in France and causes there handled Clermount and the Castle there The war raised up by the Princes against D' Ancre What his designes might tend to c. p. 162. CHAP. II. The fair City of Amiens and greatnesse of it The English feastâ—… within it and the error of that action the Town how built seated and fortified The Citadell of it thought to be impregnable Not permitted to be viewed The overmuch opennesse of the English in discovering their strength The watch and form of Government in the Town Amiens a Visdamate to whom it pertaineth What that honour is in France And how many there enjoy it c. p. 169. CHAP. III. The Church of Nostre Dame in Amiens The principall Churches in most Cities called by her name More honour performed to her then to her Saviour The surpassing beauty of this Church on the outside The front of it King Henry the sevenths Chappel at Westminster The curiousnesse of this Church within By what means it became to be so The sumptuous masking closets in it The excellency of perspective works Indulgences by whom first founded The estate of the Bishoprick p. 175. CHAP. IV. Our Journey down the Some and Company The Town and Castle of Piquigni for what famous Comines censure of the English in matter of Prophecies A farewell to the Church of Amiens The Town and Castle of Pont D' Armie Abbeville how seated and the Garrison there No Governour in it but the Major or Provoâ—… The Authors imprudent curiosity and the curtesie of the Provost to him The French Post-horses how base and tyred My preferment to the Trunk-horse The horse of Philip de Comines The Town and strength of Monstreuille The importance of these three Towns to the French border c. p. 183. CHAP. V. The County of Boulonnois and Town of Boulogne by whom Enfranchized The present of Salt butter Boulogne divided into two Towns Procession in the lower Town to divert the Plague The forme of it Procession and the Letany by whom brought into the Church The high Town Garrisoned The old man of Boulogne and the desperate visit which the Author bestowed upon him The neglect of the English in leaving open the Havens The fraternity De la Charite and inconveniency of it The costly Journey of Henry VIII to Boulogne Sir Walt. Raleghs censure of that Prince condemned The discourtesie of Charles V. towards our Edward VI. The defence of the house of Burgundy how chargeable to the Kings of England Boulogne yeilded back to the French and on what conditions The â—…rtesie and cunning of my Host of Bovillow p. 192. FRANCE GENERAL OR THE FIFTH BOOK Describing the Government of the Kingdom generally in reference to the Court the Church and the Civill State CHAP. I. A transition to the Government of France in generall The person age and marriage of King Lewis XIII Conjecturall reasons of his being issuelesse Iaqueline Countesse of Holland kept from issue by the house of Burgundy The Kings Sisters all marryed and his alliances by them His naturall Brethren and their preferments His lawfull Brother The title of Monsieur in France Monsieur as yet unmarried not like to marry Montpensiers daughter That Lady a fit wife for the Earl of Soissons The difference between him and the Prince of Conde for the Crown in case the line of Navarre fail How the Lords stand affected in the cause Whether a child may be born in the 11 month King Henry IV. a great lover of fair Ladies Monsieur Barradas the Kings favorite his birth and offices The omâ—…regency of the Queen Mother and the Cardinall of Richileiu The Queen Mother a wise and prudent woman p. 204. CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the general A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French B shops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly humoured p. 216 CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paris A learned Argument to prove the Popes Universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairly managed Their insolencies and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First for saken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministers c. p. 229 CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Minopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons p. 246. CHAP. V. The base and low estate of the French Paisant The misery of them under their Lord. The bed of Procrustes The suppressing of the Subject prejudiciall to a State The wisdome of Henry VII The Forces all in the Cavallerie The cruell impositions laid upon the people by the King No demain in France Why the tryall by twelve men can be used only in England The Gabell of Salt The Popes licence for wenching The Gabell of whom refused and why The Gascoines impatient of Tâ—…xes The taille and tâ—…illion The Panâ—…arke or Aides The vain resistance of those of Paris The Court of Aides The manner of gathering the Kings moneys â—…he Kings revenue The corruption of the French publicans King Lewis why called the just The monies currant in France The gold of
