the contrary for when they saw by this Decree and by the taking of Dreux which the King had besieg'd and after carried by force during these Agitations that if they made not haste in their election of a King 't was very probable that it wou'd be out of their power to elect one afterwards they us'd their utmost Endeavours to have one chosen in the same manner as they had first propos'd it To put by this Blow the Duke of Mayennâ— who believ'd the Spaniards had been impowr'd only with general Instructions and not to name him whom they judg'd most proper for their Interests told them that of necessity they were to expect a more particular Order from their Master wherein he shou'd declare the individual Person whom he chose for his Son in law But he was much surpriz'd when they who in all appearance had many Blanks which were ready sign'd and which they cou'd fill up with any Name to serve their occasions show'd him before the Cardinal Legat and the principal Members of the Assembly at a meeting in his House that they were impowr'd in due form to name the Duke of Guise yet he strove in the best manner he cou'd to conceal his inward Trouble and Anxiety for this Nomination which his Wiâ—e the Dutchess was not able to endure but counseâ—l'd him rather to make a Peace with the King than to be so mean-spirited as to acknowledge that raw young Creature for so by way of contempt she call'd her Nephew for his King and Master But the Duke of Mayennâ— who at that time cou'd not bear any Master whomsoever took another course and requir'd eight days time to give in writing his Demands for his own indemnifying which the Spaniards allow'd him as fully as he cou'd desire And in the mean time he knew so well to manage the Minds of the greatest part of the Deputies the Lords and Princes and even of the Duke of Guise himself by making them comprehend how unseasonable it was to create a King before they had Forces sufficient to support him against a powerful and victorious Prince that in spight of all those who were of the Spanish Interest the Ministers of Spain were answer'd that the Estates were resolv'd to proceed no farther in their Election till they had receiv'd those great Supplies which had been promis'd them by the King their Master In this manner the Election was deferr'd by the Address of the Duke of Mayenne which Dr. Mauclere a great Leaguer most bitterly bewail'd in a Letter which he wrote from Paris to Dr. de Creil another stiff Leaguer then residing at Rome to manage the Interests of that Party and therein discov'rd the whole Secret which in effect overthrew all the Cabals of the Spaniards and the League and utterly destroy'd their whole Fabrick For many things afterwards happen'd which broke off all speech of an Election of which the first and most principal was the Conversion of the King which is next in order to be related Above 9 years were already past since he though Head of the Hugonots had been endeavouring the means of reuniting himself together with his whole Party to the Catholick Church For in the year 1584. a little before the Associated Princes of the League had taken Arms the late King having sent Monsieur de Bellievre to Pamiers to declare to him that he wou'd have the Mass re establish'd in the County of Foix and in all the other Countreys which he held under the Soveraignty of the Crown of France he caus'd one of the Ministers of his Family who was already well inclin'd to sound the Dispositions of the other Ministers of that Countrey and to try if there were any hope that they would use their Endeavours uprightly and sincerely to find the means of making a general Reunion with the Catholick Church They gave up without any great difficulty all the Points in Controversie excepting one which they laid to heart namely their Interest demanding such vast proportions of Maintenance as he was not then in a condition to give them saying with great simplicity these very words That they wou'd not go a begging for their Living or live upon charity like so many poor Scholars Many of his Counsel and amongst others the Sieur de Segur one of those in whom he most confided were of opinion nevertheless that he shou'd not give over that Undertaking and that he shou'd endeavour to bring it about quietly and without any bustle by gaining the leading men of his Party And he was so well inclin'd to do it that he cou'd not curb himself from protesting frequently after his coming to the Crown and particularly after the Battel of Ivry that he wish'd with all his heart they were reunited with that Church from which they had separated and that he shou'd believe that he had done more than any of his Predecessors if God wou'd one day enable him to make that Reunion which was so necessary that he might live to see all Frenchmen united under the same Faith as well as under the same King But there is great probability for us to hope that God had reserv'd that Glory for King Louis the Great his Grandson whose unbloody Victories which he daily obtains in full Peace over Heresie by his prudent management and his Zeal which have found the means of reducing the Protestants in crowds and without violence into the Church may under his Reign show us the final accomplishment of that great Work which his Grandfather so ardently desir'd It is also known that this Prince being then only King of Navarre at the time when he projected that Re-union of which I have spoken said one day in private to one of the Ministers That he cou'd see no manner of devotion in his Religion which all consisted in hearing a Sermon deliver'd in good French and that he had always an opinion that the Body of our Lord is in the holy Sacrament for otherwise the Communion was but an exterior Ceremony which had nothing real and essential in it 'T is in this place that I cannot hinder my self from rendring Justice to the merit of one of the greatest Men whom any of our Kings have imploy'd in their most important Negotiations and who most contributed to the infusing these good Inclinations into the King of Navarre namely Francis de Noailles Bishop of Acq's who has gain'd an immortal Reputation by those great Services which he perform'd for France during 35 years under four of our Kings in fifteen Voyages out of the Kingdom and four solemn Embassies into England Venice Rome and Constantinople In which last Employment he did so much for the interest of our Religion with Selim the Grand Signior the 2d of that Name and by travelling into Syria Palestine and Aegypt where he procur'd great Advantages and Comfort to the poor Christians that the greatest Princes of Christendom thought themselves oblig'd to make their thankful Acknowledgements of his labour to
