced to depart thence which neuerthelesse how little it impayred his credit in the end he signified 30. yeres after in an epistle to Demetrias wherin he maketh mention of the said treatise that caused all that broyle against him and addeth further quid profuit armasse exercitum reclamantium vulnus conscientiae d●lore monstrasse liber mauet homines perierunt that is to say what did it auayle them to arme an army of clamarous men against me and to bewray the wound of their owne conscience by their greef the book is yet extant but the men ar dead and gon thus farre saint Hierome wherby he signifieth that although good men for good workes suffer somtymes great persecutions yet the good woorkes remayne and not only the persecution passeth away but also the persecutors themselues perish and come to nought which by the way I wish the heretyks Fa. Parsons aduersaries to note for let them rayle vpon him slander him and cry our against him neuer so much the memory and monuments that he shal leaue behynd him of his great seruice to God his Churche wil remayne honorable to all posterity when their clamours and slanders shal vanish away lyke smoke and they themselues shal be eyther cleane forgot or els remayne ignominious for their heresy and the persecution of him and other good men S. Chrisostome Bishop of Constantinople the ornament of the east Churche who made cōtinual warre against paganisme heresy vyce as wel by the example of his saintly lyfe as by the force of his eloquence and deuyne preaching was so exagitat by the calumnious and contumelious tongues of heretykes and all sorts of wicked men that he was expelled twyse from his bishopryk by Catholyke Bishops being falsly accused of treasons and many heynous matters and dyed at length in banishment which shortly after God did punish notoriously in all his aduersaryes and calumniatours and in some of them as Palladius noteth by losse of their speech horrible paynes in their tongues in regard no dout of their contumelious speches and slanders geuen out against him and within a few yeres after his death his innocency was made so manifest to all men that his memory was celebrated in the Churche he serued for a great saint of God as he hath ben euer since I omit to speak particularly of S. Hilary S. Ambrose S. Augustin S. Gregory Nazianzen and dyuers other notable antagonists of the heretykes of their tymes all of thē notably calūniated by their aduersaries whome I say I wil omit for breuityes sake conclude with S. Ciril Bishop of Alexandria the hammer of the Nestoriā heresy who in his epistle to the clergy of Cōstantinople signifieth that Nestorius the heretyke did send abroad certeyn wicked aud lost companions to defame him euery where as now the heretykes of England deale with father Parsons whom they seek to disgrace and defame by their spyes that they send throughout Christendome whereof the experience hath ben seen these yeares past not only in other places but also in the very Seminaries of his owne erectiō in Spayne where haue ben discouered within these 2. or 3. yeres dyuers spyes sent from England who counterfeiting great holynes and zeale in religion endeuored nothing els but to alienate the students from the Iesuits their superiours and particulerly from Fa. Parsons filling their eares with such monstrous lyes that if God of his goodnes had not sooner discouered it one of those Seminaries had ben put in as great combustion as was the English colledge at Rome some yeres agoe But S. Ciril who receiued lyke measure at heretikes hāds as Fa. Parsons now doth shal answere for both who in certeyn letters of his to Nestorius him self saith thus They cast a brode against me reportes no lesse mad then malitious some say I haue iniuriously oprest the poort and blynd others say I drew a sword vpon my owne mother and others that I stole gold with the healp of a mayd seruant and some agayne say that I haue ben always suspected of such wickednes as a mā would be loth should be foūd in his greatest enemy But of these fellowes and such lyke I make smalle account least I may seeme to extend the measure of my weaknes aboue my maister and lord yea aboue all my predecessors for whatsoeuer cours of lyfe a man holdeth it is skant possible for him to escape the sharp teeth of malitious wicked backbyters But they hauing their mouths ful of slander malediction shal one day answere for it before the Iudge of all and I in the meane tyme wil discharge my part and do that which becommeth mee to wit admonish thee Nestorius of thy duty as my brother in our lord c. Thus sayd S. Ciril to the heretyk Nestorius and so wil I say in father Parsons behalf to the heretykes his aduersaries to wit that hee litle regardeth their rayling considering he cannot look to be more free from that kynd of persecution then his maister Christ and other seruants of God that haue laboured in the Churche before him and that therfore leauing them to answere for it before the iust and rigorous Iudge he wil in the meane whyle proceed to do his duty towards God and them as heatherto he hath donne repaying their malice with charity their fury with patience their rayling with prayers to God for them their slanderous pamphlets and libels with learned and godly bookes and their employing of spyes abroad to defame him with sending in priests from his Seminaries to conuert them and to saue their soules which is all the hurt he wisheth them for all the rancour and malice they beare him and the iniury they do him for the which he thinketh they rather deserue pitty then hatred for that as saynt Hierome sayth apud Christianos non qui patitur sed qui facit iniuriam miser est that is to say not he which suffreth the iniury but he which doth it is miserable And now to say somewhat particularly though very breefly of his labours in Gods Churche which makes him hateful to the diuel and all heretyks yf wee consider the same and the fruits therof as the soules he gayned to God whyles he was in England the notable bookes he hath written the foure notable Seminaries which he hath erected wherof 3. do stil florish in Spayne and Flanders besydes two residences for priests in S. Lucar and Bishon the important releef of two thowsand crownes rent
that he procured at one tyme for the Seminary at Doway erected by my Lord Cardinal the pacification of the scandalous tumults in the English Colledge at Rome attēpted by diuers in vayne and reserued as it should seeme by almighty God to him for the testimony of his wisdome and vertue the present gouernment of the sayd Colledge in such tranquility vnity loue such aeconomy discipline and such exercyse of all vertue and learning that it serueth for an example spectacle to all Rome so that all our Seminaries which are now the honour and hope of our afflicted Churche and in tyme wil be the bane of heresy in England haue either ben erected or releeued and repayred or otherwyse exceedingly benefited by him and yf wee consider withall the great care and paynes he hath taken in all this the many long and tedious iourneys to strange and remote countryes the difficulties he hath past by contradiction and opposition somtymes of great parsonages and the prudence longaminity and patience he hath shewed in all and if wee ad therto his religious lyfe so examplar for all kynd of vertue that those which maligne him most can fynd nothing iustly to reprehend therin and therfore to haue somewhat to say against him are fayne either to inuēt manifest lyes such as here I haue touched or els to calumniate his good woorkes with vayne surmises vncharitable suspitions and fals interpretations from which kynd of calumniation neither the innocency of Gods saints nor yet the prefection of our Sauiour himself could be free lastly if with all this wee consider concurrence and manifest assistance of almighty God to his endeuours in the progresse of Catholyke religion in England aduanced ●otably as all men see no lesse by his bookes and other labours