Selected quad for the lemma: religion_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
religion_n	good_a	king_n	subject_n	3,003	5	6.4581	4	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A85396	Hybristodikai. The obstructours of justice. Or a defence of the honourable sentence passed upon the late King, by the High Court of Justice. Opposed chiefly to the serious and faithfull representation and vindication of some of the ministers of London. As also to, The humble addresse of Dr. Hamond, to His Excellencie and Councel of warre. Wherein the justice, and equitie of the said sentence is demonstratively asserted, as well upon clear texts of Scripture, as principles of reason, grounds of law, authorities, presidents, as well forreign, as domestique. Together with, a brief reply to Mr. John Geree's book, intituled, Might overcoming right: wherein the act of the Armie in garbling the Parliament, is further cleared. As also, some further reckonings between thesaid [sic] Dr. Hamond and the authour, made straight. / By John Goodwin.	Goodwin, John, 1594?-1665.; Glover, George, b. ca. 1618, engraver.	1649 (1649)	Wing G1170; Thomason E557_2; ESTC R12380	138,495	164

aggravating circumstance one or more the Justice of God in this case may well be conceived proportionably to allow somewhat out of course and above the rule for ordinary cases touching the manner of inflicting the punishment When a sin which for the kind of it and without any aggravating circumstance deserveth death is committed with any unnaturall and execrable aggravation besides God usually covereth all irregulariti●s which are found in or about the Execution of Justice upon the sinner and justifieth the Execution though it be not managed in all circumstances according to standing rules of Justice in ordinary cases There is the same consideration of the fact of E●ud in killing Eglon unto whom by right of conquest the Israelites had now been in subjection 18 years For howsoever some Court Rabbies secretly to enchant Kings into Tyrants for their unworthy ends have endeavoured to disguise the face of this example also and to make it look like the naturall off-spring of some super-Scripturall converse between God and the spirit of the Actour yet hath the devise been too hard for them to perform neither Scripture nor sound reason affording any assistance to the attempt But this by the way Thus then we see that according to the Scriptures when Sect. 44 Superiour Magistrates faulter in such executions of just Laws which properly and by office belong unto them the right of these Executions acc●ue to the Inferiour and in case these faulter and fail likewise the power right and care of all such executions devolves not onely by way of right or power but of duty also upon the people Nor is this principle of Devolution in case of failer in the Superiour asserted onely by God in the Scriptures our adversaries themselves in the ca●se now under plea are friendly yea and zealous assertours of it also The Scottish Covenanters in the year 1639. upon the Kings delay in calling their Nationall Synod published a writing to this purpose that the power of calling a Synod in case the Prince be an enemie to the Truth or negligent in promoting the Churches good is in the Church it self * T●● M●● 〈◊〉 ●●●●●l●…nt c. l●b 3 ● ●● M r. Prynne borrowing Junius Brutus his pen in case of the incroachment of Tyranny upon the people w●o as he saith are Lords of the Publick from the Prince and the conniveance or collusion of most of the Nobles doth not onely acknowledge it as a thing lawfull but enforceth it as a duty and matter of conscience that any one of the Nobles who considers the inc●oaching Tyranny and detests it from ●is soul take care lest the Common-wealth receive any detriment Yea saith he he shall preserve the Ki●gdom even against the Kings will and resistance by which ●e ●imself becomes a King * 〈…〉 c. with much more to like purpo●e So that M r. Prynne is clear that in case the next of kin refuseth he that is more remote may lawfully take the relict to wife In the Tractate last mentioned he c●teth the Judgement of Georgius Ob●●c●us a great Lawyer wit● severall others standing to the same point M● R●t●e●ford the great Patron of Presbytery notwithstanding patronizeth also that devolution we speak of Convention of the Subject saith he in a tumultuary way for a s●ditious end to make War without warrant of Law is forbidden but not when Religion Laws Liberties invasion of forreign enemies neces●itat●th the subjects to convern though the King and ordinary Judicat●res going a corrupt way to pervert judgement shall refuse to consent to their conventions c. * 〈…〉 And more plainly in another place When the King defendeth not true Religion but presseth upon the people a false and Idolatrous R●ligion in that they are not under the King but are presumed to have no King eatenus so far and are presumed to have the power in themselves as if they ●ad not appointed any King at all as if we presume the b●dy had given to the right hand a power to war● off strokes and to defend the body if the right hand should by a palsie or some other disease become impotent and be withered up when ill is coming on the body it is presumed that the power of defence is recurred to the left hand and to the rest of the body to defend it self in this case as if the body had no right hand and had never c●mmunicated any power to the right ●and at all * 〈…〉 Long before him M r. John Knox his country-man and great Architect of the Presbyterian disciplin in Scotland in a generall Assembl● a●ouched it in a dispute against Lethington Secretarie of State to be the judgement of Calvin and of the most godly and most learned Presbyterian Divines that be in Europe that the Inferiour Magistrates and upon their final default the people may and ought to execute their Princes for murthering or destroying there liege Subjects Pol●nus a learned man and a Reformed Divine of good note expresly granteth that when Bishops and Ecclesiastiques are defective either in will