our King Pope Gregory the 13th commanded his Nuncio himself to thank the Ambassador from him at his passage from Venice on his return to France and to desire him that he wou'd use his Interest with his Brother the Abbot of L' Isle who had succeeded him in many of his Negotiations and in that Embassy as he also did in the Bishoprick of Acq's that he wou'd follow the worthy Examples which he had given him 'T is true that Pope Pius the 5th Predecessor to Gregory thought it very strange at first that a Bishop shou'd be Ambassador for the most Christian King at the Ottoman Port. But besides that the Bishop of Agria a most prudent and vertuous Prelat had exercis'd that Charge during five years for the Emperor Maximilian the 2d without the least fault found with it he very much chang'd his opinion after the Bishop of Acq's by his credit with the Grand Signior had obtain'd from him that an express Prohibition shou'd be made to Piali Bassa General of his Navy of making any descent on the Territories of the Church in consideration of which Benefit his Holiness made him a promise to promote him to the highest Dignities with which a Pope can recompence the greatest Services that are render'd to the Church These were the Employments of that Bishop whose Deserts were not less eminent than those of his elder Brother Anthony de Noailles Head of that illustrious Family which is one of the most ancient and remarkable in Limousin who was Ambassador in England Governour of Bourdeaux and Lieutenant for the King in Guyenne where he serv'd the State and Religion with the same Zeal which appears at this day with so much Success and Glory in his Posterity It was then by the Motives of the same Zeal for Religion that Francis de Noailles after he had reduc'd 100 Hugonot Families which he found in Acq's at his coming to that Bishoprick to the number of 12 was not wanting to make use of so fair an opportunity as he had to work upon the King of Navarre's Inclinations which good advice in God's due time had the desir'd effect For having conferr'd with him at Nerac by the King's Orders twice or thrice with endeavours to procure from him the re-establishment of the Catholick Religion in Bearn when he found that new Difficulties were still started he laid aside that particular Point and coming to the Spring-head whereon all the rest depended he told him in the presence of Segur with all the sincerity of a faithful Minister That his Majesty cou'd not reasonably hope to support himself by that Party which how powerful soever it appear'd wou'd always be too weak to bear him up in spight of the Catholicks who were infinitely more strong to that pitch of heighth to which his Birth and Fortune might one day carry him that whatsoever Wonders his Valour might perform yet they wou'd never be of any advantage to him till he reconcil'd himself sincerely to the Catholick Church and that it was impossible they were his very words that he cou'd ever raise any thing that was durable for the establishment of his Fortune either within the Realm or without it unless he built on this Foundation This was what he said when he took his leave of the King of Navarre And some few days after this writing from Agen to the Sieur de Segur he protested to him That his Master cou'd never arrive to the possession of that Crown to which he might lawfully pretend if he made not his entrance by the Gate of the Catholick Religion and pray'd him therefore that he wou'd think seriously of that Matter for if he follow'd not his Counsel he shou'd one day speak to him in Petrarch 's Verse When Error goes before Repentance comes behind This Discourse startled Segur who had much power over his Masters Inclinations and it was principally on this account that he gave him the Counsel above-mention'd which consequently caus'd the King of Navarre to consider of the means of reuniting himself to the Catholicks But it happening that in the midst of these Agitations the Leaguers began openly to rebel and afterwards capitulating with Arms in their hands obtain'd an Edict by which the King oblig'd himself to make War with all his Power against the Hugonots Segur whom the King of Navarre had lately sent into Germany to desire assistance writ to him after he had obtain'd it that this was not a time to think of turning Catholick though he himself had formerly advis'd it and that since his Enemies wou'd make him change his Religion by force almost in the same manner as they had us'd him at the Massacre of St. Barthol'mew he ought to stand bent against them and defend his Liberty by Arms that it might not be said he was basely plyant to their will and that he might change freely with safeguard to his Honour at some other time which now he cou'd not without shame as being by constraint He follow'd this Advice which was also seconded by his Counsel He made the War and always appear'd at the Head of the Hugonots with the success which has already been related But being a man of a sprightly and piercing Wit he was not wanting in the mean time to instruct himself and that by a very artificial way Sometimes by proposing difficult Points to his Ministers or to speak more properly his own Doubts and Scruples in matters of Religion to understand on what Foundations their Opinions were built sometimes by conferring with knowing Catholicks and maintaining against them with the strongest Reasons he cou'd urge the Principles which had been infus'd into him by his Ministers on purpose to discover by their Answers which he compar'd with what had been told him on the other side what was real and solid truth betwixt them And he always continued in this manner of Instruction clearing and fathoming the principal Points of the Controversie and causing them to give in writing what they had to argue pro or con which produc'd this effect that the Hugonots never believ'd him to be sound at bottom and settled in their Religion but repos'd much greater confidence in the late Prince of Conde who was in reality a better Protestant than he And truly it appears exceeding credible that when at his coming to the Crown he made a promise to the Catholick Princes and Lords that he wou'd cause himself to be instructed within six months he was already resolv'd on his Conversion there remaining but very few things which he then scrupled and for which he demanded some longer time in order to his fuller satisfaction But as he afterwards acknowledg'd he thought himself oblig'd to defer that good action to some more convenient opportunity because the Hugâ—nots wou'd certainly have cantoniz'd themselves and set up under the protection of some powerful Foreigner whom they wou'd have chosen for their Head which must have occasion'd new Troubles in the Kingdom Besides which the Head