then by his Seminaries wee may euidently conclude ●●ree things the first that God hauing of his infinit mercy and prouidence determined to repayre the wracked walles of our Hierusalem hath raysed him for a special meanes and instrument therof geuing him for that end extraordinary graces and blessings as wel of credit with Princes abroad as also of singuler zeale prudence fortitude longanimity patience and other vertues requisit to so heroycal and excellent a woork and no maruel seeing that for the buylding of his material tabernacle he bestowed vpon some of his people extraordinary gyfts of caruing grauing and woorking in wood or metal all kynd of woork wherof they had no skil before The second cōclusion of these premisses is that it is not possible but that he beeing employed by almighty God in the seruice of his Churche so particulerly and with such fruit as wee see shal be impugned calummated persecuted by Gods enemies for the deuil seking by all meanes to ouerthrow the Churche of God employeth all his instruments and dischargeth the rage of his fury cheefly against those that are the cheef pillers and vpholders thereof The third last poynt is that yf he stil continue to the end and cōsummate his cours according to his beginning and proceedings hetherto as by Gods grace he wil he shal not only gayne an eternal crowne of glory in heauen but also leaue to all posterity an euerlasting fame of his Apostolical labours and much the rather for the contradiction hatred and persecution that he receiueth at the hands of Gods enemies which already maketh him famous throughout Christendome and wil euer remayn for an euident argument of his great vertue and merits Thus much I haue thought good to touch breefly and truly here to serue for a counterpeyse to the multitude of malitious slanders that O. E. heapeth vpon him in his two lybels the particular answere whereof I leaue to one that hath vndertaken the same meaning only for my part to examin here a litle furder how truly he auoucheth that none are put to death in England for religion which besydes former examples and many reasons alleadged in my Apology almost euery mannes experience in England may conuince for a notable vntruthe by the martirdome of those which haue suffred in diuers parts within these 3. yeres since the Apology was written EXAMPLES OF DIVERS Catholykes executed since the Apology was written for the same causes that the martirs were put to death in the primatiue Churche and of the great iniustice donne to two Priests condemned at Lincolne by Iudge Glanduyle CHAP. III. I Appeale to the remembrance of al those that were present at the araignment of M. Rigby a lay Gentleman in the yere 1600. whether there was any thing concerning matter of state or the least suspition thereof layd to his charge who being no way accused or called in question for any matter whatsoeuer but comming to the sessions at Newgate of meere charity to excuse the aparance of a Catholyke gentlewoman that was sick was examined of his religion and condemned within a few dayes after for being a reconcyled Catholyk wherof neuertheles he might haue ben discharged yf he would haue consented but only to haue gon to the Churche which was offred him both before the Iury gaue their verdi● and also after Further-more what matter of state was so much as obiected to M. Palaser the priest or to M. Talbot and to M. Iohn Norton condemned and executed the same yeare at Durham the first only for being a priest and the other two for hauing ben aquaynted with him not detecting him or to a vertuous wydow the last yere at York for harboring a priest called M. Christopher whartō who was executed also with her or to M rs lyne the last yere at London for hauing receiued priests against whome no matter of state but only their religion and priesthood was proued which was also most euident in M. Iohn Pibush M. Mark Barkwoorth at London the last yere M. Robert Nutter M. Edward Thwing M. Thurstan Hunt M. Midleton at Lancaster as also in the case of M. Filcock now this yeare M Harrison at York all of them martyred only for beeing Catholyke Priests and a lay man for hauing receiued the foresaid N. Harrison into his house Therfore can O. E. or any man be so impudent to say that these lay men women dyed not for religion or that the priests for whose cause they were condemned or the other here mentioned were traytors in any other sorte or sence then were the priests of the primatiue Churche accounted in lyke manner rebels and traytors only for doing the function of Christian Catholyke Priests as appeareth in the story of the blessed S. Alban the protomartyr of Britany who was charged by the Iudge to haue receiued into his house conueyghed away rebellem and sacrilegum sacerdotem a trayterous and sacrilegious Priest for that he put on the Priests apparel and so offred himself to be taken by the searchers that the Priest might escape for the which
and for the constant profession of the Christian faith he receiued a glorious crowne of martyrdome wherin may be noted by the way how it pleased almighty God of his diuine prouidence to geue vs in our first martyr such a notable example of Christian fortitude charity in harboring a persecuted Priest and sauing his lyfe with the losse of his owne to the end that in the lyke cases and occasions which now dayly occur no terrour of temporal lawes nor pretence of treasons may withhold vs from vsing the lyke charity towards the Priests of God wherto our Sauiour Christ also inuiteth and incowrageth vs with promise of great reward saying he which receiueth a Prophet in the name of a prophet shal haue the reward of a Prophet and he which receiues a iust man in the name of a iust man shal haue the reward of a iust man But yf we consider the proceedings of the persecutors in those dayes wee shal fynd that the Christians were not only persecuted as traytors and in the same manner but also for the same poynts of religion that wee are persecuted now wherof I wil breefly represent vnto thee good reader an euidēt exāple to the end thou mayst the better iudge whether wee dy for religiō or no or whether there be any difference betwyxt the martirdome of the old Christians and of the Catholykes at this day Wee read in the ancient and Publyk records of the acts of the proconsuls of Africk vnder Dioclesian and Maxi●ian Emperours vnder whome saynt Alban was martyred that they made an edict wherin amongst other things they forbad vpon payne of death the blessed sacrifice of the masse which is called Dominicum in the sayd records therfore dominicum agere or celebrare is vnderstood there to celebrate masse and if our aduersaries maruel what warrant I haue so to expound it they shal vnderstād that this woord Masse in English Missa in Latin vsed by ancient ●ouncels and Fathers aboue 1200. yeares agoe and deriued of the hebrew woord missah which signifyeth a voluntary sacrifice or oblation hath dyuers other names in the an●●ent Fathers as in the greekes liturgia tremenda misteria crificium tremendum and in the Latins solemnia ablatio per sa●●rdotem cena Domini and to omit diuers other more ordina●● Dominicum as appeareth in saynt Cyprian who speaking of the sacrifice offred at the altar in remembrance and representation of the passion of Christ which wee cal the sacrifice of the masse tearmeth it sometymes sacrificium quod Christus obtulit sometymes ipsum nostra redemptionis Sacramentum c. somtymes only Dominicum saying nunquid post caenam dominicum celebramus that is to say do wee offer the sacrifice of the body of our Lord or do wee say masse after supper and this is euident by all his discours in that Epistle where he treateth principally of the blessed sacrifice and saith that Christ is buius sacrificij autor doctor the Autor and teacher of this sacrifice and that the Priest representing the person of Christ doth offer sacrificium verum plenum a true and ful sacrifice This then being presuposed it is to be