making the said Earl a Prisoner against the Practice and Law of Nations The sending his own Guards at Eleven at Night to take Possession of the Posts at White-hall without Advertising Me in the least manner of it The sending to Me at One a Clock after Midnight when I was in Bed a kind of an Order by Three Lords to be gone out of My own Pallace before Twelve the next Morning After all this How could I hope to be Safe so long as I was in the Power of one who had not only done this to Me and Invaded My Kingdoms without any just occasion given him for it but that did by his First Declaration lay the greatest Aspersion on Me that Malice could invent in that Clause of it which concerns My Son I appeal to all that know Me nay even to himself that in their Consciences neither he nor they can believe Me in the least capable of so Vnnatural a Villany nor of so little common Sense to be imposed upon in a Thing of such a nature as that What had I then to expect from one who by all Arts hath taken such pains to make Me appear as black as Hell to My own People as well as to all the World besides What Effect that had at Home all Mankind have seen by so general a Defection in My Army as well as in the Nation amongst all sorts of People I was born Free and desire to continue so and though I have ventured My Life very frankly on several occasions for the Good and Honor of My Countrey and am as free to do it again and which I hope I shall yet do as Old as I am to redeem it from the Slavery it is like to fall under yet I think it not convenient to expose My Self to be Secured as not to be at Liberty to effect it and for that Reason do withdraw but so as to be within Call whensoever the Nations Eyes shall be opened so as to see how they have been Abused and Imposed upon by the specious Pretence of Religion and Property I hope it will please God to touch their Hearts out of his infinite Mercy and to make them sensible of the ill Condition they are in and bring them to such a Temper That a legal Parliament may be called and that amongst other Things which may be necessary to be done they will agree to Liberty of Conscience for all Protestant Dissenters and that those of My own Persuasion may be so far considered and have such a share of it as they may live Peaceably and Quietly as English-men and Christians ought to do and not to be obliged to transplant themselves which would be very grievous especially to such as love their own Countrey And I appeal to all Men who are Considering Men and have had Experience Whether any thing can make this Nation so Great and Flourishing as Liberty of Conscience Some of Our Neighbours dread it I could add much more to confirm all I have said but now is not the proper time Rochester Decemb. 22d 1688. But finding this Letter not to be taken to be Ours by some and that the Prince of Orange and his Adherents did Maliciously Suppress the same We Writ to several of Our Privy-Council and directed Copies thereof to divers of You the Peers of the Realm believing that none durst take upon them to intercept or open any of Your Letters But of all these We have no Account But We wonder not that all Arts are used to hinder You from knowing Our Sentiments since the Prince of Orange rather chose against all Law to imprison the Earl of Feversham and by Force to drive Vs away from Our own Palace than receive Our Invitation of coming to Us or hearing what We had to propose to him well knowing that what We had to offer would content all Honest and Reasonable Men and was what he durst not trust You with the Knowledge of Those False and Wicked Reflections on Vs relating to the French-League and to Our Son the Prince of Wales We require You to examine into and thereby satisfie Your Selves and all other Our Subjects where the Imposture lies We hope God will not permit You to deprive Your Selves of a lawful Prince whose Education shall be such as may give a Prospect of Happiness to all Our Kingdoms hereafter We are Resolved nothing shall be omitted on Our part whenever We can with Safety return that can contribute towards the redâ—ess of all former Errors or present Disorders or add to the Securing the Protestant Religion or the Property of every individual Subject intending to refer the whole to a Parliament Legally Called Freely Elected and held without Constraint wherein We shall not only have a particular Regard to the Support and Security of the Church of England as by Law Established but also give such an Indulgence to Dissenters as Our People shall have no Reason to be jealous of not expecting for the future any other Favour to those of Our own Persuasion than the exercise of their Religion in their own private Families And because many of Our well-meaning Subjects whose unnecessary Fears for the Protestant Religion and the unhappy Mistakes of the Prince of Orange's Ambitious Designs which they did not sufficiently see into time enough have been Fatally led beyond what they first intended viz. the Preservation of their Religion c. to