imprisoned which refused the payment of that Loane Great summes of money were required and raised by privy Scales A Commission for squeezing the Subject by way of Excize Souldiers were billited upon them And a designe laid to inslave the Nation by a force of German Horse with many other things of that nature Those affaires of State which concerned Conâ—ederates abroad had been managed with as much disadvantage and infelicity to them as dishonour to the English Nation and prejudice to the Cause of Religion it selfe Peace was made with Spaine without consent of Parliament by which all hope was utterly lost of re-establishing the Kings neerest kinred in their just Dominion and the Protestant Religion much weakened in Germany What Counsells had then influence upon the Court of England might be the amazement of a wise man to consider and the plaine truth must needs seeme a paradox to posterity as that the Protestant Religion both at home and abroad should suffer much by the Government of two Kings of whom the former in his own person wrote more learnedly in defence of it and the latter in his owne person lived more conformably to the Rules of it then any of their Contemporary Princes in Europe But the Civill Affaires of State were too ill managed to protect or at least to propagate true Religion or else the neglect of Religion was the cause that Civill Affaires were blessed with no more honour and prosperity The right waies of Queen ELIZABETH who advanced both had been long ago forsaken and the deviation grew daily farther and more fatall to the Kingdom Which appeared in a direct contrariety to all particulars of her Reigne Titles of Honour were made more honourable by her in being conferred sparingly and therefore probably upon great desert which afterwards were become of lesse esteem by being not onely too frequently conferred but put to open sale and made too often the purchase of Mechannicks or the reward of vitious persons At the death of that Duke the people were possessed with an unusuall joy which they openly testified by such expressions as indeed were not thought fit nor decent by wise men upon so tragicall and sad an accident which in a christian consideration might move compassion whatsoever the offences of the man were To such people that distick of Seneca might give answer Res est sacra miser noli mea tangere fata Sacrilegae Bustis abstinuere manus Sacred is woe touch not my death with scorne Even sacrilegious hands have Tombs forborne And it may be that God was offended at the excesse of their joy in that he quickly let them see the benefit was not so great to them as they expected by it but his judgements are too high for men to search True it is that the people in generall loving the Kings Person and very unwilling to harbour the least opinion of ill in him looked upon the Duke as the onely hinderance of the Kingdomes happinesse supposing that though other Statesmen might afterwards arise of as bad or worse intentions then the Duke yet none would have so great a power for execution of them nor any other Genius be ever found to have so great a mastery over the Kings Genius But it is certaine that men did much therefore rejoyce at the death of this Duke because they did before much feare what mischiefe might befall a Kingdome where that man who knew himselfe extreamly hated by the people had all the keyes of the Kingdome in his hand as being Lord Admirall and Warden of the Cinque-Ports having the command of all the Souldiers and the onely power to reward and raise them These joyes and hopes of men lasted not long for in the same yeer being the fourth of King CHARLES and after the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM another Parliament was dissolved and then the Priviledges of that high Court more broken then ever before Six Members of the House of Commons who had been forward in vindicating the Priviledges of Parliament were committed close Prisoners for many moneths together without the liberty of using books pen inke and paper while they were detained in this condition and not admitted Bayle according to Law They were also vexed with informations in inferiour Courts where they were sentenced and fined for matters done in Parliament and the payment of such Fines extorted from them Some were enforced to put in security of good behaviour before they could be released The rest who refused to be bound were detained divers yeares after in custody of whom one Sir JOHN ELLIOT a Gentleman of able parts that had been forwardest in expression of himselfe for the freedome of his Country and taxing the unjust actions of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM while that Duke lived though the truth be that the 〈◊〉 of his were no other then what carried 〈◊〉 consent in them dyed by the harshnesse of his imprisonment which would admit of no relaxation though for healths sake he petitioned for it often and his Physitian gave in testimony to the same purpose The freedome that Sir JOHN Eâ—â—OT used in Parliament was by the people in generall applauded though much taxed by the Courtiers and censur'd by some of a more politike reserve considering the times in that kind that TACITUS censures THRASEAS POETUS as thinking such freedom a needlesse and therefore a foolish thing where no cure could be hoped by it Sibi periculum nec aliis libertatem After the breaking off this Parliament as the Historian speaketh of Roman liberty after the battell of PHILIPPI nunquam post hoc praelium c. the people of England for many years never looked back to their ancient liberty A Declaration was published by the king wherein aspertions were laid upon some Members but indeed the Court of Parliament it selfe was declared against All which the dejected people were forced to read with patience and allow against the dictate of their own reason The people of England from that time were deprived of the hope of Parliaments and all things so managed by publike Officers as if never such a day of account were to come I shall for methods sake first of all make a short enumeration of some of the chiefe grievances of the Subjects which shall be truly and plainly related as likewise some vices of the Nation in generall that the Reader may the better judge of the causes of succeeding troubles during the space of seven or eight yeares after the dissolution of that Parliament and then give some account concerning the severall dispositions of the people of ENGLAND and their different censures of the Kings government during those years touching by thâ—â—â—â—â—mewhat of 〈◊〉 manners and customs of the 〈◊〉 ENGLAND and then briefly of the condition of Ecclesiasticall affaires and the censures of men concerning that CHAP. II. A briefe Relation of some grievances of the Kingdome The various opinions of men concerning the present Government The condition of the Court and Clergy of England Some
of the Nation though a number considerable enough to make a Reformation hard compared with those Gentlemen who were sensible of their birth-rights and the true interest of the Kingdome on which side the common people in the generality and Country Freeholders stood who would rationally argue of their owne Rights and those oppressions that were layed upon them But the sins of the English Nation were too great to let them hope for an easie or speedy redresse of such grievances and the manners of the people so much corrupted as by degrees they became of that temper which the Historian speakes of his Romans ut nec mala nec remedia ferre possent they could neither suffer those pressures patiently nor quietly endure the cure of them Prophannesse too much abounded every where and which is most strange where there was no Religion yet there was Superstition Luxury in diet and excesse both in meat and drinke was crept into the Kingdome in an high degree not only in the quantity but in the wanton curiosity And in abuse of those good creatures which God had bestowed upon this plentifull Land they mixed the vices of divers Nations catching at every thing that was new and forraigne Non vulgo not a placebant Petronius Gaudia non usu plebejo trita voluptas Old knowne delight They scorne and vulgar bare-worne pleasure sleight As much pride and excesse was in Apparell almost among all degrees of people in new fangled and various fashioned attire they not only imitated but excelled their forraigne patternes and in fantasticall gestures and behaviour the petulancy of most Nations in Europe Et laxi crines tot nova nomina vestis Petr. Loose haire and many new found names of clothes The serious men groaned for a Parliament but the great Statesmen plyed it the harder to compleat that worke they had begun of setting up Prerogative above all Lawes The Lord WENTWORTH afterward created Earle of STRAFFORD for his service in that kinde was then labouring to oppresse Ireland of which he was Deputy and to begin that worke in a conquered Kingdome which was intended to be afterward wrought by degrees in England And indeed he had gone very farre and prosperously in those waies of Tyranny though very much to the end ammaging and setting backe of that newly established Kingdome He was a man of great parts of a deepe reach subtle wit of spirit and industry to carry on his businesse and such a conscience as was fit for that worke he was designed to He understood the right way and the Liberty of his Country as well as any man for which in former Parliaments he stood up stiffely and seemed an excellent Patriot For those abilities he was soone taken off by the King and raised in honour to be imployed in a contrary way for inslaving of his Country which his ambition easily drew him to undertake To this man in my opinion that character which LUCAN bestowes upon the Roman Curio in some sort may suit Haud alium tauta civem tulit indole Roma Aut â— ui plus Leges deberent recta sequenâ—i Perdita tune urbi nocuerunt secula postquam Ambitus Luxus opum metuenda facultas Transverso mentem dubiam Torrente tulerunt Momentumque fuit mutatus curio rerum A man of abler parts Rome never bore Nor one to whom whilest right the Lawes ow'd more Our State it selfe then suffer'd when the tide Of Avarice Ambition factious pride To turne his wavering minde quite crosse began Of such high moment was one changed man The Court of England during this long vacancy of Parliaments enjoyed it selfe in as much pleasure and splendour as ever any Court did The Revels Triumphs and Princely Pastims were for those many yeares kept up at so great a height that any stranger which travelled into England would verily believe a Kingdom that looked so cheerefully in the face could not be sick in any part The Queene was fruitfull and now growne of such an age as might seeme to give her priviledge of a farther society with the King then bed and board and make her a partner of his affaires and businesse which his extreme affection did more encourage her to challenge That conjugall love as an extraordinary vertue of a King in midst of so many temptations the people did admire and honour But the Queenes power did by degrees give priviledge to Papists and among them the most witty and Jesuited to converse under the name of civility and Courtship not only with inferiour Courtiers but the King himselfe and to sowe their seed in what ground they thought best and by degrees as in complement to the Queene Nuntio's from the Pope were received in the Court of England PANZANI CON and ROSETTI the King himselfe maintaining in discourse That he saw no reason why he might not receive an Embassadour from the Pope being a Temporall Prince But those Nuntio's were not entertained with publike Ceremony so that the people in generall tooke no great notice of them and the Courtiers were confident of the Kings Religion by his due frequenting Prayers and Sermons The Clergy whose dependance was meerely upon the King were wholly taken up in admiration of his happy Government which they never concealed from himselfe as often as the Pulpit gave them accesse to his eare and not onely there but at all meetings they discoursed with joy upon that Theam affirming confidently that no Prince in Europe was so great a friend to the Church as King CHARLES That Religion flourished no where but in England and no reformed Church retained the face and dignity of a Church but that Many of them used to deliver their opinion That God had therefore so severely punished the Palatinate because their Sacriledge had beene so great in taking away the endowments of Bishopricks Queene ELIZABETH her selfe who had reformed Religion was but coldly praised and all her vertues forgotten when they remembred how she cut short the Bishoprick of Ely HENRY the eight was much condemned by them for seizing upon the Abbies and taking so much out of the severall Bishopricksâ— as he did in the 37 yeer of his Reigne To maintaine therefore that splendour of a Church which so much pleased them was become their highest endeavour especially after they had gotten in the yeare 1633. an Archbishop after their owne heart Doctor LAUD who had before for divers yeares ruled the Clergy in the secession of Archbishop ABBOT a man of better temper and discretion which discretion or vertue to conceale would be an injury to that Archbishop he was a man who wholly followed the true interest of England and that of the Reformed Churches in Europe so farre as that in his time the Clergy was not much envied here in England nor the Government of Episcopacy much dis-favoured by Protestants beyond the Seas Not onely the pompe of Ceremonies were daily increased and innovations of great scandall brought into the Church but in point of