sont scauans au possible en proces plaideties They are prety well versed in the quirks of the Law and have wit more then enough to wrangle In this they agree exactly well with the Inhabitants of our Country of Norfolk ex infima plebe non pauei reperiuntur saith Mr. Camden quin si nihil litium sit lites tamen ex ipsis juris apâ—…us seâ—…ere calleant They are prety fellowes to finde out quirks in Law and to it they will whatsoever it cost them Mr. Camden spake not this at randome or by the guesse For besides what my self observed in them at my being once amongst them in a Colledge progresse I have heard that there have been no lesse then 340 Nisi prius tryed there at one Assizes The reason of this likenesse between the two Nations I conjecture to be the resemblance of the site and soil both lie upon the Sea with a long and a spacious Coast both enjoy a Countrey Champain little swelled with hils and for the most part of a light and â—andy mould To proceed to no more particulars if there be any difference between the two Provinces it is only this that the Countrey of Normandy and the people of Norfolk are somewhat the richer For indeed the Countrey of Normandie is enriched with a fat and liking soil such an one Quae demum votis avari agricolae respondet which may satisfie the expectation of the Husbandman were it never so exorbitant In my life I never saw Corn-fields more large and lovely extended in an equall levell almost as far as eye can reach The Wheat for I saw little Barley of a fair length in the stalke and so heavy in the ear that it is even bended double You would think the grain had a desire to kisse the earth its mother or that it purposed by making it self away into the ground to save the Plough-man his next years labour Thick it groweth and so perfectly void of weeds that no garden can be imagined to be kept cleaner by Art then these fields are by Nature Pasture ground it hath little and lesse Meddow yet sufficient to nourish those sew Cattel they have in it In all the way between Dâ—…ppe and Pontoyse I saw but two flocks of Sheep and them not above 40 in a flock Kine they have in some measure but not fat nor large without these there were no living for them The Nobles eat the flesh whilst the Farmer seeds on Butter and Cheese and that but sparingly But the miserable estates of the Norman paisant we will defer till another opportunity Swine also they have in prety number and some Pullen in their backsides but of neither an excesse The principall River of it is Seine of which more hereafter and besides this I saw two rivulets Robee and Renelle In matter of Civill Government this Countrey is directed by the court of Parliament established at Roven For matters Military it hath an Officer like the Lieutenant of our shires in England the Governor they call him The present Governor is Mr. Le due de Longueville to whom the charge of this Province was committed by the present King Lewis XIII anno 1619. The Lawes by which they are governed are the Civill or Imperiall augmented by some Customes of the French and others more particular which are the Norman One of the principal'st is in matters of inheritance the French custome giving to all the Sons an equality in the estate which we in England call Gavelkind the Norman dividing the estate into three parts and thereof allotting two unto the eldest brother and a third to be divided among the others A law which the French count not just the younger brothers of England would think the contrary To conclude this generall discourse of the Normans I dare say it is as happy a Country as most in Europe were it subject to the same Kings and governed by the same Laws which it gave unto England CHAP. II. Dieppe the Town strength and importance of it The policy of Henry IV. not seconded by his Son The custome of the English Kings in placing Governours in their Forts The breaden God there and strength of the Religion Our passage from Dieppe to Roven The Norman Innes Women and Manners The importunity of servants in hosteries The sawcie familiarity of the attendants Ad pileum vocare what it was amongst the Romans Jus pileorum in the Universities of England c. JUne the 30. at 6 of the clock in the morning we landed at Dieppe one of the Haven-towns of Normandy seated on an arme of the Sea between two hils which embrace it in the nature of a Bay This secureth the Haven from the violence of the weather and is a great strength to the Town against the attempts of any forces which should assault it by Sea The Town lying within these mountains almost a quarter of a mile up the channell The Town it self is not uncomely the streets large and wel paved the houses of an indifferent height and built upright without any jettings out of one part over the other The Fortifications they say for we were not permitted to see them are very good and modern without stone within earth on the top of the hill a Castle finely seated both to defend the Town and on occasions to command it The Garrison consisteth of 60 men in pay no more but when need requireth the Captain hath authority to arme the Inhabitants The present Governour is the Duke of Longueville who also is the Governour of the province entrusted with both those charges by Lewis XIII anno 1619. An action in which he swarved somewhat from the example of his father who never committed the military command of a Countrey which is the office of the Governour and the custody of a Town of war or a Fortresse unto one man The Duke of Biron might hope as great a curtesie from that King as the most deserving of his Subjects He had stuck close to him in all his adversities received many an honourable scar in his service and indeed was both Fabius and Scipio the Sword and Buckler of the French empire In a word he might have said to this Henry what Silius in Tacitus did to Tiberius Suum militem in obsequio mansisse cum alii ad seditiones prolabâ—…rentur neque duraturum Tiberii imperium si iis quoque legionibus cupido novandi fuisset yet when he became petitioner to the King for the Citadell of Burg seated on the confines of his government of Bourgogne the King denied it The reason was because Governours of Provinces which command in chief ought not to have the command of Places and Fortresses within their Government There was also another reason more enforcing which was that the Petitioner was suspected to hold intelligence with the Duke of Savoy whose Town it was The same Henry though he loved the Duke of Espernon even to the envy of the Court yet even to him also