most bigotted Huguenots nor any bitter Enemy to the Catholiques But as he cou'd not believe after what had been done against him that he had reason to rely on these fair promises that he fear'd to fall to the Ground betwixt two Stools nay if once he was perceiv'd to Waver to be soon abandon'd by his party which already lean'd extremely towards the Prince of Condè who was Known to be a much better Protestant than himself and moreover that he thought himself secure of great Succours from the Germans he wou'd not lend an Ear to any of those Proposals and gave a quick dispatch to the King's Envoys with an answer worthy of his ingenuity and of his Courage That his Enemies desir'd nothing less than his Conversion because they took Arms for no other reason than to Exclude him from the Succession of the Crown and to cantonize the Realm amongst themselves under pretence of preserving the Catholique Religion which he wou'd maintain in it much better than themselves That he most humbly besought his Majesty to permit him to decide that Quarrel with the Princes of the League without his Majesty's giving himself the trouble to interpose in it and in three Months time he shou'd have Fifty thousand Men with which he hop'd Almighty God wou'd do him the favour to reduce the Leaguers in a short time to their Duty and to bring those Troublers of the publick Peace and those Rebels to the terms of Obedience which they ow'd their Sovereign This answer put the King into an extreme Agony of Spirit not knowing where to fix his Resolutions nor which of the three Parties he shou'd Espouse For in case he shou'd stand Neuter betwixt the King of Navarre and the League he ran the risque of being at the disposal of the Conquerour if he rang'd himself with the King of Navarre's Party against the League as some time after he was constrain'd to do he fear'd to pass for an Heretique or for a favourer of Heretiques as the League endeavour'd already to make it be believ'd by their Calumnies against him and in the sequel to draw upon himself the power of Spain and all the Thunderbolts of Rome which in that conjuncture he dreaded more than the League and the Spaniard put together Thus as he believ'd not himself to be singly strong enough to force both parties to Obedience that latter fear determin'd him though contrary to his Inclinations against the King of Navarre's Party as judging it to be the juster excepting onely their Religion which that Prince had solemnly protested was no ingredient of the present Quarrel Insomuch that following the advice of the Queen his Mother and some few of his Council who out of their hatred to Heresie were favourable to the League he joyn'd himself with those whom he regarded as his greatest Enemies to make War with his Brother-in-Law whose good intentions he well knew for the publique wellfare A War which drew from both parties both much Bloud and many Tears the various events of which will be the Subject of the following Book THE HISTORY OF THE LEAGUE LIB II. THE King according to his Custome pass'd the Winter of this Memorable Year 1587 partly in Feasts Gaming Ballets and Masquerades and such other divertisements and partly in his Processions his Fraternities his Retirements and his Penances among the Feuillants whom he had founded at the Fauxbourg St. Honore among the Capuchins and especially in his little Cells of the Monastery of Bois de Vincennes wherein he had plac'd the Ieronimites who were come from Spain and wherein afterwards were plac'd the Minimes But to his great grief at the beginning of the Spring he was forc'd to quit the Pleasures and Exercises of that sort of Life with which he was infinitely satisfied and rowze up himself to make War in conjunction with the League against the King of Navarre and the Germans who were coming to joyn their Forces with him To this effect the Duke of Guise who till that time had been making War with the young Duke of Bouillon la Mark without any considerable advantage return'd to the Court which was then at Meaux and after having assur'd the King that there was a great Army of Germans in readiness to take their March towards our Frontiers and demanded Forces which might be capable of stopping them he made great complaints of the Breach which he pretended to be made of some Articles in the Treaty of Nemours Those of the League maintain'd that these complaints were just the others on the contrary made it evident that they were altogether unreasonable He complain'd amongst other things that the Count of Brissac was not restor'd to his Government of the Castle of Anger 's But to that it was answer'd that the King had retaken it from the King of Navarre's Forces by whom Brissac who held it for the League against his Majesty's intentions had suffer'd it to be surpris'd He added that such as were his Dependants and in his interests were not treated so favourably at Court as others as if the King had been oblig'd not onely to forgive but also to bestow particular favours on those who had taken Arms against him and to reward them for having discharg'd their Cannon against his faithfull Servants as Francis de Balsac d' Entragues had done against the Duke of Montpensier whom his Majesty had sent to Orleans In conclusion he took it exceedingly ill that the temporal Estate of Cardinal Pellevè Archbishop of Sens had been seiz'd into the King's hands as if the World were not satisfi'd that this Prelate a Pensioner of Spain and who was a declar'd Enemy to the King was not then at Rome doeing him all manner of ill Offices with the Pope eternally decrying his conduct and blasting him with his sinister interpretations and venemous aspersions Nevertheless the King had the goodness not long time after to grant him Possession of his Revenues and that to gratifie His Holiness who had desir'd it of him by his Nuncio Morosini but at the same time he desir'd the Pope to admonish the Cardinal in private that he shou'd beware of relapsing into so hainous an Offence which if he shou'd he then hop'd his Holiness wou'd hold himself oblig'd to punish him with the same Severity as if the crime were committed against his own person For the present he was content to mollify the Duke of Guise with a parcel of fair words assuring him that he wou'd take such order that he shou'd have reason to be satisfi'd in all things After which having again exhorted him to make Peace with the King of Navarre and finding him still obstinate in the Negative he took at last the resolution to dispose of the Forces he had already on foot and of those he expected from the Catholique Cantons of Swisserland in such manner that he might find a way to make himself Master of all by weakning the King of Navarre and the League and by