vnderstood that certayne deuout Christians in Afrik being secretly assembled at masse were taken and brought before the proconsul Anulinus who examining them began with fayre woords to persuade them to haue care of their liues and to obey the commandment of the Emperours they answered spem salutemque Christianorum Dominicū esse that the masse is the hope and saluation of Christians and that therfore they could not forgoe it vpon which confession they were cōdemned to death amōgst rest there was one Emeritus in whose house masse had bē celebrated to whome the Proconsul sayd was the assembly made in thy house contrary to the commandement of the Emperours he answered yea why didst thou sayd the Proconsul suffer it I could quoth he do no lesse for that they are my brethren yea but thow oughtst to haue hindred it sayd the Proconsul I could not sayd the other for wee that be Christians sine Dominico esse non possumus cannot be without masse as though sayd the Proconcul thou art not bound to obey the edict of the Emperours God sayd the martyr is greater then the Emperours and ought more to be obeyed where vpon he was condemned and executed as the rest here now I aske our aduersaries whether these men were put to death for religion or no and whether it fareth not euen so with vs at this day as then it did with them For although the masse be not now made treason but a mony matter yet by a certayne consequent it is drawen within the compasse of treason for it cannot be celebrated without a priest the receiuing of whome is treason I meane a Seminary Priest there being now so few other in England yf ther bee any at all that the Catholykes must eyther receiue them with daunger of their liues or lack the necessary food of their soules which they hold more deare then lyfe as the old Christians also did But let vs compare breefly the proceedings of the persecutors in those tymes and these In the examination of those Christians the old persecutors would not content themselues with theyr confession that they were Christians so put them to death for their religion but sought to bring them within the compasse of their statute wee aske yow not say they whether yow bee Christians but whether yow haue hard masse contrary to the cōmaundment of the Emperours the lyke is donne now with vs for it suffiseth not our persecutors that wee confesse our religion as that wee are Catholykes but they examine vs whether wee haue heard masse whether we haue ben reconcyled by a Priest or whether the Queene bee supreme head of the Churche and such lyke therby to draw vs within the compasse of the lawes that they may put vs to death vnder colour of treason Furthermore the old Christians sayd for their iust defence that they being Christians could not be without masse and we now say the same that wee cannot forgo absolution of our sinnes nor other spiritual comforts to be receiued at the hands of Priests only to this our persecutors reply as the others did that it is against the lawes and statutes of her Maiesty we answere with the old Christiās God is aboue all Kings and his law aboue all lawes Et portet magis obedire Deo quam hominibus we must rather obey God then men neuerthelesse we are condemned for disobedience to the lawes as the old Christians were and dyed they for religion and not wee were they martyrs and not wee were their enemies persecuters of Gods Churche not ours the cause is one the self same the proceedings lyke no difference in the issue breach of lawes and treason is pretended but
him sayth saynt Bede that is to say by his meanes or meditatiō causing the sayd tōbe to be opened he placed very honorably therin certayne relickes of the Apostles dyuers other martyrs going to the place where the blood of the blessed martyr was shed he took away with him some of the dust which was stil bloody Furthermore it hapned after in the tyme that the Britans kept their lent a litle before the feast of the resurrection of our Lord that they were molested by the Picts and Saxōs whyles saynt German was yet there and therefore they craued the help of his prayers and direction dispayring altogeather of theyr owne forces and he vndertaking the conduct of them ordayned that when they should come to ioyne battayle all the army of the Britains should cry out a loud three tymes Alleluya which they did and therewith they put their enemyes to flight and gayned a notable victory This being donne and the affayres of the Iland both spiritual and temporal wel composed saynt Bede sayth the holy Bishops had a prosperous returne partly by their owne merits partly by the intercession of blessed saynt Alban whereby he geueth to vnderstand that such was their opinion according to the great deuotion they had shewed before to the blessed martyr It is also to be gathered playnly out of S. Bede that there were monasteries of Monkes and religious men in Britany before this tyme for speaking of the rebellion of Constantinus against Honorius which was in the yeare of our Lord 407. he sayth that hauing proclaymed himselfe Emperour he made his sonne Constance Caesarem ex monacho Caesar of a monk Here I wish thee to note Good reader that saynt Bede in his breefe introduction to his Ecclesiastical history where he intended to treat specially of the second conuersion of our country in the tyme of the Saxons toucheth the 400. yeares before from the tyme of King Lucius so breefely that he passeth with silence about 350. yeres therof at one tyme and other noting only some things by the way aswel concerning the temporal as spiritual affayres in diuers tymes ages to make some conexion of his history from the beginning Therfore I leaue it to thy consideration what testimony and euidence we should haue found of our Catholyke religion yf he had treated those matters particularly and at large ●e●ng●n the course of so few yeres as he runneth ouer and in so few leaues lynes of a part only of his first book which is also very breefe wee fynd the practyse of so many poynts of our religion testified and confirmed as buylding of Churches in the honour of martyres the reuerend vse of saynts relyckes and greate miracles donne by the same the intercession of saynts for vs and the custome to prayse and geue God thankes by them also monastical lyfe which includeth vowes of religion and chastity the vse of hollywater the custome which in our Church is yet most frequent of Alleluya whereby it may be gathered that the seruice of the Church out of the which the same no dout was then taken was not in the vulgar tongue finally the keeping of lent easter and others feastes wherby playnly appeareth the vse force of traditiō in the Church of God without the testimony of expresse scripture and all this we see was vsed in the Church of Britanny when the fayth deliuered to King Lucius was yet in purity which proueth euidently that he was conuerted to the ●ame Catholyke religion that saynt Augustine planted after-wards amongst the English Saxons which wee that be Catholykes professe vntil this day THE SAME IS CONFIRMED and proued out of Gildas CHAP. VI. THis may easely be confirmed out of Gildas the britan surnamed the sage who wrote shortly after the Saxons came into Britany almost 200. yeares before S. Bede in whose treatyse of the distruction of Britany and in his reprehension of the Ecclesiastical men of those dayes it is euident ynough what religion was professed from Lucius tyme vntil his for first speaking of the persecution vnder Dioclesian he sayth that electi sacerdotes gregis domini the chosen Priests of our Lords flock were killed meaning such priests as did offer sacrifice vpon the altar for so he sufficiently interpreteth him selfe when he reprehendeth the negligēce or the Britain Priests of his dayes whome he calleth sacerdotes raro sacrificantes ac raro puro corde inter altaria stantes Priests sacrifising sildome and seldome comming to the Altar with a pure harte and tearmeth the Altars venerabiles aras and