the Breach of all Laws and even to the total Dissolution of the Anâ—ient Government it self and knowing themselves thereby to be Obnoxious may despair of Our Mercy We do therefore declare on the Word of a King That Our Free Pardon shall not only be extended to them but to all Our Subjects to the worst even those that Betrayed Us some few Excepted Resolving in that Parliament by an Act of Oblivion to cover all Faults heal all Divisions and restore Peace and Happiness to all Our Subjects which can never be effectually done by any other Methods or Power Having thus firmly Resolved on Our part whatsoever Crimes are omitted whose Posterity shall come to suffer for these Crimes We shall look upon Our Selves as Justified in the sight both of God and Man and therefore leave it with You expecting You will seriously and speedily consider hereof and so we bid You heartily Farewell Given at St. Germains en Laye the Third of February 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year The Letter to the Commons was Verbatim the same To the Officers and Souldiers of the Army JAMES R. THe Regard We have for you as Gentlemen and Souldiers obliges Us to endeavour to restore you to that Reputation for Courage Loyalty c. which has till now been inseparable from English men which by your late fatal Defection from Us your lawful Prince whose particular Care you ever were is now become Contemptible even to those you joyned with against Us nor can any thing restore you to your former Character but a sudden and hearty return to
a Word they apprehended they were to fence with their Enemies on both hands and therefore they combined Veleus Testindine factâ to link themselves unanimously against the universally Dâ—â—pensing Power and in Maintenance of the Test. On the other side King Iames was very earnest to have a general Liberty of Conscience setled by Law It had ever been his Tenet that Persecution purely for Conscience sake was Vnchristian Besides he judged it would enrich the Nation as it had done Holland by inviteing Strangers hither and encouraging Trade the conveniency of our Ports above those of our Neighbours being an efficacious Motive to draw the Traffick from them to us He judged too that this universal Toleration if wisely setled and managed might be a means to compose the Bedlam Animosities here about Religion which had so often distracted the Nation and within our Memory turned the Government topsie-turvy Nor was it one of his least Motives though not the only one as some apprehended to gain those of his own Religion a Toleration among the rest of the Dissenters a thing to speak impartially to which both his Honour and his Conscience could not but exceedingly encline him These Conveniences meeting in one took such full hold of his Judgment that he was exceedingly fond of a Project which did seem to him so hugely Advantageous to the Nation Hereupon he try'd all Sweet means imaginable to bring it about but found all his Caresses ineffectual to induce our Church Party to permit it to be enacted in Parliament which was his main design Wherefore he saw there was no other Expedient but to turn out such Officers as opposed his Intentions and for the present to put in Dissenters to whom he knew it would be grateful and by that means to compass such a Parliament as was likely to establish this Liberty of Conscience by Law He hop'd it would not much displease our Church since he declared he would continue to them the Prerogative above others to be still the state-State-Religion established by Law to enjoy all the Bishopricks and Benefices and by that means to have vast Priviledges aâ—â— Advantages over any others whatsoever But they were jealous that this was not sufficient to secure them for the future And hence as it happens when both Parties are stiff in their contrary Preâ—ensions mutual Diskindnesses past towards one another which ill meaning Men laid hold on and made use of to disaffect the Nation and so facilitated the way to welcome the Invader Now all this while What had Kâ—ng Iames done to make his Son in Law and his own Nephew nay his own Daughter turn their Father out of his Kingdoms There was nothing taken from our Church but the Power of Persecution our Principles he meddled not with nor intruded Men of Heterodox Tenets into our Bishopricks and Livings whereas now we have Soctnians and Latitudinarians softed into our Chief Cathedrals and ouâ— Parish Churches so that we may expect shortly without God's special and undeserved Mercy our Church will be made an Amsterdam of all Religions Their Swearing Allegiance at a venture attones for all their Heretical Tenets let them be as Dâ—mâ—able as they will or can be Had our Governour for to call him Head of such a dâ—fferent natured Church were to call it a Monster taken away our â—xternal Grandure or our Revenues it had been less pernice us â—o our Church than what it now suffers For not outward Splendor or Râ—bâ—s but True Principles of Faiâ—b are that which make a Church The Câ—â—iâ—tian