or skill for the Reformation of Religion and the Church laiques or private men may lawfully supply their defect herein and act the part of Bishops or Ecclesiasticall persons in such Reformation * 〈…〉 So that opinion which asserteth the right of Authoritative Executions unto Inferiour Magistrates though properly and primarily appertaining unto Superiour when these neglect or refuse them and unto the people when all Magistracie as well that which is Inferiour as that which is Superiour neglect them is no Independent opinion much lesse any private opinion of mine own it is the signall Doctrine of the greatest Rabbies in the Presbyterian School Let me adde this from a late writer that from dilig●nt search m●de into our ancient books of Law it is affirmed that the Peers and Barons of England had a legall right to judge the King which was the cause most likely for it could be no slight c●●se that they were called his Peers and Equalls And to conclude as to this point this present Parliament whilst as yet the Legality of it was not questioned in the least through any dismembering or otherwise and whilst it was as yet it remains for ought I know Presbyterian enough viz. in May 164● upon that Kings refusall of the Bill for the calling of the Assembly o●t tendered unto him fell to argue fully a●gued what i●●●c● cas●● might ●e done by Authority of Parliament when t●e Kingdoms g●●d is so m●ch concerned when a King refuseth a●● abs●nt●th himself from the Parliament And at last it was brought to this Conclusion that an Ordinance of Parliament wh●r● t●e King is so absent and refusing is by the Laws of the Land of as good Authority to ●ind the peo●le for the time present as a● A●● of Parliam●nt it self can be * Th● M●● H●●● ●●●●r●…● l●b ● ● ●● Therefore this Conclusion stands like a great mountain immoveable that the Justice and

they be either Kings or Tyrants Are not these close Disputants Do they not with much acutenesse bring darknesse out of light drawing a conclusion out of such premisses where neither subject nor predi●ate either formally or virtually are to be found So again You know say they the sad examples of Corah Dathan and Abiram those ●editious Levites in their mutinous Rebellious and levelling design against Magistra●ie and Ministerie in the persons of Moses and Aaron You take too much upon you said they to Moses and Aaron seeing all the Congregation are holy Wherefore then lift ye up your selves above the Congregation of the Lord Which Moses fears not to call I know no reason why he should a gathering together agai●st the Lord and warns the people to avoid their Company Depart from the te●ts of these wicked men and touch nothing of theirs lest ye be consumed in all their sins After which the Earth opened his mouth and swallowed them up with all that appertained to them And yet there were in the Rebellion a considerable number of eminent men as there was in the rebellious Insurrections in and about the Citie of late years both Priests and others two hundred and fifty Princes of the Assembly famous in the Congregation men of Renown Ergo It is not lawfull for the C●vil Magistrates to put murtherers to death provided that they be Kings or Tyrants Doth not this conclusion follow roundly from the premises Is not the inference so pregnant and clear that a man without ●●es may see 't as apparently as ●e that hath the quickest sight of all yet again they seriously beseech his Excellency and Army ●● learn John Baptists lesson for Souldiers Doe violence to no man or put no man in fear neither accuse any man falsly and be content with your wages But if you persist in these waies wherein you never yet walked behold you have sinned against the Lord and be sure your sin which you never committed will find you out And take ●eed lest when the hand of God shall overtake you and turn the wheel over you you be found to suffer both as evil doers and as busie-bodies such as we are in other mens matt●●s 〈…〉 Ergo murtherers if they be either Kings or Tyrants ought not to suffer Capitally by the civill sword This is a learned argument drawn à majori ad nihil These with the example of Gods severe punishment against the kingdom of Israel and Sauls posterity for Sauls slaying the Gibeonites living peaceably and harmlesly in the land contrary unto oath together with those other texts altogether as irrelative to their purpose as the former as hath been sufficiently evinced by others viz. Prov. 24. 21. Thess 3. 6. Tit. 3. 1. Rom. 13. 1. 2. are all the proofs they levie from the Scriptures to prove their opinion wherein they plead the Prerogative of Kingly murtherers against the expresse commandment of God to be consonant unto them Who can imagin that forty seven men professing Scholarship and good letters and besides trained up from their youth in the study and preaching of the Scriptures should not be able laying their heads their wits their memories their learning their parts and all but their consciences which it seems they laid aside together evidently to see and conclude that there is not so much as a face no nor as the least lineament of a face in all their citations of that opinion which they most importunely and imperiously seek to obtrude upon the consciences of the Generall and his Councel and in them upon the world If they be mistaken who judge these men a self-condemned generation it is too great an opinion of their parts learning and freedom from phreneticall passions that deceiveth them As for that which they adde concerning the uniform and Sect. 66 constant judgement of Protestant Divines both at home and abroad as being consonant unto theirs in the said opinion it is next to the removing of mountains for any considering man to believe but that this also is affirmed by them not only with the secret regret but even with the loud reclamation of their consciences For not to insist upon that saying of one who upon good grounds I believe is able to make it good against all gainsayers viz. * Tenure of Kings and Magistrates by J M. p. 29. That there is no Protestant