sacrosancta altaria sedem Caelestis sacrificij the reuerend and holly altars and the seat of the heauenly sacrifice and calleth that which is offred therein sacrosancta Christi sacrificia the holly sacrifices of Christ and further geueth to vnderstand that the hands of the Priestes were consecrated at those dayes as yet they are in the Catholyke Church when holy orders are geuen wherby wee may playnly see that the Priests of our primatiue Church in England and their function consisting principally in offring to almighty God sacrifice vpon the Altar is all one with ours Furthermore treating of the martirdome of S. Alban and his fellowes he sayth that y● God had not permitted for che great sinnes of the Britains that the barbarous nations which were entred he meaneth the Picts and Saxons did depriue the People of the toombs of saynt Alban and of the other martyrs and of the place of their martyrdomes the same might stryk vnto them a feruor of deuotion and deuine charity insinuating therby the great consolation and spiritual benefite that the Christians were wont to receiue by the visitation of those holy places Also he sayth that before ful 10. yeares past after that persecution the Christians repayred the old Churches distroyed by the persecutors and buylt now in honour of the martyrs and kept festiual and holy dayes lastly he playnly signifieth that the Christians vsed in his tyme to make vowes of chastity and that their were monasteries wherin religious and monastical life was exercysed for he maketh mention of an holy Abot called Amphibalus and most bitterly reprehendeth two wicked Princes Cuneglasus and Maglocunus the first for marying a widdow that had vowed perpetual chastity and the other for that being become a monke he returned to the world and maryed hauing a former wyfe then liuing wherein he also geueth to vnderstād that it was not then lawful for him post monachi votum irritum after the breach of his monastical vow to returne to his owne wyfe and much lesse to mary another To this purpose also it may be obserued in Gildas as before I noted in saynt Bede that vntil the tyme of the Arrians there entred no infectiō of heresy into Britany therfory hauing signifyed the sincerity and zeale of the Christians after saynt Albans death in buylding Churches of martyrs keping feastiual dayes and
doing other workes of deuotion as I declared before he addeth mansit haec Christi capitis membrorum consonantia suauis donec Arriana perfidia c. this sweet consonance or agreement of the members of Christ the head remayned vntil the Arrian heresy spread her poyson there and although he insinuat as saynt Bede also doth that afterwards the people became new fangled and embraced other heresyes meaning no dout the Pelagian heresy which as I haue shewed before out of S. Bede was quickly extinguished there yet afterwards he signifieth playnly that neither the Arrian nor Pelagian nor any other heresy took root in Britany and that the Churche was cleare therof after the cōming in of the Saxons about the tyme of his byrth which was in the yere of our Lord 594. for speaking of the tyme and of the ouerthrow geuen by Ambrosius Aurelianus to the Saxons and Picts and of the great slaughter of them shortly after at blackamore in York-shire which as Polidore supposeth is called in Gildas mons Badonicus he sayth that the people hauing noted the punishment of God vpon them for their sinnes and his mercy in giuing them afterwards so greate victories ob hoc reges publici priuati sacerdotes ecclesiastics suum quique ordinem seruauerunt for this cause saith hee the Kings and others as wel publik as priuat person●● Priests and ecclesiastical men did euery one their dutyes and although he declare presently after that by the extreame negligence of their Kings and gouernours ecclesiastical and temporal which immediatly succeded greate corruption was entred at the same tyme that he wrote yet it is euident ynough in him that it was not corruption of fayth but of manners as pryd ambition dissolutiō of lyfe drōkenesse lying periury tyranny in the Kings simony couetousnesse in the clergy sildome sacrifices breach of vowes of chastity and of monastical lyfe profaning of altars and such lyke for the which he threatneth and as it were prophesyeth the vtter destruction of Britany which shortly after followed so that amongst other things which he was persuaded brought the plague of God vpon our country we see he taxed certayne customes peculiar to our aduersaries and the proper fruits of their religion tending only to the ouerthrow of ours therfore it playnly appeareth that ours was then in vre and receiued detriment by those who though they were not protestants in profession yet were protestants in humour and condition I meane profaners of Altars and holy things breakers of vowes of chastity and Apostatats from religious and monastical lyfe such as Luther and many of his followers haue ben since And now to come to later tymes after Gildas yf we consider the relicks of Christian religion which saynt Augustine found in Britany amongst other things the great monastery of Bangor wherein were aboue two thowsand monks it wil be manifest that the ancient religion of the Britains was our Catholike fayth for although in the space of a hundreth seuenty and three yeres that passed from the comming in of the Saxons vntil their conuersion the Britain Church was not only much decayed but also had receiued some aspersion of erronious and euil customes yet in fayth and opinion they diffred not from S. Augustine insomuch that he offred to hold communion with them if they would concurre with him in three things only the first in the tyme of celebrating the feast of easter the second in the manner of administring the sacrament of Baptisme and the third in preaching the faith to the Saxons all which the monkes of Bangor refused vpon no better reason then for that S. Augustine did not ryse to them when they came to the synod condemning him therefore to be a proud man notwithstanding that he had restored a blynd man to sight by his prayers in the presence of all the Bishops and clergy of Britany who vndertooke to do the lyke in confirmation of their customes but could not performe it Therfore as saynt Bede reporteth S. Augustine did foretel to the sayd Monkes of Bangor that seing they would not haue peace with their brethren they should haue warre with their enemies and yf they would not preach vnto the English nation the way of lyfe they should by their hands receiue reuenge of death which after was truly fulfilled for Edelfrid a pagan King of Northumberlād killed a thousand two hundred Monkes of that monastery at one tyme by the iust iudgement of God as saynt Bede sayth for their obstinacy Thus much for this matter wherby thou mayst see good reader that saynt Augustine found in wales amongst the Britains the same religion faith in substance that he then preached to the English or Saxons and which we Catholykes stil professe which being considered with that which I haue proued before concerning the continual practise therof in the primatiue Church of Britany whyles the same was in purity and integrity no man that hath common sence can dout that the same fayth was deliuered by Pope Eleutherius to King Lucius and generally professed throughout Christendom at those dayes in which respect we fynd honorable mention and testimony of the faith of the Britains in the Fathers both Greekes and Latins from the tyme of their conuersion as in Tertulian in K. Lucius tyme and in Origen presently after in S. Athanasius and S. Hilarius in the tyme of the Arrians of which two the first testifieth that the Bishops of Britany came to the councel of Sardica and the other commendeth the Britan Church for reiecting the Arrian heresy as I haue noted before also in S. Chrisostome and saynt Hierom who commendeth the deuotion of the Britans that came to Bethlem in pilgrimage in his dayes about the same tyme that the Saxons entred into Britany CERTAINE POINTS OF CONTROUERSY are discussed wherby it is prooued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth and first of the Popes supremacy in Ecclesiastical causes CHAP. VII BVT to the end that this vndouted truth may be cleared of all dout I wil ioyne Issue with our aduersaries vpon some two or three poynts now in controuersy betwyxt vs and them and breefly proue that the doctrin that we teach concerning the same was publykly held for truth throughout Christendome in King Lucius dayes and that therfore he could receiue no other then the same from the Church of Rome and this I vndertake the more willingly for that albeit all matters of controuersy haue ben very learnedly and sufficiently handled yea and whole volumes written of them by our English Catholykes in the beginning of her maiestyes raygne yet by reason of the strayt prohibition of the sayd bookes there are an infinit number in England especially of the younger sort that neuer saw the same to whome I desyre to giue in this treatyse at least some litle tast of the truth of our Catholyke religion so farre as my determined breuity wil permit First