pay him an entire Obedience and that he propos'd nothing to himself but that provision shou'd be made for the safety of Religion and of good Catholiques which were design'd to be oppress'd through the pernicious Counsells of such as held intelligence with Heretiques and projected nothing but the ruine of Religion and the State These Letters together with those which the Parisians wrote to the other Towns exhorting all men to combine with them for their common preservation in the Catholique Faith and those of the King which on the contrary were written in too soft a style and where there appear'd more of fear and of excuse than of resentment and just complaint for so sacrilegious an attempt had this effect that the greatest part of the people far from being scandalis'd at the Barricades approv'd them loudly praising the conduct of the Duke of Guise whom they believ'd to be full of Zeal for the Catholique Faith for the good of the Kingdom and for the Service of the King And as he desir'd nothing so much as to confirm them in that opinion he was willing that the body of the City shou'd send their Deputies to the King humbly to beseech his Majesty that he wou'd forget what was pass'd and return to his good Town of Paris where his most Loyal Subjects were ready to give him all the highest demonstrations of their Obedience and devotion to his Service He permitted that even processions shou'd be made in the Habit of Penitents to desire of God that he wou'd please to mollify the King's Heart and this was perform'd with so much ardour that there was one which went from Paris as far as Chartres in a most extraodinary Equipage under the conduct of the famous Fryar Ange. This honest Father was Henry de Ioyeuse Count of Bouchage and Brother to the late Duke He had given up himself to be a Capuchin about a year before this time having such strong impressions made upon him by the death and good example of his Wife Catharine de Nogaret Sister to the Duke of Espernon that he was inflam'd with a desire of repentance insomuch that neither the tears of his Brother nor the intreaties and favours of the King who lov'd him exceedingly nor the ardent solicitations of all the Court were able to remove him from the resolution he had taken of leading so austere a Life This noble Fryar having put a Crown of Thorns upon his head and carrying an overgrown Cross upon his Shoulders follow'd by his Fraternity and by a great number of Penitents and others who represented in their Habits the several persons of the Passion led on that procession singing Psalms and Litanies The march of these Penitents was so well manag'd that they enter'd the great Church of Chartres just as the King was there at Vespers As they enter'd they began to sing the Miserere in a very dolefull tone And at the same time two swindging Fryars arm'd with Disciplines laid on lustily poor Fryar Ange whose back was naked The application was not hard to make nor very advantageous to the Parisians for the charitable creature seem'd evidently to desire the King that he wou'd please to pardon them as Iesus Christ was willing to forgive the Iews for those horrible outrages which they had committed against him A Spectacle so surprising produc'd different effects in the minds of the standers by according to the variety of their tempers some of them were melted into compassion others were mov'd to Laughter and some even to indignation And more than all the rest the Marshal de Biron who having no manner of relish for this sort of devotion and fearing besides that some dangerous Leaguers might have crowded in amongst them with intention to Preach the people into a Mutiny counsell'd the King to clap them up in Prison every Mothers Son But that good Prince who notwithstanding all his faults had a stock of Piety at the bottom and much respect for all things that related to Religion rejected wholly this advice He listen'd to them much more favourably than he had heard all the Harangues of the former Deputies and promis'd to grant them the pardon they desir'd for the Town which he had so much favour'd on condition they wou'd return to their Obedience And truly 't is exceeding probable that he had so done from that very time if they had not afterwards given him fresh provocations by proposing the terms on which they insisted for the Peace which they desir'd For the Duke of Guise to whom all these fair appearances were very serviceable and cou'd be no ways prejudicial and who always pursu'd his designs in a direct line knew so well to manage the disposition of the Queen Mother who had seem'd at first to be much startled at his demands that he recall'd her with much dexterity into his interests by working on those two passions which were rooted in her Soul She desir'd to raise to the Throne after the death of the King her Son her Grandson Henry de Lorrain Marquis du Pont and believ'd that the Duke of Guise wou'd contribute to it all that was in his power But as cunning as she was she saw not into the bottom of that Prince who fed her onely with vain hopes of that Succession for another to which he personally aspir'd She infinitely hated the Duke of Espernon and believing he was the man who having possess'd himself of the King's Soul had render'd her suspected to him long'd to turn him out of Court promising her self by that means to be re-establish'd in the management of affairs from which the Favourites had remov'd her And the Duke of Guise who had as little kindness as her self for the Duke of Espernon concurr'd in the same design with at least as much earnestness but for a much different end for he desir'd to be absolute himself In this manner this subtle Prince always dissembling and artifically hiding the true motives by which he acted drew the Queen at last to consent to all that he desir'd and above all to give her allowance that a request shou'd be presented to the King in the name of the Cardinals the Princes the Peers of France the Lords the Deputies of Paris and the other Towns and of all the Catholiques united for the defence of the Catholique Apostolique and Roman Religion This reqest which in the manner of its expressions was couch'd in most respectfull terms contain'd notwithstanding in the bottom of it certain Propositions at least as hard as the Artâ—cles of Nancy and even as those which not long before were propos'd to the Queen by the Duke of Guise For after a protestation in the beginning of it that in whatsoever had pass'd till that present time there had been nothing done but by a pure zeal for God's honour and for the preservation of his Church they demand of the King That he wou'd make War with the Huguenots and that he wou'd conclude no Peace till