England for spirit and discourse are very Popes to them for learning they may safely say with Socrates Hoc tantum scimus quod nescimus but you must not look they should say it in Latine Tongues they have none but that of their Mother and the Masse book of which last they can make no use except the book be open and then also the book is fain to read it self For in the last Romanum Missale established by Pius V. and recognized by Clement VIII anno 1600. every syllable is diversly marked whether it be sounded long or short just as the versifying examples are in the end of the Grammar When I had lost my self in the streets of Paris and wanted French to enquire homeward I used to apply my self to some of these reverend habit But O seculum insipiens infacetum you might as easily have wrung water out of the flint as a word of Latine out of their mouths Nor is this the disease of the vulgar Masse mumbler only it hath also infected the right Worshipfull of the Clergy In Orleans I had businesse with a Chanoin of the Church of St. Croix a fellow that wore his Surplice it was made of Lawn and lace with as good a credit as ever I saw any and for the comlinesse and capacity of his Cap he might have been a Metropolitan perceiving me to speak to him in a strange tongue for it was Latine he very readily asked me this question Num potestis loqui Gallia which when I had denyed at last he broke out into another interrogatory viz. Quam diu fuistis in Gallice To conclude having read over my Letter with two or three deadly pangs and six times rubbing of his temples he dismissed me with this cordiall and truly it was very comfortable to my humour Ego negotias vestras curabo A strange beast and one of the greatest prodigies of ignorance that I ever met with in mans apparrell Such being the Romish Priests it is no marvel that the French Papist be no more setled and resolute in their Religion If the eye be blinde the body cannot choose but be darkned And certainly there is nothing that hath prepared many of this Realm more to imbrace the Reformation then the blockishnesse of their own Clergy An excellent advantage to the Protestant Ministers could they but well humor it and likely to be a fair enlargement to their party if well husbanded Besides this the French Catholicks are not over earnest in the cause and so lie open to the assaults of any politick enemy To deal with them by main force of argument and in the servent spirit of zeal as the Protestants too often do is not the way men uncapable of opposition as this people generally are and furious if once thwarted must be tamed as Alexander did his horse Bucephalus those which came to back him with the tyranny of the spur and cudgell he quickly threw down and mischiefed Alexander came otherwise prepared for turning the horse towards the sun that he might not see the impatience of his own shadow he spake kindly to him and gently clapped him on the back till he had left his flinging and wildnesse he lightly leapt into the saddle the horse never making resistance Plutarch in his life relateth the story and this is the morall of it CHAP. III. The correspondency between the French King and the Pope This Pope an Omen of the Marriages of France with England An English Catholicks conceit of it His Holinesse Nuncio in Paâ—…is A learned Argument to prove the Popes universality A continuation of the allegory between Jacob and Esau. The Protestants compelled to leave their Forts and Towns Their present estate and strength The last War against them justly undertaken not fairely managed Their 〈◊〉 and disobedience to the Kings command Their purpose to have themselves a free estate The war not a war of Religion King James in justice could not assist them more then he did First forsaken by their own party Their happinesse before the war The Court of the edict A view of them in their Churches The commendation which the French Papists give to the Church of England Their Discipline and Ministeries c. WE have seen the strength and subtility as also somewhat of his poverties at home Let us now see the alliance which this French Esau hath abroad in the world in what credit and opinion he standeth in the eye of Beeri the Romish Hittite the daughter of whose abominations he hath marryed And here I find him to hold good correspondency as being the eldest son of the Church and an equall poise to ballance the affaires of Italy against the Potency of Spain On this ground the present Pope hath alwayes shewn himself very favourable to the French side well knowing into what perils an unnecessary and impolitick dependance on the Spanish party only would one day bring the State Ecclesiastick As in the generall so also in many particulars hath he expressed much affection unto