poynts which I haue handled what hath alwayes bin the doctrin of the Churche of God concern●ng the same and that therfore King Lucius could receiue no other frō the Catholyke Romā Churche by the which he was conuerted to the Christian fayth and yf I thought it needful to rip vp euery other particuler point controuersed betwyxt our aduersaries and vs I could easely shew the same in euery one But what needeth it seing they cannot proue that any Pope I wil not say from S. Eleutherius to S. Gregory but from S. Peter to Clement the eight that now gouerneth the Churche hath taught and decreed any different doctrin from his predecessors whereas on the other syde wee shew euidently that in a perpetual succession of our Roman Bishops there hath ben also a continual succession of one the selfe same doctrin where vpon it followeth infalibly that King Ethelbert and the English could not receiue from S. Gregory the Pope any other fayth then King Lucius and the britans receiued from saynt Eleutherius and that wee which now hold communion with the Roman Churche teache no other doctrin then that which was taught by them to our ancestors and hath successiuely come from S. Peter consequently from our Sauiour Christ. Therefore thou mayst wel wonder good reader at the impudency of our English ministers that are not a shamed to preache teache the contrary wherby thow mayst also see how lamentable is the case of our poor country wherein such haue the charge and cure of soules as haue not so much as common honesty to say the truth in matters as cleare as the Sunne and teach such a religion as for lack of better reasons and arguments they are forst to mayntayne it with manifest lyes slanders yea and murders of innocent men whome they execute for fayned crymes vnder colour of matter of state acknowledging therby sufficiently the truth of our Catholyk fayth seing they are ashamed to a●ow that they trooble any man for it whyles they confesse that they punish and put to death heretykes namely the Anabaptists directly for their religion and their impudency is so much the more notorious for that their publyk proceedings in the dayly execution of penal and capital lawes touching only matter of religion doth contradict and conuince their sayings and writings wherein they affirme that they put none to death for religion But for as much as I haue treated this matter at large in diuers partes of my Apology besydes that I vnderstand that some others also entend to treate thereof in the answere of a ridiculous challenge made by O. E. fraught with most absurd paradoxes as wel concerning this poynt as others touching our Catholyke fayth I remit thee good reader therto and so conclude this treatys beseeching almighty God to geue our aduersaries the light of his grace and vs in the meane tyme pacience and constancy and to thee indifferency to iudge of maters so much importing the eternal good and saluation of thy soule which I hartely wish no lesse then my owne FINIS A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS OF THIS TREATISE THE preface wherein are declared the causes of the long delay of printing the Apology and withall is noted the impudency of a late wryter in England disguysing his name with the letters O. E. who auoweth the fiction of Squyres employment for a truth and affirmeth that none are put to death in England for religion An Answere to two malitious slanders auowched in the foresayd libels concerning the conquest of England falsly supposed to be pretended sollicited by the Catholyks touching the late enterprise of the King of Spayne in Ireland Also concerning sir VVilliam Stanley and the Iesuits calumniated by the lybellers CHAP. 1. Concerning father Parsons in particular and that the extreame malice that the heretyks beare him is an euident argument of his great vertue CHAP. 2. That the Catholykes are persecuted martyred now in England for the same causes that the martyrs dyed in the primatiue Churche and of the great iniustice donne to two Priests condemned at Lincolne by Iudge Glanduile CHAP. 3. Of the impudēcy of a minister who being present at the death of the two martyrs aforesaid affirmed publykly that our country was conuerted by saynt Augustin the monk to the protestants religion by occasion where-of the truth of that poynt is euidently declared CHAP. 4. Of the first conuersion of our country whyles it was called Britany in the tyme of King Lucius with euidēt proofes that our Catholyk fayth was then preached and planted there CHAP. 5. The same is cōfirmed proued out of Gildas the sage Ca. 6. Certayne poynts of controuersy are discussed whereby it is proued that King Lucius receiued our Catholyke fayth and first of the Popes supremacy in Ecclesiasticall causes CHAP. 7. That our Sauiour made S. Peter supreme head of the churche CHAP. 8. That the successors of saynt Peter to wit the Bishops of Rome succeed him in the supremacy of the Churche CHAP. 9. That the Bishops of Rome exercised supreme autority in the tyme of King Lucius CHAP. 10. The matter of holy Images is debated and the vse thereof proued to haue ben in the Churche of God euer since our Sauiours tyme. Chap. 11. The commandment of God touching Images is explicated the practise of the Churche declared Chap. 12. Concerning the relicks of saynts and the reuerend vse thereof Chap. 13. That our doctrin concerning the sacrifice of the Masse was generaly receiued and beleeued in the tyme of King Lucius and first that it was foretold and prophecyed by Malachias Chap. 14. That not only the sacrifice of Melchisedech but also all the sacrifices of the old law were figures of the sacrifice of the masse and are changed into the same and by the way is declared the necessity of sacrifice as wel for common welth as for religion Chap. 15. That our Sauiour Christ instituted and offred at his last supper the sacrifice of his blessed body and blood proued by his owne woords by the expositions of the Fathers with a declaration how he is sacrificed in the masse and lastly that he gaue commission and power to his Disciples to offer his body and blood in sacrifice that is to say to say the Masse Chap. 16. That the Apostles practised the commission geuen them by our Sauiour sacrificing or saying Masse them-selues and leauing the vse and practise thereof vnto the Churche that the ancient Fathers not only in King Lucius tyme but also for all the first 500. yeares afeer Christ taught it to bee a true sacrifice and propitiatory for the liuing for the dead Chap. 17 An answere to the obiections of our aduersaries out of S. Paules epistle to the Hebrewes with a declaration that the heretyks of this tyme that abolish the sacrifice of the Masse haue not the new testamēt of Christ and that they shew themselues to be most pernicious enemies of humain kynd Chap. 18.