Church from the first Waldenses of Lyons and Languedoc to this day but have in a round made War against a Tyrant in defence of Religion and civil liberty and maintain'd it lawfull And if so then much more to proceed in a judiciary way against him when they have opportunity The writings of their own Authors and Friends persons of the same judgement and dear interest with themselves in the cause of Presbyterie which it cannot reasonably but be presumed they have read at least some of them are pregnant with this opinion that Kings in many cases of male-administration of the trust and power committed unto them may lawfully be deposed yea and sentenced with death Insomuch that M r Iohn Knox a man of renown in all the histories of Presbyterie and who laid the corner stone of this Government in the kingdom and Kirk of Scotland being by a generall Assembly commanded by the Nobility to write to Calvin and other learned men for their judgements in the question whether Kings in criminall causes as of Murther Tyranny c. might not lawfully be proceeded against by their Subjects alledged that both himself was fully resolved in conscience and had heard their judgements and had the same opinion viz that Kings might lawfully be deposed and capitally John Knox his history of Reformation of Religion in the realm of Scotland p. 397. dealt with in the said cases of many the most godly and most learned that he knew in Europe so that if he should move the question to them again he should but shew his own forgetfulnesse or inconstancie The same Author at this Assembly maintain'd openly in a dispute against Lethington Secretary of State that Subjects might and ought to execute Gods judgements upon their King that the fact of John and others against their King having the ground of Gods ordinary command to put such and such offenders to death was not extraordinary but to be imitated of all that prefer'd the honour of God to the affection of flesh and wicked Princes that Kings if they offend have no priviledge to be exempted from the punishments of law more than any other subject so that if the King be a Murtherer Adulterer or Idolater he should suffer not as a King but as an offender These things he inculcates over and over into those that were present and ads many more of the same import with them This pillar of Presbyterie in another book of his having declared his judgement freely against the establishment of Idolatrous and persecuting Kings and Rulers by the people advanceth his discourse in these words Neither

10. For it is possible that I may put you in mind of an evident Truth which perhaps you have not taken notice of that as the Original of Government in any particular place cannot be imagined to be by any more then two wayes either Gods designment or the peoples a●● so in either of those two cases 't is God onely and not the people that gives the power of the sword or the power of life to the Governour c. As for the evidence of Truth in his Notion we have found it as clear as the Sun at mid-night For the raritie of it which he insinuates in those words which perhaps you have not taken notice of the truth is that between 30. and 40. years since when I was a young Student in Cambridge such Doctrine and devises all these that the people in their Election do but present an empty cask unto God and that he fills it with the wine of Royal Power and Authority that the Interest of the people extend onely to the nomination or presentation of such a person unto God who they desire might be their King but that the Regal power by which he is properly and formally constituted a King is immediatly and independently in respect of any act of the people derived unto him by God These I say or such like positions as these were the known preferment-Divinity of the Doctorate there and as the common air taken in and breathed out by those who liv'd the life of hope in the King and sought the truth in matters of Religion by the light of his countenance The Doctour hath accused me for a flatterer with much a do it seemes to forbear a deeper charge before his Excellency and Councel and the whole world pretending that he himself as composed a man as he is as little subject to admiration through the abundance of knowledge in him as another was amazed at the largenesse and exorbitance of my expressions that way But whether I be a flatterer or no for the Doctour spent in his charge faints in his proof most certain it is that he with the whole Legion of the Royal faction who generally hold and teach that monster as well in Reason as Religion that Kings are contable unto none but God are the first-born of that evil generation and by the unhappy breathing of that fulsome and importune principle alone into the ears and spirits of Kings have brought a world of troubles miseries and calamities upon the world yea have apparantly consulted shame miscrie to Kings and Princes themselves both in this world and that which is to come But we shall not trespasse upon the tenour of our present discourse by having further to do with our Royal Antagonist here there is an odde reckoning of an elder date between him and me which I shall endeavour to set straight in convenient place and there I shall answer further to my charge of flattery In the mean time we have I suppose upon sufficient and undeniable grounds evinced the superiority of the people over the King so that that State maxime Par in parem non habet potestatem Equall against equall hath no power may stand and yet the capital proceedings of Parliament and High Court of Justice against the King stand in honour with it But 3. Evident is is that that Law-principle we speak of Par in Sect. 27 parem c. though in ordinarie and most cases it may be admitted to umpire as a Truth yet is it not of that sacred or universal Truth but that with most other general rules founded upon humane observation and Authority it suffers the disparagement of an Est ubi pe●cat and may upon circumstance be justly waved and declined It is to be supposed that two neighbour-States or