him As 1. By taking into his hands the Valtolin till his Sonne of France might settle himself in some course to recover it 2. His not stirring in the behalf of the Spaniard during the last wars in Italy And 3. His speedy and willing grant of the dispensation for Madams marriage notwithstanding the Spaniard so earnestly laboured the deniall or at least the delay of it To speak by conjectures I am of opinion that his Genius prompted him to see the speedy consummation of this marriage of which his Papacy was so large an Omen so far a prognostick Est Deus in nobis agitante calescimus illo The Lar or angell guardian of his thoughts hastned him in it in whose time there was so plausible a Presage that it must be accomplished For thus it standeth Malachi now a Saint then one of the first Apostles of the Irish one much reverenced in his memory unto this day by that Nation left behind him by way of Prophesie a certain number of Mottoes in Latine telling those that there should follow that certain number of Popes only whose conditions successively should be lively expressed in those Mottos according to that order which he had placed them Messingham an Irish Priest and Master of the Colledge of Irish fugitives in Paris collected together the lives of all the Iâ—ish Saints which book himself shewed me In that Volume and the life of this Saint are the severall Mottos and severall Popes set down Column wise one against the other I compared the lives of them with the Mottos as far as my memory would carry me and found many of them very answerable As I remember there are 36 Mottos yet come and when just so many Popes are joyned to them they are of opinion for so Malachie forefold that either the world shâ—…uld end or the Popâ—…dom be 〈◊〉 Amongst the others the Motto of the presenâ—… Pope was mâ—…st remarkable and sutable to the action likâ—…ly to happen in his time
Paris as the French call them These seven daughters are seven Bailiwicks comprehended within the Vicountie of Paris viz. 1 Poissy 2 St. German en lay 3 Tornon 4 Torcie en Brie 5 Corbeil 6 Montlierie And 7 Genness en France Over these his jurisdiction is extended though not as Provost of Paris Here he commandeth and giveth judgement as Lieutenant civill to the Duke of Monbazon or the supream Governour of Paris and the Isle of France fâ—r the time being Yet this Lieutenant being an Office perpetually annexed to the Provostship is the occasion that the Bailiwicks above named are called Les sept filles de la Prevoste CHAP. VI. The University of Paris and Founders of it Of the Colledges in general Marriage when permitted to the Rectors of them The small maintenance allowed to Scholars in the Universities of France The great Colledge at Tholoza Of the Colledge of the Sorbonne in particular That and the House of Parliament the chief Bulwarks of the French liberty Of the Polity and Government of the University The Rector and his precedency The disordered life of the Scholars there being An Apologie for Oxford and Cambridge The priviledges of the Scholars their degrees c. THat part of Paris which lyeth beyond the furthermost branch of the Seine is called the University It is little inferiour to the Town for 〈◊〉 and lesse superior to it in sweetness or opulency Whatsoever hath been said of the whole in general was intended to this part also as well as the others all the learning in it being not able to free it from those inconveniences wherewith it is distressed It containeth in it only 〈◊〉 parish Churches the paucity whereof is supplyed by the multitude of religious houses which are within it These six Churches are called by the names of St. Nicholas du Chardonuere 2. St. Estienne at this time in repairing 3. St. Severin 4. St. Bennoist 5. St. Andre And 6. St. Cosome It hath also eight Gates viz. 1. Porte de Neste by the water side over against the Louure 2. Porte de Buçi. 3. St. Germain 4. St. Michell 5. St. Jacques 6. St. Marcell 7. St. Victor and 8. Porte de la Tornelle It was not accounted as a distinct member of Paris or as the third part of it untill the year 1304. at what time the Scholars having lived formerly dispersed about the City began to settle themselves together in this place and so to become a peculiar Corporation The University was founded by Charles the great anno 791. at the perswasion of Alcuine an Oxford man and the Scholar of venerable Bede who brought with him three of his con disciples to be the first readers there their names were Rabbanus Maurus John Erigena surnamed 〈◊〉 Claudus who was also called Clement To these four doth the University of Paris owe its originall and first rudiments neither was this the first time that England had been the Schoolmistiess unto France we lent them not only their 〈◊〉 Doctors in Divinity and Philosophy but from us also did they receive the mysteries of their Religion when they were Heathens Disciplina in Britannia reperta saith Julius 〈◊〉 Com. 6. atque inde in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse existimatur An authority not to be questioned by any but by a Caesar. Learning thus new born at Paris continued not long in any full vigour For almost 300 years it was fallen into a deadly trance and not here only but also through the greatest part of Europe anno 1160. or 〈◊〉 Peter Lombard Bishop of Paris the first author of Scholastical Divinity and by his followers called the Master of the Sentences revived it