Franciscus Haraeus compiled Annals of the bloody and fierce Warres in the Netherlands when some of those Provinces fell from the obedience of Philip the second King of Spaine Which businesse he relates in such a way as must in probability lead a Reader to believe that the King and his Officers were altogether innocent and the people of those Countries the only causers of their own Calamity Meteranus wrote the History of those very times which who so reads must needs make a contrary censure concerning the occasion of that Warre The like discrepancy hath been found in Historians of all ages and Nations and therefore not to be much wondred at if it now happen But that which of all other is most likely to be differently related because informations will not agree in such a distance is concerning the actions of Warre and Souldiery and in the time of this Warre it is a thing of extreme difficulty I might say of impossibility for those of one Party to be truly informed of all the Councels or the very Performances and Actions of Commanders and Souldiers on the other side How much valour the English Nation on both sides have been guilty of in this unnaturall Warre the World must needs know in the generall fame But for particulars how much Worth Vertue and Courage some particular Lords Gentlemen and others have shewed unlesse both sides do write will never perfectly be known My residence hath bin during these Wars in the quarters and under the protection of the Parliament and whatsoever is briefly related of the Souldiery being toward the end of this Book is according to that light which I discerned there For whatsoever I have missed concerning the other Party I can make no other Apology then such as Meteranus whom I named before doth in the Preface to his History De Belguis tumultibus Whose words are thus Quòd plura de Reformatorum patriae defensorum quà m de Partis adversaere bus gestis exposuerìm mirum haudquaquam est quoniam plus Commercii familiaritatis mihi cum ipsis major indagandi opportunitas furt Si Pars adversaidem tali probitate praestiterit ediderit Posteritas gesta omnia legere liquido cognoscere magno cum fructu poterit In like manner may I averre that if in this discourse more particulars are set down concerning the actions of those men who defended the Parliament then of them that warred against it it was because my conversation gave me more light on that side to whom as I have indeavoured to give no more then what is due so I have cast no blemishes on the other nor bestowed any more characters then what the truth of Story must require If those that write on the other side will use the same candour there is no feare but that posterity may receive a full information concerning the unhappy distractions of these Kingdoms This I must adde that to inform the world of the right nature causes and growth of these Distractions it will require that the Discourse begin from precedent times which I shall indeavour to deduce down to the present with as much brevity as the necessity of unfolding truth can possibly admit Neither is it needful to begin the Story from times of any great distance or to mention the Government of our most ancient Princes but from that Prince fresh in the memory of some yet living who first established the Reformed Religion in this Kingdome and according to that 〈◊〉 a new interest in the State which was most behoofefull and requisite for her Successors to follow and much conducing besides the glory of Almighty God to their own Honour Power and Greatnesse THE CONTENTS BOOK I. CHAP. I. WHerein is a short mention of Queene Elizabeth King James and the beginning of King Charles his Reign His two first Parliaments Of the War with Spaine and France The death of the Duke of Buckingham And the third Parliament of King Charles 1 CHAP. II. A briefe Relation of some grievances of the Kingdome The various opinions of men concerning the present Government The condition of the Court and Clergy of England Some observations of a stranger concerning the Religion of the English people 15 CHAP. III. The condition of the Scottish State and Clergy when the new Booke of Lyturgy was sent unto them how it was received with some effects which followed The Kings Proclamation sent by the Earle of Traquare against which the Lords make a Protestation 27 CHAP. IV. The Scots enter into a Covenant The Marquesse Hamilton is sent thither from the King A Nationall Synod is granted to them but dissolved within few daies by the Marquesse as Commissioner from the King The King declares against the Covenanters and raises an Army to subdue them 38 CHAP. V. The 〈◊〉 of the English People from this Warre with Scotland 〈◊〉 King advanceth to Yorke with his Army The prepaâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 the Scottish Covenanters A Pacification is made and 〈◊〉 Armies disbanded Another Preparation for Warre with â—â—â—â—land A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13 of 〈◊〉 The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of 〈◊〉 to the Earle of Traquare 46 CHAP. VI. The Parliament beginneth in England but is soone dissolved The Clergy continue their Convocation The Scots enter into England Some passages of the War A Parliament is called to begin on the third of November A Truce between the Armies for two Moneths 58 CHAP. VII The beginning of the English Parliament Grievances examined Sufferers relieved Delinquents questioned The Archbishop of Canterbury committed to the Tower The flight of Secretary WINDEBANKE and of the Lord Keeper FINCH 70 CHAP. VIII The Tryall and death of the Earle of Strafford Conspiracies detected during the agitation of it An Act for continuance of this present Parliament With a mention of that Grant of the Trienniall Parliament in February before 87 CHAP. IX Allowance of money from the English Parliament to the Scots The vast Charge of disbanding the two Armies The great Taxations for that purpose and the manner of Poll Money The people take a Protestation An Act for putting down the High Commission Court and Starre-Chamber with other occurrences of that time The Queene Mother departeth England The King goeth into Scotland 103 BOOK II. CHAP. I. A Standing Committee during the Recesse of both Houses of Parliament The Rebellion of the Irish and Massacre of the â—testants there Some indeavours of the English Parliament 〈◊〉 relief of that Kingdom 1 CHAP. II. The King returneth out of Scotland and is pompoushly entertained by the City of London The Remonstrance is published by the Parliament The King entreth into the House of Commons The 〈◊〉 of the 12. Bishops and how it was censured by the Lords and Commons Divers unhappy obstructions of the relief of Ireland 16 CHAP. III. The Queen passeth into Holland with her Daughter the Princesse Mary Difference between the King and Parliament concerning the Militia The
King goeth toward York and is followed with a Petition from the Lords and Commons to Theobalds and another Declaration to Newmarket The King is denyed entrance into Hull by Sir John Hotham 38 CHAP. IV. Many Members of both Houses leave the Parliament and repaire to the King Nine of the Lords who first went away are impeached by the Commons and censured by the Peers The Great Seal is carried away from London to York Some Votes of Parliament concerning the Kings Proceedings A Petition with nineteen Propositions sent from the Parliament to the King 58 CHAP. V. An Order for bringing in of Plate and Money into Guild-Hall The Kings Declaration to the Lords about him Their Profession and Protestation to him The King layeth Siege to Hull but raiseth it again The Earl of Warwick taketh possession of the Navy as Lord Admirall The Earl of Essex is voted in Parliament to be Lord Generall of all their Forces 83 CHAP. VI. A brief Relation of the condition of divers Counties in England when the Parliaments Ordinance for the Militia and the Kings Commission of Array were put in execution With a mention of some Lords and otherswho were actors on either side The Lord Mayor of London committed to the Tower and sentenced by the Parliament A mention of some Declarations Messages and Answers that passed between the King and the two Houses of Parliament 99 BOOK III. CHAP. I. PRince Rupert and Prince Maurice arrive in England The Earl of Essex taking leave of the Parliament goeth to his Command The King increaseth in strength at Shrewsbury A Skirmish at Worcester The great Battell of Keynton is fought 1 CHAP. II. The Parliament send to the King concerning an Accommodation A fight at Brainford Another Treaty with the King begun and broken of Reading besieged by the Lord Generall Essex and surrendred to him A Conspiracy to betray Bristoll A treacherous Plot against the Parliament and City of London discovered and prevented 29 CHAP. III. Matters of State trans-acted in Parliament touching the Assembly of Divines The making of a new Great Seale Impeaching the Queen of High Treason and other things The Lord Generall Essex after some Marches returneth to quarter his wasted and sick Army about Kingston The Kings Forces Masters of the West The Earl of Newcastle his greatnesse in the North. Some mention of the Earle of Cumberland and the Lord FAIRFAX 47 CHAP. IV. Some Actions of Sir Thomas Fairfax in the North. The Queen lands in England The revolt of Sir Hugh Cholmley and the two Hothams The state of this Warre in the Westerne parts The condition of the Associated Counties A short relation of Sir William Waller his Actions of Colonell Cromwell Sir William Brereton and Sir John Gell. 63 CHAP. V. The death of the Lord Brooke and of the Earle of Northampton A short mention of some Actions in divers Counties The low condition of the Parliament at that time The Siege of Gloucester 85 CHAP. VI. The Expedition of the Lord Generall Essex for reliefe of Gloucester The great Battell of Newbury described 101 THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT OF England CHAP. I. Wherein is a short mention of Queene ELIZABETH King JAMES and the beginning of King CHARLES his Reigne his two first Parliaments Of the Warre with Spaine and France The death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM And the third Parliament of King CHARLES QUeene ELIZABETH of glorious Memory together with that great Stock of Wealth and Honour which her prudent and just Government had brought to the English Nation had enriched them besides with a greater Treasure which we may justly account the cause of all the rest Religion reformed from Popish Superstition That Reformation engaged the Queene in a new Interest of State to side with the Protestants against those Potent Monarchs of the other Religion which seemed at the beginning as much danger and disadvantage to her as it proved in conclusion security and Honour so impossible it is for any disadvantage to prevaile over them that helpe the Lord against the Mighty That Storme from France which so much threatned the weake beginnings of her Reigne was suddenly blowne over by the death of HENRY the second and some few Moneths after of his Sonne FRANCIS who had married the Queene of Scotland the danger which remained greatest was from Spaine where PHILIP the second then reigned a Prince not greater in Dominion Treasure and Armies then deeply engaged against the Protestant Religion by the instigation and assistance of the Jesuites an Order which in the Age before had beene highly counrenanced by Pope PAUL the third in opposition to the Gospell-Doctrine that then began to spread apace in Germany and other parts The whole Order of Iesuites as endeavouring to set up one Temporall Kingdome of Christendome suitable to the Papall Hierarchy applyed their service altogether to the Monarchy of Spaine as being then far the greatest in Europe and fittest for their purpose by the late uniting of so many Kingdomes and Dutchies under the person of CHARLES the Emperour who by a fortunate birthright inherited together with Casule and Arragon and all the great Acquisitions of his Grandfather FERDINAND in Italy and the West Indies the rich and usefull patrimony of his Father PHILIP Burgundy and the Netherlands all these he had left intirely to his Sonne PHILIP who to so large a Territory had made that strong addition of the Kingdome of Portugall and might seeme an Enemy too mighty for England and all the Protestants of Europe to oppose But Queene ELIZABETH had woven the interest of her own State so inseparably into the cause of Religion it selfe that it was hard to overthrow one without the ruine of the other And God who had given her so much grace and courage as to rely wholly upon him did with that Almighty hand not onely hold her up from sinking but lift her above the heads of all her enemies By what degrees and means she atchieved the great Actions of her reigne and brought so much prosperity to her Nation it is not the scope of this discourse to relate at large for her History is not the worke in hand but only in briefe to declare that before her death she was the happy instrument of God to promote the Protestant Religion in all parts She curbed the Spanish greatnesse by supporting France from ruine to give some balance to the other as she preserved Scotland from being swallowed up by the French before She protected the Hollanders against him vanquished his Armies both by Land and Sea with many other such things as might seeme too much to be the atchievements of one Reigne And last of all she reduced Ireland wholly to obedience notwithstanding all the subtill machinations of Spain and open assistance given in Armes to her Irish Rebels All which she accomplished by the justice and prudence of her government by making the right use of her Subjects hearts hands and Purses in a Parliamentary way as also securing