Our doctrin of the merits of woorks and Iustification is proued and cleared from the slanders of our aduersaries commonly published in their sermons and lately insinuated in a book set forth concerning the conuiction of my Lord of Essex Chap. 19. That our aduersaries who affirme that wee derogate from the merits of Christs passion do them-selues wholy euacuat and frustrat the same by their most wicked and absurd doctrin of imputatiue iustice and concerning original sinne and diuers other points confuted in this chapter Chap. 20. The conclusion conuincing by the premisses that our Catholyke doctrin was deliuered to King Lucius by Pope Eleutherius and is the vndouted truth that Christ left to his Churche with a note of the notable impudēcy of our English ministers Chap. 21. AN APOLOGY OF T. F. IN DEFENCE OF HIM-SELF AND OTHER CATHOLYKS FALSLY CHARGED WITH A fayned conspiracy agaynst her Maiesties person for the which one Edward Squyre was wrong-fully condemned and executed in the yeare of our Lord 1598. wherein are discouered the wicked and malicious practises of some inferior persons to whose examination the causes of Catholykes are commonly committed and their iniurious manner of proceding not only against the sayd Squyre but also agaynst many Catholykes that haue ben vniustly condemned for lyke fayned conspiracies against her maiesty and the state VVritten in the yeare of our Lord 1599. and dedicated to the right honorable the Lords of her mayesties priuie councel Ecclesiast cap. 3. 5. 16. Vidi sub sole in loco iudicij iniquitatem in loco iustitiae impietatem I haue seene vnder the Sunne iniquity in place of iudgement and impiety in place of iustice Imprinted with licence 1602. AN ADVERTISMENT TO THE READER ABOVT A FORMER ANSWERE OF M. M. Ar. AFter I had set downe to my self this defence or Apologie in the forme that here it goeth there came to my hādes a certayne breif pamphlet writen in Rome by M. Mar. Ar. presentlie vpon the execution of Squier in England which confutation thoughe for the substance of the matter it seemed to me very sufficient to giue any man satisfaction by shewing the whole matter of Squyers accusatiō condēnation and execution to be a very fiction and deuised for certayne endes which there are touched yet thought I not amisse to let this Apologie passe also as it was made partly for that it conteyneth my owne particuler defence which the other toucheth not but handleth the whole action in general and partly also for that the māner of both our proceedings is different he shewing the whole subiect and argument to be a fayned thing and I that albeit some occasion had byn geuen of suspition yet the forme of proceeding against Squyer the rest to be vniust against all reason equitie law and conscience M. Mar. Ar. to proue his intent layeth downe the historical narration of all the whole matter and men touched in the same to wit how Squyer and Rolles were taken vpon the sea and brought prisoners to Siuil and had their liberty there by Father Parsons meanes and how afterwards geuing newe occasion of offence in matters of religiō they were taken agayne at S. Lucars brought back to Siuil and there agayne after certayne monethes imprisonment deliuered out of prison put in different Monasteryes for to be instructed whence they fled away to the sea syde and excused their flight afterwards by letters to Father Walpoole that was most in daunger by that flight which letters are yet extant It sheweth also the improbability of the deuise to wit that Father Walpoole being the man he is should euer haue thought of such a fond way of sending poyson into England by such a fellow as Squyer was suspected stil to be a dissembled protestant as afterwards he proued and that thing could not be wrought nor the poyson caryed so farre but that Rolles his compagnion must know somewhat thereof who being at that present in the Towre of London and neither brought foorth nor mentioned nor yet made partaker of the fact was a token that matters went not wel nor were directly handled Besides this that book declareth by many examples the practises of Protestants in these our dayes for making Catholykes odious especially Iesuites of which order Father Walpoole is who was fayned to be the contriuer of this conspiracy which is shewed to be as farre from the condition of the man as the matter it self is from all probability of truth to wit any such poyson to be made bought and sold in Siuil proued by the death of a dog sent into England by sea in bladders of leather poured vpon the Quenes Sadle as also vpon the chayre of the Earle of Essex without hurt to the sitter or ryder the matter discouered by one Stanley that neyther sawe Squyer in Spayne nor spoke with him and it was denyed by Squyer first at the barre and after at his death and since his death called in dowt by Stanley his first detector as by some hath byn written from the place where he abydeth the force also of that poyson yf any such had byn is declared by reasons and authoritie both of physick and Philosophie that it could not worke any such effect as was ymagined or pretended consequentlie that those applauses congratulations both by woords sighs teares which a company of flatterers shewed foorth at Squyers arraynment and condemnation for her Ma ties so miraculous escape was most ridiculous and vayne This is the summe effect of that answere as breifly set downe as I can gather it and it maketh the fiction most euident to all such as without partiality wil read it though I heare say that it may chance come out agayne more ample in a secōd edition with many Autentical letters as wel of the citty of Siuil as of the courte of Inquisitiō in that place to shew the manner of Squyers and Rolles running away from those partes with some other circumstances to improue the probabilitie of the deuised slander in England which letters and instruments I thought not good to insert heere to my Apologie but to leaue thē to M. Mar. Ar. now at his returne hither from Rome to ad to his former Answere if so he shal think good for that he maketh mention thereof in the same and as for this my defence gentle reader I shal not need to aduise thee of the substance manner method or argument therof for that the breife chapters ensuing wil sufficiently setfoorth the same only I would admonish thee to consider maturely with thy self how rhow mayest be vsed in matters of Religion which do most import thy soule and saluation when in matters of fact and open action thow shalt fynd thy self so egregiously abused TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE LORDES OF HER MA ties PRYVIE councel RIght honorable vnderstanding by common fame confirmed by letters from Italy Flanders and France that one Edward Squire was lately condemned and executed in England for
traytour are but different wordes that signifie one and the selfe same thing so that although all persecutours haue sought to couer their persecutions with the cloke of treason I thinke none haue wrought yt so cunninglie as ours haue donne by meanes of these lawes seconded with such slaunders as this of Squyre against Father Walpoole and mee and others heer of which kynd there haue beene so many and of such diuers sortes in sundry partes of England these later yeares as neyther I nor perhaps any one particuler man can take vpon him to discouer the same and therfore I wil only touch with conuenient breuitie a few which eyther are with in the compasse of my owne knowledge and remembrance or haue come to my vnderstanding by vndoubted and assured meanes and may be proued by sufficient witnesses that were present thereat yf need require and libertie graunted to make the proof OF THE MOST NOTORIOVS iniustice committed in the condemnation of Father Edmond Campion of the Societye of Iesus and of eleuen other learned and godly Priests for a fayned conspiracy against her Ma tie and the state in the yeare 1581. CHAP. XI I AM sure there are many yet liuing that were present at the araygnment of that worthy man Father Campion of the Societye of Iesus of eleuē venerable Priests with him and do remember the notorious iniustice donne vnto them in sight of all the world who were indyted and condemned in the yeare of our Lord 1581. For a certayne conspiracie made at Rome Rhemes in Frāce to disposesse her Ma tie of the crowne by inuasion of the realme with the helpe of forrayne Princes the wh●ch conspiracy was supposed to be held in the moneth of May of the precedent yeare to wit the 22. of her Ma ties Raigne at Rome and Rhemes for proof wherof first spake the Queenes soliciter and Atturney with other of the Q●eenes councel who began to dilate the matter with large discourses as the old Roman oratours were wont to do when they ment to draw out the day and leaue no tyme to their aduersaries handling theses only not hypotheses to wit general propositions and comon places of the greiuousnesse of treason of the peril of Kingdomes where traytours liue and do cloke their intensions with shew