all Heresies were rooted out That it wou'd please him to use the Service of the Duke of Guise in so just and holy an undertaking that he wou'd drive out of the Court and despoil of all their Offices all those who held a secret correspondence with the Huguenots and principally the Duke of Espernon and his Brother La Valette Against whom there are recited in that request all imaginable crimes that cou'd be thought most capable of rendring them odious and insupportable to the whole Kingdom That he wou'd deliver the Nation from the just apprehensions it had of falling one day under the power and dominion of Heretiques And that there might be given to the City of Paris a full assurance henceforth to enjoy a perfect tranquillity without fear of oppression he wou'd not onely please to confirm the new Provosts and Sheriffs but that also the â—aid City may have full and entire liberty for the future to make choice of such as shall succeed in those places and in those of City Colonels and Captains This request was extremely displeasing to the King who saw but too clearly that their intention was to give the Law to him hereafter whom they had first so haughtily affronted He therefore caus'd it to be examin'd in his Council where there was but small agreement because the Members of it were divided in their Interests There were but two methods to be taken on that subject either for the King to joyn with the League against the Huguenots as the request demanded or to make War against the League with all his Power in conjunction with the Huguenots for unless he espous'd one of these interests it was impossible for him to succeed Those of the Council who lov'd not the Duke of Espernon who were many and who fear'd that the acting of the King's Forces in combination with the Huguenots wou'd prove of great prejudice to his Reputation and of greater to Religion were for the former Proposition and Counsel that all differences shou'd be accommodated in the best manner they cou'd with the Duke of Guise which was also the deâ—ire of the Queen Mother But the rest who for the most part consisted of those persons whose disgrace and banishment was demanded in the Request insisted strongly on the second and gave their voice for a War to be made against the Duke to the uttermost fortifying their opinion by the number of Forces which the King might raise promiscuously both from Catholiques and Protestants because this was not a War of Religion but that the Sovereign onely 〈◊〉 himself to quell and chastise his rebellious Subjects It wou'd be a matter of much difficulty to tell precisely what was the true resolution which the King took betwixt the extremes of these different Counsels But it may be told for a certain truth that having a long time deliberated and that much more in his own breast than with his Council he seem'd at length all on the sudden to pitch upon the first whether it were that being as he was a good Catholique and hating the Huguenots he cou'd not yet come to a resolution of uniting himself to them or were it that he thought not himself at that time strong enough even with the King of Navarre's assistance to destroy the League which was grown more powerfull than ever since the Barricades and Headed by a man so able so bold and so successfull as the Duke of Guise or lastly as many have believ'd that being strongly perswaded he shou'd never be in safety nor be Master in his Kingdom while that 〈◊〉 whom he hated mortally was 〈◊〉 he took up from that very moment a resolution within himself to dispatch him out of the World and that he might draw him into the Net which he was spreading for him was willing to grant in a manner whatsoever he desir'd as if it were done in coâ—â—â—mplation of a Peace Whatsoever were his true motive for I desire not that random guesses shou'd be taken for truths 't is certain that though the King was highly exasperated against the League yet he answer'd their request with much gentleness and moderation assuring them that he wou'd assemble the three Estates at Blois in the Month of September there to advise of the means to give them satisfaction and to deliver them from the jealousie they had of falling one day under the dominion of a Huguenot Prince that for what related to the Duke of Espernon he wou'd doe them Justice like an Equitable King and wou'd make it manifest that he preferr'd the publique welfare before the consideration of any private person Accordingly in the first place that Duke was despoil'd of his Government of Normandy commanded to depart from Court and retire himself to Angouleme Not long time afterwards the King concluded a Treaty with the Lords of the League to whom besides the Places which they had already in possession the Towns of Montreuil Orleans and Bourges were given for six Years A publication of the Council of Trent was promis'd with provision against that part of it which was contrary to the liberties of the Gallicane Church â—There was given to the Duke of Guise instead of the title of Constable that of Head of the French Gendarmerie which signifies the same thing Two Armies were promis'd to be rais'd against the Huguenots one in Dauphinè under the command of Duke of Mayenne and the other in Saintonge and Poitou which â—hou'd be Commanded by a General of the King 's own choice For the New Constable under another name wou'd not be so far from Court lest his absence from thence might be of ill consequence to his Party In conclusion the King caus'd to be publish'd the famous Edict of Iuly which he commanded to be call'd the Edict of the Reunion where he did more in favour of the League than the League it self desir'd from him For after having declar'd in that Edict that he wou'd have all his Subjects united to himself that in like manner as their Souls are redeem'd with the same price by the Bloud of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ so also they and their posterity shou'd be one Body with him he swears that he will employ all his Forces without sparing his proper life to exterminate from his Realm all Heresies condemn'd by Councils and principally by that of Trent without ever making any Peace or Truce with Heretiques or any Edict in their favour He wills that all Princes Lords Gentlemen and Inhabitants of Towns and generally all his Subjects as well Ecclesiastical as Secular shou'd take the same Oath That farther they shou'd swear and promise for the time present and for ever after it shall have pleas'd God to dispose of his life without having given him Issue Male not to receive for King any Prince whatsoever who shall be a Heretique or a promoter of Heresie He declares Rebels and guilty of High Treason and to have forfeited all Privileges which have formerly been granted to