Nations one no wayes relating unto the other but in neighbourhood of soyl or te●ritorie are ●ares equall neither superiour neither inferiour unto other Yet in case the Laws of neighbour-hood and of Nations be broken by the one the other may very lawfully repell violence with violence and in ca●e they have power compell their delinquent neighbours to a regular satisfaction In like manner though it should be granted that the King and people in their Representative the Parliament are coordinate and so equall in their power which is all that the more considerate party of Royallists claim on the Kings behalf y●t in case the King shall turn the Interest ●f power which he hath against the people and be inju●io●s and oppressive unto them they may ve●● lawfully and without any check from the pol●●ick axiome mentioned improve their Interest of power to compell him to a just satisfaction or otherwise to secure themselves from him So that as M● Rutherford well observeth mutuall punishments may be where there ●e no m●tuall relations ●f superiority and inf●riority * 〈…〉 Re● p 〈…〉 From whence likewise it plainly appeareth that the Rule so oft repeated and opposed to the Parliaments proceedings against the King onely takes place in such cases 1. When there is a a third power lawfully constituted over both the parties that are at variance 2. Where recourse may be had to this power for justice or redresse without running an imminent hazard either of losse of life or of sustaining some considerable damage in the inte●●m Out of these two cases which are both cases of necessity though in different kinds it may be admitted for reasonable and equall that they that are equall should not exercise any power one over or against the other But the case between the King and Parliament was the former of these as hath been said and so is one of the two which are reserved from the specified Rule Yea 4 It is not onely true that in some cases and particularly Sect. 28 in those mentioned Par in parem may have potestatem one equall exercise a coactive power over another but that in some cases also even those that are Inferiour may do the like over their Superiours Where there is a civil bound Covenant or oath between an Inferiour and a Superiour this bond or oath being violated o● broken by the Superiour gives the Inferiour a ●ight of power to compel his Superiour to the performance of the terms ●atified by this bond or oath In case a Father gives bond to his s●n or makes any other civil contract with him valid in Law and conscience for the pa●ment of 〈…〉 five thousand pounds at such a day if he pe●form not accordingly the Son by the Law of Nations and by the civil Law hath a right of power to compel him thereunto So that though it should be supposed that the King simply and absolutely is Superiour to his people yet having entered into a civil yea and sacred covenant and bond with them the breach hereof on his part giveth unto them a Lawfullnesse of right or power to compel him to the terms of his agreement or to make satisfaction for his

the taking away of Episco●acy root and b●anch * 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 a●sw●●●● the 5 〈…〉 pag ●● which the Parliament have ingaged themselves by Covenant and Oath to endeavour to the uttermost nor yet any sufficient provision for matters of Religious concernment † Ib●d pag. ●4 ●● which yet hath alwayes been prescribed and urged upon the Parliament by M● Geree and his party as the Primum quaerite in their accords and closures with the King By the way how shamelesly doth M r. Prynns pen over-lash in affirming that the King by these concessions hath fully and actually performed those two grand Conditions the preservation and defence 1. Of M● Prynne Speech of Declar 4. 1648 pag. ●4 the true Religion 2. Of the liberties of the Kingdom upon which the preservation and defence of his Person and Authority are suspended by the Covenant as himself granteth By the Religion of another Kingdom condemning M r. Gerees Sect. 18 and M● Prynnes judgement about the Concessions of the King I mean the Ministers of the Church and Kingdom of Scotland who in their necessary and seasonable Testimonie against Toleration concerning the Treaty in the Isle of Whight pag. 12. speak thus And doubtlesse the Lord is highly displeased with these proceedings in the Treaty at Newport in reference to Religion and Covenant concerning which they accepted of such concessions from his Majestie as being acqui●sced in were dangerous and destructive unto both This sence of these Ministers touching the said concessions of the King the late Scotch Commissioners in the latter of the two letters sent to the Parliament a little before their departure expresse not onely a● their own but as the sence of their Parliament itself also Their words are the●e Wherefore we do in the Name of the Parliament of Scotland for their vindication from fal●e a persions and calumnies Declare that though they are not satisfied with his Majesties Concessions in that late Treaty at New●o●t in the ●●● of 〈◊〉 e●pecially in matters of Religion and are resolved ●ot to crave his Majesties restitution to his Government before satisfaction be given by him to his Kingdoms yet c. Was not M● Geree a substantiall and close Di●putant to take that for granted and as needing no proof the truth whereof two Kingdoms and that in their best capacitie of discerning doe not onely question but positively deny Nor could M● Prynne lightly have uttered any thing more stigmatically and desperately reprochf●ll to the whole species and Order of Kings than in saying that the Kings Concessions were the larg●st safest and beneficiallest ever yet granted by any King to his Subjects since the Creation But Secondly to the Assumption of M r. Geree's first Argument Sect. 19 I answer further that the Parliament men he speaks of were so far from keeping to their Principles Professions and Declarations in their endeavours to settle the Kingdom upon the terms he speak's of that herein they started aside like broken bowes from