Church under the Ten Heathen Persecutions was still a most perfect and pure Church hâ— keeping her Principles untainted and admitting none into her Communion that were polluted with False Tenets though it wanted then all these outward Ornaments and Accessaries So that both the very Essence and Being of our Church goes on nâ—w corrupting every Day and her Revenues too in great part are given away to Aliens Whereas King Iames never injured us in the least either in the one of those respects or the other nor have we any more than a suspicion that he ever meant it though he shew'd some Resentments against the personal Opposition or rather uncompliance of some of our great ones which was a trifle in Comparison Whereas the Prince of Orange's declaring he came over to maintain the Protestant Religion was a meer Pretence being so far from maintaining or upholding our Principles of Faith or assisting our Church that as appears by the Event he has taken Care to corrupt the One and is making haste to destroy the Other the War therefore if any cannot be said to be just upon that Account As for what King Iames is pretended to have done in prejudice of our Civil Liberties which required the Prince of Orange's over-charitable vindicating them He was told by his Judges that it was his due Prerogative and suppose he had something extended that why should this oblige a Son and Daughter to invade a Father Had he beggar'd the Nation by Heavy Taxes it had been worse for them when their turn came to enjoy it But to magnifie the Roâ—al Prerogative had been a high Benefit to them especially in a Nation which was in great part of Common-wealâ—hish Principles and ought to have been esteemed meritorions Again The greatest Encroachment upon our Civil Liberties that was objected was the Dispensing universally with the Laws against the Dissenters whence it was inferred he might by the same Reason dispense with any other Law or suspend the Execution of it and then adieu to our Civil Liberties But it ought to be remembred that when he did this he declared his Judgment at the same time what it estimable Common Goods it would being to the Nation which cannot be pretended the Dispensing with any other Law whatsoever and he judged himself to be by his Office as indeed he was Oveâ—seer of the Common Good It may be remembred that it enrich'd not himself but rather impoverished him for he lâ—st the Fines and Forfeitures raised upon Conventicles So that 't is manifeâ—â— he aimed onely at the Common Good of the People and not at his own private Interest and therefore if he had erred it ought to have been very pardonable and not have been made such a heinous Fault as deserv'd an Invasion and the Loss of his Crown Again If King Iames over-reach'd it was in order to get Universal Liberty of Conscience settled by Law which suiting so exactly with the Dutch Methods could not to a Dutch Prince be a just Ground for such an Vnnatural Quarrel especially since it was intended to take the Grievous Yoke of Queen Elizabeth's Laws from off the Necks of those of the Presbyterian Persuasion which being the Religion that Prince had espoused and been bred up in it ought rather to have obliged him than have exasperated him so highly as to draw his Sword at his Father This Preteâ—ce then of maintaining our Civil Liberties and of Justifying the
by the Wheel of Fortune was laid flat and the Vnsteady Authority of our new Governours was bandied most miserably from Post to Pillar and could find no Foundation to fix upon nor any Basis that would fit it None had hitherto been so Hardy to offer to maintain by Reason that they were rightfull and lawfull King and Queen Yet I am credibly informed that a certain Gloomy-look't Divine relying I suppose on some mystick Exposition of the Revelation had preached a Sermon which would insinuate that King William had a Right to England by Conquest which was formerly ready to be published but upon the taking of Mons some sâ—op was put to it at that time If this be as true as it is told me with much assurance we English-men have reason to bless God for that Success of the French King as the most beneficial Event of Providence that has befall'n us this long time for had that Project been heartily encouraged our Countrey-men had been all Slaves and every Farthing in the Nation at the Conquerour's Devotion it being indeed in that Case his own so that when Parliaments would give no more he might by setting up his Title when he pleased take all and this was the Fifth Title which has been set on foot At length comes this Gentleman and seeing all the other Titles to be but impertinent Shifts and not at all likely to take he will needs strain a Note above Ela and settle it on a higher Foundation viz. on the Law of Nations which allows Independent Governments to right themselves by Force or by making War on him that injures them But because he saw no War was made no Army fought nor a Stroke struck â— so that none who was not mad with Revelation could dream of a