it in any Overtures which were made to no purpose for a Peace And though the Duke of Nemours whom he had invited by a kind Letter to Submission since he had already satisfy'd his Honour to the full had protested that he wou'd be the first to throw himself at his Feet and that he wou'd make it his Busines too that Paris shou'd acknowledge him provided he return'd into the Church he always rejected that Proposition On which account whatsoever solemn Promises he made that he wou'd maintain the Catholique Religion the Parisians to whom their Preachers who had an absolute Dominion over their Consciences still represented the Example of England cou'd never resolve to confide in him Thus being perswaded that it was impossible for them to surrender without giving up their Religion by the same Act they had the Courage in the midst of their Sufferings to expect the great Succours which the Duke of Parma brought to their Relief at the end of August And that excellent Commander without giving Battel to which the King who was constrain'd to retire with all his Forces from before Paris cou'd never force him so well he was retrench'd at Clay had the Glory to execute his own design and after his own manner by taking Lagny in the sight of the King and freeing Paris which was the end of his Undertaking It belongs to the general History of France to describe all the particular Passages of that famous Expedition I shall only say that I may omit nothing which precisely concerns my Subject that before the King had licens'd the Nobility and Gentry which attended him to depart and divided his Forces into several small Bodies as he afterwards did he wou'd needs make a last Attempt upon the Town To which effect on Saturday night the eighth of September he convey'd secretly three or four thousand chosen Soldiers into the Fauxbourgs St. Iacques and St. Marceau under the Leading of the Count de Chastillon to scale the Walls betwixt those two Gates after Midnight while the Town was buried as it were in the depth of Sleep For he believ'd not that the Parisians who knew that his Army was drawn up in Battalia on the Plain of Bondy all Saturday wou'd keep themselves upon their Guard on that side which he purpos'd to attaque But as some notice had been given of his Design and that besides his Troops cou'd not possibly enter those Fauxbourgs without noise the Allarm was immediately taken the Bells were rung and the Citizens in Crouds mounted the Ramparts especially where he meant to have planted his Ladders But at last when after a long Expectation no Enemy appear'd and that no more noise was heard because the Kings Soldiers who were cover'd by the Fauxbourgs made not the least motion and also kept a profound Silence it was taken only for a false Alarm The Bells ceas'd ringing and every man retir'd to his own Lodging excepting only ten Jesuites who being more vigilant than the rest continu'd all the remainder of that Night on the same Post which was not far distant from their Colledge In the mean time the Soldiers of Chastillon who were softly crept down into the Ditch began about four of the Clock in the Morning to set up their Ladders being favour'd by a thick Mist which hindred them from being discern'd The Design was well enough lay'd for there needed not above ten or twelve men to have got over into the Town who might have open'd the Gate of St. Marceau to their Fellows by means of a Correspondence which was held with a Captain belonging to that Quarter after which it had been easie to have possest themselves of the University and consequently both the Town and the City wou'd have submitted themselves to the King rather than have expos'd Paris as a Prey to two great Armies by admitting that of the Duke of Parma at the Gate of St. Martin But the Vigilance of the ten Jesuites broke all these Measures which were so justly taken for having heard a Noise in the Ditch which was made by thosâ— who were setting up their Ladders against the Walls they cry'd out as loud as they cou'd stretch their Voices to Arms to Arms. Notwithstanding which the Soldiers were still getting up and the first of them who was ready to leap upon the Rampart happen'd to show his Head just where one of those honest Fathers was plac'd who gave him such a lusty knock with an old Halbard which he had in his hand as he stood Centry that he broke it in two upon his Head and tumbled him down with the Blow into the Ditch The Companions of this valiant Jesuite did as muâ—h to two other Soldiers and a fourth who was already got up and held his Ladder with one Hand to descend into the Town and with the other a broad Curtle-axe to cleave the Head of the first who shou'd oppose him was stopp'd short by two of these Fathers who each of them with a Partizan so vigorously push'd him that notwithstanding all the Blows which he made in vain at too great a distance for fear of their long Weapons they forc'd him at the last to quit his Ladder and having hurt him in the Throat overturn'd him backward into the Ditch after his Fellows The two first Citizens who ran to their Relief were the Advocate William Balden and the famous Bookseller Nicholas Nivelle these two finding one of those Jesuites grappling with a Soldier who was getting up in spight of the poor Fathers weak resistance came into the rescue and lent him their helping Hands to kill him And the Advocate immediately turning himself to another who had already got upon the Ramparts discharg'd so terrible a Reverse upon his right hand with his Fauchion that he cut it sheer off and sent him headlong to the Bottom in the mean time the Alarm being once more warmly taken in the Town the Citizens and Soldiers made haste to Man the Walls especially on that side and heaps of kindled Straw were thrown down to light the Ditch and make discovery what was doing below whereupon the Kings Soldiers being easily discern'd left both their Ladders and their Attempt which now cou'd not possibly succeed and retir'd to the Body of their Army So little was there wanting to bring about so great an Enterprise For 't is most certain that if these ten Jesuits had done like the Townsmen and had gone back to take their rest in their College after the first Alarm which was held for false the King had that day entred Paris But the Divine Providence had reserv'd that happiness for a time more favourable to Religion and to that City into which the King being Victorious over the League was ordain'd to make a peaceable entrance after he had solemnly profess'd the Catholique Faith In the mean time the affairs of the League far from being advanc'd after this expedition which was so glorious to the Duke of Parma were soon