them The Parliament it self complains of their apparent defection in this kind Yet here again say they We were encountered with unexpected difficulties by the APPARENT DE●ECTION of some of our Members who not regarding the glory of God nor good of the Common-wealth but being carried away by base ava●ice and ambition did labour the bringing in of the King again with all his faults without the least Repentance c. * Declar●● of the ●●●● of J●● 15 ●●●● Again when they endeavoured such a settlement of the Kingdom as M r. Geree speaks of did they keep to their Principle or Vote of no more addresses to the King as being a person uncapable of further Trust or to their profession of indeavo●ring to preserve the liberties of the Subject or of the ●xtirpation of Episcopacy or to that principle by which the● sometimes judged it necessary that some one Proposition at least for t●● honour of the T●eatours and for the security of the things treated for should be premized and assented unto by the King before any Treaty † ●e●●he ●●●● D●●l●● o● J●n ●● ●●48 pag ●1 or did they keep to their principle of bringing Incendiaries and Delinquents to condign Punishment or to their principle concerning the abolishing of the Kings negative Oath The clear truth is that in that attempt of setling the Kingdom which M r. Geree speake of they turned head upon all their Principles Professions and Declarations at once which at any time formerly they either held or made in true Conjunction with the Liberties of the People and Interest of the Kingdom Therefore with this Argument he onely beats the air instead of relieving his Clients Nor doth his second Argument turn to any whit better accommodation Sect. 20 unto them For to passe by the Major Proposition which yet without further explication is not too sacred to be touched the Minor is no Correspondent with the Truth The oppressed Members as his over-compassionate Mus● stileth them did not in that act of settlement he speaks of proceed in a way to which they stood ingaged by many solemn and Religi●us ●ands no he neither doth nor can prove that in the ●aid Act or attempt the Members he speaks of discharged or observed any one solemn or Religious band to which they stood ingaged according to the legitimate and true import and intent thereof For neither did the Oath of Allegiance nor the Oath of Supremacy nor the Protestation nor the Nationall Covenant ingage t●em to preserve the Kings Honour Safety and Greatnesse upon any such terms the performance whereof should clearly involve them in a manifest disobedience to the Law of God as viz. that which inflicts the penalty of death upon the Murtherer and apparantly withall expose the Nation to slavery and misery which the reass●ming of the King into his Throne and Power upon his Concessions m●st need● have done as the Parliament it ●elf hath once and again declared yea and reason it self in con●ort with the experience of all age● abundantly confirms But that the●e Members in their intended settlement of the Kingdom upon the terms magnified by M r. Geree did break many Solemn and Religious bands wherein they stood ingaged unto God and to the Kingdom is a truth ●ic●●r in evidence than to need proof They stood ingaged by such ●ands to the observation of the Law of God as well where it commands the punishment of Murtherers as otherwise to the Preservation and Defence of the liberties of the Subject to the Extirp●●i●n of Epis●●●●cie ●● the bringing of In●endia●ies and Delinquents to condign punishment c. all which bands with many more they b●●●●●●d ●●st from them ●● the●● compliance with the King upon his terms So that M r. Geree's clients are not yet recti in Curiâ He lifts up his hand yet again in their Defence and shews his Sect. 21 good will towards them in this Argument They that walk in a way suteable to

the Religion that they professe and after the pattern of the wisest and best Professours of it they are sober c. The Parliament men in according with the King upon his Concessions walk suteable to the Religion they professe and follow the patterns of the wisest and best Professours of it Ergò But here also M r. Geree assumes that which was not lawfull for him to do For the Parliament men he speaks of did not in according with the King upon his Concessions walk as he pretends either in the one respect or the other For 1. It is no wayes suteable to the Religion which these men professe either to walk in manifest opposition to the Laws of God or to recede from especially to tur● head upon such religious Ingagements which they might very well have discharged without any touch or tincture of sin Nor 2. did they in their said accord with the King follow the Patterns of the wisest and best Professours of their Religion For amongst the wis●st and best Professours of this Religion obedience to the Laws of God is both taught and practiced and so likewise is the observance of Religious ingagements when it may be exhibited without sin M r. Gerees proof of his Proposition from Junius Brutus passeth by on the other side and scarce looks so much ●s towards it The passage he cites speaks not of Princes that h●ve murthered their Subjects and are like being admitted to terms of peace to murther them s●ill nor of Subjects who have ingaged themselves by many Religious bands unto such things which are utterly inconsistent with such an admission of their Prince to peace as he speaks of And I beleeve that neither Juni●● Brut●● nor any other Protestant Authour can parallell the case between the late King of England and his Subjects no not in such circumstances which are of greatest moment and weight to fram a resolutio● upon Therefore M r. Geree hath not yet recovered hi● friends out of that politicall phrensie in respect whereof the Act of the Army in restraining them is justifiable His fourth and last Argument managed in their De●ence i● Sect. 22 this Those whose work a●d trust is to provide for the Honour safety peace and prosperity of a Nation who proceed in the most probable way to promote the honour safety