Conquest giving him Right over England he very politickly twists with it and with the Success of this Iust War p. 11. the Consent of the People too This I must confess is a more extraordinary and more refined Notion than any of the other 't is made of Contradictions and is of a Composition altogether Monstrous We use to instance in Chimeras by a Hirco-cervus a Goat-Stag or some such whimsical Conceit that imports two or more different Natures clapt together But this new fangled Notion of Right he has invented consists not of merely different but opposite Natures War and Force signifie Involuntariness in those they are exercised upon and Consent signifies Voluntariness Again the Effect of War and Force is to subdue Resisters and Consent of the whole Nation signifies no Resisters at all So that to come in by Force of War and at the same time by Consent is to be beaten voluntarily to be forced willingly to resist yieldingly to submit withall our Hearts yet against our Will or whatever Nonsense of this kind this incoherent and self-divided Notion of Right affords us But to say the Truth there was neither a fair War subduing the resisting Nation against their Consent nor a clear free and deliberate Consent of the whole Nation but as will shortly appear a mere Trick manag'd by an Ambitious Invader and his Confederates seconded by a Party of Male-contents and Rebellious Deserters and carried on by a complicated Series of unproved Pretences and Forgeries to bubble and fool the Common People and bring us into the Slavery and Beggary we now groan under We will put this young new-hatcht Kingly-Title its best Cloaths on and then see how finely the Royal Robes become it and how prettily the Baby will look There is besides the Laws of the Land says he p. 11. a Law of Nations by which Sovereign independent-Independent-Governments when injured may Right themselves by a Iust War Here were great and violent presumptions of an injury to the Right of Succession and too great Evidence of a formed Design to subvert the Establisht Religion and Civil Liberties of the Nation and this War had Success therefore the Sovereignty was duely transferred and so there can be no dispute left to whom our Allegiance is due This is the full substance of the Discourse he had put together as he told us p. 10. to clear this whole Matter Let us now take it gently to pieces and lay each part of it down easily lest it fall asunder of it self and shatter into Incoherent Atoms before we come to handle it closely 'T is deny'd then that there were in our Case two Nations or several Independent Governments 'T is deny'd there were great and violent presumptions of the Injury mentioned 'T is deny'd there was too great Evidence of the form'd Design he pretends 'T is deny'd the Prince of Orange acquired his Authority by making War or that he righted himself by Force or came by the Consent of the People and therefore since he has no Right either by fair Means or foul Means 't is deny'd he has any Right at all what he has how he came by it or how he still keeps it shall be declared hereafter First then That there is a Law of Nations distinct from that of particular Kingdoms every Man knew â—efore so that he needed not have been so large in a Point so universally acknowledged but 't is becoming his small Politicks to ampâ—â—fie mightily and carry all before him Victoriously in Things which no Man living denies But to be short and slight or rather perfectly silent in those pâ—rticulâ—rs on which the Decision and the Truth of the whole business depends we grant him then that Independent Governments may when injured have a Right to demand and if it be deny'd them take Satisfaction by force of Arms for 't is no more than every Man knows and yields to but 't is deny'd that this comes home to his Purpose or does his Cause the least service For Secondly 'T is deny'd that there were here Two Independent Governments and so his Discourse falls to the gâ—ound The Sâ—ates of Holland indeed make a Government but those good Men who never told lye in their Lives disclaim'd the Action by their Ambassador and like wise Men lest it should not succeed would not be seen in it but made use of Fâ—ot of Wâ—elp to do their own Jobbs 'till the Six hundred thousand Pound came to be pay'd them and then indeed they so far own'd it heartily and took our Money very readily Besides they were Allies to King Iames which makes it contrary to the Law of Nations to which he recurrs And lastly if they made this War and had Success in it I am sure the Prince of Orange was not such an Independent Governour as to make it without them it would follow by this Discourse that They and not He are our Lords and Masters a Title which the Hollanders do not quâ—t but still assert on due occasions That their State-holder manages England for their behoof as appears by their carriage in the Mogull's Countrey where they seiz'd some of our Merchants Effects by pretending that England was now under Holland and that