which they built their Babel You have seen how warily the first Association in Picardy was worded nothing was to be attempted but for the King's Service and an Acknowledgement was formally made that both the Right and Power of the Government was in him but it was pretended that by occasion of the true Protestant Rebels the Crown was not any longer in condition either of maintaining it self or protecting them And that therefore in the Name of God and by the Power of the holy Ghost they joyn'd together in their own Defence and that of their Religion But all this while though they wou'd seem to act by the King's Authority and under him the Combination was kept as secret as possibly they cou'd and even without the participation of the Soveraign a sure Sign that they intended him no good at the bottom Nay they had an Evasion ready too against his Authority for 't is plain they joyn'd Humieres the Governour of the Province in Commission with him and only nam'd the King for show but engag'd themselves at the same time to his Lieutenant to be obedient to all his Commands levying Men and Money without the King's Knowledge or any Law but what they made amongst themselves So that in effect the Rebellion and Combination of the Hugonots was only a leading Card and an example to the Papists to rebel on their side And there was only this difference in the Cause that the Calvinists set up for their Reformation by the superior Power of Religion and inherent Right of the People against the King and Pope The Papists pretended the same popular Right for their Rebellion against the King and for the same end of Reformation only they fac'd it with Church and Pope Our Sectaries and Long Parliament of 41 had certainly these French Precedents in their eye They copy'd their Methods of Rebellion at first with great professions of Duty and Affection to the King all they did was in order to make him glorious all that was done against him was pretended to be under his Authority and in his Name and even the War they rais'd was pretended for the King and Parliament But those Proceedings are so notoriously known and have imploy'd so many Pens that it wou'd be a nauseous Work for me to dwell on them To draw the likeness of the French Transactions and ours were in effect to transcribe the History I have translated Every Page is full of it Every man has seen the Parallel of the Holy League and our Covenant and cannot but observe that besides the Names of the Countreys France and England and the Names of Religions Protestant and Papist there is scarcely to be found the least difference in the project of the whole and in the substance of the Articles In the mean time I cannot but take notice that our Rebels have left this eternal Brand upon their Memories that while all their pretence was for the setting up the Protestant Religion and pulling down of Popery they have borrow'd from Papists both the Model of their Design and their Arguments to defend it And not from loyal well principled Papists but from the worst the most bigotted and most violent of that Religion From some of the Iesuites an Order founded on purpose to combat Lutheranism and Calvinism The matter of Fact is so palpably true and so notorious that they cannot have the Impudence to deny it But some of the Iesâ—ites are the shame of the Roman Church as the Sectaries are of ours Their Tenets in Politicks are the same both of them hate Monarchy and love Democracy both of them are superlatively violent they are inveterate haters of each other in Religion and yet agree in the Principles of Government And if after so many Advices to a Painter I might advise a Dutch-maker of Emblems he shouâ—d draw a Presbyterian in Arms on one side a Iesuit on the other and a crownd Head betwixt them for t is perfectly a Battel-royal Each of them is endeavouring the destruction of his Adversary but the Monarch is sure to get Blows on both sides But for those Sectaries and Commonwealths-men of 41 before I leave them I must crave leave to observe of them that generally they were a sowr sort of thinking men grim and surly Hypocrites such as coud cover their Vices with an appearance of great Devotion and austerity of Manners neither Profaneness nor Luxury were encouragd by them nor practisd publickly which gave them a great opinion of Sanctity amongst the Multitude and by that opinion principally they did their business Though their Politicks were taken from the Catholick League yet their Christianity much resembled those Anabaptists who were their Original in Doctrine and these indeed were formidable Instruments of a religious Rebellion But our new Conspirators of these seven last years are men of quite another Make I speak not of their non-Conformist Preachers who pretend to Enthusiasm and are as morose in their Worship as were those first Sectaries but of their Leading men the Heads of their Faction and the principal Members of it what greater looseness of Life more atheistical Discourse more open Lewdness was ever seen than generally was and is to be observ'd in those men I am neither making a Satyr nor a Sermon here but I wou'd remark a little the ridiculousness of their Management The strictness of Religion is their pretence and the men who are to set it up have theirs to choose The Long Parliamentâ— Rebels frequented Sermons and observ'd Prayers and Fastings with all solemnity but these new Reformers who ought in prudence to have trodden in their steps because their End was the same to gull the People by an outside of Devotion never us'd the means of insinuating themselves into the opinion of the Multitude Swearing Drunkenness Blasphemies and worse sins than Adultery are the Badges of the Party nothing but Liberty in their mouths nothing but License in their practice For which reason they were never esteem'd by the Zealots of their Faction but as their Tools and had they got uppermost after the Royallists had been crush'd they wou'd have been blown off as too light for their Society For my own part when I had once observ'd this fundamental error in their Politiques I was no longer afraid of their success No Government was ever ruin'd by the open scandal of its opposers This was just a Catiline's Conspiracy of profligate debauch'd and bankrupt men The wealthy amongst them were the fools of the Party drawn in by the rest whose Fortunes were desperate and the Wits of the Cabal sought only their private advantages They had either lost their Preferments and consequently were piqu'd or were in hope to raise themselves by the general disturbance Upon which account they never cou'd be true to one another There was neither Honour nor Conscience in the Foundation of their League but every man having an eye to his own particular advancement was no longer a Friend than while his Interest