here in this Town by the savour and encouragement of Lewis 7. In his own house were the Lectures first read and after as the numbers of Students did encrease in sundry other parts of the Town Colledges they had none till the year 1304. The Scholars till then sojourning in the houses of the Citizens accordingly as they could bargain for their entertainment But 〈◊〉 1304 Joane Queen of Navarre 〈◊〉 to Philip the fair built that Colledge which then and ever since hath been called the Colledge of Navarre and is at this day the fairest and largest of all the rest Non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exempla ubi coeperunt sed in tenuem accepta tramitem latissime 〈◊〉 viam sibi faciunt as Velleius This good example ended not in it self but incited divers others of the French Kings and pâ—…ople to the erecting of convenient places of study 〈◊〉 that in process of time Paris became enriched with 52 Colledges So many it still hath though the odde forty are little serviceable unto learning for in twelve only of them is there any publick reading either in Divinity or Philosophy Those twelve are the Colledges of Harcourte 2. Caillvi or the Pâ—…tit Sorbâ—…nne 3. Lisseux or Lexovium 4 Boncourte 5. Mâ—…ntague 6. Le Marche 7. Navâ—…re 8. De la Cardiâ—…al de Moyne 9. Le Plessis 10. De Beavais 11. La Sorbonne 12. De Clermont or the Colledge of the Jesuites there are also publique readings in the houses of the four orders of Fryers Mendicants viz. the Carmelites the Augustins the Franâ—…ans or Cordeliers and the Dominicans The other Colledges are destinated to other uses That of Arras is converted to an house of English fugitives and there is another of them hard by the Gate of St. Jacques employed for the reception of the Irish. In others of them there is lodging allotted out to Students who for theâ—…r instructions have resort to some of the 12 Colledges above mentioned In each of these Colledges there is a Rector most of whose places yeeld to them but small profit The greatest commodity which accreweth to them is raised from chamber Rents their preferments being much of a nature with that of a Principal of an Hall in Oxford or that of a Treasurer in an Inne of Chancery in London At the first erection of their Colledges they were all prohibited marriage though I see little reason for it There can hardly come any inconvenience or dammage by it unto the scholars under their charge by the assuming of leases into their own hands for I think few of them have any to be so imbezled Anno 1520. or thereabouts it was permitted unto such of them as were Doctors in Physick that they might marry the Cardinall of Toute Ville Lâ—…gat in France giving unto them that indulgence Afterwards in the year 1534. the Doctors of the Lawes petitioned the University for the like priviledge which in fine was granted to them and confirmed by the Court of Parliament The Doctors of Divinity are the only Academicals now barred from it and that not as Rectors but as Priâ—…sts These Colledges for their buildings are very inelegant and generally little beholding to the curiosity of the artificer So confused and so proportioned in respect of our Colledges in England as Exeter in Oxford was some 12. years since in
of those unordinate Governments were the Duke of Rohan his brother M. Soubise and the Marquesse of Lafforce the four others being the Duke of Tremoville the Earl of Chastillon the Duke of Lesdisgâ—…ier and the Duke of Bovillon who should have commanded in chief So that the French Protestants cannot say that he was first wanting for them but they to themselves If we demand what should move the French Protestants to this Rebellious contradiction of his Majeâ—…ies commandements We must answer that it was too much happinesse Causa hujus belli eadem quae omnium nimia foelicitas as Florus of the Civill wars between Caesar and Pompey Before the year 1620 when they fell first into the Kings disfavour they were possessed of almost 100 good Towns well â—…ortified for their safety besides beautifull houses and ample possessions in the Villages they slept every man under his own Vine and his own Fig-tree neiâ—…her fearing nor needing to fear the least disturbance with those of the Catholick party they were grown so intimate and entire by reason of their inter-marriages that a very few years would have them incorporated if not into one faith yet into one family For their better satisfaction in matters of Justice it pleased King Henry the fourth to erect a Chamber in the Court of the Parliament of Paris purposely for them It consisteth of one President and 16 Counsellours their office to take knowledge of all the Causes and Suits of them of the reformed Religion as well within the jurisdiction of the Parliament of Paris as also in Normandy and Britain till there should be a Chamber erected in either of them There were appointed also two Chambers in the Parliaments of Burdeaux and Grenâ—…ble and one at the Chastres for the Parliament of Tholoza These Chambers were called Les Chambre de l' Edict because they were established by especiall Edict at the Towns of Nantes in Britain Aprill the 8. anno 1598. In a word they lived so secure and happy that one would have thought their â—…elicities had been immortall O faciles dâ—…re summa deos eademque tueri Difficiles And yet they are not brought so low but that they may live happily if they can be content to live obediently