though it has been our constant Care since Our first Accession to the Crown to govern Our People with that Justice and Moderation as to give if possible no occasion of Complaint yet more particularly upon the late Invasion seeing how the Design was laid and fearing that Our People who could not be destroy'd but by themselves might by little imaginary Grievances be cheated into a certain Ruine To prevent so great Mischief and to take away not only all just Causes but even pretences of Discontent We freely and of Our own accord redressed all those Things that were set forth as the Causes of that Invasion And that We might be informed by the Counsel and Advice of Our Subjects themselves which way We might give them a further and a full Satisfaction We resolved to meet them in a Free Parliament and in order to it We first laid the Foundation of such a Free Parliament in restoring the City of London and the rest of the Corporations to their ancient Charters and Priviledges and afterwards actually appointed the Writs to be issued out for the Parliament's Meeting on the Fifteenth of Ianuary But the Prince of Orange â—eeing all the Ends of his Declaration Answered the People beginning to be undeceiv'd and returning apace to their ancient Duty and Allegiance and well foreseeing that if the Parliament should meet at the time appointed such a Settlement in all probability would he made both in Church and State as would totally defeat his Ambitious and Unjust Designs resolved by all means possible to prevent the Meeting of the Parliament And to do this the most effectual way he thought fit to lay a restraint on Our Royal Person for as it were absurd to call that a Free Parliament where there is any force on either of the Houses so much less can that Parliament be said to act freely whâ—re the Sovereign by whose Authority they meet and sit and from whose Royal Assent all their Acts receive their Life and Sanction is under actual Confinement The hurrying of Us under a Guard from Our City of London whose returning Loyalty We could no longer Trust and the other Indignities We suffered in the Person of the Earl of Feversham when sent to him by Us and in that Barbarous Confinement of Our own Person We shall not here repeat because they are We doubt not by this time very well known and may We hope if enough considered and reflâ—cted upon together with his other Violations and Breaches of the Laws and Liberties of England which by this Invasion he pretended to restore be sufficient to open the Eyes of all Our Subjects and let them plainly see what every one of them may expect and what Treatment they shall find from him if at any time it may serve his Purpose from whose Hands a Sovereing Prince an Uncle and a Father could meet with no better Entertainment However the Sense of these Indignities and the Just Apprehension of further Attempts against Our Person by them who already endeavoured to murder Our Reputation by infamous Calumnies as if We had been capable of supposing a Prince of Wales which was incomparably more Injurious than the Destroying of Our Person it Self together with a serious Reflection on a Saying of Our Royal Father of blessed Memory when he was in the like Circumstances That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes which afterwards proved too true in his Case could not but persuade Us to make use of that which the Law of Nature gives to the meanest of Our Subjects of freeing Our Selves by all means possible from that unjust Coâ—fiâ—â—ment and Restraint And this We did not more for the Security of Our own Person than that thereby We might be in a better Capacity of transacting and providing for every Thing that may contribute to the Peace and Settlement of Our Kingdoms For as on the one hand No Change of Fortune shall make Vs forget Our Selves so far as to cond scâ—nd to any Thing unbecoming that High and Royal Station in which God Almighty by Right of Succession has placed Vs So on the other hand neither the Provocation or Ingratitude of Our own Subjects nor any other Consideration whatsoever shall ever prevail with Us to make the least step contrary to the tâ—â—e lâ—â—erest of the English Nâ—â—ioâ— Which we ever did and ever must loâ—k upon as Our own Our Wall and Pâ—â—â—sure therefore is That You of Our Privy-Council take the most effectual Care to make these Our gracious Intentions known to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about our Cities of London and Westminster to the Lord Mayor and Commons of Our City of London and to all Our Subjects in general And to assure them That We desire nothing more than to return and hold a Free Parliament wherein We may havâ— the best Opportunity of undeceiving Oâ—r People and shewing the Sincerity of those Proteâ—â—ations We have often made of the preserving the Liberties and Properties of Our Subjects and the Protestant Religion more especially the Church of England as by Law established with such Indulgence for those that dâ—ssent from her as We have always thought Our Selves