The effect of that Protestation was for we cannot here insert it at large That the Service Booke was full of Superstition and Idolatry and ought not to be obtruded upon them without consent of a Nationall Synod which in such cases should judge That it was unjust to deny them liberty to accuse the Bishops being guilty of high crimes of which till they were cleered they did reject the Bishops as Judges or Governours of them They protested also against the High Commission Court and justified their owne meetings and superscriptions to Petitions as being to defend the glory of God the Kings Honour and Liberties of the Realme This Protestation was read in the Market place at Sterlin and the Copy hung up in publike CHAP. IV. The Scots enter into a Covenant The Marquesse HAMILTON is sent thither from the King A Nationall Synod is granted to them but dissolved within few daies by the Marquesse as Commissioner from the King The King declares against the Covenanters and raises an Army to subdue them FRom Sterlin the Commissioners resorted to Edenburgh whither many from all parts met to consult of the present businesse and concluded there to renew solemnly among them that Covenant which was commonly called The lesser confession of the Church of Scotland or The confession of the Kings family which was made and sealed under King JAMES his hand in the yeare 1580. afterwards confirmed by all the Estates of the Kingdome and Decree of the Nationall Synod 1581. Which Confession was againe subscribed by all sorts of persons in Scotland 1590. by authority of Councell and Nationall Synod and a Covenant added to it for defence of true Religion and the Kings Majesty which Covenant the aforesaid Lords Citizens and Pastours in the yeare 1638. did renew and tooke another according to the present occasion The Covenant it selfe expressed at large in the Records of that Kingdome consisted of three principall parts The first was a re-taking word for word of that old Covenant 1580. confirmed by Royall Authority and two Nationall Synods for defence of the purity of Religion and the Kings Person and Rights against the Church of Rome The second part contained an enumeration of all the Acts of Parliament made in Scotland in defence of the reformed Religion both in Doctrine and Discipline against Popery The third was an application of that old Covenant to the present state of things where as in that all Popery so in this all innovations in those Bookes of Lyturgy unlawfully obtruded upon them are abjured and a preservation of the Kings Person and Authority as likewise a mutuall defence of each other in this Covenant are sworne unto Against this Covenant the King much displeased made these foure principall objections First By what authority they entred into this Covenant or presumed to exact any Oath from their fellow Subjects Secondly if they had power to command the new taking of this Oath yet what power had they to interpret it to their present occasion it being a received Maxime That no lesse authority can interpret a Law then that which made it or the Judges appointed by that Authority to give sentence upon it Thirdly What power they had to adde any thing to it and interpose a new Covenant of mutuall assistance to each other against any other power that should oppose them none excepted And fourthly That all Leagues of Subjects among themselves without the privity and approbation of the King are declared to be seditious by two Parliaments in Scotland one of the tenth Parliament of JAMES the sixth Act the twelfth and the other the fifteenth Act of the ninth Parliament of Queene MARY What answer the Covenanters made to these objections and what arguments the King used to enforce the contrary are largely expressed in many writings being such indeed as not onely then but since in the sad calamities of England have been discoursed of in whole volumes containing all that can be said concerning the true Rights and Priviledges of Princes and People The Covenant notwithstanding was generally subscribed by all there present at Edenburgh in February 1638. and Copies of it sent abroad to those who were absent and so fast subscribed by them also that before the end of Aprill he was scarce accounted one of the Reformed Religion that had not subscribed to this Covenant And the Church and State were divided into two names of Covenanters and Non-Covenanters the Non-Covenanters consisting â—irst of Papists whose number was thought small in Scotland scarce exceeding six hundred Secondly some Statesmen in Office and favour at that time Thirdly someâ— who though they were of the Reformed Religion were greatly affected to the Ceremonies of England and Booke of Common-Prayer Many Bishops at that time came from thence to the Court of England and three Lords of the Councell of Scotland whom the King had sent for to advise about the affaires of that Kingdome where after many debates what course to take whether of reducing the Covenanters by Armes or using more gentle meanes The King at last sent the Marquesse HAMILTON together with those three Lords into Scotland The Marquesse arrived at Dulketh and within few daies entred Edenburgh in Iune being met and conducted into the City by a great multitude of all ranks in which number were seven hundred Pastors of Churches The Marquesse by the Kings Command dealt with the Covenanters to renounce their Covenant or else told them there was no hope to obtaine a Nationall Synod which they so much desired for setling of the Church which they affirmed could not be done without manifest perjury and profanation of Gods Name But when nothing was agreed upon they besought the Marquesse at his returne into England to present their humble desire to the King But before his departure in Iuly he published the Kings Proclamation wherein his Majesty protests to defend the Protestant Religion and that he would no more presse upon them the Booke of Canons or Service Booke but by lawfull Mediums That he would rectifie the High Commission and was resolved to take a speedy opportunity of calling both a Parliament and Synod When the Proclamation was ended the Covenanters read their Protestation of which the heads were That they never questioned his Majesties sincerity in the Protestant Religion That these grants of his were not large enough to cure the present distempers for he doth not utterly abolish that Service-Booke nor the High Commission being both obtruded against all Law upon them That their meetings are not to be condemned in opprobrious words being lawfull and such as they would not forsake untill the purity of Religion and peace might be fully setled by a free and Nationall Synod The Marquesse went into England to returne at a prefixed day the twelfth of August In the meane time the Scots keepe a solemne Fast and the Covenanters not hoping from the King so quick a call of a Nationall Synod as the present malady required published a writing wherein
they endeavour to prove That the Church in such a condition may provide for it selfe That the power of calling a Synod in case the Prince be an enemy to the truth or negligent in promoting the Churches good is in the Church it selfe And that the State of the Church of Scotland at that time was necessitated to such a course which they endeavour to prove by reciting all their particular grievances and by answering all arguments of the contrary side for the Right of Princes howsoever affected to Religion as appeares at large in their Tractate concerning the necessity of Synods The Marquesse returned into Scotland before the appointed day and brought Articles from the King to which the Covenanters if they would have either Parliament or Synod were required to consent But they utterly rejected those Articles as too invalid for their purpose of setling things so that the Marquesse fearing least the Covenanters weary of delayes would call a Synod without staying the Kings consent earnestly perswaded them to forbeare it onely till his next returne from Court whither he would presently go to perswade the King Which request of his with much a do was granted by them and the day for his returne appointed the 22 of September by which time unlesse the Marquesse returned it was free for the Covenanters to provide for their owne affaires But the Marquesse with singular diligence prevented his day and published the Kings Proclamation of which the chiefe heads were First The King did abrogate all Decrees of Councell for the Booke of Canons and Common-Prayer and abrogate the High Commission Secondly That none should be pressed to the five Articles of Perth Thirdly That Bishops should be subject to the censure of a Synod Fourthly That no Oath should be given at Ordination of Pastors but by Law of Parliament Fifthly that the lesser Confession of 1580. should be subscribed to by all the Kingdome Sixtly That the King called a Nationall Synod to begin at Glasco the 21 of November 1638. and a Parliament at Edenburgh the 15. of May 1639. Lastly for peace sake he would forget all their offences past The Covenanters at the first hearing of this peacefull Message were much joyed but looking neerely into the words they found as they affirme That their precedent actions were tacitly condemned and the just freedome of a Nationall Synod taken away Therefore loath to be deceived they frame a Protestation not as they alledged mis-doubting the candor of the King but not trusting those in favour with him by whose destructive Councell they supposed it was that the King had not shewed this clemency at first The chiefe heads of their Protestation were these First after humble thanks to God and the King they conceived this grant no sufficient remedy for their sores For His Majesty calls that a panick feare in them which was upon no imaginary but just grounds as a reall mutation both of Religion and Lawes by obtrusion of those Bookes directly popish Secondly whereas the King in his former Mandates so highly extolled those Bookes as most religious and fit for the Church they could not be satisfied with a bare remission of the exercise of them unlesse he would utterly abrogate and condemne them or else itching Innovators would not be wanting hereafter to raise new troubles to the Church about them Thirdly the just liberty of Nationall Synods is diminished and Episcopacy set up they being allowed as Bishops though not deputed by the Churches to give their voices in a Synod Fourthly the subscribing againe of that old Covenant could not be admitted for many reasons there at large expressed of which some are That it would frustrate their late Covenant and make it narrower then before and not able to suit to the redresse of present grievances and be a needlesse multiplying of Oathes and taking the Name of God in vaine with many other objections which cannot be fully here inserted That Covenant notwithstanding was solemnly taken at Edenburgh by the Marquesse of HAMILTON the Kings Commissioner and all the Privy Councell The Marquesse then gave Order for the Synod fearing least the Covenanters if he delayed to call it would do it themselves and on the 16. of November came to Glasco in great state Where after many meetings for preparation to the businesse on the 21 of the same Moneth according to the Kings Edict the Nationall Synod began But within seven daies that Synod was dissolved by the Marquesse HAMILTON in the Kings Name and they commanded to sit no more The Marquesse alleadging for reason of it that they had broken the Lawes of a free Synod in many proceedings not onely in those few daies of their sitting but before it began in their manner of Elections with other such like matters But they protested against that dissolution and continued the Synod when the Marquesse was gone What were the Acts of that Synod what proceedings it had and what impediments it met withall you may reade in two large descriptions the one published by the King the other by the Synod how the Bishops protested against the Synod how the Synod answered their Protestation how the Synod wrote to the King how they proceeded against the Bishops deposing them all from their Dignities how of all fourteene Bishops eight were excommunicated foure excluded from all Ministeriall Function and two onely allowed to oâ—â—icâ—ate as Pastours how the five Articles of Perth the Booke of Lyturgy the Booke of Canons and Ordination were all condemned the High Commission taken away and whatsoever else had crept into the Church since the yeare 1580. when that Nationall Covenant was first established The Scots Covenanters when themselves broke up the Synod wrote a Letter of thanks to the King and immediately after published a Declaration dated the fourth of February 1638. from Edenburgh and directed To all the sincere and good Christians in England to vindicate their actions and intentions from those aspersions which enemies might throw upon them That Declaration was welcome to the people of England in generall and especially to those who stood best affected to Religion and the Lawes and Liberties of their Country But by the Kings Authority it was suppressed as all other papers that might be sent from the Scots and a Proclamation soone after bearing date the 27. of February 1638. was published by the King and commanded to be read in all Churches of England the Title of it was A Proclamation and Declaration to informe our loving Subjects of England concerning the seditious Actions of some in Scotland who under false pretence of Religion endeavour the utter subversion of our Royall Authority The Declaration was â—illed with sharpe invectives and execrations against the Scottish Covenanters but the truth is it wrought little upon the hearts of the English People who conceived a good opinion of the Scots and were more confirmed in it because the King had carried the whole businesse so closely from the English Nation as not onely not
discontent if they remembred how much he had done this Parliament as his granting that the Iudges hereafter should hold their places quam diù se benè gesserint bounding the Forrest Lawes taking away Ship-money establishing the Subjects property in Tonnage and Poundage granting the Trienniall Parliament free Iustice against Delinquents With other things Concluding graciously That He would omit nothing which might give them just content And when he had signed the forenamed Bills after a short mention of the journey which he intended speedily to take into Scotland he propounded to them a thing very acceptable concerning his Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine that he could not but at the desire of that Prince send an Ambassadour to assist him at the Dyet at Ratisbone with the Emperour and fearing that he should not receive so good an Answer as might in justice be expected For the better countenancing that businesse he intended to publish a Manifesto in his owne name but would not do it but by consent and advice of Parliament without which he conceived it would be a thing of no validity Which Manifesto was afterwards made by the full consent of both Houses and Sir THOMAS ROE a Member of the House and a Gentleman of great abilities was sent to the Emperour at Ratisbone about it but without any good successe At the same time the Queene Mother of France as was before desired by the Parliament was to take her leave of England The King consented to her departure but Money wanting for the Provision of her Journey the Parliament allotted ten thousand pounds to her out of the Poll-Money This great Lady had arrived in England almost three yeares before and so long been entertained by the King her Sonne in Law with great respect and an allowance answerable to support her State 100. l. per diem It was her mis-fortune how farre her crime I cannot tell that during her abode here the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland were imbroyled in great troubles which the People were apt to impute in some measure to her counsels knowing what power the Queene her Daughter had with the King Others taxed her not at all but looked upon other causes the same counsells which long before her arrivall had distempered England but the people made their judgement upon it from her actions or successes in other places But however it were the Queene was fearefull of the people here and had not long before desired to have a guard allowed her pretending feare of her life by reason of some