he is likely to gain in the greater and essential differences of Religion should he attempt any change therein Surely not much from the Pious and sober party of Protestants for I neither matter nor mention the ruder sort and ignorant rable Nay universall experience hath taught the World that where any kind of Religion is powerfull all force against it is weake and contemptible and much more against the true Reformed Religion as that wise and excellent Historian Thuanus shewes in the Preface to his History The other two are Calv. to his Instit Causaâ—â— to Polybius which is one of those three admirable Dedications to the Crown of France that are worthy to be read by all the Kings and Princes of Europe I might add to these the genious of the English Nation which I know to be zealous in what way of Religion soever they take as hath been observed by severall Authors In times of Popery so addicted thereto that they had given most of their means to the Church Anno 7 Edv. 1.18 Edv. 3.15 Rich. 2. if the Statute of Mortmaine had not prohibited them In the times of Libertinisme when a Republick the Fanaticks were so intoxicated that it was not enough for them to push down the Pope but they would break off all Government for being his hornes Polydor. Virgil. l. 17. and make every thing Antichristian that was not to their humor When the King return'd and Episcopacy with him that Party would not abate the three controverted Ceremonies as a wise and moderate Bishop both foretold and lamented for the universal Peace of the three Kingdoms Surplice Cros and kneeling at St. Brownrig Nay the very common rable would overflow both in drinke and devotion kneel at a pillar and reele at a Post Though I know there are as pious sober and serious Christians of severall perswasions Episcopall Presbyterial and Independants as any are in the Christian Worid but I say this to shew that what way soever they take they are not easily diverted But as groundless jealousie is both uncharitableness and folly so where there is just ground not to be jealous is stupidity It may therefore not be amiss for our further satisfaction to enquire into these Objectors grounds And they are these 1. The increase of Papists at Court especially 2. The Kings countenancing and intrusting them with power 3. His tollerating their Religion 4. Joyning with France against us For the 1 and 2d I can say little of my own knowledge it being many yeares since I saw either England or France But I shall take reports uâ—on the publique faith of England and Holland for this once though it be none of the best security 1. Therefore that Papists increase through the Queens Court the extraordinary correspondence with France the dissentions of the Protestants the Atheisme and irreligion of the Age and other wayes and meanes which might be mentioned is not to be wondred at but rather that there are no more Allthough I am well assured that their number is comparatively small and their Intrest in England and Scotland inconsiderable to effect any change And were they more this will not infer the King is one 2. And much les his countenancing and intrusting them For who ever concluded that the French Kings for their kindnes to Protestants who have served them most faithfully heretofore in their wars were Protestants Or the States Papists for employing the French and others in their Armies A Papist may be a loyall subject a wise Statesman a fit Embassador a good Soldjer and merit his Princes favor though of a different Religion 3. Nor will the Kings indulgence of liberty to those of that Religion conclude more against our assertion then for the States of Hollands being of all the Religions they tollerate or for Amsterdam's being Jewes There may be reasons of State sometimes to connive and sometimes to tollerate that which we neither approve nor would willingly allow even as Moses did divorce to the Jewes Or there may be Articles promises and other engagements upon us whereby we are forced to do that which we would not if free as Joshua to the Gibeonites and our Ancestors to Papists Anabaptists c. who assisted them in the defence of the Countrey against Spaine There are two things doe wonders in the world and are the ordinary pretexts and best apologies for the greatest â—aâ—â—bitances viz v. grot An Jure bel pac l. 1. c. 4. §. 7. l. 2. c. 2. § 6. danger and necessity And yet where these are reall and not feigned they are considered both by God and good men Nature dictates that we should hazard the hand rather then the head and lose a part rather then venture the whole I have for above 20 years observed both where I have lived and where I have travelled that Moderation is rather a speculative notion than matter of practise like a vertuous and beautifull poor Lady that all will commend but none will marry Parties that are under call for it eagerly but when they are upmost neglect it shamefully Seeing then the passions of men and iniquities of the age are so great that I exspect nothing in Religion but either an inquisition or tolleration I am more for the latter and would rather reside at Amsterdam or Constantinople then at Rome or Madrid But to come closer to the particular case If his Majesty therefore had no obligation upon him to do this or were it a liberty to Papists only or a liberty for their worship in publick I should grant the objection was very weighty but it is the quite contrary For he tells the world he was obliged in point of gratitude to the Papists for their service to his Father and to the Presbyterians who had been so instrumentall in his restoration in point of promise allso severall wayes made to them both before and after his returne to his Crowne severall times declaring that he would grant indulgence to them and others of tender consciences And we know that if his Majesty had followed his own inclinations they had been better performed And now that he gives a concession of liberty it is neither soly nor principally to those of the Romish Religion but to all others as well as they and that with this manifest difference that it is to the Protestants publiquely and to Papists in their private houses onely and this revocable at pleasure Declar. March 15. 