in Justice and Care of the general Wellfare of Our Peopâ—e bound to procure for them And in the mean time You of Our Privy-Council who can Judge better by being upon the Place are to send Us Your Advice what is fit to be done by Us towards Our Returning and Accomplishing those good Ends. And We do require You in Our Name and by Our Authority to endeavour so to suppress all Tumults and Disorders that the Nation in general and every one of Our Subjects in particular may not receive the least Prejudice from the present Distractions that is possible So not doubting of Your Dutiful Obedience to these Our Royal Commands We bid You heartily Farewell Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th of Ianuary 1688. And of Our Reign the Fourth Year By Hiis Majesties Command MELFORT Directed thus To the Lords and others of our Privy-Council of Our Kingdom of England His Majesties Letter to the House of Lords and Commons Writ from St. Germains the Third of February 1688. JAMES R. My Lords WE think Our Selves obliged in Conscience to do all We can to open Our Peoples Eyes that they may see the true Interest of the Nation in this Important Conjuncture and therefore We think fit to let you know that finding We could no longer stay with Safety nor act with Freedom in what concerned Our People We left the Reasons of Our Withdrawing under Our own Hand in the following Terms THe World cannot wonder at My Withdrawing My Self now this Second time I might have expected somewhat better Vsage after what I writ to the Prince of Orange by my Lord Feversham and the Instructions I gave him but instead of an Answer such as I might have hop'd for what was I to expect after the Usage I received by his
that Duty which you have so unduly quitted which We doubt not of being verily persuaded that even those that first left Our Service had no just Prejudice against Our Person but were Betray'd and Decoy'd by Persons employ'd by or in Confederacy with the Prince of Orange who by most wicked and malicious Lyes had represented Us as black as Hell to Our Subjâ—cts who We hope do now see into their evil Designs which they câ—uld never have thus far accomplished but by deluding you into a belief of the Imposture of Our Son the Prince of Wales the French-League the Death of Our Brother the late King c. of all which they well know Vs Innocent and daâ—e not therefore bring on the Stage to be Examined and Searched into according to their former Promises And can you then without Indignation Serve thâ—se who have thus Villanously Betrayed Deluded and made a Property of you And now having obtained their Ends by your Assistance Neglect Dâ—â—spise and Evilly Intreat you For to the eternal Shame of all English men â—one but Foreigners are now trusted in the most Honourable Pâ—sts in and about White-hall and London whilst you are sent abâ—oad as Mercenaries and made subservient to them cast back your Thoughts on the Villanies of their Actions who sate in Our Councils and Betray'd Vs adding Treachery to the blackest of Ingratitude enquire into the Morals of those General Officers that Deserted Vs and Misled You and indeed into the Principles of most of these in their present New Government and you will soon be convinced That 't was not Religion though that was made the specious Pretence that influenced their Actings but Interest and Ambition We charge not these Crimes but on some particular Persons well knowing that the greatest part both of Officers and Souldiers in Our Army were not faulty in their Allegiance And therefore We shall only look forward and resolve to reward all according to their Demerits and prefer those first who continue untainted and shall be quickest in returning to their Duty which We doubt not but that e'er long by God's Blessing We shall by appearing in Our own Kingdoms give them an opportunity to do and consequently to retrieve their own Honours as becomes true hearted English-men and Lovers of their King and Countrey Given at St. Germains en Laye the 14th of February 1688 And in the Fifth Year of Our Reign But to return to our Discoursâ— Such a free Consent as suffices in this Case of transferring a Kingdom and the Allâ—giances of all their fellow Subjects ought to have been General of the whole Nation unanimous hearty and most deliberate not done in a sudden heat not check'd nor overaw'd not protested against especially it ought to have been grounded at least upon good tolerable Sense all which were here wanting This in case their free Consâ—nt could do the Work But let their Consent be the best qualified in the World it can never be sufficient for this purpose for no Consent of those who have no Râ—ght to a Thing though it were never so free is able to give away another Man's Title who is known to have had a true and undoubted Right to it Well May a Conspiracy of my Servants Tenants and of my Children joyned with them have the Power to dâ—ive or fright me out of my House But not all these together though never so many can give away that Right