attempts which she conceived made against her upon which a Guard was set about her house Her Regency in France had not beene happy nor according to the interest of that Kingdome though that perchance may be accounted a fault not so particular to her as commonly incident to the Regency of Queene Mothers in that Land In so much as THUANUS commends the saying of CHARLES the ninth a Prince whom otherwise he doth not praise upon his death bed That since he must dye at that age being foure and twenty he thanked God he had no Sonne least France should fall under a Regency of which he had found the sad effects His Mother was KATHERINE DE MEDICIS of the same Family with this Queene After the time of her Regency her actions had been such that the King her Sonne would not harbour her in his owne Kingdome nor was she welcome into the Territories of her Sonne in Law the King of Spaine But the people there were no lesse desirous of her departure then afterward in England Insomuch as she became a strange example of the instability of humane fortunes that so great a Queen and Mother to so many mighty Princes should want a quiet Harbour for her age Not long after her departure from England she died at Culleine and might seeme a parallel in some things to the same Empresse who founded that City and there planted a Roman Colony AGRIPINA wife to CLAUDIUS CESAR and Mother to NERO They both had tasted of power been active in it but not pleasing to the people They were both taught that the greatnesse of their Sonnes was not so much advantage to their Power as they had hoped and had learned that all power dependent upon another is of small validity and lesse stability as TACITUS observes speaking of the same AGRIPINA Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile fluxum est quam fama potentiae non sua vi nixa About two Moneths before the departure of this Queene the Princesse MARY eldest daughter to the King not yet ten yeares of age was married with great triumph at White-Hall to the young Prince of Orange WILLIAM Bishop WRENNE being then Deane of the Kings Chappell performed the solemnity on Sunday the second of May 1641. The Marriage had been before debated of in Parliament and consented to The King himselfe upon the ninth of February having declared to the Lords what large Propositions the Ambassadours of the States had made to him upon that purpose The people in generall were pleased with this Marriage and glad the King had chosen out a Protestant Prince and servant to a State which had beene long confederate with England and whose interest carried them the same way Professors of the same Religion and in that kinde of Discipline to which the greatest part of Parliament and People were inclined and hoped though at that time it was not so fully declared as afterward to reforme the Church of England to as that of Scotland already was By this Match of the Kings owne chusing they began to hope that the Spanish Faction in Court was not now at all prevalent but that things might hereafter be carried according to the right English way In this hope they were the more confirmed seeing the Parliament go on without any opposition from the King no dissention having yet happened nor likely to happen as they conceived for that Conspiracy of bringing up the Army against the Parliament which we touched before was not yet discovered nor at all thought of though within few daies after it broke out But some there were who suspended their joy and were not much confident that this Marriage would bring happinesse to England unlesse the King were perfectly right with his People and wished the same thing they did considering at one side the condition of the Prince of Orange and that he might be ambitious of more then was due to him and for that reason ingage himselfe in a reciprocall way for the King against his People if occasion served On the other side they considered the States as Polititians of this world and men who had other interests then that of Religion and if dissention should in England happen betweene Prince and People which was never but feared in some degree might be apt to side with the King against the just freedome of the Subject which must needs depresse the strength of England and keepe it from so much greatnesse
the people tired with expectation of such a cure do usually by degrees forget the sharpnesse of those diseases which before required it or else in the redressing of many and long disorders and to secure them for the future there being for the most part a necessity of laying heavy Taxes and draining of much Money from the people they grow extreamly sensible of that present smart feeling more paine by the Cure for a time then they did by the lingring disease before not considering that the causes of all which they now indure were precedent and their present suffering is for their future security It was the generall opinion of all Gentlemen at that time That a Parliament so much and long desired as this was after so great and constant a violation of the Lawes and Liberties of England in the Kings former Government could scarce in possibility ever grow into the dislike of the people or at least so great a part of the people as might be able which within one yeare was after seene to make a Warre against it and indanger the utter ruine and subversion of it But I have spoken before of some causes which might seeme strong enough to ingage a part of the people against the Parliament whose particular interests and livelihoods were neerely touched how farre any proceeding might distaste others who were uninterested in their private fortunes or callings I cannot tell any certaine reason But I remember within the compasse of a yeare after when this Civill Warre began to breake out over all the Kingdom and men in all companies began to vent their opinions in an argumentative way either opposing or defending the Parliament Cause and Treatises were printed on both sides Many Gentlemen who forsooke the Parliament were very bitter against it for the proceedings in Religion in countenancing or not suppressing the rudenesse of people in Churches which I related before acting those things which seemed to be against the Discipline of the English Church and might introduce all kindes of Sects and Schismes Neither did those of the Parliament side agree in opinions concerning that point some said it was wisely done of the Parliament not to proceed against any such persons for feare of losing a considerable party as is said before Others thought and said That by so doing they would lose a farre more considerable party of Gentlemen then could be gained of the other They also affirmed That Lawes and Liberties having been so much violated by the King if the Parliament had not so farre drawne Religion also into their cause it might have sped better for the Parliament frequently at that time in all their expressions whensoever they charged the corrupt Statesmen of injustice and Tyranny would put Popery or a suspition of it into the first place against them I remember when the Warre was begun among those little Treatises which were then published as many there were without any names to them I found one in which the case is thus expressed to recite the words of it Perchance saith he too much insisting upon Religion and taxing the King for affecting Popery hath by accident weakened the Parliament and brought Parties to the King It may seeme a great Paradox that the best and onely necessary of all things Religion being added into the scale of Lawes and Liberties should make the scale lighter then before Neither can it be true but by accident as thus The strange intercourse betwixt Rome and the English Court The Kings owne Letters to the Pope His favouring of Priests and such things though they may give a State just cause of susspition that their Religion is undermining Yet because it cannot be so absolutely proved to the sight of all the people that the King favoured Popery as that he violated the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome which latter was visible to all the former concerning Religion remaines in the peoples reason as a controverted question the King still protesting for Religion and the disputes about that amusing the People make them by degrees forget that crime of the Kings which was without controversie and evident the violation of Lawes and Liberties And more then so for some supposing that the Parliament unjustly taxed him in Religion did in time believe that he was not so guilty of the other as they would make him which I have heard some of late maintaine From whence may follow a strange conclusion That the Kings dealing so much with Rome to the disadvantage of the Protestant Religion should now turne to his owne advantage in a Protestant Kingdome And we may make this as paradoxicall a supposition That if the King had never done any thing prejudiciall to the Protestant Religion he would have found fewer Protestants this Parliament to take his part For then there being no dispute at all about Religion the crimes of his State mis-government had plainly and inexcusably appeared to all as we have seene that some of our former Kings for the like violation of Lawes and Liberties when there was but one Religion and therefore no dispute about it have been heavily censured in Parliament no man appearing in their justification And why should not a Parliament thinke that such things are cause enough to be stood upon and to justifie their quarrell before God as if the Almighty did not adhorre Injustice Oppression Tyranny and the like in any Kingdome unlesse the prâ—fession of Religion were also depraved Nay he abhorreth it more in that place where the purest profession of Religion is Besides that frequent naming of Religion as if it were the onely quarrell hath caused a great mistake of the question in some by reason of ignorance in others of subtilty whilest they wilfully mistake to abuse the Parliaments Cause writing whole Volumes in a wrong stated case as instead of disputing whether the Parliament of England lawfully assembled where the King virtually is may by Armes defend the Religion established by the same power together with the Lawes and Liberties of the Nation against Delinquents detaining with them the Kings seduced Person They make it the question Whether Subjects taken in a generall notion may make Warre against their King for Religions sake Such was the sense of many Gentlemen at that time which adhered to the Parliament But to proceed in the Narration The Parliament had been of late sensible of the losse of some from them and having detected divers Conspiracies and Machinations of dis-affected people against them and fearing more had in May last â—ramed a Protestation which was solemnly taken by all the Members of both Houses and sent thorow England to be taken by the people the forme of it was in these words I A.B. in the presence of Almighty God promise vow and protest to maintaine and desend as farre as lawfully I may with my life power and estate the true Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England against all Popery and Popish Innovotions within this
did declare nor ever intended to declare both Our Houses of Parliament Traitours or set up Our Standard against them and much lesse to put them and this Kingdom out of Our protection We utterly professe against it before God and the world And further to remove all possible Scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired by Vs We hereby promise so that a day be appointed by you for the revoking of your Declarations against all persons as Traitours or otherwise for assisting Vs We shall with all cheerfulnesse upon the same day recal our Proclamations and Declarations and take down Our Standard In which Treaty We shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of Our subjects conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland and the dangerous condition of England in as high a degree as by these Our Offers We have declared Our Self to do and assuring you that Our chief desire in the world is to beget a good understanding and mutual confidence betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament To the Kings most Excellent Majestie The humble Answer and Petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament to the King 's last Message May it please Your Majestie If we the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled should repeat all the ways we have taken the endeavours we have used and the expressions we have made unto Your Majestie to prevent those distractions and dangers Your Majestie speaks of we should too much enlarge this Reply therefore as we Humbly so shall we Onely let Your Majestie know that we cannot recede from our former Answer for the reasons therein expressed for that Your Majestie hath not taken down Your Standard recalled Your Proclamations and Declarations whereby You have declared the Actions of both Houses of Parliament to be Treasonable and their Persons Traitors And You have published the same since Your Message the 25 of August by Your late Instructions to Your Commissioners of Array Which Standard being taken down and the Declarations Proclamations and Instructions recalled if Your Majestie shall then upon this our humble Petition leaving your Forces return unto Your Parliament and receive their faithful advice Your Majestie shall finde such expressions of our fidelities and duties as shall assure You that Your Safety Honour and Greatnesse can onely be found in the affections of Your People and the sincere Counsels of Your Parliament whose constant and undiscouraged endeavours and consultations have passed thorow difficulties unheard of onely to secure Your Kingdoms from the violent mischiefs and dangers now ready to fall upon them who deserve better of Your Majestie and can never allow themselveâ— representing likewise Your whole Kingdom to be balanced with those persons whose desperate dispositions and counsels prevail still so to interrupt all our endeavours for the relieving of bleeding Ireland as we may fear our labours and vast expences will be fruitlesse to that distressed Kingdom As Your Presence is thus humbly desired by us so it is in our hopes that Your Majestie will in Your Reason believe There is no other way then this to make Your Majesties Self happie and Your Kingdoms safe The Parliament immediately after published a Declaration that the Arms which they were enforced to take up for the preservation of the Kingdom Laws and Liberties could not be laid down until the King should withdraw his Protection