1672. All though some wise men are of opinion that the King and Rulers will not onely find such ease and safety therein but such eminent advantages many wayes and the people generally such content that it will scarce be revoked 4. His joyning with France against us is matter of Intrest and not Religion And if we judge impartially will no more conclude him a Papist then the Emperor and King of Spaine Protestants because they joyne with us Herein let us eye and owne the Providence of God who
changes times and seasons and makes friends become enimies and enimâ—es Friends Would not this have been thought incredible to our Ancestors that France and England who raised us should endeavour our ruine And that Spaine and Austria who sought our destruction should ever seek our preservation And all this out of Intrest as I shall shew hereafter those formerly to ballance Spaine's and these now France's greatnes and neither Religion or affection For whosoever thinkes that Spaine and Austria have any kindness for us more than themselves hath a faith far larger than my fancy There is another Objection against our closing with England for Religions-sake from their Episcopall Church-Government which if it were not mentioned by some to the prejudice of my assertion I should have passed over as inconsiderable For. 1. This is onely an accidentall difference in the same Religion and not a different kinde of Religion as Popery is And a difference in the externall forme of Government onely not in the substantialls and vitalls of Religion For we both agree in the same Confession of Faith and in all the essentialls of the Reformed Religion 2. A very great part of the King of England's Subjects are Presbyterians as is well knowne 3. Although Episcopacy be the Church Government setled by Law in the three Kingdoms yet his-Majesty indulges publique liberty to Presbyterians and other Non-conformists So that we need not doubt but he will much more to us that Church Government which is setled amongst us 4. New-England and several other Plantations belonging to his Majesty of great Brittaine have allwayes enjoyed and still do their own Church-Governement freely and therefore we need not feare that ours should be denied us 5. Allthough the Church Governement of these Provinces be Presbyterian yet as to its vitall power and administration in severall places it hath for sundry yeares last past rather been Erastian The Magistrates frequently assuming that power here which the Bishops do there In so much that I question whether the Presbyterians may not have more hopes that their discipline should be raised then feares that it should be ruined under England Gralloe contra Apollodium 1646. Lucti Antistii de Jure Ecclesiasticor l. 1665. Politike discoursen l. 4. over Kerkelike Sacken What crying up the Magistrates power circa sacra and what decrying the Ministers both by word and writing Antistius tells us in the frontispece of his booke that whatever right divine or humane is attributed to the Ministers or they assume to themselves is either falsely and impiously ascribed to them or is onely from the Rulers of the Republique or city where they are setled What applauding of Hobs's Leviathan now translated into Latin and Dutch What frequent interposing in Ecclesiasticall affaires and how miserably the honest Minister in the Hague was handled may be seen in Aitzma Many were afraid of a storme falling upon the. Ministers if our enemies had not faln upon us What crossing the Churches in the Election of their Pastors and exercise of their Governement hath been at Rotterdam and other places is too well knowne and being reformed I wish what 's past might be buried in oblivion And thus I have vindicated my first Argument from Religion and shall endeavour to compensate my prolixity heerein with more brevity in the rest Concluding that if we cannot defend the true reformed Religion we profes nor will not secure it the best we can we may call our Country Ichabod for the glory is departed from these Netherlands Sect. 5. The second Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of our enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued IT will further appeare our interest to be under England rather than France in regard of our Liberty Which next to true Religion and life is the greatest blessing bestowed on man-kind Now for our clearer proceeding herein we must 1. Shew what kind of Liberty is here meant 2. Wherein it consists and the measures thereof 3. Accommodate these to the matter in hand For the first We meane not here Personall Liberty either morally considered in opposition to coaction or civilly either in opposition to