which the Laws of the Land and in our Case God's Law too have made my Property Thus much for his new Coined Notion of Right by the Law of Nations own'd by none but this singular Writer who seeing all other Titles of this upstart Government baffled was forc'd for a shift to recurr to this Whimsie But since he was pleased to decline the Law of the Land and run to a Superior Law viz. that of Nations we shall take leave to mind him for He and his Party seem to have quite forgot it or rather indeed to out-brave and laugh at it of the Supreme Law of all the Law of God which commands us to Honour our Father and Mother and not to covet much less to rob or cheat another and least of all so near and so Revered a Relation of what is rightfully his Let us consider then what Good and Conscientious Christians would have done in the Case of the Prince and Princess of Orange For First If their Party with their Consent or Connivance invented those Stories which he makes the just Occasion of the War on purpose to turn out their Father it was in many regards the most hideous and the most villanous Injustice that can be imagin'd Secondly If those Falshoods were suggested to them by others they knew the Genius of the English Subjects was apt to raise and believe the most Senseless Falshoods of him out of hatred to his Religion and so they ought to have considered that there was no kind of Evidence of this Story nor so much as one Witness that the Prince of Wales was a Counterfeit nor as appears by their not producing it in their Justification when it was so necessary any one tolerable Reason able to persuade a prudent Man the Thing was true Whereas on the other side there were as was said near Fifty Sworn Witnesses of clear Honour and Reputation testifying the contrary any Two or Three of whom were sufficient to carry the greatest Estate or take away the Life of any Man in England They knew too that if the pretended Injury done to them were not really true they must incurr the dreadful Indignation of a just God for breaking divers of his Commandments in that one Action by Dishonouring Injuring and Slandering their Innocent and near Related Neighbour And who would hazard their Soul upon such odds Thirdly If they did indeed doubt of it before the Birth they ought as was said to have sent some trusty Persons or have signified their desire that some here whom they could confide in should be present If they only doubted of it after the Prince was Born they might have demanded that the same Persons might have Counter-interrogated and Examin'd the Witnesses now they were bound in Conscience to use all such honest and wary Means before they proceded thus to the highest Extremities Fourthly If greatest Proof against no Proof could not satisfie them Why did they not to clear their Honour that they had not acted Unjustly Undutifully or Unchristianly since the time they came hither bring the Matter into a new Examination Since nothing could more contribute to settle them in the Throne had it been prov'd an Imposture nor have more obâ—iged all England to them nor have more taken off the Scandal of the World and have satisfied every Man of the Iustice of their Proceedings Lastly If it had been done for the good of Europe and to bring the French King lower though this could not justifie this Invasion yet Why was not at least the wisest Course taken for
Nation 's Accounts And will this Man persuade us that all this and many other such are no Miseries He runs from the Mâ—tter to talk of the French King but the true point to which he ought to have spoken is Whether we were burden'd with any such Taxes or felt these Miseries of War and Poverty under King Iames Had we any concern with France either by abetting or opposing it in his Days Had the Prince of Orange or our selves used the King Dutifully as we ought we might have secur'd our selves whilst that Prince was here against either Popery or Slavery which we pretended to dread being forc'd upon us we might have enjoy'd Peace Plenty Trade and Riches and have reapt incomparable Benefits and vast Advantages by the Distractions of all others round about us This we might have done and if we saw Cause to fear that France meant to disturb us when we medled not with it which that King is too Politick to do we might by joyning with other Disinterested Princes have kept the Ballance of Europe even at our pleasure and have stipulated with Holland and the rest of the Confederates to bear the Charges of the War whilst we stept into their Assistance whereas now we are forc'd to hire them at a dear Rates to assist us to keep a Man in the Throne who has no Right to it All this we might then have done had we been wise but a Rebellious Spirit which had possess'd and infatuated us hurried us inconsiderately into a War for no other Reason but to maintain obstinately that Sin which we ought to have repented of And that War unless God's undeserv'd Mercy do prevail over his Justice will by a just Iudgment of the same God prove our utter