that which is taken from them being matter of strength only and not priviledge Let us now look upon them in their Churches which we shall finde as empty of magnificence as ceremony To talke amongst them of Common-prayers were to â—…right them with the second coming of the Masse and to mention Prayers at the buriall of the dead were to perswade them of a Purgatory Painted glasse in a Church window is accounted for the flag and enâ—…gne of Antichrist and for Organs no question but they are deemed to be the Devils bagpipes Shew them a Surplice and they cry out a rag of the Whore of Babylon yet a sheet on a woman when she is in child bed is a greater abomination then the other A strange people that could never think the Masse book sufficiently reformed till they had taken away Prayers nor that their Churches could ever be handsome untill they were ragged This foolish opposition of their first Reformers hath drawn the Protestants of these parts into a world of dislike and envie and been no small disadvantage to the side Whereas the Church of England though it dissent as much from the Papists in point of Doctrine is yet not uncharitably thought on by the Modern Catholicks by reason it retained such an excellency of Discipline When the Liturgie of our Church was tâ—…anslated into Latine by Dr. Morket once Warden of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford it was with great approofe and applause received here in France by those whom they call the Catholicks royall as marvelling to sâ—…e such order and regular devotion in them whom they were taught to condemn for Hereticall An allowance which with some little help might have been raised higher from the practice of our Church to some points of our judgement and it is very worthy of our observation that which the Marquesse of Rhosny spake of Canterbury when he came as extraordinary Ambassadour from King Henry IV. to welcome King James into England For upon the view of our solemn Service and ceremonies he openly said unto his followers That if the reformed Churches in France had kept the same orders amongst them which we have he was assured that there would have been many thousands more of Protestants there then now are But the Marquesse of Rhosny was not the last that said so I have heard divers French Papists who were at the Queens coming over and ventured so far upon an excommunication as to be present at our Church solemn Services extoll them and us for their sakes even almost unto hyperboles So graciously is our temper entertained amongst them As are their Churches such is their Discipline naked of all Antiquity and almost as modern as the men which imbrace it The power and calling of Bishops they abrogated with the Masse upon no other cause then that Geneva had done it As if that excellent man Mr. Calvin had been the Pythagoras of our age and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his ipse dixit had stood for Oracles The Hierarchie of Bishops thus cast out they have brought in their places the Lay-Elders a kind of Monster never heard of in the Scriptures or first times of the Gospell These men leap from the stall to the bench and there â—…rtly sleeping and partly stâ—…oaking of their beards enaâ—… laws of Government for the Church so that we may justly take up the complaint of the Satyrist saying Surgunt nobis e sterquilinio Magistratus nec dum lotis manibus publica tractant negotia yet to these very men composed equally of ignorance and a trade are the most weighty matters of the Church committed In them is the power of ordaining Priests of coâ—…ferring places of charge and even of the severesâ—… censuâ—…e of the Church Excommunication When any businesse which concerneth the good of the Congregation is befallen they must be called to councell and you shall finde them there as soon as ever they can put off their Aprons having blurted out there a little Classicall non-sense and passed their consents rather by nodding of their heads then any other sensiblâ—… articulation they hasten to their shops as Quinctius the Dictator in Florus did to his plough Ut ad â—…pus relictum festinasse vidâ—…atur Such a plat-form though it be that needeth no further confutation then to know it yet had it been tolerable if the contrivers of it had not endevoured to impose it on all the Reformation By which means what great troubles have been raised by the great zelots here in England there is none so young but hath heard some Tragicall relations God be magnified and our late King praised by whom this weed hath been snatched up out of the garden of this our Israel As for their Ministery it is indeed very