confinement as we usually take it or to slavery as the Civilians 2. Nor Civil Liberty as opposed to Monarchie Institut l. 1. tit 32 as the Greeke and Latin Historians frequently with which Tacitus begins his Annals Vrbem Romam à Principio Reges habuere libertatem consulatum L. Brutus instituit For I well know that to whomsoever we submit this liberty is lost Much less 3. For Licentiousness For subjection to Lawes and Government is so far from being inconsistent with liberty that it is the onely means of its preservation For without this what are Kingdoms and States but great butcheries of men and publick robberies of propriety where the strongest arme and longest sword sweeps away all So boundless is mans villany and his lusts so ragingly restless that we have no other choyce left us but either be subject to Law or slaves to licentiousness As Tully sayes well Pro Cluent Legum ideirco omnes servi sumus ut liberiesse possimus But 4. That publick liberty which a people have under their Government of what kind soever it is as it is taken in opposition to publick oppression Which is of divers sorts and different degrees in regard of our persons priviledges and proprieties When a people are neither oppressed by usurpation without colour of Law nor by extortion under pretext thereof Which is an invaluable mercy to those that injoy it though rightly valued by few except those that want it And hath been so highly praised by all sorts of writers hat it is better to be silent then briefe in its commendations Now Secondly wherein this consists and how to measure the same is harder to discover and determine in regard we can meet with no guides that have gone this way For the Civil Law which is copious concerning all other Dominions is silent in this of Soveraignty and being calculated for the Meridian of Monarchs leaves them free to make their Subjects so more or less at their pleasure Historians onely relate what freedom such and such people had under such and such Rulers and the Writers of Policy and particular Republicks compare the peoples liberty under the several forms of Government and commend this or that State for the same And these are all the helps we have which are in the next degree to nothing We will therefore pass them all by and freely follow our own judgment in shewing joyntly both the nature of liberty and the measures thereof But we must necessarily here premise 1. That though all ought to pay the homage of subjection to that lawful government under which they live yet none ought so to be wedded to any forme as to think the subjects of all others not free Which Aristotle long since
freedom is accordingly to be accounted of And here liberty is come to maturity and if she be modest and keep within her bounds and fall not into wanton licentiousness ravishes the eyes of all spectators filling their mouthes with her praises and their mindes with admiration But it is high time that we hasten unto the third particular proposed which is the accommodation of these to the subject matter we have in hand First then it is well known that there is a very vast difference in the liberty of the Subjects of these two Crowns The common people under the King of England have 1. A part in the legislative power which is the chief authority in all Governements For the Commons make a third State in all the three Kingdoms and have their representatives freely chosen by themselves in all Parliaments which are the true Conservatories of publique liberty and particular propriety Whereas the common people in France either never had this priviledge or if they had have long since lost it That they had it formerly Francogallioe c. 10.11.15 Derepubl l. 2. c. 6. §. 6. Hottoman endeavours to prove which Arnisoeus denies and answers his reasons nor that only but all mixture in the French Monarchy either with Princes of the Blood Peers or any other State whatsoever But whatever was the Governement under the two first lines of the Kings of France it is generally agreed that in the beginning of the third under Hugh Capet who cantond out France about the yeare 990 the peoples liberty was devoured by the Dukes and Earles of the Provinces and the Monarchie allmost turned into a Toparchie by reason of their hereditary right Which the after Kings soone perceiving to be too great a ballance to the Crowne broke down by degrees and so became the only Atlas's that have ever since sustan'd that Government For the Assembly of the three Estates which were the only bulwark of the publick liberty that was left undemolished by despotical powers if they ever had any share in the legislative lost it long before Capets time for from Charles the great the Kings Edicts have past for Laws and being discontinued in their Wars with England and their remaining power whatever it was broke down by the policy of Lewis the eleventh they were finally laid aside by Lewis the last And although Philip the fourth fixed that Court of Judicature at Paris that was formerly ambulatory and usually accompanied the Kings Court which became a pattern to the rest of their Provincial Parliaments yet both that and these have only the name and shadow not the nature and power of the Parliaments under the Crown of England The Members being neither chosen by the people nor representing them but Lawjers that usually either purchase these places of the Crown or pay an annual pension for the same having no legislative power