from such persons as had been voted Delinquents by both Houses and leave them to the Justice of Parliament The King within few days after made another Reply to the last Answer of the Parliament The substance of it was that he could neither do nor offer any more then he had already and that he should think himself clear and innocent from any blood that might be spilt in this Quarrel praying God so to deal with him and his posterity as he desired to preserve Religion Law and Liberty of the Subjects and Priviledge of Parliament The Parliament returned Answer that while the King thinks himself bound in Honour to protect such Delinquents in whose preservation the Kingdom cannot be safe nor the Rights of Parliament at all maintained but must needs fall into utter contempt they must needs think he hath not done what he can oâ— ought to do They tell him it is impossible that any reasonable man should believe him to be so tender of bleeding Ireland when at the same time divers of the Irish Traitours the known favourers of them and agents for them are admitted into his Presence with grace and favour and some of them employed in his service THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT OF England The third Booke CHAP. I. Prince RUPERT and Prince MAURICE arrive in England The Earle of ESSEX taking leave of the Parliament goeth to his Command The King increaseth in strength at Shrewsbury A Skirmish at Worcester The great Battell of Keynton is fought ABout the beginning of this September Prince RUPERT second Sonne to FREDERICK Prince Elector Palatine of the Rhene who had long beene detained Prisoner of Warre by the Emperour and newly released arrived in England to offer his Service to the King his Uncle in those Warres which were now visibly begun in this unhappy Kingdome together with him came his younger Brother Prince MAURICE an addition rather of Gallantry then strength to the Kings side being both young and unexperienced Souldiers Neither indeed though they were neere in birth to the Crowne of England were they neere enough to adde any security to the King by purchasing the Peoples hatred to themselves though that were imagined and talked of by many as the cause why they were sent for Their elder Brother CHARLES Prince Elector might have served more fitly to play that part But he having long remained in the Court of England had lately left the King not above two Moneths before the arrivall of his Brothers The reasons why he went away were partly expressed by himselfe afterward in a Message which he sent out of Holland to the Houses of Parliament wherein he professed sorrow for these distractions and protested that whilest he was in the Court of England he had by all meanes indeavoured to bring the King into a good opinion of his Parliament acknowledging that his owne interest and that of the Protestant Religion in Germany did more depend upon the happinesse of the English Parliament then upon any thing else under God True it is that this Prince left not the King untill he saw the rent betweene him and his Parliament too great to close and having before been exposed by the King to some probability of envy as when he attended his Majesty to the House of Commons for surprizall of the five Members and with him afterwards when some things unpleasing to the people had been done he might in likelihood being of that opinion that he was of this cause thinke it the wisest way to take a faire leave in time of the King These two
slaine That Commission of Array was directed from the King to Sir NICHOLAS CRISPE Sir GEORGE STROUD Knights to Sir THOMAS GARDINER Knight Recorder of London Sir GEORGE BINION Knight RICHARD EDES and MARMADUKE ROYDEN Esquires THOMAS BROWNE PETER PAGGON CHARLES GENNINGS EDWARD CARLETON ROBERT ABBOT ANDREW KING WILLIAM WHITE STEVEN BOLTON ROBERT ALDEM EDMUND FOSTER THOMAS BLINKHORNE of London Gentlemen and to all such other persons as according to the true intent and purport of that Commission should be nominated and appointed to be Generals Colonels Lieutenant Colonels Serjeant Majors or other Officers of that Councell of Warre The Commission it selfe is to be read at large in the Parliament Records But this Conspiracy was prevented and proved fatall to some of the Contrivers being detected upon the last day of May which happened at that time to be the day of the Monethly Fast and Master WALLER Master TOMKINS with other of the forenamed Conspirators being apprehended were that night examined by divers grave Members of the Parliament of whom Master PYM was one and afterwards reserved in custody for a Tryall They were arraigned in Guild-Hall and Master WALLER Master TOMKINS Master CHALLONER Master HASELL Master WHITE and Master BLINKHORNE were all condemned none were executed but Master TOMKINS and Master CHALLONER being both hanged Master TOMKINS in Holborne and Master CHALLONER in Cornhill both within sight of their own dwelling houses Master HASELL dyed in Prison BLINKHORNE and the other were by the mercy of the Parliament and the Lord Generall Essex reprived and saved afterwards Master WALLER the chiefe of them was long detained Prisoner in the Tower and about a yeare after upon payment of a Fine of ten thousand pounds was pardoned and released to go travell abroad It was much wondered at and accordingly discoursed of by many at that time what the reason should be why Master WALLER being the principall Agent in that Conspiracy where Master TOMKINS and Master CHALLONER who had been drawne in by him as their own Confessions even at their deaths expressed were both executed did escape with life The onely reason which I could ever heare given for it was That Master WALLER had been so free in his Confessions at the first without which the Plot could not have been clearly detected That Master PYM and other of the Examiners had ingaged their promise to do whatever they could to preserve his life He seemed also much smitten in conscience and desired the comfort of godly Minister being extremely penitent for that soule offence and afterwards in his Speech to the House when he came to be put out of it much be wailed his offence thanking God that so mischievous and bloody a Conspiracy was discovered before it could take effect CHAP. III. Matters of State trans-acted in Parliament touching the Assembly of Divines The making of a new Great Seale Impeaching the Queene of High Treason and other things The Lord Generall Essex after some Marches returneth to quarter his wasted and sick Army about Kingston The Kings Forces Masters of the West The Earl of Newcastle his greatnesse in the North. Some mention of the Earle of Cumberland and the Lord FAIRFAX AT the same time that these Conspiracies were closely working to undermine the Parliament and Warre was raging in highest fury throughout the Kingdome many State-businesses of an unusuall nature had been trans-acted in the Parliament sitting For things were growne beyond any president of former ages and the very foundations of Government were shaken according to the sense of that Vote which the Lords and Commons had passed a yeare before That whensoever the King maketh Warre against the Parliament it tendeth to the dissolution of this Government Three things of that unusuall nature fell into debate in one moneth which was May 1643. and were then or soone after fully passed one was at the beginning of that moneth concerning the Assembly of Divines at Westminster Among other Bils which had passed both Houses and wanted onely the Royall Assent that was one That a Synod of Divines should be chosen and established for the good and right settlement of Religion with a fit Government for the Church of England This Bill was oft tendred to the King to passe but utterly refused by him The matter therefore was fully argued what in such cases might be done by Authority of Parliament when the Kingdomes good is so much concerned when a King refuseth and wholly absenteth himselfe from the Parliament And at last it was brought to this conclusion That an Ordinance of Parliament where the King is so absent and refusing is by the Lawes of the Land of as good Authority to binde the people for the time present as an Act of Parliament it selfe can be It was therefore Voted by the Lords and Commons That the Act for an Assembly of Divines to settle Religion and a forme of Government for the Church of England which the King had oft refused to passe should forthwith be turned into an Ordinance of Parliament and the Assembly thereby called debate such things for the settlement of Religion as should be propounded to them by both Houses which not long after was accordingly put in execution The case seemed of the same nature with that of Scotland in the yeare 1639. when the Scottish Covenanters as is before mentioned in this History upon the Kings delay in calling their Nationall Synod published a writing to that purpose That the power of calling a Synod in case the Prince be an Enemy to the truth or negligent in promoting the Churches good is in the Church it selfe In the same moneth and within few daies after another businesse of great consequence was by the Lords and Commons taken into consideration which was the making of a new Great Seale to supply the place of that which had been carried away from the Parliament as before is mentioned This businesse had been fully debated in the House of Commons and the Moneth following at a Conference between both Houses the Commons declared to the Lords what great prejudice the Parliament and whole Kingdome suffered by the absence of the Great Seale and thereupon desired their speedy compliance in Votes for the making of a new one The matter was debated in the House of Peeres put to Votes and carried for the negative The onely reason which they alleadged against the making of a new Seale was this That they have hitherto dispatched all business since the absence of the Seale by vertue of Ordinances of Parliament and they conceived that the same course might still be kept in what matters soever were necessary to be expedited for the good of the Kingdome without a Seale Yet the Lords gave a respective answer That if the House of Commons would informe them in any particular cases wherein the Kingdomes prejudice by absence of the Great Seale could not be remedied by vertue of an Ordinance they would take it into further consideration to induce complyance accordingly Neither was
her own Kingdome by strengthning the hands of Protestants abroad insomuch as she stood at last above the reach of any enemy by open warre and protected by God though often attempted by domestick Treasons and Assasinations till in the end she died in a good old age leaving to her Successor King JAMES the Kingdom of England in an happier condition then ever it was the Kingdome of Ireland wholly subdued and reduced to reap for himselfe the harvest of all her labour and expence and nothing to do for it but to propagate the true Faith in that Kingdome which she prevented by death could not performe and was in probability an easie taske for King JAMES at that time much conducing besides the honour of God to his owne Temporall strength and greatnesse if he had onely gone fairely on in that way which Queene ELIZABETH had made plaine for him The Prosperity of England seemed then at the height or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it pleases God that States many times shall decline from their happinesse without any apparent signes to us or reasons that we can give as a Heathen complaines Oh faciles dare summa Deos eademque tueri Difficiles Lucan How easie are the Gods to raise States high But not to keepe them so These things have made some high-reaching Writers impute the raising and declination of Kingdomes and Common-wealths to certaine aspects of heavenly Constellations to Conjunctions and Oppositions of Planets and various Ecclipses of Celestiall Luminaries others to an hidden strength and secret efficacy of Numbers themselves and most men to the perpetuall Rotation of fortune but the judgements of God in those things are past our finding out and they are too wise who are not content sometimes to wonder For King JAMES the Successour to Queene ELIZABETH was a wise and learned Prince of disposition mercifull and gracious excellently grounded in that Religion which he professed as the world may finde by his extant writings a Prince of whom England conceived wonderfull hope and received with great joy and Triumph but he did not beginne where his Predecessor left proceeding rather in a contrary way what the reasons of it were I will not at all presume to deliver my opinion though some have beene bold to write and publish of late yeeres that it was feare for his own Person that made him to temporize with Rome considering the boldnesse of Jesuiticall Assasines others more candidly conceived it might be his great desire of peace and union with other Princes though he might erre in the meanes of attaining that end for he was by nature a great seeker of Peace and abhorrer of bloodshed according to that Motto which he ever used Beati Pacifici I cannot search into mens thoughts but onely relate the Actions which appeared King JAMES at the beginning of his Reigne made a Peace with Spaine which was brought very low by Queene ELIZABETH and had beene neerer to ruine in all probability had she lived a few yeares longer the Estates of the united Provinces of the Netherlands those usefull Confederates to England began to be despised by the English Court under a vaine shadow in stead of a reason that they were an ill example for a Monarch to cherish Then began secret Treaties to passe betwixt Rome and the Court of England care to be taken about reconciliation of Religions the rigour of Penall Lawes against the Papists notwithstanding that odious plot of the Gunpowder Treason was abated the pompe of Prelacy and multitude of Ceremonies encreased daily in the Church of England and according to that were all Civill Affaires managed both at home and abroad Neither was it easie for the King to turne himselfe out of that way when he was once entred into it so that at last the Papists began by degrees to be admitted neerer to him in service and conversation Exceeding desirous he then was to match the Prince his Sonne to the Infanta of Spaine about which many and long Treaties passed wherein not onely the Spaniard but the Pope made many present advantages of the Kings earnest desires and many waies deluded him as it appeared plainely by his owne Letters to his Ambassadours there since found and published Thus was the King by degrees brought not onely