peace and prosperity of that Nation they are sober in their wits true to trust But such was the work and trust of the restrained Members they took the most probable way to promote all these Ergo. I answer by denying yea and more than denying the Minor The restrained Members in their closure with the King upon the terms so oft mentioned were so far from proceeding in the m●st probable way to promote the ●onour safety c. that the course they steered herein was highly menacing the honour ●afety and peace of the Kingdom yea according to the most pregnant symptomes of a probability likely to have fild the land with all the bitter and dismall fruits of enraged Tyranny For 1. The King was an old and known Practitioner in pretences and shifts to evade any obligation whatsoever lying upon him whether by promise compact or oath in order to the promotion of his tyrannicall ends yea though he were in never so clear and absolute a capacity for ingagement when he did ingage himself in any of these kinds I shall not need to instance particulars he never pawnd but he forfeited fides quoties facta toties fracta Hi● wont was in his greatest injoyment of freedom and power to spread promises as snares in the way of his people to take and to destroy them Now t●e by-past actions of men as I say and prove more at large in my Right and might well met * P●g 19. ●0 c. especially practised in an uniform tenour for any considerable space of time are propheticall of what their future ●ctions are like to be Neither doth M r. Geree tender so much as a first-fruits of the least or lightest probability that the King had he been re-advanced unto his power upon his Concessions would not upon the first opportunity have taken and cast them behind his back as he had from time to time served his promises formerly In respect of this known ●edifragous disposition and G●nius of the King the Parliament plainly say concerning his Concessions that there wa● no pr●bability that they would be kept * D●●l●● o● J●n 15. ●●●● pag. 10. Nay 2. there was so much the 〈◊〉 ●●obability that the Sect. 23 King for standing by these Concessions would have receded from his former practise of promise-breaking by how much the more plausible a pretext he had for ●●● de●●rting them above what he was ever accommodated with before for the violation of any other promise made by him All his former i●gagements were taken up by him whilst his person was infulnesse of ●onour liberty and power whereas these Concessions were drawn from him upon an advantage taken from his low condition being now in a kind of durance and under the power of the Parliament In which respect whatsoever he should grant or ●ield unto upon such terms would seem ra●●●r e●torted and wr●ng f●om him by the iron hand of neces●ity and fear than be looked upon as the genuine and free ●cts of his will and con●equently a recesse from them m●st needs have been very easie of digestion unto him who had so familia●ly accustomed himself to eat words of a far worse and mo●e di●ficult concoction Upon this ground the Parliament it self looks no otherwise upon those Concessions of his which M● Ge●ee and M● Prynn● so much magni●ie than as words intended by him onely for his accommodation not obligation Neither can we believe say they that any agreement we could have made with the King in the Isle of Wight in the condition he was then in would ever have been ob●erved either by him●elf or his pa●ty For ●etting aside the bare name of Honour Safety and Freedom which the Treaty did pretend unto neither the King or any of his did ever hold him in any other condition than that of a Prisoner * 〈…〉 And having clearly proved this from expressions of his own both in a message sent by him to both Houses Oct. 2. 1648. in letters to a prime Magistrate in this Citie as also from the Prince his Declaration made at Goree they subjoyn thus And since inforced Oaths are in many mens judgements not necessary to be kept what assurance could we have that He who had so often failed of his promise made to us when he was free and at his own disposall would make that good to us when he came to be re-established in His Royall power which he had oblieged himself to doe when he was in durance and a Prisoner Yea M r. Geree himself seems to intimate a degree at least of unreasonablenesse in the terms put upon the King by the Parliament in the said Treaty

me in my Anti Cavali●risme because in these h● deals onely in conjecturals and though his conjecturals in this kind should be indulged into demonstrations yet the cause against which he levieth them would be very little endammaged by them upon this double accompt I shall discharge my self from reponing any thing of mine own unto them judging that which hath been already published by others to be fully sufficient for the ex-authorizing whatsoever he hath written or can be written either by him or any other man in the behalf A first-fruits hereof I shall present unto the Reader from the pen of a learned Scotch-man a man royall enough though not so rank haply of the Devotion as the Doctour in this transcription following I will not go about saith ●e in answer to his Pre●●ticall Antagonist who brought Tertullian with his old worn weapons into the field against him to say that Tertullian thought it lawfull to raise Arms against the Emperour I ingenuously confesse Tertullian was in that errour But 1. something of the man 2. Of the Christians Of the man Tertullian after this tur●ed a Montanist 2. Pam●lius saith of him in Vit. T●rtull inter Apocrypha numera●ur excommunicatus 3. It was Tertullians errour in a fac● not in a question that he believed Christians were so numerous as that they might have sought with the Emperours 4. Mr. Prynne doth judiciously observe 3. part Sovereign power of Parliament pag. 139. 