nor indeed any other but derivative from the King and alterable at his pleasure They tell the Academy of Paris Guagnin in Ludovic 12. se à Rege jussos promulgare leges quas ipsi visum fuerit ferre Apud illum authoritatem esse c. But these things are so well known that I will not stand to alledge Authorities to prove them although if it were necessary I could bring as many as would fill the page even to ostentation But let us briesly run over the rest Those 2. under the Crown of England have the election of Magistrates generally in Corporations and some under Officers in the Country which cannot be removed without due process of Law 3. Have a share in the Judicature by the Juries in England for matter of fact together with the Kings Judges for matter of Law and their last appeal to Parliaments 4. The original power of raising Taxes For the proposal and grant must come from the Commons and the other two States only consent 5. The liberty of bearing Arms. Whereas in France all Promotions Governments Judicatures and Taxes are in the Kings power who permits not the vulgar use of Arms or a standing Militia in his Kingdom but only such as are in his pay and thereby entirely at his devotion So that there is no Communalty that lives more happily than that of England nor none more miserably than the poor paisantry of France 2. Hence we may infer a fair probability of enjoying more liberty under the Crown of England than France I know our freedom will not necessarily follow from the premises for that which is legal will depend upon such conditions as shall be either previously agreed upon or after consented unto yet I leave every one to judge which is likeliest to grant us the best not only for our Religion but liberty in our Persons Priviledges and Estates as also whose Government is most likely to defend the same and make us thereby also actually free If it be argued that the French King may give us more liberty than his other Subjects and the King of England less The reply is easie that we reason not from the power of either or what they can and may do but what in all appearance they will do Although those that hold it for a fundamental in the French Government that whatever is conquered by them or acquired must be incorporated with the Kingdom of France and that this is as indispensable for the body politick as the Salick Law is for the head scruple much whether the King de jure can make us freer than the rest of his Subjects But we neither desire to dispute the Prerogative of Princes much less of such a mighty Monarch nor indeed are we of their opinion herein and therefore take it for granted that he as well as the King of England may grant us as full and ample liberty as He shall think fit in His Royal pleasure We only profess our fears what he will do and such as are rational and becoming men not groundless fancies or frivolous reports which are the usual Bugbears that affright only fearful women and children 1. We cannot flatter our selves into hopes that our condition should be better than either of those two Kings which soever we submit unto natural Sujects If it be equal it is well and all that we can rationally expect And therefore we judge that England will easier be induced to this which is ordinary unto that Government than France to indulge us of extraordinary favour unless we had merited such a priviledge as to be made an exception from the general rule And that Governors under them will willingly and readily maintain that which they are accustomed unto but very hardly such immunities as transcend the bounds which are set to others 2. The many examples we have before us of such Countries as France hath gained keeps our fears continually waking For by whatever Title they have been acquired we find them all generally in the same condition Whether by right of donation as Daulphiny and Provence or purchase as Berry Montpelier
1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of France's sister to support them And indeed so he was for the Ambassadors and Agents of the Crowne of England had become Caution to those of the Religion for the King of
in their exorbitant designes Who from the beginning of the Reformation under Francis the first Henry the 2d and Francis the 2d had growne to that strength and greatnes that they grew formidable to the Crowne of France And notwithstanding the Massacre of Merindel and Chabries A. D. 1545. and the 8 several civill Wars that was made against them by Charles the 9 and 3 by Henry the 3 the great Massacre at Paris 1572. yet God so blest them and multiplied them that in the yeare 1560 there was reckoned above 1250 Churches of them and by their severall capitulations with the two forementioned Kings at the end of their civill Wars and the Connivance of Henry the 4 formerly Head of their party they got 300 at least Garrisons and forts for their defense which he used to call the Common-wealth of Rochel that and Montauban being their principall places of strength From whom they obteined severall immunities but especially that of the liberty of their Religion which he confirmed to them by the ratification of the severall concessions of his Predecessors in the Edict of Nantes 1598 passed in the Parliament of Paris February the 25 in the following yeare Allthough the promulgation thereof out of respect to Cardinal Medices was deferd till March the 2. 