Joyeuse prodigiously 192 193 His smart and majestical Answer to the Ambassadors of the Protestant Princes of Germany that press'd him to revoke his Edicts against the Huguenots 158 159. His Confrery and Processions of Penitents 173 His close design in the War which he is constrain'd to make against his will 333 He puts himself at the Head of his Army at Gien upon Loir and opposes the passage of the Army of the Reyters 260 He testifies his too much weakness and his too much fear of the Seditious whom he durst not punish Pag. 305 He is contented to reprehend the seditious Doctors and Preachers in lieu of punishing them 308 He incenses the Duke of Guise in refusing him the Admiralty which he had ask'd for Brissac 312 313 Makes a resolution at last to punish the Leaguers 332 333 His irresolution when he sees the Duke of Guise at the Louvre 200 201 c. Makes the Guards and the Swisses enter Paris 208 209 The excessive Demands they made him at the Barricades 359 360 361 Goes from Paris in poor equipage and retires to Chartres 363 364 He favourably hearkens to them who with Frier Ange de Joyeuse went in Procession at Chartres to ask his pardon 367 368 369 His profound dissimulation 325 375 c. Causes the Edict of Re-union to be publish'd in favour of the League 378 379 Lets loose the marks of his choler and indignation which he would conceal 382 383 Opens the second Estates where be communicates with the Duke of Guise 385 386 His Oration which checks the Leaguers ib. 387 His extreme indignation by reason of the unworthy Resolutions which they took against his Authority in the Estates Pag. 392 393 Is resolved to have the Duke of Guise kill'd 394 c. Causes him to be kill'd in his Chamber 400 401 c. Causes the Cardinal de Guise to be kill'd 410 411 Writes to the Legat Morosini and gives him Audience three days after to declare to him his Reasons 413 Maintains that he hath incurr'd no Censure and has no need of Absolution 415 In lieu of arming he amuses himself in making Declarations which are slighted and contemn'd 425 Makes great offers to the Duke of Mayenne in vain 454 Takes rigorous courses but too late 464 465 How and why he treats with the King of Navarre 466 467 Offers very advantageous Conditions to the Princes of Lorrain 472 473 Publishes and causes to be executed his Treaty with the King of Navarre 477 His Conference with this King at Tours 478 Marches in the Body of the Army with the King of Navarre towards Paris 492 Receives and dissembles the News of the Monitory against him 494 Takes up his quarters at St. Clou and is unhappily kill'd 509 510 c. His most christian and most holy Death and Elogy 514 515 c. Henry de Bourbon King of Navarre protests against the first Estates at Blois Pag. 61 His Conference with the Duke d'Espernon about the Subject of his Conversion 86 87 c. His Fidelity towards Henry III. 109 His forcible Declaration against the Leaguers 117 118 Gives the Duke of Guise the Lye in writing and offers to fight him to save the French Blood ib. Draws the Marshal de Damville to his side against the League 124 He desir'd not the ruine of Religion but of the League to preserve the Monarchy 126 Causes his Protestation against Sixtus Quintus's Bull to be fixt upon the Gates of the Vatican in Rome 137 138 His Conference with the Queen Mother at St. Brix 161 162 His Exploits against the Army at Joyeuse 197 c. His Valour and good Conduct at the Battel of Courtras 202 204 c. His Clemency after his Victory 227 He knew not how to or would not make use of his Victory 228 Assembles the Estates on his side at Rochel at the same time that the Estates were held at Blois 390 His proceedings after the death of the Guises 467 His Declaration to all Frenchmen Pag. 468 He treats with and is united to the King 470 471 His Conference with the King at Tours 478 His march towards Paris 492 493 He succeeds Henry III. and is acknowledg'd for King of France by the Catholics of the Army upon certain conditions 734 Divides his Troops into three parts and carries one into Normandy 736 His Conduct and Valour at the Battel of Arques 741 c. Attaques and takes the Suburbs of Paris 752 c. Besieges Dreux 769 Gives and gains the Battel of Ivry 770 c. His Exploits after his Victory 795 c. Is repulsed before Sens. ib. Besieges Paris 796 Why he would not attaque it by Force 800 Rejects the Proposition which they made him to surrender Paris provided he would become Catholic 809 c. Pursues the Duke of Parma just to Artois 816 817 The two Attempts he made unsuccessfully to surprize Paris 811 816 c. He takes Noyen 844 Besieges Roan 845 His Combat and Retreat from Aumale 847 Raises the Siege of Roan and a little while after besieges the Duke of Parma's Army 852 c. His proceedings after the Retreat of that Duke Pag. 861 The History of his Conversion 900 c. The Points upon which he causes himself to be instructed 918 919 c. He makes his solemn Abjuration and receives Absolution at St. Denis 927 928 Sends the Duke of Nevers to Rome in Obedience and to ask the Pope's Absolution who after having long time deâ—err'd it at last gives it him 932 933 c. His happy entrance into Paris 938 939 His heroic Valour at the Combat of Fontain Francois 948 c. Grants a Treaty and very favourable Edict to the Duke of Mayenne 954 His rare bounty in receiving him at Monceaux 955 Anthony Hotman Advocate General for the League at the Parliament of Paris is Author of the Treaty of the Right of Uncle against the Nephew 738 c. Francis Hotman a Civilian Brother to the Advocate refutes his Book without knowing that it was his Brothers ib. The Huguenots have the advantage in the first War that Henry III. made against them 7 8 They become powerful by joining with the politick Party ib. They were the first that leagued themselves against the Kings 14 James de Humieres Governor of Peronne his Elogy and what made him begin the League in Picardy Pag. 22 23 Charles de Humieres Marquis d'Encre Governor of Campeigne for the King 486 Is the cause of gaining the Battel of Senlis ib. c. His Elogy ib. c. Carries a great supply of the Nobles of Picardy to the King at the Battel of Ivry 781 I. JAmes Clement the History of his abominable Parricide 508 509 c. The President Jeannin sent by the Duke of Mayenne into Spain 830 His Elogy ib. His prudent Negotiation with the King of Spain 833 Ten Jesuits save Paris which had been taken by scaling the walls if they had been asleep as all the rest were 813