140. he not onely thought it unlawfull to resist but also to ●●ee and therefore wrote a book de Fuga and therefore as some men are excessive in doing for Christ so also in suffering for Christ Hence I inferre that Tertullian is neither ours nor theirs in this point and we can cite Tertullian against them also J●m sumus ergo pares Yea M r. Fox in his Monum saith Christians ●●● to the stakes to be burnt when they were neither condemned nor cited 5. What if we cite Theodore● fol. 98. de Provid who about that time saith That evil men reign 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 through the Cowardlinesse of the Subjects As the Prelate saith of T●r●ull●●●● I ●u●n it if T●●●doret w●●e now living he would go for a 〈◊〉 About that time Chris●i●●● so●●ht help from Constanti●● the Great against Lyri●●●● their 〈◊〉 perour and overthrew him in battel And the Christ●●●s being oppressed by the King of Persia their own King sent to Theod●●i●s to help them against him 1. For the man Tertullian in the place cited saith ●he Christians were strangers under the Emperour Externi sum●s and therefore they h●d no Laws of their own but were under the civill Laws of Heathen till ●onstantines time and they had sworn to J●li●n as his Souldiers and therefore might have and no doubt had scruples of Conscience to resist the Emperour 2. It i● known that J●lian h●d huge numbers of Heathen ●n his Armies and to resist had been great danger 3. Wanting Leaders and Commanders many prime men doubting of the Lawfulnesse thereof though they had been equall in number yet n●mber is not all in War skill in valourous Commanders i● required 4. What if all Christians were not of Tertulli●●● mind 5. If I would go to humane Testimonies which I judge not satisfactory to the Conscience I might cite many the practi●e of E●a●●● of 〈◊〉 the Divines in Luthers time● as Sleid●n 8. cap. 8. 22. re●olved resistance to be Lawfull Calvin Beza Pare●● the Ger●●●● Divines B●c●n●● and an host might be p●oduced L●●●●● pag. ●7● ●7● To this passage I shall onely adde the mention of some p●rticulars Sect. 5. in order to the Docto●●s satisfaction about any t●●●g found either in Tertullian or Cyprian about the point depend●●g between him and me from M r. Pr●● himself a man as deeply now at last baptized into the Spirit of Roy●lisme as the Doctour himself First ●hen saith Mr. Pr●● I say that ●eit●er of their Father● say that the primitive Christians ●●ld i●●nlawfull much lesse damnable in point of cons●i●●●e for them to resist their persecuting enemies no such syll●ble in any of them And Tertulli●●s Si non ap●● ista●● discipl●●●m magis Occidi licet qu●n ●ccidere by the way of necessary defence implyes no such thing but rather proves the co●●rary that resistance is lawfull because it is Lawfull to be s●●int as a Martyr therefore in thi● case to slay So that there is nothing in their Authority in point of conscience to condemn the Parliaments resistance and defensive War ●● unlawfull Secondly they all seem to grant that the Ch●●st●●ns deemed ●esistance ●ven by force of A●●● to be Lawfull for th●m though they used it not no Text of 〈◊〉 ●●ohibiting but allowing it and their Fathers producing no one Text which truly condemns it this being the very sum of their words That though the Christians were exceeding many in number of strength and power abundantly sufficient to de●end themselves in a Warlike manner against their Perse●utors and had full Liberty and no restraint upo● them in point of Conscience either to withstand their persecutours with Arms or to withdraw themselves from under the Jurisdiction of their persecutours into remote parts to the great weakening and losse of the State yet such was their patience ●nnocency and desire of Martyrdom that they resisted not their adversaries with force nor re●ired nor ●●ed away but cheerfully yielded up their bodies liberties lives to the cruelties of their enemies to obtain that Crown of Martyrdom which they d●sired c. This is the sum of all those Authorities which evidence Resistance Lawfull in it self and to those Christians too in their own judgements and resolutions though the desire of Martyrdo● made them freely to forbear it Thirdly their examples of not resisting Persecutours being rather voluntary than enjoyned out of a longing desire to be Marty●● and an assurance of Divine vengeance to be executed on their Persecutours is no restraint nor ground at all for other Christians now not to use any forcible resistance with much more upon this head Fourthly the Christians not onely refused to resist their oppressing Emperours and Magistrates who proceeded judicially by a kind of Law against them but even the vulgar people who assaulted stoned ●lew the● in the streets against Law as Tertullians words Quoties ●nim pr●●●ritis ● vob● su● jure nos inimicum vulgus inva●it lapidibus incendi●s c. manifest without all contradiction And indeed this passage so much insisted on relates principally if not onely to such assaults of the rude notorious vulgar which every man will grant the Christians might lawfully with good Conscience forcibly resist because they were no Magistrates nor lawfull higher powers with more likewise to very good purpose upon thi● head Fifthly Admit the Christians then deemed all for●rible resistance of Persecutours simply unlawfull in point of Conscience ●● being a thing quite contrarie to Christian Profession and Religion then as it necessarily proves on the one