1599. Which he then vehemently prest begining his speech with a strange prodigie that had fallen out betwixt Himselfe and the Duke of Guise 26 yeares before who being about to play at tables in the presence of many Nobles there appeard drops of blood which though once and againe wiped off yet new still were perceived and none knew whence there being not any in the roome that bled which he then declared for a sad omen of much blood that should be shed betwixt them two which having accordingly happend to his great grief he desired to take away all further occasions of their civill Wars by publishing that edict c. which may be seen in Thuanus Lib. 122. This great King by name and merit having fought 140 battels and skirmishes with his owne hands beleagured 300 Cities and forts was no sooner shine by the dagger of that Rascally villane Ravillac in the midst of his greatest glory and designes But his Son and Successor Lewis the 13. confirmes the same May the 22. 1610 wherein he acknowledges that Experience having taught the Kings his Predecessors that the fury and violence of Armes had not onely been unprofitable to draw their subjects to the Romane Church but was rather hurtfull which made them have recourse by a more happy Counsel to mildnes granting them the exercise of the Reformed Religion they professed in whose imitation his father Henry the 4 had made the Edict of Nantes to reconcile all his loving subjects the observation whereof had setled and assured quiet amongst them which had ever since continued without interruption And declares that though that Edict be perpotual and irrevocable and by that meanes hath no need to be confirmed by any new declarations yet to the end his subjects may be assured of his love and intention to have the said Edict inviolably kept being made for the good and quiet of his subjects therefore it is ordained by him with the advice of the Queen Regent Princes of the blood c. that the same be kept inviolably and those that shall infringe it severely punished as troublers of the publick peace of the Kingdome c. Yet notwithstanding all this the King being provoked by them is induced much against his inclination to War against them whom he declared Rebels 1621. and tooke many of their cautionary Townes from them yet this was at last composed and they reserved Rochel and severall other places still for their defence But afterwards at the instigation of Cardinal Richelieu not out of any zeale for his Religion being called the Hugonot Cardinal but of Policy to free France from their feares of the Protestant party at home with much regret the King makes War against them againe 1625. and sent to the States for Twenty sayle of Men of War according to the late Treaty which was assented unto though with great reluctancy and they was sent under Admiral Hauthain which were especially instrumentall of ruining the Protestants power at Sea and of Rochel aftewards and consequently all the power that party had left under the Duke of Rohan with nere 50 places for their Protection All their Cautionary Townes being dismantled and they having no other shelter but the shaddow of the Almighty and their Kings clemency left them to flie unto for their defence So that as I wish we had otherwise imployed our power so I pray as Schookius * Imperium maritimum c. 27. in our first War with England Deum rego fillis nepotibus non imputet quae a parentibus facta fuerunt that God may not lay this sin to our charge The Protestants having thus made their last will and Testament whereby the Crowne became sole heir and executor of all they had Lewis the last thereby became the greatest Monarch since Charles the Great his predecessors having reduced the many Provinces dismemberd from France by Hugh Capet into one entire body and he all the parts thereof to the entire subjection of the Crowne and that Kingdome at liberty to look abroad and carry on their designes where they please having for this end gained 3 keys to their neighbor Kingdoms Pignerol to enter Italy Brisack Germany and Perpignan Spaine We have seene how we have gon against our intrest in overdoing our worke le ts now see how England have been no les guilty in not doing their duty wherein they have not onely been greatly awanting to themselves but more to the Protestant intrest in Europe The Protestants in France having by Armes Treaties Concessions and Confirmations of severall Kings obteined that strength which we have declared There could be nothing more clearly the intrest of all those of the Reformed Religion and especially their Neighbors then to support them in their just rights Which Queen Elizabeth and her Council so well understood that though she had assisted these Provinces both with money and men considerably whereby she had drawne upon her a War with Spaine which was very costly to her and allso occasioned the Rebellion in Ireland which to reduce stood Her and her Kingdom of England in 4 yeares time no les if we take Morisons accompt then 1198000 L. Sterling yet she neglects not to supply Henry of Navar against the Guisian league and faction for the support of the Protestants with 101560 franks for the Baron of of Donna to raise an Army in Germany A. D. 1587 for his service and 71165 besides 20000 she spent in sending 4000 men under the conduct and command of the Lord Willoughby A. 1589. and 33333 to levy an Army under the Prince of Anhalt Camdeni Annales 1590. for the service and as much money she lent Navar himselfe the following yeare