spoyles whereof they held it fit to enrich their Governments Matters not possible to be effected had he of Constance continued in his place and power But of this more in the next Chapter CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first entrance of this platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hilaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands THus having shewed unto your Lordship the affairs and condition of these Churches till the Reformation of Religion I come next in the course of my designe unto that Innovation made amongst them in the point of Discipline For the more happy dispatch of which businesse I must crave leave to ascend a little higher into the story of change then the introduction of it into those little Islands So doing I shall give your Lordship better satisfaction then if I should immediately descend upon that Argument the rather because I shall deliver nothing in this discourse not warranted to be by the chief contrivâ—…rs â—…f â—…he 〈◊〉 To begin thâ—…n with the first originall and commencement of it so it is that it took the first beginâ—…ing at a City of the Allobroges or Savoyards called Geneva and by that name mentioned in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Commentaries A Town situate at the end of Lacus Lemannus and divided by Rhodanus or Rhosne into two parts Belonging formerly in the Soveraignty of it to the Duke of Savoy but in the profits and possession to their Bâ—…shop and homager of that Dukedome To this Bishop then there appertained not only an Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as Governour of the Church under the Archbishop of Vienna in Daulphinoys his Metropolitane but a 〈◊〉 also temporall as Lord and Master of the Town under the protection of the Duke of Savoy This granted by the testimony of Calvin in his Epistle unto Cardinall Sadolet dated the last of August 1539. Habebat sane saith he jus gladii alias civilis jurisdictionis partes but as he conceived I know not on what grounds Magistratui ereptas fraudulently taken from the Civill Magistrate In this condition it continued till the year 1528. when those of Berne after a publick disputation held had made an alteration in Religion At that time Viret and Farellus men studious of the Reformation had gotten footing in Geneva and diligently there sollicited the cause and entertainment of it But this proposall not plausibly accepted by the Bishop they dealt with those of the lower rank amongst whom they had gotten most credit and taking opportunity by the actions and example of those of Berne they compelled the Bishop and his Clergy to abandon the Town and after proceeded to the reforming of his Church This also avowed by Calvin in his Epistle to the said Cardinall viz. That the Church had been reformed and setled before his coming into those quarters by Viret and Farellus and that he only had approved of their prâ—…ceedings Sed quia quae a Vireto Farello facta essent suffragio meo comprobavi c. as he there hath it Nor did they only in that tumult alter the Doctrine and orders of the Church but changed also the Government of the Town disclaiming all alleagiance eiâ—…her to their Bishop or their Duke and standing on their own liberty as a â—…ree City And for this also they are indebted to the active counsels of Farellus For thus Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich dated the 26 of November 1553. Cum â—…ic nuper esset frater noster Farellus â—…ui se totos debent c. and anone after Sed deplâ—…randa est senatus nostri caecitas quod libertatis suae patrem c. speaking of their ingratitude to thâ—…s Farellus The power and dominion of that City thus put into the hands of the common people and all things left at liberty and randome it could not be expected that there should any discipline be observed or good order in the Church The Common councell of the Town disposed of it as they pleased and if any crime which antiently belonged to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction did hap to be committed it was punished by order from that Councell No censures Ecclesiasticall no sentence of Excommunication thought on at that time either here at Geneva or in any other of the popular Churches Si quidem excommunicationi in aliis Ecclesiis nullus locus as Beza hath it in the life of Calvin And the same Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich affirmes no lesse in these words viz. Nec me latet pios doctos esse homines quibus sub principibus Christianis non videtur esse necessaria Excommunicatio so he Thus was it with the Church and City of Geneva at the first coming of Calvin to them a man of excellent abilities and one that had attained a good repute in many places of the French dominions Not finding that assurance in the Realm of France he resolved to place himselfe at Basil or at Strasburg But taking Geneva in his way upon the importunity of Farellus he condescended to make that place the scene of his endeavours and his assent once known he was admitted straight to be one of their ordinary preachers and their Divinity reader Mens Aug. anno 1536. This done he presently negotiates with the people publickly to abjure the Papacy nor so only but as Beza hath it in his life Quod doctrinam disciplinam capitibus aliquot comprehensam admitterent that they also should give way to such a discipline which he and his associates had agreed on A matter at the last effected but not without much difficulty and on the 20 of July anno 1537. the whole City bound themselves by oath accordingly which discipline of what quality it was I cannot learn sure I am it had no affinity with that in use amongst the antients For thus himself in his Epistle above mentioned unto Sâ—…dolet Disciplinam qualem vetus habuit Ecclesia apud nos non esse dicis neque nos diffitemur The Discipline hitherto was only in conception before it came unto maturity and ready for the birth the people weary of this new yoak began to murmur and he resolutely bent not to vary from his first purpose was in that discontentment banished the Town together with Farellus and Coraldus his colleagues anno 1538. Three years or thereabouts he continued in this exile