of Religion of the great importāce of the saftie of her Ma ties person and the daungers she had passed and how much she was maligned by Catholykes both at home and abroad and other lyke stuffe Then came they to declare how many wayes rebellions and tumultes had byn attempted by such kynd of people as the excommunication of Pius Quintus the hanging vp of it by M. Felton the rysing in the North by the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland the late attempts of Doctor Sanders and others in Ireland and when no end was made in amplifying exaggerating of these matters the prisoners often tymes desyred that they would come to the perticuler poynts of the inditement and proue some particularities against any one of them of whom some said that nothing was alleadged but original sinne the factes of others some that they were very children when most of the matters alleadged did happen some that they were of farre different places states and conditions And when these accusers or rather declamers went stil forward to vrge the insurrections of other Catholykes against these that were present F. Campion among other thinges sayd Sir supposing that diuers men Catholyke in Religion hauing for the sayd Religion or other causes taken sometymes armes as of Protestants also I thinke no man can deny yt that considereth what hath passed in our dayes in Germanie Fraunce Flaunders and Scotland yet what is this to any of vs heere at the barre though we be of the same Religion this doth not proue vs to be of the same action yf a sheep were stolne and a whole familie called in question for the same were it a good manner of proceeding for the accusers to say your great grand fathers and fathers and sisters and kynsfolke loued all mutton ergo yow haue stolne the sheep if yow wil proue any thing against vs M. Attorney and Solicitor yow must leaue your ranging speech come to say thow Cāpion or thow Sherwyn or thow such a one hast done or dealt or committed this act This sayd that seruant of God and to all indifferent men that were present his demaund seemed most iust and reasonable but yet would yt not be hard for a great while at last notwithstanding were brought in certayne witnesses whose names were Slead Cradock Munday Eliot The first had bene a seruing man in Rome and sayd he had heard by common report that some styrres were lyke to be shortlie in England Cradock had byn a broken Merchant about Italie and imprisoned in Rome for a spie and testified of one that to comfort him in prison should say he has happie that he was foorth of England seing yt was lyke that great troubles would ensewe there Munday was a player of commedies and had byn some fewe dayes in Roome and could say litle or nothing at all Eliot was a seruingman who hauing byn a Catholyke before but now in danger for stealing away a yong gentlewoman out of M. Ropers house and for suspition of a robery for which he and his frends were boūd to appeare at the next assyses to get himself free betrayed first his best and greatest frend M. Payne a Priest and afterward took F. Campion and now came into iudgment not to accuse any particuler man present of any matter of weight but to make them odious by relating a certayne fiction of his owne against M. Payne absent but in the tower whom he accused to haue told him of a deuise that had byn thought of to kyl her Ma tie in tyme of progresse or hunting with fiftie armed men which the other after vpon his death took to be most false Now then all these witnesses being brought in and saying no more in effect them heer hath byn layd downe how insufficient there depositions were to condemne any one of his companie and much lesse all and euery one of them together I referre me to the iudgement of any man that hath but common sence for albeit we graunt that these witnesses were all honest men as it is euident they were lewd and infamous fellowes what proued they against F. Campion or any of the reste there araygned what particularities brought they of the conspiracie and pretended inuasion as with what forces yt should be dōne what forreyn Princes had ben treated with all and how or by whome the matter had beene negociated by what meanes they at Rome conferred with them at Rhemes and how it came to passe that the conspiracie came to be held by so many seueral persons and in such distant places at one tyme as in the end of one moneth of May no doubt for the condemnation of the
with matter of state CHAP. XXII IN the third page yow appeale Sir Pamphleter to the knowledge of your frend in Padua for the distinction moderation of the proceeding in England in ecclesiastical causes with what lenitie and gentlenes it hath beene caryed except where it was mixed with matter of state for such are your owne wordes Hereto I answere that by your restriction exception of state matters yow ouerthrow your general proposition of clemency and proue that ther is no moderation lenitie nor gentlenes vsed at all for where is not matter of state mixed with religion now a dayes in England are not so many essential poynts of Catholyke religion made treason as no man can do the duetie of a Catholyke but he is ipso facto a traytour seing no man can be so much as absolued of his sinnes nor receyue any Sacrament of Gods Churche by the only true ministers thereof I meane Priestes but he committeth treason besydes the other captious lawes about the Supremacie the exacting of the oth and the vrging of Catholykes to come to haeretical seruice communion vnder colour of temporal obediēce to the Prince is not in all this state mixt with religion yea and to no other end then to persecute vs vnder co●our of treason and matter of state while ye persecute religion and for religion Was not this the very practise of Iulian the Apostata who to couer his persecution of Christians sometymes caused his picture to be set with Iupiter or other fais Gods and sometymes made himselfe to be paynted with their enseignes and resemblance therby to make such mixture of religion and matter of state that those which should refuse to commit Idololatry might be punished vnder colour of contempt of his emperial person Hereof sayth Sozomenus Nam sic cogitabat c. for so Iulian thought that if he persuaded thē to that he should more easely bring them to his wil in other points of religion also and if they resisted in this he might punish them without mercie as offenders against both the common wealth and the Empyre It not this now practised in England in effect for what other thing is it to annex the keyes of Peter with the Princes crowne the deuine power with the humain the supremacy spiritual with the gouernment temporal dignities no lesse distinct in nature then incompatible in lay persons and especially in women sexe what other thing is it I say then to ioyne Iulian with Iupiter and to paynt the Prince with the enseignes and resemblance of deitie and to what other end then vnder colour of treason matter of state to make away all those that shal refuse to acknowledge this pretended ecclesiastical supremacy Such then is your mixture of religion with matter of state as whiles yow pretend to punish none for Catholyke religion yow persecute cruelly all Catholykes for no other true canse then religion yea and as the pharises did yow persecute and crucifie Christ agayne in his members as an enemy to Caesar and for the same reason of state that they did cry to Pilate si dimittis hune non es amicus Caesaris if yow let him scape yow are not Caesars frend for that his fault is not religion but matter of state against Caesar and agayne si dimitiunus hunc venient Romani c. yf we dismisse this man the Romans togither with Spaniards wil come and take from vs both our place and people and wil conquer spoyle destroy vs for which respect yow haue already killed some hundreths of Catholykes vpon lyke suspitions and ealumniations by vertue of your new statutes besydes many murdred for fayned conspiracies and fals imputed crymes and an exceeding multitude of others consumed and wasted with imprisonment others pyned a way in banishment others empouerished ruined with taxes impositions and penalties and an infinite number dayly languishing in captiuity penurie and miserie for that they wil not yeeld as yow cal it temporal obedience in comming to your seruice and communion yet forsooth yow trouble none for religion But yf it please yow and your frend in Padua that knoweth as yow say this matter so wel to consider it a litle better yow wil easely see that the distinction that yow and your fellowes make is confusion your moderation persecution your lenity seueritie your shew and talk of mercy nothing els but a mere mockerie and playne cosinage of the simple reader for to preache one thing and practise an other is I trow the highest point of cosinage that may be But what maruaile is it if yow draw our religion to matter of state seing your owne religion hath no other rule nor ground but reason of state for albeit the substance of religion which now