side that even Christian Kings Princes Magistrates must in no wise forcible resist the Tumults Rebellions Insurrections and Persecutions of their Subjects because they are Christians as well as Rulers and in this regard equally obli●ged with them not to resist with arms much lesse then their Parliaments forces lawfully raised for the publick Defence so on the contrarie part it follows not that therefore resistance is either unlawfull in it self or that the Parliaments present resistance is so For first such resistance being no where prohibited as I have formerly proved their bare Opinion that it was unlawfull to them cannot make it so to them or us in point of Conscience since God hath not made or declared it so Secondly the Primitive Christians held many things unlawfull in point of Conscience which we now hold not so he might have added nor have any sufficient ground so to hold Of which assertion he makes proof by ●●●dry particular instances which the Reader may please to peruse at his leasure Sovereign 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 c. pag ●●●●●● 142 1●● 144. I suppose the Doctours Tertulli●nisme is ●ufficiently and with advantage balanced by the discussions recited from the two pre-mentioned Authours whose learning and Authority I rather chose to make use of for his satisfaction because of the friendlinesse between their judgements and his i● the case of the late King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. H●m ●● ●● An admonition from a friend Is likest to obtain it's end All my Contests with the Doctour hitherto have been levied and managed in justification of my Intellectuals against the imputations of his There is onely one more remaining wherein I shall plead the innocencie of my morals and demonstrate the unrighteousnesse of his in their criminations For pag. 6 of his humble Addresse c. he chargeth me with flatterie yea with such flatterie the very mention whereof was matter of amaz●ment and horrour unto him besides many other eloquentiall aggravations But that I may not make my Accuser more unrighteous in his accusation of me then he hath made himself I shall transcribe the words of his charge as himself hath drawn it up in the place mentioned Having recited some passages and expressions of mine concerning the Army and some of their late actions which I shall have occasion presently to mention he commenteth thus The la●genesse and ex●rbitanc●● of thes● expressions I was my self so amazed a● that I canno● but mention them to you by the way a● matte●s of horrour which lik● the peoples acclamation to Herod or the Lycaonian● to Paul and Barnabas if they beget not in you a just indignation with the latter may very probably bring the fate of the former upon you to be eaten up with worms after you have been thus terr●fied now that you have no other visible enemy but your selves and such Flatterers c. For matter of morall deportment I confesse I have not heard of any thing wherein the Doctour hath so abused his name and Reputation not to meddle with his Conscience as in this ●ycophantrie or false accusation But herein God hath shewed me the Grace and Favour which very frequently he sheweth unto his servants as heretofore I have observed in case of accusation and charge by men which is so to blind and order the cal●mniating spirit in their Adversaries that it shall not see or take notice of their true and reall infirmities or failings but seek their de●amation by laying such things to their cha●ge which are most contrarie to those virtues or commendable Principles and wayes that are most signally eminent in them For the truth is my Conscience bearing me witnesse that of all un Christian and un-manlike mis-behaviours there is a peculiar Antipathie in my Genius and Principles against the sin of flattery and all unworthy compliance with great Persons Which Principle though it hath kept me from honour and preferment in the world yet hath it abundantly recompensed that inconvenience otherwise nor do I intend to sell it of to recede from it at any rate whatsoever And as for the Practique of Flattery and all undue Applications to the Greatnesse of this world I presume all that know me and the ma●ner of my course and conversation will very freely be my compurgatours But as there is a great abho●●encie in my temper from Flatterie so I confesse there is a strong and vigorous propension to vindicat● worthy and honourable Actions by whomsoever performed whether by shrubs or Cedars when I find them in distresse I mean under obloquie and reproch by the tongues or pens of men In the managing of this Principle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is very possible that my pen being warm ma● rhetorize a little on the right hand which hath alwayes been counted a very ●●niall De●inquencie by ingenuous men But concerning those expressions of mine which the Docto●r Sect. 7. very unworthily and witho●t cause chargeth with ●orrid and amazing Flat●●●ie with Flatteri portending Herods fate of scol●cobrocie to the Lieutenant General and his Councel of War unlesse they reject it with indignation if he had read them with a s●●gle eye he would have found them nothing worse than w●●ds of s●be●nesse and of truth The first expression the ●xor●i●ancy whe●eof so much amazed him was that I pretend to demonst●ate the Honour and Wo●th of the Armies Actions I wonder by the mediation of what topique axiome the Doctour will be able to reduce this expression to an import of Flatter●● much more of any amazing or horrid Flatterie To speak of a Demonstration of t●e Worth and Honour of such Actions which indeed are worthy and honourable was never doubtles●e untill now deemed Flatterie If he conceives that in this expression there is Worth and Honour insinuatingly asc●ibed unto these Actions and means that this is flatterie it h●d been time enough for him to have taken up this conceit when he had substantially proved the said Actions to have been neither worthy nor honourable But hic lab●r ●oc opus est The ●econd Expr●ssion which it seems was accessary to that ●ad effect mentioned in the Doctours phantasie is that I lift the Army up to a blessed Victory of overcoming evil by doing good The truth is I do not lift up the Army to any such Victori● though if I should or could lift up not onely the Army but the Doctour himself also and all his Friends thereunto I should neither flatter them nor indanger or hurt them otherwise I onely wish the good will of him that dwelt in the bush upon the head of such Warriours who pursue that blessed Vi●torie of overcoming evil by doing good Now to pursue such a Vic●●rie as this doth not necessarily suppose it as already obtained by the Pursu●rs See Philip. 3. 13. 14. Doubtlesse my wish of the good will of God upon the head of the Army doth no wayes endanger them of being eaten up with ●orms much lesse such ● wish relating indifferently