to forsake but to oppose his owne interest both in civill and religious affaires which was most unhappily seene in that cause as the Duke of ROHAN observed wherein besides the interest of all Protestants and the honour of his Nation the estate and livelihood of his owne children were at the height concerned the Palatinate businesse From hence slowed a farther mischiefe for the King being loath perchance that the whole people should take notice of those waies in which he trod grew extremely dis-affected to Parliaments calling them for nothing but to supply his expences dissolving them when they began to meddle with State Affaires and divers times imprisoning the Members for Speeches made in Parliament against the fundamentall priviledges of that high Court Parliaments being thus despised and abused projects against the Lawes were found out to supply the Kings expences which were not small and the King whether to avoid the envy of those things or the trouble of them did in a manner put off all businesse of Government from himselfe into the hands of a young Favourite the Duke of BUCKINGHAM whom he had raised from a Knights fourth Sonne to that great height and entrusted with the chiefe Offices of the Kingdome besides the great power which he had by that extraordinary favour of confering all places and preferments both in Church and State This Duke not long before the death of King JAMES was growne into extraordinary favour and intirenesse with the Prince whom he afterward swayed no lesse then he had before his father like an unhappy vapour exhaled from the earth to so great an height as to cloud not only the rising but the setting Sunne King CHARLES with great hopes and expectation of the people and no lesse high expressions of love and duty from all in generall began his Reigne on the 27 of March 1624. and indeed that love which the people bare to his Person had been before testified whilest he was yet Prince at his returne from Spaine though the journey it selfe had not beene pleasing to the Kingdome for when the people saw him arrived in safety there needed no publike Edict for thanksgiving or joy every society and private family as if the hearts of all had beene in one did voluntarily assemble themselves together praising God with singing of Psalmes with joyfull feasting and charity to the poore insomuch that I suppose the like consent without any interposing authority hath not been often knowne The same affections followed him to his Throne the same hopes and faire presages of his future Government whilest they considered the temperance of his youth how cleare he had lived from personall vice being growne to the age of 23. how untainted of
those licentious extravagances which unto that age and foâ—tune are not only incident but almost thought excusable But some men suspended their hopes as doubting what to finde of a Prince so much and so long reserved for he had never declared himselfe of any Faction or scarse interposed in any State affaires though some things had been managed in his fathers Reigne with much detriment to his owne present and future fortunes Yet that by the people in generall was well censured as an effect of his piety and obedience to the King his father and happy presages gathered from it That so good an obeyer would prove a just Ruler They wondered also to see him suddenly linked in such an intire friendship with the Duke of BUCKINGHAM for extraordinary Favourites do usually eclipse and much depresse the Heire apparent of a Crowne or else they are conceived so to do and upon that reason hated and ruined by the succeeding Prince in which kinde all ancient and moderne Stories are full of examples In the beginning of King CHARLES his Reigne a Parliament was called and adjourned to Oxford the plague raging extremely at London where the Duke of BUCKINGHAM was highly questioned but by the King not without the griefe and sad presage of many people that private affections would too much prevaile in him against the publike he was protected against the Parliament which for that onely purpose was dissolved after two Subsidies had been given and before the Kingdome received reliefe in any one grievance as is expressed in the first and generall Remonstrance of this present Parliament where many other unhappy passages of those times are briefly touched as that the King immediately after the dissolution of that Parliament contrived a Warre against Spaine in which the designe was unhappily laid and contrary to the advice which at that time had been given by wise men who perswaded him to invade the West Indies a way no doubt farre more easie and hopefull for England to prevaile against Spaine then any other instead of that the King with great expence of Treasure raised an Army and Fleet to assault Cales the Duke of BUCKINGHAM bearing the Title both of Admirall and Generall though he went not himselfe in person but the matter was so ordered that the expedition proved altogether successelesse and as dishonourable as expensive They complained likewise of another designe which indeed was much lamented by the people of England in generall about that time put in practice a thing destructive to the highest interest of the Nation the maintenance of Protestant Religion a Fleet of English Ships were set forth and delivered over to the French by whose strength all the Sea forces of Rochell were scattered and destroyed a losse to them irrecoverable and the first step to their ruine Neither was this loane of Ships from England for such was the peoples complaint and suspition against those who at that time stood at the Helme supposed to proceed so much from friendship to the State of France as from designe against Religion for immediately upon it the King by what advice the people understood not made a breach with France by taking their Ships to a great value without making any recompence to the English whose Goods were thereupon imbarr'd and confiscate in that Kingdome In revenge of this a brave Army was raised in England and commanded by the Duke of BUCKINGHAM in person who landing at the Isle of Rhea was at the first encounter victorious against the French but after few Moneths stay there the matter was so unhappily carried the Generall being unexperienced in Warlike affaires that the French prevailed and gave a great defeat where many gallant Gentlemen lost their lives and the Nation much of their ancient Honour From thence proceeded another step to the ruine of Rochell the sick and wounded English were sent into that City and relieved by the besieged Rochellers out of that little provision which they then had upon faithfull promise of supplies from England in the same kinde The provisions of Rochell were little enough for their owne reliefe at that time if we consider what ability the French King had to continue that siege when to the proper wealth and greatnesse of his Crowne was added that reputation and strength which his late successe against all the other Protestant Garrisons in France had brought The besieged Rochellers not doubting at all of the due and necessary supply of Victuall from England sent their Ships thither for that purpose but those Ships whose returne with bread was so earnestly expected were stayed in England by an Imbargo and so long stayed till that unhappy Towne was enforced to yeeld by famine the sharpest of all Enemies But in the meane time whilest these Ships with Victuall were detained a great Army was raised in England for reliefe of Rochell but too great was the delay of those preparations till time was past and that Army in the end disbanded by the sad death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM their Generall who was stabbed at Portsmouth by a private Gentleman JOHN FELTON This FELTON was a Souldier of a low stature and no promising aspect of disposition serious and melancholly but religious in the whole course of his life and conversation which last I do not mention out of purpose to countenance his unlawfull act as supposing him to have had as some did then talke any inspiration or calling of God to it His confessions to his friends both publike and private were That he had often secret motions to that purpose which he had resisted and prayed against and had almost overcome untill he was at last confirmed in it by reading the late dissolved Parliaments Remonstrance against the Duke That then his conscience told him it was just and laudable to be the executioner of that man whom the highest Court of Judicature the representative body of the Kingdome had condemned as a Traytor But let Posterity censure it as they please certain it is that FELTON did much repent him of the unlawfulnesse of the fact out of no feare of death or punishment here for he wished his hand cut off before the execution which his Jugdes could not doome by the Lawes of England The King had not long before broken off another Parliament called in the second yeare of his Reigne in which the Petition of Right was granted to the great rejoycing of the people But it proved immediately to be no reliefe at all to them for the Parliament presently dissolved the King acted over the same things which formerly he had done and that grant instead of fortifying the Kingdomes Liberty made it appeare to be more defencelesse then before that Lawes themselves were no barre against the Kings will The Parliament in hope of gracious Acts had declared an intent to give his Majesty five Subsidies the full proportion of which five Subsidies was after the dissolution of that Parliament exacted by Commission of Loane from the people and those
Doctrine many faire approaches made towards Rome as he that pleaseth to search may finde in the Books of Bishop LAUD MOUNTAGUE HELYN POCKLINGTON and the rest or in briefe collected by a Scottish Minister Master BAILY And as their friendship to Rome encreased so did their scorne to the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas whom instead of lending that reliefe and succour to them which God had enabled this rich Island to do they failed in their greatest extremities and in stead of harbours became rocks to split them Archbishop LAUD who was now growne into great favour with the King made use of it especially to adâ—vnce the pompe and temporall honour of the Clergy procuring the Lord Treasurers place for Doctor JUCKSON Bishop of London and indeavouring as the generall report went to fix the greatest temporall preferments upon others of that Coat insomuch as the people merrily when they saw that Treasurer with the other Bishops riding to Westminster called it the Church Triumphant Doctors and Parsons of Parishes were made every where Justices of Peace to the great grievance of the Country in civill affaires and depriving them of their spirituall edification The Archbishop by the same meanes which he used to preserve his Clergy from contempt exposed them to envy and as the wisest could then prophecy to a more then probability of losing all As we reade of some men who being fore-doomed by an Oracle to a bad fortune have runne into it by the same meanes they used to prevent it The like unhappy course did the Clergy then take to depresse Puritanisme which was to set up irreligion it selfe against it the worst weapon which they could have chosen to beat it downe which appeared especially in point of keeping the Lords day when not only books were written to shake the morality of it as that of Sunday no Sabbath but sports and pastims of jollity and lightnesse permitted to the Country people upon that day by publike Authority and the Warrant commanded to be read in Churches which in stead of producing the intended effect may credibly be thought to have been one motive to a stricter observance of that day in that part of the Kingdome which before had been well devoted And many men who had before been loose and carelesse began upon that occasion to enter into a more serious consideration of it and were ashamed to be invited by the authority of Church-men to that which themselves at the best could but have pardoned in themselves as a thing of infirmity The example of the Court where Playes were usually presented on Sundaies did not so much draw the Country to imitation as reflect with disadvantage upon the Court it selfe and sowre those other Court pastims and jollities which would have relished better without that in the eyes of all the people as things ever allowed to the delights of great Princes The countenancing of loosenesse and irreligion was no doubt a good preparative to the introducing of another Religion And the power of godlinesse being beaten downe Popery might more easily by degrees enter men quickly leave that of which they never took fast hold And though it were questionable whether the Bishops and great Clergy of England aimed at Popery it is too apparent such was the designe of Romish Agents and the English Clergy if they did not their owne worke did theirs A stranger of that Religion a Venetian Gentleman out of his owne observations in England will tell you how farre they were going in this kinde his words are THe Vniversities Bishops and Divines of England do daily imbrace Catholike opinions though they professe it not with open mouth for feare of the Puritans For example They hold that the Church of Rome is a true Church That the Pope is superiour to all Bishops That to him it appertaines to call generall Counsels That it is lawfull to pray for soules departed That Altars ought to be erected in summe they believe all that is taught by the Church but not by the Court of Rome The Archbishop of Canterbury was much against the Court of Rome though not against that Church in so high a kinde For the Doctrine of the Roman Church was no enemy to the pompe of Prelacy but the Doctrine of the Court of Rome would have swallowed up all under the Popes Supremacy and have made all greatnesse dependant upon him Which the Archbishop conceived would derogate too much from the King in Temporalls and therefore hardly to be accepted by the Court as it would from himselfe in Spiritualls and make his Metropoliticall power subordinate which he desired to hold absolute and independent within the Realme of England It is certaine that the Archbishop of Canterbury as an English Gentleman observes would often professe against those Tridentine Papists whom only he hated as Papists properly so called For at the Councell of Trent all matters concerning the Court of Rome which are of themselves but disputable were determined as points of faith to be believed upon paine of damnation But matters of faith indeed concerning the Church of Rome were left disputable and no Anathema annexed to them But that Venetian Gentleman whom before we cited declares in what state for matter of Religion England at that time stood and how divided namely into Papists Protestants and Puritans Papists are well knowne The Protestant party saith he consists of the King the Court Lords and Gentlemen with all that are raised by favour to any honour Besides almost all the Prelates and both the Vniversities What the Protestants are he farther declares viz. They hate Puritans more then they hate Papists That they easily combine with Papists to extirpate Puritans and are not so farre engaged to the Reformed Religion but that they can reduce themselves againe to the old practise of their fore-fathers That they are very opinionative in excluding the Popes Supremacy He speaks then concerning the Puritans and saies That they consist of some Bishops of almost all the Gentry and Communalty and therefore are far the most potent party And further declares what they are viz. They are such as received the Discipline of the French and Netherlanders and hold not the English Reformation to be so perfect as that which CALVIN instituted at Geneva That they hate Papists far more then they hate Protestants c. Thus farre of this strangers observation concerning England CHAP. III. The condition of the Scottish State and Clergy when the new Booke of Lyturgy was sent unto them how it was received with some effects which followed The Kings Proclamation sent by the Earle of TRAQUARE against which the Lords make a Protestation IN this condition stood the Kingdome of England about the yeare 1636. when the first coale was blowne which kindled since into so great a combustion as to deface and almost ruine three flourishing Kingdomes Neither was this coale blowne by the grieved party of England the Communalty and those religious men that prayed for Reformation but by