Ruine He seems â—maâ—'d p. 25. for he seems Twenty times to wonder when he wants something to say that Mr. Ashton should say That the Religion we pretend to be so fond of Preserving is now much more than ever likely to be destroy'd Nor do I wonder at his Amazement for he makes account Religion consists only in having Benéfices conferred on Ecclesiasticks and secured to them let the Incumbents be of what Principles they will This I told him of formerly and here he makes my Words good for p. 25 26 27 c. he reckons up Three Things as putting our Religion out of Danger viz. The same Laws the same Protection the same Encouragement But Principles which are the Main and Essential to a Church are the least part of his Thought Let but a Church have True Principles preserved Sincere by her Bâ—shops and Pastors and she will be a Church and a Glorious One too in the Eyes of God and all good Men in despight of all the Opposition that wicked Men or Hell it self can do though she had neither Laws Protection nor the least Encouragement to befriend her nay though the Laws and the State were bent against her As for our new Principles then let him but open his Eyes and he may see Rebellion made now a chief point of Religion He may see Oaths of Allegiance made to Persons whose Title to the Government as appears by what has been amply prov'd above not one Man in England certainly knows and not one knowing and disinteressed Man is satisfied in forc'd upon Men's Consciences to make the Kingdom as far as lies in their Power a Nation of Knaves and all those who make a good Conscience of their ways a Company of Beggars He may see the Commandments laugh'd aâ— and those who dare boldly stand up for them branded and persecuted for Traitors and put to death as the worst of Malefactors Besides the foremention'd Miseries there is still One that is no less Galling to Persons of Honour and Probity who for themselves and the Reputation of the Nation would preserve the Characters of Just and Upright Loyal and Pious Conscientious and keepers of their Faith to God and Man these now lie under the heavy Sentence of Violaters of all the Cardinal Vertues with which Character when Foreign Nations once brand a People it sticks upon them to all succeeding Ages In former days we were reputed Valiant Hospitable inviolable Observers of our Compacts Faith and Honesty But we can't forget what an Odium the Murther of King Charles I. brought upon the whole Island of Britain yet there was then some just Apology to be made for that Barbarity That Tremendous Fact was not committed 'till after Six Yeas Civil War ' wherein the Victorious Rebels had conquer'd disarm'd and utterly impoverish'd the Loyal Party yet there still remain'd a numerous Part of the Three Kingdome who made many generous Attempts to restore King Charles II. and the whole Nation wearied with their endless Miseries and the Succession of Usurpers at last happily effected it Now what shall we say for our selves who have Abdicated our King without shedding One Ounce of Blood or adventuring a bloody Nose in his Defence All Nations from the Orcades to the extreamest Indies must judge us to be a People who have no regard to the most Sacred Oaths the most ungrateful of all Mankind a Nation fitted for Slavery degenerating from our Loyal Ancestors the Off-spring or By-blows of Prostigate Rebels Yea we are still so much worse than those of the last Age in that now so numerous a Party of the very Clergy who should and do know the Oligation of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy which every single Man of them took to their lawful King have by unpardonable Perjury renounc'd their King and sworn Allegiance to One whom they know in their Consciences and have often declar'd upon Occasion hath no legal Right no not so much as Cromewell the Wicked These are the Men who have brought an indelible Scandal and Hatred upon our Religion Miratur Orbis se tam cito factum esse Arrianum was the pathetical Exclamation of a holy Authour of Old What would he have said if he had liv'd in our Age to see a National Clergy Apostatise from the Establish'd Doctrine of their own Church in the point of Allegiance and Non-resistance By the Conduct of these Men one would be almost tempted to look upon all Religion as a mere Cheat and to believe that they themselves own'd no God Whether they do or not I shall not give my self the trouble to enquire but I am sure some of them do as good as own no Hell by Teaching Men that notwithstanding those terrible Threatnings God in his holy Word has denounc'd against the Incorrigible and Impenitent of everlasting Fire everlasting Punishment c he has not obliged himself to the literal Performance of them since he that threatens keeps the Right of punishing in his own hand and is not obliged to execute what he hath threatned any farther than the Reasons and Ends of Government do require c. Dr. Tillot son's Sermon before the Queen March 7. 1690. pag. 13. And that these Threatnings c. do not restrain God