yow professe different from ours be patcht vp of old and new heresies especially of these last of Luther Zwinglius and Caluin yet that which is properly yours and the key and stay of all the rest and maketh yow a bodie and part different from other Sectes of Lutheranes Zwinglians and Caluenists Puritanes Brownists Anabaptists and the lyke is the obedience that yow acknowledge in ecclesiastical causes to a lay head which although it was first introduced into England by King Henry the S. only vpon animositie against the sea Apostolyke because thesaid sea would not allow his deuorce from Queene Catherine which King in all other poynts detested your religion yet being abolished by Queene Marie her Ma ties syster and last praedecessour it was returned agayne in the beginning of her Ma ties raigne that now is only vpon reason of state as all the world knoweth and so hath hyherto byn continued For those polityke statistes of ours that had the vse of her Ma ties eares in the beginning considering that the Queene of Scotland being then maried vnto the French King pretended title vnto the crowne of England and fearing that the sea Apostolyk would fauour her pretence in respect of the mariage of her Ma ties mother yea and that the people would also incline that way if they remayned stil in the obedience of the said sea they hadrecourse to Hieroboams pollicy and abusing the facilitie of her Ma ties good nature and yong yeares persuaded her to change the religion then publikly professed and not only to banish the authority of the Pope but also to follow her father and brothers example in taking the title of ecclesiastical supremacy vpō her self a thing absurd ridiculous vnnatural impossible therefore worthely reiected impugned and derided by Luther and Caluyn themselues and by their folowers and the Puritaines at this day in England and all other sectaries abroad as a matter without all praesident or example in any Christian common wealth or colour of Scripture except of some few texts that treat of obedience to Princes in general no lesse to Heathen Kings then Christian and therfore can not with any shew of reason be vnderstood
that for the remedy there wanteth nothing but that your honours may haue notice thereof which I haue therefore presumed to geue yow in this Apology by the occasion of this my purgation which I present vnto yow in all humility beseeching your Lordships for conclusion of this treatise to consider from what root all these foule vnchristian practises of our aduersaries do spring as that they are nothing els but the fruit of heresy which hath no other period where to rest but atheisme or apostacy from Christ as euidently appeareth by all the east parts of the world which from lyke schisme and heresy are falne to flat infidelity which if it please your Lordships wel to weigh and the true remedy withall which Machiauel though in other things he be most absurd and impious yet wysely teacheth in this case to wit to reduce a corrupted state of common wealth to the point frō whence it first declined I hope your honours wil see the necessity of the reduction of our realme to the ancient Catholyke religion and to the vnity of the Catholyke body of Christendome whereof it was many hundred yeares togeather a principal mēber in all honour and security florishing in iustice equity and piety whereas now by this difunion and diuorce from the said Catholyke body and religion it is not only exposed to many daungers and much in ●●my but is also replenished with iniustice and impiety as appeareth by the ordinary dayly proceedings of our aduersaries against vs declared sufficiently in this Apology which I leaue to your honours wyse consideration humbly beseeching almighty God to illuminat your Lordships and her Mayesty also in this behaulf which if it shal please his deuine Ma tie to do and with so great a grace and blessing as is the light of his Catholyke fayth to consummate and perfect those other rare gifts that he hath already bestowed vpon her Ma tie I meane her many princely partes her power by sea land her peace at home her prosperity abroad her long lyfe and raygne shee wil be one of the most fortunat famous glorious Princes that England or Christiandome hath had in many ages and a most rare example of Gods inspeakable mercy to the endles comfort of all true Christians From Madrid the last of August 1599. Your Lordships humble seruant T. F. THE TABLE OF the Chapters THE preamble to the right honorable the Lords of her Maiesties priuy councel The authors protestation of his innocency with the confutation of the fiction by the improbabilitie of the end that was supposed to moue Squyre there vnto Chap. 1. The examination of the grounds wherevpon Squyre was condemned and how vncertayne is the trial of truth by torment Chap. 2. Of the cruelty of the rackmaisters in England and of their manner of examination Chap. 3. Of the tormentors their manner of proceeding against law and conscience Chap. 4. That the common lawes of England do not admit torment in trial of criminal causes for the condemnation of the delinquent Chap. 5. Of the presumptions vrged by some lawyers against Squyre and first of the deposition of Ihon Stallage alias Stanley Chap. 6. Of the testimony geuen by a priuy councellour Chap. 7. That the euidence produced against Squyre was not sufficient in law to geue him torment and that therefore his confession extorted therby was of no force and consequently his condemnation vniust Chap. 8. An expostulation with M. Cook her Maiesties atturney Chap. 9. Of the lyke slander raysed diuers tymes heretofore against Catholyks and of the concurrence of calumniation and persecution Chap. 10. Of the vniust condemnation of father Campion of the Society of Iesus and 11. Priests for a fayned conspiracy against her Maiesty and the state Chap. 11. Of the lyke iniustice vsed against M. payne a Priest for a surmised conspiracy against her Ma ties person Cha. 12. Of the lyke vniust condemnation of M. Iames Fen M. George Haddock vpon the lyke fals pretence Chap. 13. Of two Catholykes in wales condemned vpon the testimony of fals witnesses suborned and hyred for money Cha. 14. Of VVilliams York Cullē executed for fayned conspiracies against her Maiesty Chap. 15. Of the ends that our aduersaries haue or may haue in slandering Catholyks with treasonable attempts and first of the end that they haue common with all persecutors of Gods Churche and how much they fayle of their purpose therein Chap. 16. Of other ends particuler to our aduersaries and of their disloyalty towards her Maiesty Chap. 17. That these proceedings of our aduersaries which they hold for polityke are against all policy true reason of state Chap. 18. Of two ineuitable dommages that must needs ensew to the whole state by the effusion of innocent blood with an intimation of some part of the remedy Chap. 19. The confutation of a pamphlet printed in England concerning the fayned conspiracy of Squyre and first of two notable lyes which the author thereof auoweth vpon his owne knowledge Chap. 20. Of certayne absurd improbabilities in the pāphlet touching the manner of the discouery of Squyres supposed conspiracy Chap 21. Of certayne impertinent and foolish gloses of the author of the pamphlet and first concerning the moderation and lenity which he sayth is vsed in causes of religion where it is not mixt with matter of state Chap. 22. Of the true causes of more moderatiō vsed in the beginning then afterwards and of the difference made by the lawes betwixt Seminary Queene Mary Priests Chap 23. The confutatiō of aninuectiue which the author of the pamphlet maketh against the Iesuits Chap. 24. Of the hipocrisy of the autor of the pamphlet and his fellowes and of a ridiculous miracle fayned in her Ma ties supposed escape Chap. 25. The conclusion to the lords of the councel Chap. 26. Such fevv faultes as may haue escaped in the printing it may please the courteous reader to pardon Edvvard Squyre executed for a fayned conspiracy and the author of this treatyse charge therevvith The reasons that moued the author to vvryte an Apology in his ovvne defence The Apology stayd frō the print in hope of some toleration of Catholyke religion in England Hope of toleration frustrate Squyres matter seemed to be forgot Squyres matter held by the vvyse for a stratagem of state Squyres matter lately reuyued by 3. lybels and much vrged against Catholyks The authors determinatiō to set out his Apology O. E. In his nevv challeng to N.D. Chap ● The autor ansvvereth and confuteth this slāder vpon his ovvne knovvledge The autors protestation vpon his cōscience The endeuour of Syr Fran. Englefeld F. Parsons F Cresvvel and of the autor to diuert the Catholik king from the conquest of Engl. The Catholyk kings ansvver concerning his intention Restitution of Catholyk religion in England Ease of persecution by treaty of peace The reasons vvhy the Catholyks rather expected remedy by peace then by vvarre Frequent ouuertures to treatyse of