in the House of Lords concerning a Bill for pressing of Souldiers had broken the fundamental Priviledge of Parliament which is that he ought not to take notice of any matter in agitation or debate in either House but by their information and agreement and that he ought not to propound any condition or limitation to a Bill in debate and preparation or to manifest his approbation or dislike of the same until it be presented to his Majestie in due course of Parliament and that every particular Member of either House hath free liberty of speech to propound or debate matters according to Order of Parliament and that the King ought not to conceive displeasure against him for such opinions or propositions They intreated likewise a reparation for that great breach of Priviledge and for prevention of the like that the King would make known who they were by whose mis-information and evil counsel he had done it that they might receive conding punishment This businesse took up some time and was one unhappie impediment to the sudden relief of Ireland notwithstanding the high necessities of that Kingdom and the affections of England in general to it and so heavily went on all preparations that it was long before the House of Commons could finde means to enable the Lord Lieutenant to send over so much as one Regiment for defence of the Castle and City of Dublin which was commanded by a worthy Gentleman Sir SIMON HARCOUT who being designed Governour of the City of Dublin was sent away by Order of Parliament with his Regiment and landed there on the last day of December 1641 to the great comfort of that City being much distressed and terrified by the neer approach of the Irish Rebels Another obstruction of the relief of Ireland happened about three weeks after when the Scots delivered eight Propositions to the English Parliament touching the sending over of Two thousand five hundred Scots which were then in readinesse into the north of Ireland Both Houses of Parliament consented to all the Propositions but the King excepted against one of them being the third which was That the Scots desired to have the keeping of the Town and Castle of Carricksergus with power to remain there or enlarge their Quarters at discretion and if any Regiments or Troops in that Province should joyn with them that they receive Orders from the chief Commander of the Scotish Forces Against this Article the King took exceptions and desired the Houses to take it again into consideration as a thing of importance which he doubted might be prejudicial to England But if the House desired it should be so himself would speak with the Scotish Commissioners to see what satisfaction he could give them therein The Scots told his Majestie that since it was agreed â—pon by both Houses of Parliament and that the strength of his Majesties argument was That Article implied too great a Trust for Auxiliary Forces they were in good hope that his Majestie being their native King would not shew lesse trust in them then their neighbour-Nation had freely done Upon which the King at last was content to admit the Article and the advice of his Parliament This fatal obstruction of Ireland's relief did but second another immediately before For at the first the Commissioners of Scotland had not power given them from the State there to treat for sending over a lesse number then ten thousand men which the Lords were unwilling to yeeld to But that obstacle seemed to be removed by the zealous affection of the House of Commons who according to those Instructions of the State of Scotland to their Commissioners voted the sending over of ten thoâ—sand Scots But the House of Lords after long debate would not yeeld unto it unlesse the House of Commons would give assurance that ten thousand English might be as speedily sent over which the Commons as much desired and promised their endeavour in it but that the English then could not be so soon raised much lesse transported as the Scots every man understood There was no other reason given that ever I understood but onely That it was dishonorable for England that Ireland should be reduced by the Scots and this was the discourse of Papists and other persons disaffected to the Cause among the people every where Though it were much wondered at by all good Protestants that so nice a point of Honour should be stood upon when their Religion and Cause lay bleeding in Ireland after so sad and deplorable a kinde which began to deject the spirits of the poor Protestants in Ireland and make them suspect some secret workings under-hand against the good affections expressed by the House of Commons and those Lords who were well-affected to the State for they by the greater number were over-voted so many Popish and ill-affected Lords besides four and twenty Bishops for the Bishops voices in Parliament were not then taken away sitting in that House It was then also generally talked and much complained of among the well-affected people that the King had been so backward in proclaiming those barbarous Irish Rebels and not onely talked among the people but alleadged by the Parliament it self in their own Declaration afterward when the breach between King and Parliament grew greater as a signe that those inhumane Rebels had been countenanced by the Court of England in that the Proclamation whereby they were declared Traitors was so long with held as till the first of January though the Rebellion broke forth in October before and then no more then fourty Copies were appointed to be printed with a special command from His Majestie not to exceed that number and that none of them should be published till the Kings pleasure were further signified as by the Warrant appears a true copie whereof was printed so that a few onely could take notice of it And this say they was made more observable by the late contrary proceedings against the Scots who were in a very quick and sharp manner proclaimed and those Proclamations forthwith dispersed with as much diligence as might he thorow all the Kingdom and ordered to be read in every Church accompanied with publike Prayers and Execrations That Declaration of the Lords and Commons in which this is expressed concerning the Kings slowe proclaiming of the Irish Rebels was published when the King was gone to York at which he was much distasted in many particulars and returned Answer to them Among others because that of Ireland seemed to lie heavie upon his reputation it is just that the Reader should see the King 's own Answer to that point that he may the more fairly judge which shall be therefore inserted in the very words of the Kings Declaration To countenance those unhandsome expressions whereby usually they have implied Our connivence at or want of zeal against the Rebellion of Ireland so odious to to all good men they have found a new way of exprobation That the Proclamation against those bloodie
the Lord Generall Essex with as great an Army were then abroad to attend his Marches The Parliament it selfe tooke the businesse into their strict care For both Houses conceiving that the City was in imminent danger of the Kings Forces ordered That the Trayned Bands thereof should be speedily raised for a Guard That such Fortifications as could suddenly be made should not be wanting That a Committee should be appointed to consider of the present setting up Courts of Guard and raising Works for planting of Ordnance in speciall places about the City and Suburbs According to which Order many hundreds of men fell presently to worke in digging of Trenches and other Bulwarks It was Ordered likewise That the Trayned Bands of London Middlesex and Surrey should be put into a readinesse And that the close Committee by help of the Lord Mayor should with all diligence search out and secure the persons of all the ill-affected Citizens or the chiefe of them that were suspected to be most able or active to raise a Party against the Parliament Twelve Companies of London were by Order of Parliament sent to Windsor to possesse and secure that Castle and many Seamen raised to guard the passages of the River Thames The Parliament about that time considering how much these Civill distractions increased over the whole Kingdome passed a Vote That it was and should be lawfull for all Counties in England to enter into an Association for mutuall defence of each other of their Religion Lawes and Liberties Whereupon within a short time after Buckingham Hartford and Nottinghamshire began to associate after that manner raised Forces for the Parliament and advanced both Plate and Money upon their Propositions The danger that seemed to threaten London at that time though distant in place yet in reason was neer For the Kings Army was judged to be neerer to it then the Lord Generals was and it was probable enough that his desires would rather lead him to attempt the City then to ingage against the Army and it was thought and spoken by some that London was a place where he had many friends who upon the approach of such an Army would appeare for him and to facilitate his atchievements would fill the City with intestine tumults and seditions That London was the onely place where the Parliament was to be totally suppressed and his Army inriched to the height of their desires But others were of opinion that such an attempt as it was preposterous would prove frustrate and that the City could not be gained unlesse the Army were first subdued For besides the consideration that the supposed Party for the King in London were not in probability of power enough to accomplish his ends it might be thought they were not so desperately inclined to him as to throw themselves and estates into such hazard as must be undergone in the confused rage of a licentious Army The maine reason against it was That the Lord Generall Essex with an Army as strong as the Kings would follow his March neere at hand and by the help of those Forces which the City of London would power forth upon him utterly ruine his inclosed Army But howsoever the counsels were it pleased God that it was brought to a Battell to which probably the King might be the more invited by that advantage of the absence of a great part of the Parliaments Army This famous Battell called by some the Battell of Edgehill by others the Battell of Keynton that Keynton is a little Towne in Warwickshire almost in the mid way betweene Stratford upon Avon and Banbury was fought on a Sunday being the 23. day of October The King on Saturday the 22. of October came within six miles of Keynton and that night at Cropredy and Edgecot lodged his great Army consisting of about 14000. Foot and about 4000. Horse and Dragoneers a farre greater number then the Lord Generall Essex had together at that time though his whole Army consisted of more for that opportunity the King tooke of the absence of many Regiments of the Parliament The Lord Generall Essex on that Saturday night quartered at Keynton with his Army consisting then but of 12. Regiments and about 40. Troops of Horse little in all exceeding the number of 10000. men the reason why his Forces at that time were no more in number was besides that by reason of the suddennesse of his march and diligence to follow the Kings Army he had left behinde two Regiments of his Foot one under the Command of Colonell HAMDEN the other of Colonell GRANTHAM together with 11. Troops of Horse behinde but one daies March and left to bring on the Artillery which was seven Peeces of Canon with great store of Ammunition and came not to Keynton till the Battell was quite ended the Lord Generall also had before left for preservation of the Countries thereabout and whom on such a sudden he could not call together to his Assistance one Regiment of Foot and two Troops of Horse under command of the Earle of Stamford at Hereford that the power of Wales might not fall into Glocestershire another Regiment was left at Worcester another at Coventry for the safety of that Towne and one Regiment occasionally lodged then in Banbury In Keynton the Lord Generall intended to rest Sunday to expect the residue of his Forces and Artillery but in the morning the Enemy was discovered not far off which made him give present order for drawing that Army which he had there into the field the Kings Forces had gotten the advantage of a very high and steepe ascent called Edgehill from whence they were discovered that morning not farre from the foot of that hill was a broad Champion called The vale of the red Horse a name suitable to the colour which that day was to bestow upon it for there happened the greatest part of the encounter Into that field the Lord Generall was forced presently to march making a stand about halfe a mile distant from the foot of Edgehill where he drew his Army into Battalia and saw the Kings Forces descending the Hill ready for their incounter that Army at the first having two advantages of the hill and of the winde it was full of skilfull Commanders and well ordered their greatest Body of Horse was on the right wing on the left were some Horse and Dragoneers The Parliament Army was drawne up and put into Battalia upon a little rising ground in the forenamed Vale the Foot being many of them a good space behind the Horse when the Charge began Three Regiments of Horse were on the right wing the Lord Generals owne Regiment commanded by Sir PHILIP STAPLETON Sir WILLIAM BAâ—FORES Regiment who was Lieutenant Generall of the Horse and the Lord FIELDINGS Regiment which stood behinde the other two in the way of a Reserve Sir JOHN MELDRUMS Brigado had the Van Colonell ESSEX was in the middle the Lord Generals Regiment the Lord BROOKE and Colonell HOLLIS were
they came back on the left hand of their Enemies Sir PHILIP STAPLETON with his Horse gave them a terrible Charge which they were not long able to indure but finding a gap in an hedge got from him upon the Spurre as fast as they could to the rest of their broken Troops and so at last joyned with their Foot that stood by the Ordinance And now on both sides the Horse were gathered to their own Foot and so stood together both Horse and Foot one against another till it was night The Parliament Army being wholly possessed of the ground which their Enemies had chosen to fight upon stood upon it all night and in the morning returned to a warmer place neere Keynton where they had quartered the night before for they were much pinched with cold and the whole Army in extreme want of Victuals The Kings Army had withdrawne to the top of the hill for their more security where they made great fires all the night long About nine of the clock the next morning the Parliament Army drew out againe into Battalia and so stood about three houres untill the other Army was quite gone from the hill and then they withdrew themselves into their Quarter towards Keynton and to their other Brigado Artillery and Ammunition which being commanded by Colonell HAMBDEN and Colonell GRANTHAM as aforesaid was now come to Keynton and lodged there The King had drawne out his Horse upon the further side of the hill where he stayed till toward night whilest his Foot were retiring behinde the Hill and marching away A little before night his Horse also withdrew themselves and about an houre after the Parliament Horse marched quite away and went with the rest of the Army to Warwick to refresh themselves That going to Warwick was thought by a noble Gentleman of the Parliament side to be ill designed For saith he had the Army instead of going to Warwick marched toward Banbury we should have found more Victuals and had in probability dispersed all the Foot of the Kings Army taken his Canons and Carriages and sent his Horse farther off whereas now because we did not follow them though they quitted the field whereon they fought and left their Quarter before us yet they began soone after to question who had the day Howsoever it were true it is that the King no lesse then the Parliament pretended to be victorious in that Battell and so farre ascribed the Victory to his owne side that a Prayer of thanksgiving to God was made at Oxford for it A thanksgiving was also on the Parliament side for the Victory of that day And it is certaine that there were many markes of Victory on both Armies Colours and Canon were taken on both sides without any great difference of the number of them And though in Speeches made afterwards by either Party and Bookes printed there is no consent at all concerning the number of men slain but so great a discrepancy as it is almost a shame to insert into an History yet surely by the best account there were more slaine on the Kings side then on the other Those of quality that were lost on both Parties were of the Kings the Earle of Lindsey Lord Generall of his Army the Lord AUBIGNY brother to the Duke of Lenox Sir EDWARD VARNEY Standard-Bearer Colonell Sir EDMUND MONROY a Scottish Gentleman and Colonell LUNSFORD his Brother with other Gentlemen and Commanders besides Common Souldiers whose number as is before said would not be agreed upon yet I have heard that the Country people thereabouts by burying of the naked bodies found the number to be about six thousand that fell on both sides besides those which died afterwards of their wounds There were taken Prisoners of the Kings side the Lord WILLOUGHBY Sonne and Heire to the Earle of Lindsey Colonell VAVASOR Colonell LUNSFORD Sir EDWARD STRADLING with others of lesse note a George the Badge of a Knight of the Garter was found in the field by a Common Souldier besides that which the Lord Generall Lindsey wore and had about his neck when he was slaine and bought of him by a Captaine which was sent up to the Parliament there viewed and restored againe to the Captaine On the Parliament side were slaine onely these of marke and quality the Lord St. JOHN eldest Sonne to the Earle of BULLENBROOKE Colonell CHARLES ESSEX and Lieutenant Colonell RAMSEY and none of any great note taken Prisoners The Battell was fought with great courage on both sides both by the Generals and other Commanders besides some particular Regiments of Souldiers who were observed to performe their parts with great courage and bravery such as Colonell HOLLIS his Regiment of Redcoats and others too many to be all named in a short Discourse It could not but fall into the observation of many men that the yeare before upon the same day of the Moneth namely the 23. of October that this famous Battell of Keynton was fought the bloody Rebellion of the Irish broke out with that inhumane Massacre of the English Protestants in that Kingdom where the English by their owne losse and bleeding were sadly put in minde that they had too long deferred the revenge of their butchered Brethren in Ireland It was likewise observed by many men of the Parliament side who seemed to make no question but that the Victory was on their side as a further blessing of God to the Protestant Cause that on the very same day that this Battell was wonne in England the Sweads obtained a very great and notable Victory against the Imperialists and those of the Roman Religion in Germany But the King supposing himselfe victorious at Keyntonâ—ield â—ield immediately published a Declaration To all his loving Subjects for so it is stiled after his Victory against the Rebels Wherein though the expostulation be very bitter yet he indeavoureth that it should not seeme to be made against the Parliament it selfe but against some of them whom he termeth malignant malicious with such like Epithites as have laboured to lay aspersions upon him of things whereof he professeth himselfe altogether innocent Those aspersions he makes of two sorts the first is concerning his favouring of Popery and imploying Papists in his Army the second of raising that Army against the Parliament Both which he labours to wipe off with a recrimination against the Parliament For the first after a great Protestation of the truth of his Religion and his past present and future care for the better establishing of it in his Dominions with the extirpation of Popery though he cannot but acknowledge that some eminent men of that Religion are armed in his Service which he thinks excusable in so gteat a necessity and danger as he was in yet he tells the Parliament That in their Army there are more Papists Commanders and others then in his For the second That he leavyed his Army against the Parliament He seemeth to hope That none of his good Subjects will beleeve
observations of a stranger concerning the Religion of the English people IT cannot but be thought by all wise and honest men that the sinnes of England were at a great height that the injustice of Governours and vices of private men were very great which have â—â—nce called downe from Almighty God so sharpe a judgement and drawne on by degrees so calamitous and consuming a Warre Those particular crimes an English Historian can take no pleasure to relate but might rather desire to be silent in and say with STATIUS Nos certe taceamus obruta multa Nocte â—egi nostrae patiamur crimina gentis Let us be silent and from after times Conceale our own unhappy Nations crimes But to be silent in that were great injustice and impiety toward God to relate his judgements upon a Kingdome and forget the sinnes of that Kingdom which were the cause of them The Heathen Historians do well instruct us in that point of piety who never almost describe any Civill Warre or publike affliction without relating at the beginning how vitious and corrupted their State was at that time grown how faulty both the Rulers and People were and how fit to be punished either by themselves or others Nor doe any of the Roman Poets undertake to write of that great and miserable Civill Warre which destroyed the present State and enslaved posterity without first making a large enumeration of such causeâ— how wicked the manners of Rome were growne how the chiefe Rulers were given to avarice and oppression and the whole State drowned in luxury lusts and riot as you may see upon that subject in two the most elegant of them And shall we Christians who adore the true God and live under the Gospell-light not be sensible under so heavy a judgement of our owne offences To begin with the faultâ— of the higher powers and their illegall oppression of the people during these eight or nine yeers in which Parliaments were denyed to England which I briefly touch referring the Reader to a more full narration in the Remonstrance multitudes of Monopolies were granted by the King and laid upon all things of most common and necessary use such as Sope Salt Wine Leather Sea-cole and many other of that kinde Regia privaâ—is creseunt aeraria damnis Claud. By losse of private men th' Exchequer growes Large sumâ— of Money were exacted thorow the whole Kingdome for default of Knighthood under the shadow of an obsolete Law Tonnage and Poundage were received without the ordinary course of Law and though they were taken under pretence of guarding the Seas yet that great Tax of Ship-money was set on foot under the same colour by both which there was charged upon the people some years neere 700000. li. though the Seas at that time were not well guarded These things were accompanied with an enlargement of Torrests contrary to Magna Charta the forcing of Coat and Conduct-Money taking away the Armes of Trayned Bands in divers Counties disarming the people by engrossing of Gunpowder keeping it in the Tower of London and setting so high a rate upon it that the poorer sort were not able to buy it nor could any have it without license whereby severall parts of the Kingdome were left destitute of their necessary defence No Courts of Judicature could give redresse to the people for these illegall sufferings whilest Judges were displaced by the King for not complying with his will and so awed that they durst not do their duties For to hold a rod over them the clause Quandiu se bene geserint was leâ—t out of their Patents and a new clause Durante bene placito inserted New illegall Oathes were enforced upon the Subjects and new Judicatories erected without Law and when Commissions were granted for examining the excesse of Fees and great exactions discovered the Delinquents were compounded with not onely for the time past but immunity to offend for the time to come which in stead of redressing did confirme and encrease the grievance of the Subjects By this time all thoughts of ever having a Parliament againe were quite banished so many oppressions had been set on â—oot so many illegall actions done that the onely way to justifie the mischiefes already done was to do that one greater To take away the meanes which was ordained to redresse them the lawfull Government of England by Parliaments Whilest the Kingdome was in this condition the serious and just men of England who were no way interessed in the emolument of these oppressions could not but entertaine sad thoughts and presages of what mischiefe must needs follow so great an injustice that things carried so farre on in a wrong way must needs either inslave themselves and posterity for ever or require a vindication so sharpe and smarting as that the Nation would groane under it and though the times were jolly for the present yet having observed the judgement of God upon other secure Nations they could not chuse but feare the sequell Another sort of men and especially Lords and Gentlemen by whom the pressures of the Government were not much felt who enjoyed their owne plentifull fortunes with little or insensible detriment looking no farther then their present safety and prosperity and the yet undisturbed peace of the Nation whilest other Kingdomes were embroyled in calamities and Germany sadly wasted by a sharpe Warre did nothing but applaud the happinesse of England and called those ingratefull and factious spirits who complained of the breach of Lawes and Liberties That the Kingdome abounded with wealth plenty and all kinde of elegancies more then ever That it was for the honour of a people that the Monarch should live splendidly and not be curbed at all in his Prerogative which would bring him into the greater esteeme with other Princes and more enable him to prevaile in Treaties That what they suffered by Monopolies was insensible and not grievous if compared with other States That the Duke of TUSKANY sate heavier upon his people in that very kinde That the French King had made himselfe an absolute Lord and quite depressed the power of Parliaments which had beene there as great as in any Kingdome and yet that France flourished and the Gentry lived well That the Austrian Princes especially in Spaine layed heavy burdens upon their Subjects Thus did many of the English Gentry by way of comparison in ordinary discourse pleade for their owne servitude The Courtiers would begin to dispute against Parliaments in their ordinary discourse That they were cruell to those whom the King favoured and too injurious to his Prerogative That the late Parliament stood upon too high termes with the King and that they hoped the King should never need any more Parliaments Some of the greatest Statesmen and Privy Counsellors would ordinarily laugh at the ancient Language of England when the word Liberty of the Subject was named But these Gentlemen who seemed so forward in taking up their owne yoake were but a small part